This is a modern-English version of Slave Narratives: A Folk History of Slavery in the United States from Interviews with Former Slaves, Volume XVI, Texas Narratives, Part 1, originally written by United States. Work Projects Administration.
It has been thoroughly updated, including changes to sentence structure, words, spelling,
and grammar—to ensure clarity for contemporary readers, while preserving the original spirit and nuance. If
you click on a paragraph, you will see the original text that we modified, and you can toggle between the two versions.
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Transcriber's Note: |
I. Inconsistent punctuation has been silently corrected throughout the book. |
II. Clear spelling mistakes have been corrected however, inconsistent languague usage (such as 'day' and 'dey') has been maintained. A list of corrections is included at the end of the book. |
III. The numbers at the start of each chapter were stamped into the original scan and refer to the number of the published interview in the context of the entire Slave Narratives project. |
IV. Two handwritten notes have been retained and are annotated as such. |
SLAVE NARRATIVES
A Folk History of Slavery in the United States From Interviews with Former Slaves
A Folk History of Slavery in the United States From Interviews with Former Slaves
TYPEWRITTEN RECORDS PREPARED BY
THE FEDERAL WRITERS' PROJECT
1936-1938
ASSEMBLED BY
THE LIBRARY OF CONGRESS PROJECT
WORK PROJECTS ADMINISTRATION
FOR THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA
SPONSORED BY THE LIBRARY OF CONGRESS
TYPEWRITTEN RECORDS PREPARED BY
THE FEDERAL WRITERS' PROJECT
1936-1938
ASSEMBLED BY
THE LIBRARY OF CONGRESS PROJECT
WORK PROJECTS ADMINISTRATION
FOR THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA
SPONSORED BY THE LIBRARY OF CONGRESS
Illustrated with Photographs
Featuring Photos
WASHINGTON 1941
Washington 1941
VOLUME XVI
VOLUME 16
TEXAS NARRATIVES
PART 1
Prepared by the Federal Writers' Project of the Works Progress Administration for the State of Texas
Prepared by the Federal Writers' Project of the Works Progress Administration for the State of Texas
INFORMANTS | |
Adams, Will | 1 |
Adams, William | 4 |
Adams, William M. | 9 |
Allen, Sarah | 12 |
Anderson, Andy | 14 |
Anderson, George Washington (Wash) | 17 |
Anderson, Willis | 21 |
Armstrong, Mary | 25 |
Arnwine, Stearlin | 31 |
Ashley, Sarah | 34 |
Babino, Agatha | 37 |
Barclay, Mrs. John | 39 |
Barker, John | 42 |
Barnes, Joe | 45 |
Barrett, Armstead | 47 |
Barrett, Harriet | 49 |
Bates, John | 51 |
Beckett, Harrison | 54 |
Bell, Frank | 59 |
Bell, Virginia | 62 |
Bendy, Edgar | 66 |
Bendy, Minerva | 68 |
Benjamin, Sarah | 70 |
Bess, Jack | 72 |
Betts, Ellen | 75 |
Beverly, Charlotte | 84 |
Black, Francis | 87 |
Blanchard, Olivier | 90 |
Blanks, Julia | 93 |
Boles, Elvira | 106 |
Bormer (Bonner), Betty | 109 |
Boyd, Harrison | 112 |
Boyd, Issabella | 114 |
Boyd, James | 117 |
Boykins, Jerry | 121 |
Brackins, Monroe | 124 |
Bradshaw, Gus | 130 |
Brady, Wes | 133 |
Branch, Jacob | 137 |
Branch, William | 143 |
Brim, Clara | 147 |
Brooks, Sylvester | 149 |
Broussard, Donaville | 151 |
Brown, Fannie | 154 |
Brown, Fred | 156 |
Brown, James | 160 |
Brown, Josie | 163 |
Brown, Zek | 166 |
Bruin, Madison | 169 |
Bunton, Martha Spence | 174 |
Butler, Ellen | 176 |
Buttler, Henry H. | 179 |
Byrd, William | 182 |
Cain, Louis | 185 |
Calhoun, Jeff | 188 |
Campbell, Simp | 191 |
Cape, James | 193 |
Carruthers, Richard | 197 |
Carter, Cato | 202 |
Cauthern, Jack | 212 |
Chambers, Sally Banks | 214 |
Choice, Jeptha | 217 |
Clark, Amos | 220 |
Clark, Anne | 223 |
Cole, Thomas | 225 |
Coleman, Eli | 236 |
Coleman, Preely | 240 |
Collins, Harriet | 242 |
Columbus, Andrew (Smoky) | 246 |
Connally, Steve | 249 |
Cormier, Valmar | 252 |
Cornish, Laura | 254 |
Crawford, John | 257 |
Cumby, Green | 260 |
Cummins, Tempie | 263 |
Cunningham, Adeline | 266 |
Daily, Will | 269 |
Daniels, Julia Francis | 273 |
Darling, Katie | 278 |
Davenport, Carey | 281 |
Davis, Campbell | 285 |
Davis, William | 289 |
Davison, Eli | 295 |
Davison, Elige | 298 |
Day, John | 302 |
Denson, Nelsen | 305 |
Duhon, Victor | 307 |
ILLUSTRATIONS | |
Will Adams | 1 |
William Adams | 4 |
Mary Armstrong | 25 |
Sterlin Arnwine | 31 |
Sarah Ashley | 34 |
Edgar and Minerva Bendy | 66 |
Jack Bess's House | 72 |
Jack Bess | 72 |
Charlotte Beverly | 84 |
Francis Black | 87 |
Betty Bormer (Bonner) | 109 |
Issabella Boyd | 114 |
James Boyd | 117 |
Monroe Brackins | 124 |
Wes Brady | 133 |
William Branch | 143 |
Clara Brim | 147 |
Sylvester Brooks | 149 |
Donaville Broussard | 151 |
Fannie Brown | 154 |
Fred Brown | 156 |
James Brown | 160 |
Josie Brown | 163 |
Zek Brown | 166 |
Martha Spence Bunton | 174 |
Ellen Butler | 176 |
Simp Campbell | 191 |
James Cape | 193 |
Cato Carter | 202 |
Amos Clark's Sorghum Mill | 220 |
Amos Clark | 220 |
Anne Clark | 223 |
Preely Coleman | 240 |
Steve Connally | 249 |
Steve Connally's House | 249 |
Valmar Cormier | 252 |
John Crawford | 257 |
Green Cumby | 260 |
Tempie Cummins | 263 |
Adeline Cunningham | 266 |
Will Daily's House | 269 |
Will Daily | 269 |
Julia Francis Daniels | 273 |
Katie Darling | 278 |
Carey Davenport | 281 |
Campbell Davis | 285 |
Nelsen Denson | 305 |
EX-SLAVE STORIES
(Texas)

Will Adams
WILL ADAMS was born in 1857, a slave of Dave Cavin, in Harrison Co., Texas. He remained with the Cavins until 1885, then farmed for himself. Will lives alone in Marshall, Texas, supported by a $13.00 monthly pension.
WILL ADAMS was born in 1857, a slave of Dave Cavin, in Harrison Co., Texas. He stayed with the Cavins until 1885, then farmed for himself. Will lives alone in Marshall, Texas, supported by a $13.00 monthly pension.
"My folks allus belongs to the Cavins and wore their name till after 'mancipation. Pa and ma was named Freeman and Amelia Cavin and Massa Dave fotches them to Texas from Alabama, along with ma's mother, what we called Maria.
"My family always belonged to the Cavins and used their name until after emancipation. Dad and Mom were named Freeman and Amelia Cavin, and Massa Dave brought them to Texas from Alabama, along with Mom's mother, whom we called Maria."
"The Cavins allus thunk lots of their niggers and Grandma Maria say, 'Why shouldn't they—it was their money.' She say there was plenty Indians here when they settled this country and they bought and traded with them without killin' them, if they could. The Indians was poor folks, jus' pilfer and loaf 'round all the time. The niggers was a heap sight better off than they was, 'cause we had plenty to eat and a place to stay.
"The Cavins always thought a lot about their Black neighbors, and Grandma Maria said, 'Why shouldn’t they? It was their money.' She mentioned that there were plenty of Indians here when they settled this country, and they bought and traded with them without killing them, if they could help it. The Indians were poor folks, just stealing and hanging around all the time. The Black people were a lot better off than they were because we had plenty to eat and a place to stay."
"Young Massa Tom was my special massa and he still lives here. Old Man Dave seemed to think more of his niggers than anybody and we thunk lots of our white folks. My pa was leader on the farm, and there wasn't no overseer or driver. When pa whip a nigger he needn't go to Massa Dave, but pa say, 'Go you way, you nigger. Freeman didn't whip you for nothin'.' Massa Dave allus believe pa, 'cause he tells the truth.
"Young Master Tom was my special master and he still lives here. Old Man Dave seemed to care more about his workers than anyone else, and we thought a lot about our white folks too. My dad was the leader on the farm, and there wasn't any overseer or driver. When my dad punished a worker, he didn't have to go to Master Dave, but he would say, 'You go your way now. A free man didn't punish you for no reason.' Master Dave always believed my dad because he told the truth."
"One time a peddler come to our house and after supper he goes to see 'bout his pony. Pa done feed that pony fifteen ears of corn. The peddler tell massa his pony ain't been fed nothin', and massa git mad and say, 'Be on you way iffen you gwine 'cuse my niggers of lyin'.'[Pg 2]
"One time, a peddler came to our house, and after dinner, he went to check on his pony. Dad had fed that pony fifteen ears of corn. The peddler told my master that his pony hadn’t been fed anything, and my master got angry and said, 'Get out of here if you’re going to accuse my people of lying.'[Pg 2]
"We had good quarters and plenty to eat. I 'members when I's jus' walkin' round good pa come in from the field at night and taken me out of bed and dress me and feed me and then play with me for hours. Him bein' leader, he's gone from 'fore day till after night. The old heads got out early but us young scraps slep' till eight or nine o'clock, and don't you think Massa Dave ain't comin' round to see we is fed. I 'members him like it was yest'day, comin' to the quarters with his stick and askin' us, 'Had your breakfas'?' We'd say, 'Yes, suh.' Then he'd ask if we had 'nough or wanted any more. It look like he taken a pleasure in seein' us eat. At dinner, when the field hands come in, it am the same way. He was sho' that potlicker was fill as long as the niggers want to eat.
"We had nice living conditions and plenty of food. I remember when I was just walking around and my dad would come in from the fields at night, take me out of bed, dress me, feed me, and then play with me for hours. Being the leader, he was gone from early morning until late at night. The older folks would get up early, but us younger ones slept until eight or nine o'clock, and don't think Massa Dave didn't come around to make sure we were fed. I remember him like it was yesterday, coming to the quarters with his stick and asking us, 'Did you have your breakfast?' We'd reply, 'Yes, sir.' Then he'd ask if we had enough or wanted more. It seemed like he took pleasure in seeing us eat. At dinner, when the field hands came in, it was the same way. He always made sure that potlikker was full as long as the black folks wanted to eat."
"The hands worked from sun to sun. Massa give them li'l crops and let them work them on Saturday. Then he bought the stuff and the niggers go to Jefferson and buy clothes and sech like. Lots saved money and bought freedom 'fore the war was over.
"The workers toiled from dawn to dusk. The master gave them small plots to farm and allowed them to work on Saturdays. Then he would buy the produce, and the Black workers would head to Jefferson to buy clothes and other things. Many saved money and purchased their freedom before the war ended."
"We went to church and first the white preacher preached and then he larns our cullud preachers. I seed him ordain a cullud preacher and he told him to allus be honest. When the white preacher laid his hand on him, all the niggers git to hollerin' and shoutin' and prayin' and that nigger git scart mos' to death.
"We went to church and first the white preacher preached and then he taught our black preachers. I saw him ordain a black preacher, and he told him to always be honest. When the white preacher laid his hand on him, all the black people started hollering, shouting, and praying, and that black guy got really scared."
"On Christmas we had all we could eat and drink and after that a big party, and you ought to see them gals swingin' they partners round. Then massa have two niggers wrestle, and our sports and dances was big sport for the white folks. They'd sit on the gallery and watch the niggers put it on brown.[Pg 3]
"On Christmas, we had all the food and drinks we could want, and after that, a huge party. You should have seen the girls dancing with their partners. Then the master had two Black men wrestle, and our games and dances were great entertainment for the white folks. They’d sit on the porch and watch us put on a show.[Pg 3]
"Massa didn't like his niggers to marry off the place, but sometimes they'd do it, and massa tell his neighbor, 'My nigger am comin' to you place. Make him behave.' All the niggers 'haved then and they wasn't no Huntsville and gallows and burnin's then.
"Massa didn't like his Black workers to marry outside the plantation, but sometimes they would, and massa would tell his neighbor, 'My Black is coming to your place. Make sure he behaves.' All the Black people behaved back then, and there wasn't any Huntsville or hangings or burnings then."
"I 'members when that Ku Klux business starts up. Smart niggers causes that. The carpet-baggers ruint the niggers and the white men couldn't do a thing with them, so they got up the Ku Klux and stirs up the world. Them carpet-baggers come round larnin' niggers to sass the white folks what done fed them. They come to pa with that talk and he told them, 'Listen, white folks, you is gwine start a graveyard if you come round here teachin' niggers to sass white folks." Them carpet-baggers starts all the trouble at 'lections in Reconstruction. Niggers didn't know anythin' 'bout politics.
"I remember when the Ku Klux Klan started their nonsense. Smart Black people caused that. The carpetbaggers ruined the Black community, and the white men couldn't handle it, so they formed the Klan and stirred up trouble. Those carpetbaggers came around teaching Black people to talk back to the white folks who had fed them. They came to my dad with that talk, and he told them, 'Listen, white folks, you'll end up starting a graveyard if you keep teaching Black people to sass white folks.' Those carpetbaggers started all the trouble during elections in Reconstruction. Black people didn't know anything about politics."
"Mos' the young niggers ain't usin' the education they got now. I's been here eighty years and still has to be showed and told by white folks. These young niggers won't git told by whites or blacks either. They thinks they done knowed it all and that gits them in trouble.
"Most of the young Black people aren't using the education they have now. I’ve been here eighty years and still have to be shown and told by white people. These young Black people won't listen to whites or even other Black people. They think they know it all, and that gets them in trouble."
"I stays with the Cavins mos' twenty years after the war. After I leaves, I allus farms and does odd jobs round town here. I's father of ten chillen by one woman. I lives by myself now and they gives me $13.00 a month. I'd be proud to git it if it wasn't more'n a dollar, 'cause they ain't nothin' a old man can do no more.[Pg 4]
"I stayed with the Cavins for almost twenty years after the war. After I left, I always farmed and took odd jobs around town. I'm the father of ten kids by one woman. Now I live alone, and they give me $13.00 a month. I'd be proud to get it if it were more than a dollar, because there’s nothing an old man can do anymore.[Pg 4]

Will Adams
WILLIAM ADAMS, 93, was born in slavery, with no opportunity for an education, except three months in a public school. He has taught himself to read and to write. His lifelong ambition has been to become master of the supernatural powers which he believes to exist. He is now well-known among Southwestern Negroes for his faith in the occult.
WILLIAM ADAMS, 93, was born into slavery, with no chance for an education except for three months in a public school. He has taught himself to read and write. His lifelong goal has been to gain mastery over the supernatural powers he believes are real. He is now well-known among Southwestern Black communities for his faith in the occult.
"Yous want to know and talk about de power de people tells you I has. Well, sit down here, right there in dat chair, befo' we'uns starts. I gits some ice water and den we'uns can discuss de subject. I wants to 'splain it clearly, so yous can understand.
"Do you want to know and talk about the power I have? Well, sit down right there in that chair before we start. I'll get some ice water and then we can discuss the topic. I want to explain it clearly so you can understand."
"I's born a slave, 93 years ago, so of course I 'members de war period. Like all de other slaves I has no chance for edumacation. Three months am de total time I's spent going to school. I teached myself to read and write. I's anxious to larn to read so I could study and find out about many things. Dat, I has done.
"I was born a slave, 93 years ago, so of course I remember the war period. Like all the other slaves, I had no chance for education. Three months is the total time I spent going to school. I taught myself to read and write. I was eager to learn to read so I could study and discover many things. That, I have done."
"There am lots of folks, and edumacated ones, too, what says we'uns believes in superstition. Well, its 'cause dey don't understand. 'Member de Lawd, in some of His ways, can be mysterious. De Bible says so. There am some things de Lawd wants all folks to know, some things jus' de chosen few to know, and some things no one should know. Now, jus' 'cause yous don't know 'bout some of de Lawd's laws, 'taint superstition if some other person understands and believes in sich.
There are a lot of people, even educated ones, who say that we believe in superstition. Well, that’s because they don’t understand. Remember, the Lord has some mysterious ways. The Bible says so. There are some things the Lord wants everyone to know, some things just for the chosen few, and some things no one should know. Now, just because you don’t know about some of the Lord’s laws, it’s not superstition if someone else understands and believes in it.
"There is some born to sing, some born to preach, and some born to know de signs. There is some born under de power of de devil[Pg 5] and have de power to put injury and misery on people, and some born under de power of de Lawd for to do good and overcome de evil power. Now, dat produces two forces, like fire and water. De evil forces starts de fire and I has de water force to put de fire out.
"There are some people born to sing, some born to preach, and some born to understand the signs. Some are born under the influence of the devil and have the ability to cause harm and suffering to others, while some are born under the influence of the Lord to do good and overcome the evil force. This creates two opposing forces, like fire and water. The evil force ignites the fire, and I have the water to put it out.[Pg 5]"
"How I larnt sich? Well, I's done larn it. It come to me. When de Lawd gives sich power to a person, it jus' comes to 'em. It am 40 years ago now when I's fust fully realize' dat I has de power. However, I's allus int'rested in de workin's of de signs. When I's a little piccaninny, my mammy and other folks used to talk about de signs. I hears dem talk about what happens to folks 'cause a spell was put on 'em. De old folks in dem days knows more about de signs dat de Lawd uses to reveal His laws den de folks of today. It am also true of de cullud folks in Africa, dey native land. Some of de folks laughs at their beliefs and says it am superstition, but it am knowin' how de Lawd reveals His laws.
"How did I learn this? Well, I figured it out. It just came to me. When the Lord gives someone such power, it just comes to them. It's been 40 years now since I first fully realized that I had this power. However, I've always been interested in the workings of signs. When I was a little kid, my mom and other people used to talk about signs. I heard them discuss what happens to people because a spell was placed on them. The older folks back then knew more about the signs that the Lord uses to reveal His laws than people do today. This is also true for the colored folks in Africa, their homeland. Some people laugh at their beliefs and call it superstition, but it's really understanding how the Lord reveals His laws."
"Now, let me tell yous of something I's seen. What am seen, can't be doubted. It happens when I's a young man and befo' I's realize' dat I's one dat am chosen for to show de power. A mule had cut his leg so bad dat him am bleedin' to death and dey couldn't stop it. An old cullud man live near there dat dey turns to. He comes over and passes his hand over de cut. Befo' long de bleedin' stop and dat's de power of de Lawd workin' through dat nigger, dat's all it am.
"Now, let me tell you about something I saw. What I saw can't be doubted. It happened when I was a young man and before I realized that I was chosen to show the power. A mule had cut its leg so badly that it was bleeding to death and they couldn't stop it. An old Black man lived nearby whom they turned to. He came over and passed his hand over the cut. Before long, the bleeding stopped and that's the power of the Lord working through that man, that's all it is."
"I knows about a woman dat had lost her mind. De doctor say it was caused from a tumor in de head. Dey took an ex-ray picture, but dere's no tumor. Dey gives up and says its a peculiar case. Dat woman was took to one with de power of de good spirit and he say its a peculiar case for dem dat don't understand. Dis am a case of de evil spell. Two days after, de[Pg 6] woman have her mind back.
"I know about a woman who lost her mind. The doctor said it was caused by a tumor in her head. They took an X-ray, but there was no tumor. They gave up and said it was a strange case. That woman was taken to someone with the power of the good spirit, and he said it was a strange case for those who don't understand. This was a case of an evil spell. Two days later, the[Pg 6] woman got her mind back."
"Dey's lots of dose kind of cases de ord'nary person never hear about. Yous hear of de case de doctors can't understand, nor will dey 'spond to treatment. Dat am 'cause of de evil spell dat am on de persons.
"Dey's a lot of those kinds of cases that the average person never hears about. You hear about the cases that doctors can't figure out, and they won't respond to treatment. That's because of the evil spell that's on the person."
"'Bout special persons bein' chosen for to show de power, read yous Bible. It says in de book of Mark, third chapter, 'and He ordained twelve, dat dey should be with Him, dat He might send them forth to preach and to have de power to heal de sick and to cast out devils.' If it wasn't no evil in people, why does de Lawd say, 'cast out sich?' And in de fifth chapter of James, it further say, 'If any am sick, let him call de elders. Let dem pray over him. De prayers of faith shall save him.' There 'tis again, Faith, dat am what counts.
"'About special people being chosen to show the power, read your Bible. It says in the book of Mark, chapter three, 'and He appointed twelve, that they should be with Him, that He might send them out to preach and have the power to heal the sick and to cast out demons.' If there weren't any evil in people, why does the Lord say, 'cast out such?' And in the fifth chapter of James, it further says, 'If anyone is sick, let him call the elders. Let them pray over him. The prayer of faith will save him.' There it is again, Faith, that's what matters."
"When I tells dat I seen many persons given up to die, and den a man with de power comes and saves sich person, den its not for people to say it am superstition to believe in de power.
"When I say that I've seen many people give up on life, and then a man with the power comes and saves them, then it's not right for people to call it superstition to believe in that power."
"Don't forgit—de agents of de devil have de power of evil. Dey can put misery of every kind on people. Dey can make trouble with de work and with de business, with de fam'ly and with de health. So folks mus' be on de watch all de time. Folks has business trouble 'cause de evil power have control of 'em. Dey has de evil power cast out and save de business. There am a man in Waco dat come to see me 'bout dat. He say to me everything he try to do in de las' six months turned out wrong. It starts with him losin' his pocketbook with $50.00 in it. He buys a carload of hay and it catch fire and he los' all of it. He spends[Pg 7] $200.00 advertisin' de three-day sale and it begin to rain, so he los' money. It sho' am de evil power.
"Don't forget—devil's agents have the power of evil. They can bring all sorts of misery to people. They can cause problems with work, business, family, and health. So people need to stay alert all the time. People face business troubles because the evil power has control over them. They need to have the evil power cast out to save their business. There's a man in Waco who came to see me about that. He told me that everything he tried to do in the last six months went wrong. It started with him losing his wallet with $50. He bought a carload of hay, and it caught fire, so he lost all of it. He spent $200 on advertising for a three-day sale, and then it started to rain, so he lost money. It really is the evil power."
"'Well,' he say, 'Dat am de way it go, so I comes to you.'
"'Well,' he says, 'That's how it is, so I come to you.'"
"I says to him, 'Its de evil power dat have you control and we'uns shall cause it to be cast out.' Its done and he has no more trouble.
"I said to him, 'It's the evil power that's controlling you, and we will make sure it's cast out.' It's done, and he has no more trouble."
"You wants to know if persons with de power for good can be successful in castin' out devils in all cases? Well, I answers dat, yes and no. Dey can in every case if de affected person have de faith. If de party not have enough faith, den it am a failure.
"You want to know if people with the power for good can successfully cast out demons in all cases? Well, I answer that, yes and no. They can in every case if the person affected has faith. If the person doesn't have enough faith, then it's a failure."
"Wearin' de coin for protection 'gainst de evil power? Dat am simple. Lots of folks wears sich and dey uses mixtures dat am sprinkled in de house, and sich. Dat am a question of faith. If dey has de true faith in sich, it works. Otherwise, it won't.
"Wearing the coin for protection against evil? That's simple. Many people wear it, and they use mixtures that are sprinkled in the house, and so on. It's a matter of faith. If they have true faith in it, it works. Otherwise, it won't."
"Some folks won't think for a minute of goin' without lodestone or de salt and pepper mixture in de little sack, tied round dey neck. Some wears de silver coin tied round dey neck. All sich am for to keep away de effect of de evil power. When one have de faith in sich and dey acc'dently lose de charm, dey sho' am miserable.
"Some people won’t think for a second about going without a lodestone or the salt and pepper mixture in the little sack tied around their neck. Some wear a silver coin around their neck. All of this is to keep away the effects of evil power. When someone has faith in these things and accidentally loses their charm, they are definitely miserable."
"An old darky dat has faith in lodestone for de charm told me de 'sperience he has in Atlanta once. He carryin' de hod and de fust thing he does am drop some brick on he foot. De next thing, he foot slip as him starts up de ladder and him and de bricks drap to de ground. It am lucky for him it wasn't far. Jus' a sprain ankle and de boss sends him home for de day. He am 'cited and gits on de street car and when de conductor call for de fare, Rufus reaches for he money[Pg 8] but he los' it or fergits it at home. De conductor say he let him pay nex' time and asks where he live. Rufus tells him and he say, 'Why, nigger, you is on de wrong car.' Dat cause Rufus to walk further with de lame foot dan if he started walkin' in de fust place. He thinks there mus' be something wrong with he charm, and he look for it and it gone! Sho' 'nough, it am los'. He think, 'Here I sits all day, and I won't make another move till I gits de lodestone. When de chillen comes from school I sends dem to de drugstore for some of de stone and gits fixed.'
An old man who believes in lodestone for its magical properties once told me about his experience in Atlanta. He was carrying a hod, and the first thing he did was drop a brick on his foot. The next thing, his foot slipped as he started up the ladder, and he and the bricks fell to the ground. Luckily, it wasn't too far. Just a sprained ankle, and his boss sent him home for the day. He was upset but got on the streetcar, and when the conductor called for the fare, Rufus reached for his money, but he lost it or forgot it at home. The conductor said he could pay next time and asked where he lived. Rufus told him, and the conductor replied, "Well, buddy, you're on the wrong car." That made Rufus walk farther with his injured foot than if he had started walking in the first place. He thought there must be something wrong with his charm, so he looked for it, but it was gone! Sure enough, it was lost. He thought, "Here I sit all day, and I won't make another move until I get the lodestone. When the kids come home from school, I'll send them to the drugstore for some of that stone and get fixed."
"Now, now, I's been waitin' for dat one 'bout de black cat crossin' de road, and, sho' 'nough, it come. Let me ask you one. How many people can yous find dat likes to have de black cat cross in front of 'em? Dat's right, no one likes dat. Let dis old cullud person inform yous dat it am sho' de bad luck sign. It is sign of bad luck ahead, so turn back. Stop what yous doin'.
"Now, I've been waiting for that one about the black cat crossing the road, and sure enough, it came. Let me ask you something. How many people can you find that actually like having a black cat cross in front of them? That’s right, no one likes that. Let this old person tell you that it’s definitely a sign of bad luck. It means bad luck is on the way, so turn back. Stop what you’re doing."
"I's tellin' yous of two of many cases of failure to took warnin' from de black cat. I knows a man call' Miller. His wife and him am takin' an auto ride and de black cat cross de road and he cussed a little and goes on. Den it's not long till he turns de corner and his wife falls out of de car durin' de turn. When he goes back and picks her up, she am dead.
"I’m telling you about two of many cases where people didn’t take warning from the black cat. I know a man named Miller. He and his wife were out for a drive when a black cat crossed the road. He cursed a little and kept going. Then it wasn’t long before he turned the corner, and his wife fell out of the car during the turn. When he went back to pick her up, she was dead."
"Another fellow, call' Brown, was a-ridin' hossback and a black cat cross de path, but he drives on. Well, its not long till him hoss stumble and throw him off. De fall breaks his leg, so take a warnin'—don't overlook de black cat. Dat am a warnin'.[Pg 9]
"Another guy, let's call him Brown, was riding a horse when a black cat crossed his path, but he kept going. Well, it wasn't long before his horse stumbled and threw him off. The fall broke his leg, so take this as a warning—don’t dismiss the black cat. That’s a warning.[Pg 9]
WILLIAM M. ADAMS, spiritualist preacher and healer, who lives at 1404 Illinois Ave., Ft. Worth, Texas, was born a slave on the James Davis plantation, in San Jacinto Co., Texas. After the war he worked in a grocery, punched cattle, farmed and preached. He moved to Ft. Worth in 1902.
WILLIAM M. ADAMS, a spiritualist preacher and healer, resides at 1404 Illinois Ave., Ft. Worth, Texas. He was born into slavery on the James Davis plantation in San Jacinto County, Texas. After the war, he worked in a grocery store, herded cattle, farmed, and preached. He relocated to Ft. Worth in 1902.
"I was bo'n 93 years ago, dat is whut my mother says. We didn' keep no record like folks does today. All I know is I been yere a long time. My mother, she was Julia Adams and my father he was James Adams. She's bo'n in Hollis Springs, Mississippi and my father, now den, he was bo'n in Florida. He was a Black Creek Indian. Dere was 12 of us chillen. When I was 'bout seven de missus, she come and gits me for her servant. I lived in de big house till she die. Her and Marster Davis was powerful good to me.
"I was born 93 years ago, that’s what my mother says. We didn’t keep any record like people do today. All I know is I’ve been here a long time. My mother was Julia Adams and my father was James Adams. She was born in Hollis Springs, Mississippi, and my father, well, he was born in Florida. He was a Black Creek Indian. There were 12 of us kids. When I was about seven, the missus came and got me to be her servant. I lived in the big house until she died. She and Master Davis were really good to me."
"Marster Davis he was a big lawyer and de owner of a plantation. But all I do was wait on ole missus. I'd light her pipe for her and I helped her wid her knittin'. She give me money all de time. She had a little trunk she keeped money in and lots of times I'd have to pack it down wid my feets.
"Master Davis was a wealthy lawyer and the owner of a plantation. But all I did was serve the old mistress. I'd light her pipe for her and help her with her knitting. She gave me money all the time. She had a small trunk where she kept her money, and many times I had to pack it down with my feet."
"I dis'member jus' how many slaves dere was, but dere was more'n 100. I saw as much as 100 sold at a time. When dey tuk a bunch of slaves to trade, dey put chains on 'em.
"I don't remember exactly how many slaves there were, but there were more than 100. I saw as many as 100 sold at a time. When they took a group of slaves to sell, they put chains on them."
"De other slaves lived in log cabins back of de big house. Dey had dirt floors and beds dat was made out of co'n shucks or straw. At nite dey burned de lamps for 'bout an hour, den de overseers,[Pg 10] dey come knock on de door and tell 'em put de light out. Lots of overseers was mean. Sometimes dey'd whip a nigger wid a leather strap 'bout a foot wide and long as your arm and wid a wooden handle at de end.
The other slaves lived in log cabins behind the big house. They had dirt floors and beds made from corn husks or straw. At night, they used the lamps for about an hour, then the overseers, [Pg 10], would come knock on the door and tell them to put out the light. Many overseers were harsh. Sometimes they'd whip a black person with a leather strap about a foot wide and as long as your arm, with a wooden handle at the end.
"On Sat'day and Sunday nites dey'd dance and sing all nite long. Dey didn' dance like today, dey danced de roun' dance and jig and do de pigeon wing, and some of dem would jump up and see how many time he could kick his feets 'fore dey hit de groun'. Dey had an ole fiddle and some of 'em would take two bones in each hand and rattle 'em. Dey sang songs like, 'Diana had a Wooden Leg,' and 'A Hand full of Sugar,' and 'Cotton-eyed Joe.' I dis'member how dey went.
"On Saturday and Sunday nights, they would dance and sing all night long. They didn’t dance like we do today; they did the round dance and jig and the pigeon wing, and some of them would jump up to see how many times they could kick their feet before hitting the ground. They had an old fiddle, and some of them would take two bones in each hand and clack them together. They sang songs like 'Diana Had a Wooden Leg,' 'A Handful of Sugar,' and 'Cotton-Eyed Joe.' I remember how they went."
"De slaves didn' have no church den, but dey'd take a big sugar kettle and turn it top down on de groun' and put logs roun' it to kill de soun'. Dey'd pray to be free and sing and dance.
" slaves didn't have a church then, but they'd take a big sugar kettle and turn it upside down on the ground and put logs around it to muffle the sound. They'd pray to be free and sing and dance."
"When war come dey come and got de slaves from all de plantations and tuk 'em to build de breastworks. I saw lots of soldiers. Dey'd sing a song dat go something like dis:
"When the war came, they took the slaves from all the plantations and had them build the breastworks. I saw lots of soldiers. They sang a song that went something like this:"
"'Jeff Davis rode a big white hoss,
Lincoln rode a mule;
Jess Davis is our President,
Lincoln is a fool.'
"'Jeff Davis rode a big white horse,
Lincoln rode a mule;
Jess Davis is our President,
Lincoln is a fool.'
"I 'member when de slaves would run away. Ole John Billinger, he had a bunch of dogs and he'd take after runaway niggers. Sometimes de dogs didn' ketch de nigger. Den ole Billinger, he'd cuss and kick de dogs.
"I remember when the slaves would run away. Old John Billinger had a pack of dogs and he'd go after runaway Black people. Sometimes the dogs wouldn’t catch the Black person. Then old Billinger would curse and kick the dogs."
"We didn' have to have a pass but on other plantations dey did, or de paddlerollers would git you and whip you. Dey was de poor white[Pg 11] folks dat didn' have no slaves. We didn' call 'em white folks dem days. No, suh, we called dem' Buskrys.'
"We didn’t need a pass, but on other plantations they did, or the patrollers would catch you and whip you. They were the poor white folks who didn’t have any slaves. We didn’t call them white folks back then. No, sir, we called them 'Buskrys.'"
"Jus' fore de war, a white preacher he come to us slaves and says: 'Do you wan' to keep you homes whar you git all to eat, and raise your chillen, or do you wan' to be free to roam roun' without a home, like de wil' animals? If you wan' to keep you homes you better pray for de South to win. All day wan's to pray for de South to win, raise the hand.' We all raised our hands 'cause we was skeered not to, but we sho' didn' wan' de South to win.
"Just before the war, a white preacher came to us slaves and said: 'Do you want to keep your homes where you get enough to eat and raise your children, or do you want to be free to roam around without a home, like the wild animals? If you want to keep your homes, you better pray for the South to win. If you want to pray for the South to win, raise your hand.' We all raised our hands because we were scared not to, but we really didn't want the South to win."
"Dat night all de slaves had a meetin' down in de hollow. Ole Uncle Mack, he gits up and says: 'One time over in Virginny dere was two ole niggers, Uncle Bob and Uncle Tom. Dey was mad at one 'nuther and one day dey decided to have a dinner and bury de hatchet. So day sat down, and when Uncle Bob wasn't lookin' Uncle Tom put some poison in Uncle Bob's food, but he saw it and when Uncle Tom wasn't lookin', Uncle Bob he turned de tray roun' on Uncle Tom, and he gits de poison food.' Uncle Mack, he says: 'Dat's what we slaves is gwine do, jus' turn de tray roun' and pray for de North to win.'
That night all the slaves had a meeting down in the hollow. Old Uncle Mack got up and said: "One time over in Virginia, there were two old black men, Uncle Bob and Uncle Tom. They were mad at each other, and one day they decided to have a dinner and bury the hatchet. So they sat down, and when Uncle Bob wasn't looking, Uncle Tom put some poison in Uncle Bob's food, but he saw it, and when Uncle Tom wasn't looking, Uncle Bob turned the tray around on Uncle Tom, and he got the poisoned food. Uncle Mack said: 'That’s what we slaves are going to do, just turn the tray around and pray for the North to win.'"
"After de war dere was a lot of excitement 'mong de niggers. Dey was rejoicin' and singin'. Some of 'em looked puzzled, sorter skeered like. But dey danced and had a big jamboree.
"After the war, there was a lot of excitement among the Black community. They were rejoicing and singing. Some of them looked puzzled, sort of scared. But they danced and had a big celebration."
"Lots of 'em stayed and worked on de halves. Others hired out. I went to work in a grocery store and he paid me $1.50 a week. I give my mother de dollar and keeped de half. Den I got married and farmed for awhile. Den I come to Fort Worth and I been yere since.[Pg 12]
"Many of them stayed and worked on the farms. Others took jobs elsewhere. I got a job at a grocery store, and they paid me $1.50 a week. I gave my mother a dollar and kept fifty cents for myself. Then I got married and farmed for a while. After that, I moved to Fort Worth, and I've been here ever since.[Pg 12]
SARAH ALLEN was born a slave of John and Sally Goodren, in the Blue Ridge Mountains of Virginia. Before the Civil War, her owners came to Texas, locating near a small town then called Freedom. She lives at 3322 Frutas St., El Paso, Texas.
SARAH ALLEN was born a slave to John and Sally Goodren in the Blue Ridge Mountains of Virginia. Before the Civil War, her owners moved to Texas, settling near a small town then called Freedom. She lives at 3322 Frutas St., El Paso, Texas.
"I was birthed in time of bondage. You know, some people are ashamed to tell it, but I thank God I was 'llowed to see them times as well as now. It's a pretty hard story, how cruel some of the marsters was, but I had the luck to be with good white people. But some I knew were put on the block and sold. I 'member when they'd come to John Goodren's place to buy, but he not sell any. They'd have certain days when they'd sell off the block and they took chillen 'way from mothers, screamin' for dere chillen.
"I was born during a time of oppression. You know, some people are embarrassed to admit it, but I thank God I was allowed to experience those times as well as now. It's a pretty tough story, how cruel some of the masters were, but I was lucky to be with good white people. However, some I knew were put on the auction block and sold. I remember when they'd come to John Goodren's place to buy, but he wouldn't sell any. They had certain days when they'd sell off the block, and they took children away from their mothers, who were screaming for their kids."
"I was birthed in ole Virginia in de Blue Ridge Mountains. When de white people come to Texas, de cullud people come with them. Dat's been a long time.
"I was born in old Virginia in the Blue Ridge Mountains. When the white people moved to Texas, the colored people went with them. That's been a long time."
"My maw was named Charlotte, my paw Parks Adams. He's a white man. I guess I'm about eighty some years ole.
"My mom was named Charlotte, my dad was Parks Adams. He's a white man. I guess I'm about eighty-something years old."
"You know, in slavery times when dey had bad marsters dey'd run away, but we didn' want to. My missus would see her people had something good to eat every Sunday mornin'. You had to mind your missus and marster and you be treated well. I think I was about twelve when dey freed us and we stayed with marster 'bout a year, then went to John Ecols' place and rented some lan'. We made two bales of cotton and it was the first money we ever saw.
"You know, during slavery, when there were harsh masters, people would run away, but we didn’t want to. My mistress would make sure her family had something good to eat every Sunday morning. You had to take care of your mistress and master, and then you would be treated well. I think I was about twelve when they freed us, and we stayed with our master for about a year before moving to John Ecol's place and renting some land. We made two bales of cotton, and that was the first money we ever saw."
"Back when we lived with Marster Goodren we had big candy[Pg 13] pullin's. Invite everybody and play. We had good times. De worst thing, we didn' never have no schoolin' till after I married. Den I went to school two weeks. My husban' was teacher. He never was a slave. His father bought freedom through a blacksmith shop, some way.
"Back when we lived with Master Goodren, we had big candy pullings. We’d invite everyone and have fun. We had great times. The worst part was that we didn’t have any schooling until after I got married. Then I went to school for two weeks. My husband was the teacher. He was never a slave. His father bought their freedom through a blacksmith shop, somehow."
"I had a nice weddin'. My dress was white and trimmed with blue ribbon. My second day dress was white with red dots. I had a beautiful veil and a wreath and 'bout two, three waiters for table dat day.
"I had a lovely wedding. My dress was white and had blue ribbon trims. My second dress was white with red polka dots. I wore a beautiful veil and a wreath, and I had about two or three waiters for the table that day."
"My mother was nearly white. Brighter than me. We lef' my father in Virginia. I was jus' as white as de chillen I played with. I used to be plum bright, but here lately I'm gettin' awful dark.
"My mom was almost white. Brighter than me. We left my dad in Virginia. I was just as white as the kids I played with. I used to be really bright, but lately I’m getting pretty dark."
"My husban' was of a mixture, like you call bright ginger-cake color. I don' know where he got his learnin'. I feel so bad since he's gone to Glory.
"My husband was a mix, like what you'd call bright ginger-cake color. I don’t know where he got his education. I feel so bad since he's gone to Glory."
"Now I'm ole, de Lord has taken care of me. He put that spirit in people to look after ole folks and now my chillen look after me. I've two sons, one name James Allen, one R.M. Both live in El Paso.
"Now I'm old, the Lord has taken care of me. He inspired people to look after the elderly, and now my kids take care of me. I have two sons, one named James Allen and the other R.M. Both live in El Paso."
"After we go to sleep, de people will know these things, 'cause if freedom hadn' come, it would have been so miserable.[Pg 14]
"After we go to sleep, people will know these things, because if freedom hadn't come, it would have been so miserable.[Pg 14]
ANDY ANDERSON, 94, was born a slave of Jack Haley, who owned a plantation in Williamson Co., Texas. During the Civil War, Andy was sold to W.T. House, of Blanco County, who in less than a year sold Andy to his brother, John House. Andy now lives with his third wife and eight of his children at 301 Armour St., Fort Worth, Texas.
ANDY ANDERSON, 94, was born a slave of Jack Haley, who owned a plantation in Williamson Co., Texas. During the Civil War, Andy was sold to W.T. House, from Blanco County, who in less than a year sold Andy to his brother, John House. Andy now lives with his third wife and eight of his children at 301 Armour St., Fort Worth, Texas.
"My name am Andy J. Anderson, and I's born on Massa Jack Haley's plantation in Williamson County, Texas, and Massa Haley owned my folks and 'bout twelve other families of niggers. I's born in 1843 and that makes me 94 year old and 18 year when de war starts. I's had 'speriences durin' dat time.
My name is Andy J. Anderson, and I was born on Mr. Jack Haley's plantation in Williamson County, Texas. Mr. Haley owned my family and about twelve other families of Black people. I was born in 1843, which makes me 94 years old, and I was 18 when the war started. I had experiences during that time.
"Massa Haley am kind to his cullud folks, and him am kind to everybody, and all de folks likes him. De other white folks called we'uns de petted niggers. There am 'bout 30 old and young niggers and 'bout 20 piccaninnies too little to work, and de nuss cares for dem while dey mammies works.
"Mister Haley is kind to his Black people, and he's kind to everyone, and everyone likes him. The other white folks call us the spoiled Blacks. There are about 30 old and young Black people and about 20 little kids too small to work, and the nurse takes care of them while their mothers work."
"I's gwine 'splain how it am managed on Massa Haley's plantation. It am sort of like de small town, 'cause everything we uses am made right there. There am de shoemaker and he is de tanner and make de leather from de hides. Den massa has 'bout a thousand sheep and he gits de wool, and de niggers cards and spins and weaves it, and dat makes all de clothes. Den massa have cattle and sich purvide de milk and de butter and beef meat for eatin'. Den massa have de turkeys and chickens and de hawgs and de bees. With all that, us never was hongry.
"I'm going to explain how things are run on Massa Haley's plantation. It's kind of like a small town because everything we use is made right there. There's the shoemaker, and he’s the tanner who makes the leather from the hides. Then Massa has about a thousand sheep, and he gets the wool, and the folks card, spin, and weave it, which makes all the clothes. Massa also has cattle that provide milk, butter, and beef for eating. He has turkeys, chickens, hogs, and bees. With all that, we were never hungry."
"De plantation am planted in cotton, mostly, with de corn and de wheat a little, 'cause massa don't need much of dem. He never sell nothin' but de cotton.[Pg 15]
"On the plantation, we mostly grow cotton, with a bit of corn and wheat, because the boss doesn't need much of those. He only sells cotton.[Pg 15]
"De livin' for de cullud folks am good. De quarters am built from logs like deys all in dem days. De floor am de dirt but we has de benches and what is made on de place. And we has de big fireplace for to cook and we has plenty to cook in dat fireplace, 'cause massa allus 'lows plenty good rations, but he watch close for de wastin' of de food.
"Life for the Black folks is good. The cabins are built from logs like they were back in the day. The floor is dirt, but we have benches and other things made here. And we have a big fireplace to cook, and we have plenty to cook in that fireplace because the master always allows good rations, but he keeps a close eye on the waste of food."
"De war breaks and dat make de big change on de massas place. He jines de army and hires a man call' Delbridge for overseer. After dat, de hell start to pop, 'cause de first thing Delbridge do is cut de rations. He weighs out de meat, three pound for de week, and he measure a peck of meal. And 'twarn't enough. He half starve us niggers and he want mo' work and he start de whippin's. I guesses he starts to edumacate 'em. I guess dat Delbridge go to hell when he died, but I don't see how de debbil could stand him.
"War breaks out and that causes a big change on the plantation. He joins the army and hires a man named Delbridge as the overseer. After that, hell starts to break loose because the first thing Delbridge does is cut the food rations. He doles out the meat, three pounds for the week, and measures a peck of meal. And it wasn't enough. He half-starves us Black people and demands more work, and he starts the whippings. I guess he thinks he’s educating them. I think Delbridge is going to hell when he dies, but I don't see how the devil could stand him."
"We'uns am not use' to sich and some runs off. When dey am cotched there am a whippin' at de stake. But dat Delbridge, he sold me to Massa House, in Blanco County. I's sho' glad when I's sold, but it am short gladness, 'cause here am another man what hell am too good for. He gives me de whippin' and de scars am still on my arms and my back, too. I'll carry dem to my grave. He sends me for firewood and when I gits it loaded, de wheel hits a stump and de team jerks and dat breaks de whippletree. So he ties me to de stake and every half hour for four hours, dey lays ta lashes on my back. For de first couple hours de pain am awful. I's never forgot it. Den I's stood so much pain I not feel so much and when dey takes me loose, I's jus' 'bout half dead. I lays in de bunk two days, gittin' over dat whippin', gittin' over it in de body but not de heart. No, suh, I has dat in de heart till dis day.[Pg 16]
"We're not used to that, and some people run away. When they get caught, there's a whipping at the stake. But that Delbridge, he sold me to Mr. House in Blanco County. I'm sure glad I got sold, but it's a short-lived happiness because there's another man who's too good for hell. He gives me the whipping, and the scars are still on my arms and my back too. I'll carry them to my grave. He sends me for firewood, and when I get it loaded, the wheel hits a stump and the team jerks, breaking the whippletree. So he ties me to the stake and every half hour for four hours, they lay lashes on my back. For the first couple of hours, the pain is awful. I’ll never forget it. Then I’ve endured so much pain that I don’t feel it as much, and when they untie me, I’m just about half dead. I lay in the bunk for two days, recovering from that whipping, getting over it physically but not emotionally. No, sir, I still carry that in my heart to this day.[Pg 16]
"After dat whippin' I doesn't have de heart to work for de massa. If I seed de cattle in de cornfield, I turns de back, 'stead of chasin' 'em out. I guess dat de reason de massa sold me to his brother, Massa John. And he am good like my first massa, he never whipped me.
"After that beating, I don't have the heart to work for the master. If I see the cattle in the cornfield, I turn my back instead of chasing them out. I guess that's the reason the master sold me to his brother, Master John. And he’s good like my first master; he never whipped me."
"Den surrender am 'nounced and massa tells us we's free. When dat takes place, it am 'bout one hour by sun. I says to myself, 'I won't be here long.' But I's not realise what I's in for till after I's started, but I couldn't turn back. For dat means de whippin' or danger from de patter rollers. Dere I was and I kep' on gwine. No nigger am sposed to be off de massa's place without de pass, so I travels at night and hides durin' de daylight. I stays in de bresh and gits water from de creeks, but not much to eat. Twice I's sho' dem patter rollers am passin' while I's hidin'.
"Then they announced the surrender, and the master tells us we’re free. When that happens, it’s about one hour by the sun. I say to myself, 'I won’t be here long.' But I didn’t realize what I was in for until after I started, and by then I couldn't turn back. That would mean getting whipped or facing danger from the patrols. There I was, and I kept on going. No Black person is supposed to be off the master's place without a pass, so I traveled at night and hid during the day. I stayed in the bushes and got water from the creeks, but there wasn’t much to eat. Twice I was sure those patrols passed while I was hiding."
"I's 21 year old den, but it am de first time I's gone any place, 'cept to de neighbors, so I's worried 'bout de right way to Massa Haley's place. But de mornin' of de third day I comes to he place and I's so hongry and tired and scairt for fear Massa Haley not home from de army yit. So I finds my pappy and he hides me in he cabin till a week and den luck comes to me when Massa Haley come home. He come at night and de next mornin' dat Delbridge am shunt off de place, 'cause Massa Haley seed he niggers was all gaunt and lots am ran off and de fields am not plowed right, and only half de sheep and everything left. So massa say to dat Delbridge, 'Dere am no words can 'splain what yous done. Git off my place 'fore I smashes you.'
I'm 21 years old now, but it's the first time I've been anywhere except for the neighbors, so I’m worried about how to get to Massa Haley's place. On the morning of the third day, I arrive at his place, and I’m so hungry, tired, and scared that Massa Haley might not be back from the army yet. So I find my dad, and he hides me in his cabin for a week, and then luck comes my way when Massa Haley comes home. He arrives at night, and the next morning, Delbridge is kicked off the property because Massa Haley sees that his workers are all skinny, many have run away, the fields aren't properly plowed, and only half the sheep and everything else is left. So, Massa says to Delbridge, "There are no words to explain what you've done. Get off my property before I smash you."
"Den I kin come out from my pappy's cabin and de old massa was glad to see me, and he let me stay till freedom am ordered. Dat's de happies' time in my life, when I gits back to Massa Haley.[Pg 17]
"Then I was able to come out from my dad's cabin, and the old master was happy to see me. He let me stay until freedom was granted. That was the happiest time of my life when I returned to Master Haley.[Pg 17]
Dibble, Fred, P.W., Beehler, Rheba, P.W., Beaumont, Jefferson, Dist. #3.
Dibble, Fred, P.W., Beehler, Rheba, P.W., Beaumont, Jefferson, Dist. #3.
A frail sick man, neatly clad in white pajamas lying patiently in a clean bed awaiting the end which does not seem far away. Although we protested against his talking, because of his weakness, he told a brief story of his life in a whisper, his breath very short and every word was spoken with great effort. His light skin and his features denote no characteristic of his race, has a bald head with a bit of gray hair around the crown and a slight growth of gray whiskers about his face, is medium in height and build. WASH ANDERSON, although born in Charleston, S.C., has spent practically all of his life in Texas [Handwritten Note: (Beaumont, Texas—]
A frail sick man, neatly dressed in white pajamas, lies patiently in a clean bed, waiting for an end that seems near. Even though we urged him not to talk because of his weakness, he whispered a brief story about his life, each word requiring great effort as his breath was very short. His light skin and features don’t show any distinct traits of his race; he has a bald head with a bit of gray hair around the crown and slight gray whiskers on his face. He is of medium height and build. WASH ANDERSON, although born in Charleston, S.C., has spent almost all of his life in Texas [Handwritten Note: (Beaumont, Texas—]
"Mos' folks call me Wash Anderson, but dey uster call me George. My whole name' George Washington Anderson. I was bo'n in Charleston, Sou'f Ca'lina in 1855. Bill Anderson was my ol' marster. Dey was two boy' and two gal' in his family. We all lef' Charleston and come to Orange, Texas, befo' freedom come. I was fo' year' ol' when dey mek dat trip."
"Most people call me Wash Anderson, but they used to call me George. My full name is George Washington Anderson. I was born in Charleston, South Carolina in 1855. Bill Anderson was my old master. There were two boys and two girls in his family. We all left Charleston and came to Orange, Texas, before freedom came. I was four years old when they made that trip."
"I don' 'member nuttin' 'bout Charleston. You see where I was bo'n was 'bout two mile' from de city. I went back one time in 1917, but I didn' stay dere long."
"I don't remember anything about Charleston. You see, I was born about two miles from the city. I went back once in 1917, but I didn't stay there long."
"My pa was Irvin' Anderson and my mommer was name' Eliza. Ol' marster was pretty rough on his niggers. Dey[Pg 18] tell me he had my gran'daddy beat to death. Dey never did beat me."
"My dad was Irvin' Anderson and my mom was named Eliza. The old master was pretty tough on his slaves. They tell me he had my granddad beaten to death. They never did beat me."
"Dey made de trip from Charleston 'cross de country and settle' in Duncan's Wood' down here in Orange county. Dey had a big plantation dere. I dunno if ol' marster had money back in Charleston, but I t'ink he must have. He had 'bout 25 or 30 slaves on de place."
"They made the trip from Charleston across the country and settled in Duncan's Wood down here in Orange County. They had a big plantation there. I don't know if the old master had money back in Charleston, but I think he must have. He had about 25 or 30 slaves on the place."
"Ol' man Anderson he had a big two-story house. It was buil' out of logs but it was a big fine house. De slaves jis' had little log huts. Dere warn't no flo's to 'em, nuthin' but de groun'. Dem little huts jis' had one room in 'em. Dey was one family to de house, 'cep'n' sometime dey put two or t'ree family' to a house. Dey jis' herd de slaves in dere like a bunch of pigs."
"Old man Anderson had a big two-story house. It was built out of logs, but it was a really nice house. The slaves just had small log huts. There weren't any floors in them, just the ground. Those little huts only had one room in them. There was usually one family per hut, except sometimes they put two or three families in one hut. They just herded the slaves in there like a bunch of pigs."
"Dey uster raise cotton, and co'n, and sugar cane, and sich like, but dey didn' uster raise no rice. Dey uster sen' stuff to Terry on a railroad to sen' it to market. Sometime dey hitch up dey teams and sen' it to Orange and Beaumont in wagons. De ol' marster he had a boat, too, and sometime he sen' a boatload of his stuff to Beaumont."
"They used to grow cotton, corn, and sugarcane, but they didn't grow any rice. They used to send things to Terry by train to get them to market. Sometimes they would hitch up their teams and take it to Orange and Beaumont in wagons. The old master even had a boat, and sometimes he would send a boatload of his goods to Beaumont."
"My work was to drive de surrey for de family and look atter de hosses and de harness and sich. I jis' have de bes' hosses on de place to see atter."[Pg 19]
"My job was to drive the surrey for the family and take care of the horses and the harness and stuff. I just had the best horses on the place to look after."[Pg 19]
"I saw lots of sojers durin' de war. I see 'em marchin' by, goin' to Sabine Pass 'bout de time of dat battle."
"I saw a lot of soldiers during the war. I watched them marching by, heading to Sabine Pass around the time of that battle."
"Back in slavery time dey uster have a white preacher to come 'roun' and preach to de cullud folks. But I don't 'member much 'bout de songs what dey uster sing."
"Back in the time of slavery, there used to be a white preacher who would come around and preach to the Black folks. But I don’t remember much about the songs they used to sing."
"I play 'roun' right smart when I was little. Dey uster have lots of fun playin' 'hide and seek,' and 'hide de switch.' We uster ride stick hosses and play 'roun' at all dem t'ings what chillun play at."
"I used to play quite a lot when I was little. We had so much fun playing 'hide and seek' and 'hide the switch.' We used to ride stick horses and play around with all the things that kids play with."
"Dey had plenty of hosses and mules and cows on de ol' plantation. I had to look atter some of de hosses, but dem what I hatter look atter was s'pose to be de bes' hosses in de bunch. Like I say, I drive de surrey and dey allus have de bes' hosses to pull dat surrey. Dey had a log stable. Dey kep' de harness in dere, too. Eb'ryt'ing what de stock eat dey raise on de plantation, all de co'n and fodder and sich like."
They had plenty of horses, mules, and cows on the old plantation. I had to take care of some of the horses, but the ones I was supposed to take care of were supposed to be the best horses in the bunch. Like I said, I drove the surrey, and they always had the best horses to pull that surrey. They had a log stable. They kept the harness in there, too. Everything the animals ate, they grew on the plantation, all the corn and fodder and stuff like that.
"Atter freedom come I went 'roun' doin' dif'rent kind of work. I uster work on steamboats, and on de railroad and at sawmillin'. I was a sawyer for a long, long time. I work 'roun' in Lou'sana and Arkansas, and Oklahoma, as[Pg 20] well as in Texas. When I wasn't doin' dem kinds of work, I uster work 'roun' at anyt'ing what come to han'. I 'member one time I was workin' for de Burr Lumber Company at Fort Townsend up dere in Arkansas."
"After gaining my freedom, I went around doing different kinds of work. I used to work on steamboats, on the railroad, and in sawmills. I was a sawyer for a long time. I worked in Louisiana, Arkansas, and Oklahoma, as[Pg 20] well as in Texas. When I wasn't doing those kinds of jobs, I used to take on anything that came my way. I remember one time I was working for the Burr Lumber Company in Fort Townsend up there in Arkansas."
"When I was 'bout 36 year' ol' I git marry. I been married twice. My fus' wife was name' Hannah and Reverend George Childress was de preacher dat marry us. He was a cullud preacher. Atter Hannah been dead some time I marry my secon' wife. Her name was Tempie Perkins. Later on, us sep'rate. Us sep'rate on 'count of money matters."
"When I was about 36 years old, I got married. I've been married twice. My first wife was named Hannah, and Reverend George Childress was the pastor who married us. He was a Black preacher. After Hannah passed away for some time, I married my second wife. Her name was Tempie Perkins. Later on, we separated. We separated because of financial issues."
"I b'longs to de Baptis' Chu'ch. Sometime' de preacher come 'roun' and see me. He was here a few days ago dis week."[Pg 21]
"I belong to the Baptist Church. Sometimes the preacher comes around and sees me. He was here a few days ago this week." [Pg 21]
"Uncle Willis Anderson"
REFERENCES
REFERENCES
A. Coronado's Children—J. Frank Dobie, Pub. 1929, Austin, Tex.
A. Coronado's Children—J. Frank Dobie, Pub. 1929, Austin, TX.
B. Leon County News—Centerville, Texas—Thursday May 21, 1936.
B. Leon County News—Centerville, Texas—Thursday May 21, 1936.
C. Consultant—Uncle Willis Anderson, resident of Centerville, Tex, born April 15, 1844.
C. Consultant—Uncle Willis Anderson, living in Centerville, Texas, born April 15, 1844.
An interesting character at Centerville, Texas, is "Uncle Willis" Anderson, an ex-slave, born April 15, 1844, 6 miles west of Centerville on the old McDaniels plantation near what is now known as Hopewell Settlement. It is generally said that "Uncle Willis" is one of the oldest living citizens in the County, black or white. He is referred to generally for information concerning days gone by and for the history of that County, especially in the immediate vicinity of Centerville.
An interesting figure in Centerville, Texas, is "Uncle Willis" Anderson, an ex-slave, born on April 15, 1844, six miles west of Centerville on the old McDaniels plantation, near what is now called Hopewell Settlement. It's commonly said that "Uncle Willis" is one of the oldest living residents in the county, whether black or white. People often turn to him for information about the past and the history of the county, particularly around the Centerville area.
"Uncle Willis" is an interesting figure. He may be found sitting on the porches of the stores facing Federal Highway No. 75, nodding or conversing with small groups of white or colored people that gather around him telling of the days gone by. He also likes to watch the busses and automobiles that pass through the small town musing and commenting on the swiftness of things today. Uncle Willis still cultivates a small patch five miles out from the town.
"Uncle Willis" is an intriguing character. You can often find him sitting on the porches of the shops along Federal Highway No. 75, either nodding off or chatting with small groups of white and Black people who gather around him to share stories from the past. He enjoys watching the buses and cars that pass through the little town, reflecting on how fast things move these days. Uncle Willis still tends to a small garden just five miles outside of town.
"Uncle Willis" is a tall dark, brown-skinned man having a large head covered with mixed gray wooly hair. He has lost very few teeth considering his age. When sitting on the porches of the stores the soles of his farm-shoes[Pg 22] may be seen tied together with pieces of wire. He supports himself with a cane made from the Elm tree. At present he wears a tall white Texas Centennial hat which makes him appear more unique than ever.
"Uncle Willis" is a tall, dark-skinned man with a big head covered in mixed gray, curly hair. Considering his age, he has lost very few teeth. When he sits on the porches of the stores, you can see that the soles of his farm shoes[Pg 22] are tied together with pieces of wire. He uses a cane made from an elm tree to support himself. Right now, he's wearing a tall white Texas Centennial hat, making him look even more distinctive.
"Uncle Willis'" memory is vivid. He is familiar with the older figures in the history of the County. He tells tales of having travelled by oxen to West Texas for flour and being gone for six months at a time. He remembers the Keechi and the Kickapoo Indians and also claims that he can point out a tree where the Americans hung an Indian Chief. He says that he has plowed up arrows, pots and flints on the Reubens Bains place and on the McDaniel farms. He can tell of the early lawlessness in the County. His face lights up when he recalls how the Yankee soldiers came through Centerville telling the slave owners to free their slaves. He also talks very low when he mentions the name of Jeff Davis because he says, "Wha' man eavesdrops the niggers houses in slavery time and if yer' sed' that Jeff Davis was a good man, they barbecued a hog for you, but if yer' sed' that Abe Lincoln was a good man, yer' had to fight or go to the woods."
Uncle Willis’ memory is sharp. He knows a lot about the early figures in the County's history. He shares stories about traveling by oxen to West Texas for flour and being gone for six months at a time. He remembers the Keechi and Kickapoo Indians and even claims he can show you the tree where the Americans hanged an Indian Chief. He says he's found arrows, pots, and flint on the Reubens Bains place and the McDaniel farms. He can recount the early lawlessness in the County. His face lights up when he talks about how Yankee soldiers came through Centerville telling slave owners to free their slaves. He speaks very softly when he mentions Jeff Davis because he says, "What man eavesdrops on Black people’s houses during slavery, and if you said Jeff Davis was a good man, they’d barbecue a hog for you. But if you said Abe Lincoln was a good man, you had to fight or run to the woods."
Among the most interesting tales told by "Uncle Willis" is the tale of the "Lead mine." "Uncle Willis" says that some where along Boggy Creek near a large hickory tree and a red oak tree, near Patrick's Lake, he and his master, Auss McDaniels, would dig lead out of the ground which they used to make pistol and rifle balls for the old Mississippi rifles during slavery time. Uncle Willis claims that they would dig slags of lead out of the ground some 12 and 15 inches long, and others as large as a man's fist. They would carry this ore back to the big house and melt it down to get the trash out of it, then they would pour it into molds and make rifle balls and pistol[Pg 23] balls from it. In this way they kept plenty of amunition on hand. In recent years the land has changed ownership, and the present owners live in Dallas. Learning of the tale of the "lead mine" on their property they went to Centerville in an attempt to locate it and were referred to "Uncle Willis." Uncle Willis says they offered him two hundred dollars if he could locate the mine. Being so sure that he knew its exact location, said that the $200 was his meat. However, Uncle Willis was unable to locate the spot where they dug the lead and the mine remains a mystery.[C]
Among the most intriguing stories told by "Uncle Willis" is the story of the "Lead mine." "Uncle Willis" says that somewhere along Boggy Creek, near a large hickory tree and a red oak tree close to Patrick's Lake, he and his master, Auss McDaniels, would dig lead out of the ground, which they used to make pistol and rifle balls for the old Mississippi rifles during slavery. Uncle Willis claims they would dig pieces of lead from the ground that were about 12 to 15 inches long, and some as big as a man's fist. They would carry this ore back to the main house, melt it down to remove impurities, and then pour it into molds to make rifle and pistol bullets. This way, they always had plenty of ammunition on hand. In recent years, the land has changed hands, and the current owners live in Dallas. Learning about the tale of the "lead mine" on their property, they went to Centerville in an attempt to find it and were directed to "Uncle Willis." Uncle Willis says they offered him two hundred dollars if he could find the mine. Confident that he knew its exact location, he claimed that the $200 was his for the taking. However, Uncle Willis was unable to find the spot where they dug the lead, and the mine remains a mystery.[Pg 23]
Recently a group of citizens of Leon County including W.D. Lacey, Joe McDaniel, Debbs Brown, W.H. Hill and Judge Lacey cross questioned Uncle Willis about the lead mine. Judge Lacey did the questioning while them others formed an audience. The conversation went as follows:
Recently, a group of citizens from Leon County, including W.D. Lacey, Joe McDaniel, Debbs Brown, W.H. Hill, and Judge Lacey, questioned Uncle Willis about the lead mine. Judge Lacey handled the questioning while the others observed. The conversation went as follows:
"Which way would you go when you went to the mine?" Judge Lacey asked.
"Which way would you go when you went to the mine?" Judge Lacey asked.
"Out tow'hd Normangee."
"Out toward Normangee."
"How long would it take you to get there?"
"How long will it take you to get there?"
"Two or three hours."
"2 or 3 hours."
"Was it on a creek?"
"Was it by a creek?"
"Yessuh."
"Yes, sir."
"But you cant go to it now?"
"But you can't go to it now?"
"Nosuh, I just can't recollect exactly where 'tis.[B]
"Nosuh, I just can't remember exactly where it is."
J. Frank Dobie mentions many tales of lost lead mines throughout Texas in Coronado's Children, a publication of the Texas Folk-Lore Society.[Pg 24] Lead in the early days of the Republic and the State was very valuable, as it was the source of protection from the Indians and also the means of supplying food.[A][Pg 25]
J. Frank Dobie shares numerous stories of lost lead mines across Texas in Coronado's Children, a publication by the Texas Folk-Lore Society.[Pg 24] In the early days of the Republic and the State, lead was extremely valuable, as it provided protection from Native Americans and was also essential for food supply.[A][Pg 25]

Mary Armstrong
MARY ARMSTRONG, 91, lives at 3326 Pierce Ave., Houston, Texas. She was born on a farm near St. Louis, Missouri, a slave of William Cleveland. Her father, Sam Adams, belonged to a "nigger trader," who had a farm adjoining the Cleveland place.
MARY ARMSTRONG, 91, lives at 3326 Pierce Ave., Houston, Texas. She was born on a farm near St. Louis, Missouri, as a slave of William Cleveland. Her father, Sam Adams, belonged to a "black trader" who had a farm next to the Cleveland property.
"I's Aunt Mary, all right, but you all has to 'scuse me if I don't talk so good, 'cause I's been feelin' poorly for a spell and I ain't so young no more. Law me, when I think back what I used to do, and now it's all I can do to hobble 'round a little. Why, Miss Olivia, my mistress, used to put a glass plumb full of water on my head and then have me waltz 'round the room, and I'd dance so smoothlike, I don't spill nary drap.
"I'm Aunt Mary, that’s for sure, but you all have to excuse me if I don't speak very well, because I've been feeling unwell for a while and I'm not so young anymore. My goodness, when I think back to what I used to do, and now it's all I can do to move around a little. You know, Miss Olivia, my mistress, used to put a glass completely full of water on my head and then have me dance around the room, and I would dance so smoothly that I never spilled a drop."
"That was in St. Louis, where I's born. You see, my mamma belong to old William Cleveland and old Polly Cleveland, and they was the meanest two white folks what ever lived, 'cause they was allus beatin' on their slaves. I know, 'cause mamma told me, and I hears about it other places, and besides, old Polly, she was a Polly devil if there ever was one, and she whipped my little sister what was only nine months old and jes' a baby to death. She come and took the diaper offen my little sister and whipped till the blood jes' ran—jes' 'cause she cry like all babies do, and it kilt my sister. I never forgot that, but I sot some even with that old Polly devil and it's this-a-way.[Pg 26]
"That was in St. Louis, where I was born. You see, my mom belonged to old William Cleveland and old Polly Cleveland, and they were the meanest white people who ever lived because they were always beating their slaves. I know this because my mom told me, and I heard about it in other places too. Plus, old Polly—she was a real piece of work—whipped my little sister, who was only nine months old and just a baby, to death. She came and took the diaper off my little sister and whipped her until the blood just ran—just because she cried like all babies do, and it killed my sister. I never forgot that, but I settled the score with that old witch, and here's how it went.[Pg 26]
"You see, I's 'bout 10 year old and I belongs to Miss Olivia, what was that old Polly's daughter, and one day old Polly devil comes to where Miss Olivia lives after she marries, and trys to give me a lick out in the yard, and I picks up a rock 'bout as big as half your fist and hits her right in the eye and busted the eyeball, and tells her that's for whippin' my baby sister to death. You could hear her holler for five miles, but Miss Olivia, when I tells her, says, 'Well, I guess mamma has larnt her lesson at last.' But that old Polly was mean like her husban', old Cleveland, till she die, and I hopes they is burnin' in torment now.
You see, I was about 10 years old and I belonged to Miss Olivia, who was old Polly's daughter. One day, old Polly's husband came to where Miss Olivia lived after she got married, and he tried to hit me in the yard. I picked up a rock about the size of half your fist and threw it right at his eye, and it shattered the eyeball. I told him that was for whipping my baby sister to death. You could hear him scream from five miles away, but when I told Miss Olivia, she said, "Well, I guess his mom has finally learned her lesson." But that old Polly was as mean as her husband, old Cleveland, until she died, and I hope they are burning in torment now.
"I don't 'member 'bout the start of things so much, 'cept what Miss Olivia and my mamma, her name was Siby, tells me. Course, it's powerful cold in winter times and the farms was lots different from down here. They calls 'em plantations down here but up at St. Louis they was jes' called farms, and that's what they was, 'cause we raises wheat and barley and rye and oats and corn and fruit.
"I don’t remember much about the beginning, except for what Miss Olivia and my mom, her name was Siby, tell me. Of course, it gets really cold in the winter, and the farms were a lot different from down here. They call them plantations down here, but up in St. Louis, they were just called farms, and that’s what they were because we grew wheat, barley, rye, oats, corn, and fruit."
"The houses was builded with brick and heavy wood, too, 'cause it's cold up there, and we has to wear the warm clothes and they's wove on the place, and we works at it in the evenin's.
"The houses were built with brick and heavy wood because it's cold up there, and we have to wear warm clothes that are made locally, and we work on them in the evenings."
"Old Cleveland takes a lot of his slaves what was in 'custom' and brings 'em to Texas to sell. You know, he wasn't sposed to do that, 'cause when you's in 'custom', that's 'cause he borrowed money on you, and you's not sposed to leave the place till he paid up. Course, old Cleveland jes' tells the one he owed the money to, you had run off, or squirmed out some way, he was that mean.[Pg 27]
"Old Cleveland takes a lot of his slaves who were in 'custom' and brings them to Texas to sell. You know, he wasn't supposed to do that, because when you're in 'custom', it's because he borrowed money on you, and you're not supposed to leave the place until he pays it off. Of course, old Cleveland just tells the person he owed the money to that you ran off or managed to get away somehow; he was that mean.[Pg 27]
"Mamma say she was in one bunch and me in 'nother. Mamma had been put 'fore this with my papa, Sam Adams, but that makes no diff'rence to Old Cleveland. He's so mean he never would sell the man and woman and chillen to the same one. He'd sell the man here and the woman there and if they's chillen, he'd sell them some place else. Oh, old Satan in torment couldn't be no meaner than what he and Old Polly was to they slaves. He'd chain a nigger up to whip 'em and rub salt and pepper on him, like he said, 'to season him up.' And when he'd sell a slave, he'd grease their mouth all up to make it look like they'd been fed good and was strong and healthy.
"Mama says she was in one group and I was in another. Mama had been with my dad, Sam Adams, before this, but that doesn’t matter to Old Cleveland. He’s so cruel he wouldn't sell a man and woman and children to the same person. He'd sell the man here and the woman there, and if there were children, he'd sell them somewhere else. Oh, old Satan in torment couldn’t be any meaner than he and Old Polly were to their slaves. He’d chain a black person up to whip them and rub salt and pepper on them, like he said, ‘to season them up.’ And when he sold a slave, he’d grease their mouth to make it look like they’d been fed well and were strong and healthy."
"Well mamma say they hadn't no more'n got to Shreveport 'fore some law man cotch old Cleveland and takes 'em all back to St. Louis. Then my little sister's born, the one old Polly devil kilt, and I's 'bout four year old then.
"Well, Mom said they barely arrived in Shreveport before some lawman caught old Cleveland and took them all back to St. Louis. Then my little sister was born, the one old Polly devil killed, and I was about four years old then."
"Miss Olivia takes a likin' to me and, though her papa and mama so mean, she's kind to everyone, and they jes' love her. She marries to Mr. Will Adams what was a fine man, and has 'bout five farms and 500 slaves, and he buys me for her from old Cleveland and pays him $2,500.00, and gives him George Henry, a nigger, to boot. Lawsy, I's sho' happy to be with Miss Olivia and away from old Cleveland and Old Polly, 'cause they kilt my little sister.
"Miss Olivia likes me, and even though her parents are really strict, she's kind to everyone, and they absolutely adore her. She marries Mr. Will Adams, who was a great guy, and owns about five farms and 500 slaves. He buys me from old Cleveland for $2,500.00 and also gives him George Henry, a Black man, as a bonus. Wow, I’m so happy to be with Miss Olivia and away from old Cleveland and Old Polly because they killed my little sister."
"We lives in St. Louis, on Chinquapin Hill, and I's housegirl, and when the babies starts to come I nusses 'em and spins thread for clothes on the loom. I spins six cuts of thread a week, but I has plenty of time for myself and that's where I larns to dance so good. Law, I sho' jes' crazy 'bout dancin'. If I's settin' eatin' my victuals and hears a fiddle play, I gets up and dances.[Pg 28]
"We live in St. Louis, on Chinquapin Hill, and I'm the housegirl. When the babies come, I nurse them and spin thread for clothes on the loom. I spin six cuts of thread a week, but I have plenty of time for myself, and that's where I learn to dance so well. Law, I’m just crazy about dancing. If I’m sitting down eating my food and hear a fiddle play, I get up and dance.[Pg 28]
"Mr. Will and Miss Olivia sho' is good to me, and I never calls Mr. Will 'massa' neither, but when they's company I calls him Mr. Will and 'round the house by ourselves I calls them 'pappy' and 'mammy', 'cause they raises me up from the little girl. I hears old Cleveland done took my mamma to Texas 'gain but I couldn't do nothin', 'cause Miss Olivia wouldn't have much truck with her folks. Once in a while old Polly comes over, but Miss Olivia tells her not to touch me or the others. Old Polly trys to buy me back from Miss Olivia, and if they had they'd kilt me sho'. But Miss Olivia say, 'I'd wade in blood as deep as Hell 'fore I'd let you have Mary.' That's jes' the very words she told 'em.
"Mr. Will and Miss Olivia are really good to me, and I never call Mr. Will 'massa.' When there are guests, I call him Mr. Will, but when it’s just us at home, I call them 'pappy' and 'mammy' because they raised me since I was a little girl. I heard old Cleveland took my mom to Texas again, but I couldn't do anything about it because Miss Olivia didn’t want much to do with her family. Sometimes old Polly comes by, but Miss Olivia tells her not to touch me or the others. Old Polly tries to buy me back from Miss Olivia, and if they had, they definitely would’ve hurt me. But Miss Olivia said, 'I’d wade in blood as deep as Hell before I let you have Mary.' Those are exactly the words she told them."
"Then I hears my papa is sold some place I don't know where. 'Course, I didn't know him so well, jes' what mamma done told me, so that didn't worry me like mamma being took so far away.
"Then I hear that my dad is sold somewhere, but I don’t know where. Of course, I didn’t know him that well, just what my mom told me, so it didn’t bother me as much as my mom being taken so far away."
"One day Mr. Will say, 'Mary, you want to go to the river and see the boat race?' Law me, I never won't forget that. Where we live it ain't far to the Miss'sippi River and pretty soon here they comes, the Natchez and the Eclipse, with smoke and fire jes' pourin' out of they smokestacks. That old captain on the 'Clipse starts puttin' in bacon meat in the boiler and the grease jes' comes out a-blazin' and it beat the Natchez to pieces.
"One day Mr. Will said, 'Mary, do you want to go to the river and watch the boat race?' I’ll never forget that. Where we live, it’s not far from the Mississippi River, and soon enough here they come, the Natchez and the Eclipse, with smoke and fire just pouring out of their smokestacks. That old captain on the Eclipse starts putting bacon in the boiler, and the grease just comes out blazing, beating the Natchez by a long shot."
"I stays with Miss Olivia till '63 when Mr. Will set us all free. I was 'bout 17 year old then or more. I say I goin' find my mamma. Mr. Will fixes me up two papers, one 'bout a yard long and the other some smaller, but both has big, gold seals what he says is the seal of the State of Missouri. He gives me money and buys my fare ticket to Texas and tells me they is still[Pg 29] slave times down here and to put the papers in my bosom but to do whatever the white folks tells me, even if they wants to sell me. But he say, 'Fore you gets off the block, jes' pull out the papers, but jes' hold 'em up to let folks see and don't let 'em out of your hands, and when they sees them they has to let you alone.'
"I stayed with Miss Olivia until '63 when Mr. Will set us all free. I was about 17 years old then or more. I said I was going to find my mom. Mr. Will arranged for me to have two papers, one about a yard long and the other a bit smaller, but both had big, gold seals that he said were the seal of the State of Missouri. He gave me money and bought my ticket to Texas and told me there were still slave times down here and to keep the papers close to my chest but to do whatever the white folks told me, even if they wanted to sell me. But he said, 'Before you get off the block, just pull out the papers, but just hold them up so people can see and don’t let them out of your hands, and when they see them, they have to leave you alone.'
"Miss Olivia cry and carry on and say be careful of myself 'cause it sho' rough in Texas. She give me a big basket what had so much to eat in it I couldn't hardly heft it and 'nother with clothes in it. They puts me in the back end a the boat where the big, old wheel what run the boat was and I goes to New Orleans, and the captain puts me on 'nother boat and I comes to Galveston, and that captain puts me on 'nother boat and I comes up this here Buffalo Bayou to Houston.
"Miss Olivia cried and went on about how I should take care of myself because it's really rough in Texas. She gave me a big basket that had so much food in it I could barely lift it, and another one with clothes in it. They put me at the back of the boat by the big old wheel that ran the boat, and I went to New Orleans, where the captain put me on another boat and I made it to Galveston. Then that captain put me on yet another boat, and I came up this Buffalo Bayou to Houston."
"I looks 'round Houston, but not long. It sho' was a dumpy little place then and I gets the stagecoach to Austin. It takes us two days to get there and I thinks my back busted sho' 'nough, it was sich rough ridin'. Then I has trouble sho'. A man asks me where I goin' and says to come 'long and he takes me to a Mr. Charley Crosby. They takes me to the block what they sells slaves on. I gets right up like they tells me, 'cause I 'lects what Mr. Will done told me to do, and they starts biddin' on me. And when they cried off and this Mr. Crosby comes up to get me, I jes' pulled out my papers and helt 'em up high and when he sees 'em, he say, 'Let me see them.' But I says, 'You jes' look at it up here,' and he squints up and say, 'This gal am free and has papers,' and tells me he a legislature man and takes me and lets me stay with his slaves. He is a good man.
I look around Houston, but not for long. It really was a rundown little place back then, so I catch the stagecoach to Austin. It takes us two days to get there, and I think my back is going to break; it was such rough riding. Then, I run into trouble. A man asks me where I'm going and tells me to come along, taking me to a Mr. Charley Crosby. They bring me to the block where they sell slaves. I stand up like they tell me to because I remember what Mr. Will advised me to do, and they start bidding on me. When the bidding is over and this Mr. Crosby comes to get me, I just pull out my papers and hold them up high. When he sees them, he says, 'Let me see those.' But I say, 'You just look at it here,' and he squints up and says, 'This girl is free and has papers,' then tells me he’s a legislator and takes me to stay with his slaves. He is a good man.
"He tells me there's a slave refugee camp in Wharton County but I didn't have no money left, but he pays me some for workin' and when the war's over I starts to hunt mamma 'gain, and finds her in Wharton County near where Wharton is. Law me, talk 'bout cryin' and singin' and cryin' some more, we sure done it. I stays with mamma till I gets married in 1871 to John Armstrong,[Pg 30] and then we all comes to Houston.
"He tells me there’s a refugee camp for escaped slaves in Wharton County, but I didn’t have any money left. Luckily, he pays me for working, and after the war ends, I start looking for my mom again and find her in Wharton County, pretty close to where Wharton is. Oh man, we cried and sang and cried some more, we really did. I stay with my mom until I get married in 1871 to John Armstrong,[Pg 30] and then we all go to Houston."
"I gets me a job nussin' for Dr. Rellaford and was all through the yellow fever epidemic. I 'lects in '75 people die jes' like sheep with the rots. I's seen folks with the fever jump from their bed with death on 'em and grab other folks. The doctor saved lots of folks, white and black, 'cause he sweat it out of 'em. He mixed up hot water and vinegar and mustard and some else in it.
"I got a job nursing for Dr. Rellaford and was there throughout the yellow fever epidemic. I remember in '75 people were dying like sheep from the disease. I saw people with the fever jump out of their beds, death just clinging to them, and grab onto others. The doctor saved a lot of people, both white and black, because he sweated it out of them. He mixed hot water with vinegar, mustard, and some other stuff."
"But, law me, so much is gone out of my mind, 'cause I's 91 year old now and my mind jes' like my legs, jes' kinda hobble 'round a bit.[Pg 31]
"But, honestly, so much has slipped my mind because I'm 91 years old now, and my mind is just like my legs—just kind of hobbling around a bit.[Pg 31]

Sterlin Arnwine
STEARLIN ARNWINE, 94, was born a slave to Albertus Arnwine, near Jacksonville, Texas, who died when Stearlin was seven or eight. He was bought by John Moseley, of Rusk, Texas, who made Stearlin a houseboy, and was very kind to him. He now lives about six miles west of Jacksonville.
STEARLIN ARNWINE, 94, was born a slave to Albertus Arnwine, near Jacksonville, Texas, who passed away when Stearlin was seven or eight. He was then purchased by John Moseley, of Rusk, Texas, who made Stearlin a houseboy and treated him very kindly. He now lives about six miles west of Jacksonville.
"I was bo'n 'fore de war, in 1853, right near this here town, on Gum Creek. My mammy belonged to Massa Albertus Arnwine, and he wasn' ever married. He owned four women, my mammy, Ann, my grandmother, Gracie, and my Aunt Winnie and Aunt Mary. He didn' own any nigger men, 'cept the chillen of these women. Grandma lived in de house with Massa Arnwine and the rest of us lived in cabins in de ya'd. My mammy come from Memphis but I don' know whar my pappy come from. He was Ike Lane. I has three half brothers, and their names is Joe and Will and John Schot, and two sisters called Polly and Rosie.
"I was born before the war, in 1853, right near this town, on Gum Creek. My mom belonged to Massa Albertus Arnwine, and he was never married. He owned four women: my mom, Ann, my grandmother, Gracie, and my Aunt Winnie and Aunt Mary. He didn’t own any black men, except for the children of these women. Grandma lived in the house with Massa Arnwine, and the rest of us lived in cabins in the yard. My mom came from Memphis, but I don’t know where my dad came from. He was Ike Lane. I have three half-brothers, and their names are Joe, Will, and John Schot, and two sisters named Polly and Rosie."
"Massa Arnwine died 'fore de war and he made a will and it gave all he owned to the women he owned, and Jedge Jowell promised massa on his deathbed he would take us to de free country, but he didn'. He took us to his place to work for him for 'bout two years and the women never did get that 900 acres of land Massa Arnwine willed to'em. I don' know who got it, but they didn'. I knows I still has a share in that land, but it takes money to git it in cou't.
"Massa Arnwine died before the war and he made a will that gave everything he owned to the women he owned. Jedge Jowell promised Massa on his deathbed that he would take us to the free country, but he didn't. He took us to his place to work for him for about two years, and the women never received the 900 acres of land Massa Arnwine willed to them. I don’t know who got it, but they didn’t. I know I still have a share in that land, but it costs money to get it in court."
"When war broke I fell into the han's of Massa John Moseley at Rusk. They brought the dogs to roun' us up from the fiel's whar we was workin'. I was the only one of my fam'ly to go to Massa John.[Pg 32]
"When the war started, I fell into the hands of Massa John Moseley at Rusk. They brought the dogs to round us up from the fields where we were working. I was the only one in my family to go to Massa John.[Pg 32]
"I never did wo'k in the fiel's at Massa John's place. He said I mus' be his houseboy and houseboy I was. Massa was sho' good to me and I did love to be with him and follow him 'roun'.
"I never worked in the fields at Massa John's place. He said I had to be his houseboy, and houseboy I was. Massa was really good to me, and I loved being with him and following him around."
"The kitchen was out in de ya'd and I had to carry the victuals to the big dinin'-room. When dinner was over, Massa John tuk a nap and I had to fan him, and Lawsy me, I'd git so sleepy. I kin hear him now, for he'd wake up and say, 'Go get me a drink outta the northeast corner of de well.'
"The kitchen was out in the yard and I had to bring the food to the big dining room. After dinner, Mr. John took a nap and I had to fan him, and oh my, I would get so sleepy. I can hear him now, as he would wake up and say, 'Go get me a drink from the northeast corner of the well.'”
"We had straw and grass beds, we put it in sacks on de groun' and slep' on de sacks. I don' 'member how much land Massa John had but it was a big place and he had lots of slaves. We chillun had supper early in de evenin' and mostly cornbread and hawg meat and milk. We all ate from a big pot. I larned to spin and weave and knit and made lots of socks.
"We had beds made of straw and grass, which we stuffed into sacks on the ground and slept on. I don’t remember how much land Mr. John owned, but it was a large place and he had many slaves. We kids had supper early in the evening, usually cornbread, pork, and milk. We all shared from a big pot. I learned to spin, weave, and knit, and I made a lot of socks."
"Massa John had two step-daughters, Miss Mollie and Miss Laura, and they wen' to school at Rusk. It was my job to take 'em thar ev'ry Monday mornin' on horses and go back after 'em Friday afternoon.
"Massa John had two step-daughters, Miss Mollie and Miss Laura, and they went to school at Rusk. It was my job to take them there every Monday morning on horses and come back for them Friday afternoon."
"I never earnt no money 'fore freedom come, but once my brother-in-law give me five dollars. I was so proud of it I showed it to de ladies and one of 'em said, 'You don' need dat,' and she give me two sticks of candy and tuk de money. But I didn' know any better then.
"I never earned any money before freedom came, but once my brother-in-law gave me five dollars. I was so proud of it that I showed it to the ladies, and one of them said, 'You don't need that,' and she gave me two sticks of candy and took the money. But I didn't know any better back then."
"I seed slaves for sale on de auction block. They sol' 'em 'cordin' to strengt' and muscles. They was stripped to de wais'. I seed the women and little chillun cryin' and beggin' not to be separated, but it didn' do no good. They had to go.[Pg 33]
"I saw slaves for sale on the auction block. They sold them according to strength and muscle. They were stripped to the waist. I saw the women and little children crying and begging not to be separated, but it didn’t help. They had to go.[Pg 33]
"The only chu'ch I knowed 'bout was when we'd git together in de night and have prayer meetin' and singin.' We use' to go way out in de woods so de white folks wouldn' hear nothin'. Sometimes we'd stay nearly all night on Saturday, 'cause we didn' have to work Sunday.
"The only church I knew about was when we’d get together at night for prayer meetings and singing. We used to go way out into the woods so the white folks wouldn’t hear anything. Sometimes we'd stay almost all night on Saturday since we didn’t have to work on Sunday."
"'Bout the only thing we could play was stick hosses. I made miles and miles on the stick hosses. After the War Massa John have his chillun a big roll of Confederate money and they give us some of it to trade and buy stick hosses with.
"'Bout the only thing we could play with was stick horses. I made miles and miles on the stick horses. After the War, Massa John gave his kids a big roll of Confederate money, and they gave us some of it to trade and buy stick horses with.
"When Massa John tol' us we was free, he didn' seem to min', but Miss Em, she bawled and squalled, say her prop'ty taken 'way from her. After dat, my mammy gathers us togedder and tuk us to the Dr. Middleton place, out from Jacksonville. From thar to de Ragsdale place whar I's been ever since.
"When Massa John told us we were free, he didn't seem to care, but Miss Em cried and complained, saying her property was taken away from her. After that, my mom gathered us together and took us to the Dr. Middleton place, outside of Jacksonville. From there to the Ragsdale place where I've been ever since."
"I wore my first pants when I was fourteen years ole, and they stung 'till I was mis'ble. The cloth was store bought but mammy made the pants at home. It was what we called dog-hair cloth. Mammy made my first shoes, we called 'em 'red rippers'.[Pg 34]
"I wore my first pair of pants when I was fourteen, and they felt so uncomfortable that I was miserable. The fabric was store-bought, but my mom made the pants at home. We called it dog-hair fabric. Mom also made my first shoes; we called them 'red rippers'.[Pg 34]

Sarah Ashley
SARAH ASHLEY, 93, was born in Mississippi. She recalls her experiences when sold on the block in New Orleans, and on a cotton plantation in Texas. She now lives at Goodrich, Texas.
SARAH ASHLEY, 93, was born in Mississippi. She remembers her experiences when she was sold at auction in New Orleans and worked on a cotton plantation in Texas. She now lives in Goodrich, Texas.
"I ain't able to do nothin' no more. I's jus' plumb give out and I stays here by myself. My daughter, Georgia Grime, she used to live with me but she's been dead four year.
"I can't do anything anymore. I'm just completely worn out, and I stay here all by myself. My daughter, Georgia Grime, used to live with me, but she passed away four years ago."
"I was born in Miss'ippi and Massa Henry Thomas buy us and bring us here. He a spec'lator and buys up lots of niggers and sells 'em. Us family was sep'rated. My two sisters and my papa was sold to a man in Georgia. Den dey put me on a block and bid me off. Dat in New Orleans and I scairt and cry, but dey put me up dere anyway. First dey takes me to Georgia and dey didn't sell me for a long spell. Massa Thomas he travel round and buy and sell niggers. Us stay in de spec'lators drove de long time.
"I was born in Mississippi and Mr. Henry Thomas bought us and brought us here. He's a speculator and buys up a lot of Black people and sells them. Our family was separated. My two sisters and my dad were sold to a man in Georgia. Then they put me on the auction block and sold me. That was in New Orleans, and I was scared and crying, but they put me up there anyway. First, they took me to Georgia, and they didn't sell me for a long time. Mr. Thomas traveled around to buy and sell Black people. We stayed in the speculator's lot for quite a while."
"After 'while Massa Mose Davis come from Cold Spring, in Texas, and buys us. He was buyin' up little chillen for he chillen. Dat 'bout four year befo' da first war. I was 19 year old when de burst of freedom come in June and I git turn loose.
"After a while, Massa Mose Davis came from Cold Spring, Texas, and bought us. He was buying up little kids for his kids. That was about four years before the first war. I was 19 years old when the burst of freedom came in June, and I got set free."
"I was workin' in de field den. Jus' befo' dat de old Massa he go off and buy more niggers. He go east. He on a boat what git stove up and he die and never come back no more. Us never see him no more.[Pg 35]
"I was working in the field then. Just before that, the old Master went off and bought more slaves. He went east. He was on a boat that got wrecked, and he died and never came back. We never saw him again.[Pg 35]
"I used to have to pick cotton and sometime I pick 300 pound and tote it a mile to de cotton house. Some pick 300 to 800 pound cotton and have to tote de bag de whole mile to de gin. Iffen dey didn't do dey work dey git whip till dey have blister on 'em. Den iffen dey didn't do it, de man on a hoss goes down de rows and whip with a paddle make with holes in it and bus' de blisters. I never git whip, 'cause I allus git my 300 pound. Us have to go early to do dat, when de horn goes early, befo' daylight. Us have to take de victuals in de bucket to de field.
"I used to pick cotton, sometimes carrying 300 pounds and walking a mile to the cotton house. Some people would pick between 300 and 800 pounds and have to carry their bags the whole mile to the gin. If they didn’t do their work, they’d get whipped until they had blisters. And if they still didn’t keep up, the man on a horse would ride down the rows and whip them with a paddle that had holes in it, bursting the blisters. I never got whipped because I always picked my 300 pounds. We had to get up early to do that, when the horn sounded early in the morning, before daylight. We had to take our food in a bucket to the field."
"Massa have de log house and us live in little houses, strowed in long rows. Dere wasn't no meetin's 'lowed in de quarters and iffen dey have prayer meetin' de boss man whip dem. Sometime us run off at night and go to camp meetin'. I takes de white chillen to church sometime, but dey couldn't larn me to sing no songs 'cause I didn' have no spirit.
"Mister has the log house and we live in small houses, lined up in long rows. There weren’t any meetings allowed in the quarters, and if they had a prayer meeting, the boss would whip them. Sometimes we would sneak off at night and go to camp meetings. I take the white kids to church sometimes, but they couldn't teach me to sing any songs because I didn’t have the spirit."
"Us never got 'nough to eat, so us keeps stealin' stuff. Us has to. Dey give us de peck of meal to last de week and two, three pound bacon in chunk. Us never have flour or sugar, jus' cornmeal and de meat and 'taters. De niggers has de big box under de fireplace, where dey kep' all de pig and chickens what dey steal, down in salt.
"We never get enough to eat, so we keep stealing stuff. We have to. They give us a peck of meal to last the week and two or three pounds of bacon in a chunk. We never have flour or sugar, just cornmeal and meat and potatoes. The Black people have a big box under the fireplace, where they keep all the pigs and chickens they steal, stored in salt."
"I seed a man run away and de white men got de dogs and dey kotch him and put him in de front room and he jump through de big window and break de glass all up. Dey sho' whips him when dey kotches him.
"I saw a man run away and the white men got the dogs and they caught him and put him in the front room and he jumped through the big window and broke all the glass. They definitely whip him when they catch him."
"De way dey whip de niggers was to strip 'em off naked and whip 'em till dey make blisters and bus' de blisters. Den dey take de salt[Pg 36] and red pepper and put in de wounds. After dey wash and grease dem and put somethin' on dem, to keep dem from bleed to death.
"To punish the Black people, they would strip them naked and whip them until their skin blistered and the blisters burst. Then, they would take salt[Pg 36] and red pepper and put it into the wounds. After that, they would wash and apply ointment to keep them from bleeding to death."
"When de boss man told us freedom was come he didn't like it, but he give all us de bale of cotton and some corn. He ask us to stay and he'p with de crop but we'uns so glad to git 'way dat nobody stays. I got 'bout fifty dollars for de cotton and den I lends it to a nigger what never pays me back yit. Den I got no place to go, so I cooks for a white man name' Dick Cole. He sposen give me $5.00 de month but he never paid me no money. He'd give me eats and clothes, 'cause he has de little store.
"When the boss man told us freedom had come, he wasn't happy about it, but he gave all of us a bale of cotton and some corn. He asked us to stay and help with the crops, but we were so glad to get away that nobody stayed. I got about fifty dollars for the cotton, and then I lent it to a black guy who hasn't paid me back yet. Then I had no place to go, so I cooked for a white man named Dick Cole. He was supposed to pay me $5.00 a month, but he never gave me any money. He would give me food and clothes because he had a little store."
"Now, I's all alone and thinks of dem old times what was so bad, and I's ready for de Lawd to call me."[Pg 37]
"Now, I'm all alone and thinking about those old times that were so tough, and I'm ready for the Lord to call me."[Pg 37]
AGATHA BABINO, born a slave of Ogis Guidry, near Carenco, Louisiana, now lives in a cottage on the property of the Blessed Sacrament Church, in Beaumont, Texas. She says she is at least eighty-seven and probably much older.
AGATHA BABINO, who was born a slave of Ogis Guidry near Carenco, Louisiana, now lives in a cottage on the property of the Blessed Sacrament Church in Beaumont, Texas. She claims to be at least eighty-seven and likely much older.
"Old Marse was Ogis Guidry. Old Miss was Laurentine. Dey had four chillen, Placid, Alphonse and Mary and Alexandrine, and live in a big, one-story house with a gallery and brick pillars. Dey had a big place. I 'spect a mile 'cross it, and fifty slaves.
"Old Marse was Ogis Guidry. Old Miss was Laurentine. They had four children: Placid, Alphonse, Mary, and Alexandrine, and lived in a large, single-story house with a porch and brick columns. They owned a big estate, probably about a mile across it, and had fifty slaves."
"My mama name was Clarice Richard. She come from South Carolina. Papa was Dick Richard. He come from North Carolina. He was slave of old Placid Guilbeau. He live near Old Marse. My brothers was Joe and Nicholas and Oui and Albert and Maurice, and sisters was Maud and Celestine and Pauline.
"My mom's name was Clarice Richard. She came from South Carolina. Dad was Dick Richard. He came from North Carolina. He was a slave of old Placid Guilbeau. He lived near Old Marse. My brothers were Joe, Nicholas, Oui, Albert, and Maurice, and my sisters were Maud, Celestine, and Pauline."
"Us slaves lived in shabby houses. Dey builded of logs and have dirt floor. We have a four foot bench. We pull it to a table and set on it. De bed a platform with planks and moss.
"Us slaves lived in run-down houses. They were made of logs and had dirt floors. We had a four-foot bench that we pulled to the table and sat on. The bed was a platform made of planks and moss."
"We had Sunday off. Christmas was off, too. Dey give us chicken and flour den. But most holidays de white folks has company. Dat mean more work for us.
"We had Sunday off. Christmas was off, too. They gave us chicken and flour then. But on most holidays, the white folks have company. That means more work for us."
"Old Marse bad. He beat us till we bleed. He rub salt and pepper in. One time I sweep de yard. Young miss come home from college. She slap my face. She want to beat me. Mama say to beat her, so dey did. She took de beatin' for me.
"Old Marse was cruel. He beat us until we bled. He rubbed salt and pepper in the wounds. One time I was sweeping the yard. The young miss came home from college. She slapped my face. She wanted to hit me. Mama told me to hit her back, so I did. She took the beating for me."
"My aunt run off 'cause dey beat her so much. Dey brung her back and beat her some more.[Pg 38]
"My aunt ran away because they beat her so much. They brought her back and beat her some more.[Pg 38]
"We have dance outdoors sometime. Somebody play fiddle and banjo. We dance de reel and quadrille and buck dance. De men dance dat. If we go to dance on 'nother plantation we have to have pass. De patterrollers come and make us show de slip. If dey ain't no slip, we git beat.
"We have dance outside sometimes. Someone plays the fiddle and banjo. We dance the reel, quadrille, and buck dance. The men do that. If we want to dance on another plantation, we need to have a pass. The patrollers come and make us show the slip. If there’s no slip, we get beat."
"I see plenty sojers. Dey fight at Pines and we hear ball go 'zing—zing.' Young marse have blue coat. He put it on and climb a tree to see. De sojers come and think he a Yankee. Dey take his gun. Dey turn him loose when dey find out he ain't no Yankee.
"I see a lot of soldiers. They fight at the Pines and we hear bullets go 'zing—zing.' The young master has a blue coat. He puts it on and climbs a tree to get a better view. The soldiers come and think he’s a Yankee. They take his gun. They let him go when they realize he’s not a Yankee."
"When de real Yankees come dey take corn and gooses and hosses. Dey don't ask for nothin'. Dey take what dey wants.
"When the real Yankees come, they take corn and geese and horses. They don't ask for anything. They take what they want."
"Some masters have chillen by slaves. Some sold dere own chillen. Some sot dem free.
"Some masters had children with their slaves. Some sold their own children. Some set them free."
"When freedom come we have to sign up to work for money for a year. We couldn't go work for nobody else. After de year some stays, but not long.
"When freedom comes, we have to sign up to work for money for a year. We couldn't work for anyone else. After the year, some stay, but not for long."
"De Ku Klux kill niggers. Dey come to take my uncle. He open de door. Dey don't take him but tell him to vote Democrat next day or dey will. Dey kilt some niggers what wouldn't vote Democrat.
"De Ku Klux kills Black people. They came to take my uncle. He opened the door. They didn't take him but told him to vote Democrat the next day or they would. They killed some Black people who wouldn't vote Democrat."
"Dey kill my old uncle Davis. He won't vote Democrat. Dey shoot him. Den dey stand him up and let him fall down. Dey tie him by de feet. Dey drag him through de bresh. Dey dare his wife to cry.
"Dey kill my old uncle Davis. He won't vote Democrat. Dey shoot him. Then dey stand him up and let him fall down. Dey tie him by de feet. Dey drag him through de brush. Dey dare his wife to cry."
"When I thirty I marry Tesisfor Babino. Pere Abadie marry us at Grand Coteau. We have dinner with wine. Den come big dance. We have twelve chillen. We works in de field in Opelousas. We come here twenty-five year ago. He die in 1917. Dey let's me live here. It nice to be near de church. I can go to prayers when I wants to.[Pg 39]
"When I turned thirty, I married Tesisfor Babino. Pere Abadie married us at Grand Coteau. We had dinner with wine. Then came a big dance. We have twelve children. We worked in the fields in Opelousas. We came here twenty-five years ago. He died in 1917. They let me live here. It's nice to be near the church. I can go to prayers whenever I want to.[Pg 39]
MRS. JOHN BARCLAY (nee Sarah Sanders) Brownwood, Texas was born in Komo, Mississippi, September 1, 1853. She was born a slave at the North Slades' place. Mr. and Mrs. North Slade were the only owners she ever had. She served as nurse-maid for her marster's children and did general housework. She, with her mother and father and family stayed with the Slades until the end of the year after the Civil War. They then moved to themselves, hiring out to "White Folks."
MRS. JOHN BARCLAY (née Sarah Sanders) Brownwood, Texas was born in Komo, Mississippi, on September 1, 1853. She was born a slave at the North Slades' place. Mr. and Mrs. North Slade were the only owners she ever had. She worked as a nanny for her master's children and did general housework. She, along with her mother, father, and family, stayed with the Slades until the end of the year after the Civil War. They then moved out on their own, taking jobs with "White Folks."
"My marster and mistress was good to all de slaves dat worked for dem. But our over-seer, Jimmy Shearer, was sho' mean. One day he done git mad at me for some little somethin' and when I take de ashes to de garden he catches me and churns me up and down on de groun'. One day he got mad[Pg 40] at my brother and kicked him end over end, jes' like a stick of wood. He would whip us 'til we was raw and then put pepper and salt in de sores. If he thought we was too slow in doin' anything he would kick us off de groun' and churn us up and down. Our punishment depended on de mood of de over-seer. I never did see no slaves sold. When we was sick dey give us medicine out of drug stores. De over-seer would git some coarse cotton cloth to make our work clothes out of and den he would make dem so narrow we couldn' hardly' walk.
"My master and mistress were good to all the slaves that worked for them. But our overseer, Jimmy Shearer, was really mean. One day he got mad at me for something minor, and when I took the ashes to the garden, he caught me and slammed me up and down on the ground. One day he got angry at my brother and kicked him end over end, just like a stick of wood. He would whip us until we were raw and then put pepper and salt in the sores. If he thought we were too slow doing anything, he would kick us off the ground and slam us up and down. Our punishment depended on the overseer's mood. I never saw any slaves sold. When we were sick, they gave us medicine from drugstores. The overseer would get some coarse cotton cloth to make our work clothes and then make them so narrow we could hardly walk."
"There was 1800 acres in Marster Slade's plantation, we got up at 5:00 o'clock in de mornin' and de field workers would quit after sun-down. We didn' have no jails for slaves. We went to church with de white folks and there was a place in de back of de church for us to sit.
"There were 1800 acres in Marster Slade's plantation. We got up at 5:00 in the morning, and the field workers would finish after sunset. We didn’t have any jails for slaves. We went to church with the white folks, and there was a spot in the back of the church for us to sit."
"I was jes' a child den and us chilluns would gather in de back yard and sing songs and play games and dance jigs. Song I 'member most is 'The Day is Past and Gone.'
"I was just a kid then, and us kids would hang out in the backyard and sing songs, play games, and dance jigs. The song I remember the most is 'The Day is Past and Gone.'"
"One time marster found out the over-seer was so mean to me, so he discharged him and released me from duty for awhile.
"One time, the master found out that the overseer was treating me really badly, so he fired him and took me off duty for a while."
"We never did wear shoes through de week but on Sunday we would dress up in our white cotton dresses and put on shoes.
"We never wore shoes during the week, but on Sunday we would dress up in our white cotton dresses and put on shoes."
"We wasn't taught to read or write. Our owner didn't think anything about it. We had to work if there was work to be done. When we got caught up den we could have time off. If any of us got sick our mistress would 'tend to us herself. If she thought we was sick enough she would call de white doctor.
"We weren't taught to read or write. Our owner didn't care about it. We had to work whenever there was work to do. When we finished, then we could have some time off. If any of us got sick, our mistress would take care of us herself. If she thought we were sick enough, she would call the white doctor."
"When de marster done told us we was free we jumped up and[Pg 41] down and slapped our hands and shouted 'Glory to God!' Lord, child dat was one happy bunch of niggers. Awhile after dat some of de slaves told marster dey wanted to stay on with him like dey had been but he told 'em no dey couldn't, 'cause dey was free. He said he could use some of 'em but dey would have to buy what dey got and he would have to pay 'em like men.
"When the master told us we were free, we jumped up and[Pg 41] down, clapped our hands, and shouted 'Glory to God!' Man, that was one happy group of people. A little while later, some of the former slaves told the master they wanted to stay on with him like they had before, but he told them no, they couldn’t, because they were free. He said he could use some of them, but they would have to buy what they had, and he would have to pay them like men."
"When I was 'bout 18 years old I married John Barclay. I's had ten chillun and four gran'-chillun and now I lives by myself."[Pg 42]
"When I was about 18 years old, I married John Barclay. I’ve had ten kids and four grandkids, and now I live by myself."[Pg 42]
JOHN BARKER, age 84, Houston.
JOHN BARKER, 84, Houston.
5 photographs marked Green Cumby have been assigned to this manuscript—the 'Green Cumby' photos are attached to the proper manuscript and the five referred to above are probably pictures of John Barker.
5 photographs labeled Green Cumbie have been attached to this manuscript—the 'Green Cumby' photos are connected to the correct manuscript, and the five mentioned above are likely pictures of John Barker.
JOHN BARKER, age 84, was born near Cincinnati, Ohio, the property of the Barker family, who moved to Missouri and later to Texas. He and his wife live in a neat cottage in Houston, Texas.
JOHN BARKER, age 84, was born near Cincinnati, Ohio, to the Barker family, who later moved to Missouri and then to Texas. He and his wife live in a tidy cottage in Houston, Texas.
"I was born a slave. I'm a Malagasser (Madagascar) nigger. I 'member all 'bout dem times, even up in Ohio, though de Barkers brought me to Texas later on. My mother and father was call Goodman, but dey died when I was little and Missy Barker raised me on de plantation down near Houston. Dey was plenty of work and plenty of room.
"I was born a slave. I'm a Malagasy (from Madagascar) Black. I remember all about those times, even in Ohio, though the Barkers brought me to Texas later on. My mother and father were called Goodman, but they died when I was young and Missy Barker raised me on the plantation near Houston. There was a lot of work and a lot of space."
"I 'member my grandma and grandpa. In dem days de horned toads runs over de world and my grandpa would gather 'em and lay 'em in de fireplace till dey dried and roll 'em with bottles till dey like ashes and den rub it on de shoe bottoms. You see, when dey wants to run away, dat stuff don't stick all on de shoes, it stick to de track. Den dey carries some of dat powder and throws it as far as dey could jump and den jump over it, and do dat again till dey use all de powder. Dat throwed de common hounds off de trail altogether. But dey have de bloodhounds, hell hounds, we calls 'em, and dey could pick up dat trail. Dey run my grandpa over 100 mile and three or four days and nights and found him under a bridge. What dey put on him was enough! I seen 'em whip runaway niggers till de blood run down dere backs and den put salt in de places.
I remember my grandma and grandpa. Back then, horned toads ran all over the place, and my grandpa would catch them and lay them in the fireplace until they dried out. Then he’d roll them with bottles until they were like ash and rub it on the bottoms of his shoes. You see, when he wanted to escape, that stuff wouldn’t stick to the shoes; it would stick to the ground. Then he’d take some of that powder and throw it as far as he could jump, and then jump over it, repeating this until he used all the powder. That messed up the regular hounds' trail completely. But they had bloodhounds, which we called hell hounds, and they could pick up the trail. They chased my grandpa for over 100 miles for three or four days and nights and found him under a bridge. What they did to him was brutal! I saw them whip runaway slaves until the blood ran down their backs and then put salt in the wounds.
"I 'spect dere was 'bout 40 or 50 acres in de plantation. Dey worked and worked and didn't have no dances or church. Dances nothin![Pg 44]
"I suspect there were about 40 or 50 acres in the plantation. They worked and worked and didn't have any dances or church. No dances at all![Pg 44]
"My massa and missus house was nice, but it was a log house. They had big fireplaces what took great big chunks of wood and kep' fire all night. We lives in de back in a little bitty house like a chicken house. We makes beds out of posts and slats across 'em and fills tow sacks with shucks in 'em for mattress and pillows.
"My master and mistress's house was nice, but it was a log cabin. They had big fireplaces that took huge chunks of wood and kept the fire going all night. We lived in the back in a tiny house like a chicken coop. We made beds out of posts with slats across them and filled tow sacks with corn husks for mattresses and pillows."
"I seed slaves sold and they was yoked like steers and sold by pairs sometimes. Dey wasn't 'lowed to marry, 'cause they could be sold and it wasn't no use, but you could live with 'em.
"I saw slaves being sold, and they were yoked together like cattle and sometimes sold in pairs. They weren't allowed to marry because they could be sold at any time, and it wouldn't make sense, but they could live together."
"We used to eat possums and dese old-fashioned coons and ducks. Sometimes we'd eat goats, too. We has plenty cornmeal and 'lasses and we gets milk sometimes, but we has no fine food, 'cept on Christmas, we gits some cake, maybe.
"We used to eat possums and those old-fashioned raccoons and ducks. Sometimes we’d eat goats, too. We had plenty of cornmeal and molasses, and we sometimes got milk, but we didn’t have fancy food, except on Christmas when we might get some cake."
"My grandma says one day dat we all is free, but we stayed with Massa Barker quite a while. Dey pays us for workin' but it ain't much pay, 'cause de war done took dere money and all. But they was good to us, so we stayed.
"My grandma says one day we'll all be free, but we stayed with Massa Barker for quite a while. They pay us for working, but it's not much since the war took their money and all. But they were good to us, so we stayed."
"I was 'bout 20 when I marries de fust time. It was a big blow-out and I was scared de whole time. First time I ever tackled marryin'. Dey had a big paper sack of rice and throwed it all over her and I, enough rice to last three or four days, throwed away jus' for nothin'. I had on a black, alpaca suit with frock tail coat and, if I ain't mistaken, a right white shirt. My wife have a great train on her dress and one dem things you call a wreath. I wore de loudest shoes we could find, what you call patent leather.
I was about 20 when I got married for the first time. It was a huge event, and I was nervous the entire time. It was my first experience with marriage. They had a big paper sack of rice and threw it all over us—enough rice to last three or four days, wasted just for show. I wore a black alpaca suit with a tailcoat, and if I'm not mistaken, a crisp white shirt. My wife had a long train on her dress and one of those things you call a wreath. I wore the loudest shoes we could find, what you call patent leather.
"Dis here my third wife. We marries in Eagle Pass and comes up to de Seminole Reservation and works for de army till we goes to work for[Pg 45] de Pattersons, and we been here 23 years now.
"Here's my third wife. We got married in Eagle Pass and moved to the Seminole Reservation, where we worked for the army until we started working for[Pg 45] the Pattersons, and we've been here for 23 years now."
"Ghosties? I was takin' care of a white man when he died and I seed something 'bout three feet high and black. I reckon I must have fainted 'cause they has de doctor for me. And on dark nights I seed ghosties what has no head. Dey looks like dey wild and dey is all in different performance. When I goin' down de road and feel a hot steam and look over my shoulder I can see 'em plain as you standin' dere. I seed 'em when my wife was with me, but she can't see 'em, 'cause some people ain't gifted to see 'em.[Pg 46]
"Ghosts? I was taking care of a white man when he died and I saw something about three feet tall and black. I guess I must have fainted because they called the doctor for me. And on dark nights, I see headless ghosts. They look wild and they're all acting differently. When I'm walking down the road and feel a hot breeze and look over my shoulder, I can see them just as clearly as you're standing there. I saw them when my wife was with me, but she can't see them because some people aren't able to see them.[Pg 46]
JOE BARNES, 89, was born in Tyler Co., Texas, on Jim Sapp's plantation. He is very feeble, but keeps his great grandchildren in line while their mother works. They live in Beaumont. Joe is tall, slight, and has gray hair and a stubby gray mustache. In his kind, gentle voice he relates his experiences in slavery days.
JOE BARNES, 89, was born in Tyler County, Texas, on Jim Sapp's plantation. He is very frail but keeps his great-grandchildren in check while their mother works. They live in Beaumont. Joe is tall, thin, has gray hair, and a short gray mustache. In his kind, gentle voice, he shares his experiences from the days of slavery.
"Dey calls me Paul Barnes, but my name ain't Paul, it am Joe. My massa was Jim Sapp, up here in Tyler County, and missus' name was Ann. De Sapp place was big and dey raise' a sight of cotton and corn. Old massa Jim he have 'bout 25 or 30 slaves.
"Dey calls me Paul Barnes, but my name ain't Paul, it’s Joe. My master was Jim Sapp, here in Tyler County, and my mistress's name was Ann. The Sapp place was big, and they grew a lot of cotton and corn. Old master Jim had about 25 or 30 slaves."
"My mammy's name was Artimisi, but dey call her Emily, and pa's name Jerry Wooten, 'cause he live on de Wooten place. My steppa named Barnes and I taken dat name. My parents, dey have de broomstick weddin'.
"My mom's name was Artimisi, but they called her Emily, and my dad's name was Jerry Wooten because he lived on the Wooten place. My stepdad's name is Barnes, and I took that name. My parents had a broomstick wedding."
"When I's a chile us play marbles and run rabbits and ride de stick hoss and de like. When I gits more bigger, us play ball, sort of like baseball. One time my brudder go git de hosses and dey lots of rain and de creek swoll up high. De water so fast it wash him off he hoss and I ain't seed him since. Dey never find de body. He's 'bout ten year old den.
"When I was a kid, we played marbles, chased rabbits, and rode stick horses and stuff like that. When I got a bit older, we played ball, kind of like baseball. One time my brother went to get the horses, and it rained a lot, causing the creek to swell up high. The water was so fast that it washed him off his horse, and I haven't seen him since. They never found the body. He was about ten years old then."
"Massa live in de big box house and de quarters am in a row in de back. Some of dem box and some of dem log. Dey have two rooms. Every day de big, old cowhorn blow for dinner and us have de little tin cup what us git potlicker in and meat and cornbread and salt bacon. Us gits greens, too. De chimneys 'bout four feet wide and dey cooks everything in de fireplace. Dey have pots and ovens and put fire below and 'bove 'em.[Pg 47]
"Massa lives in the big house, and the quarters are lined up in the back. Some of them are box houses, and some are log houses. They have two rooms each. Every day, the big old cowhorn blows for dinner, and we have a little tin cup that we use for potlikker, meat, cornbread, and salt bacon. We also get greens. The chimneys are about four feet wide, and they cook everything in the fireplace. They have pots and ovens and put fire below and above them.[Pg 47]
"I used to wear what I calls a one-button cutaway. It was jis' a shirt make out of homespun with pleats down front. Dey make dey own cloth dem time.
"I used to wear what I call a one-button cutaway. It was just a shirt made out of homespun with pleats down the front. They made their own cloth back then."
"Massa marry de folks in de broomstick style. Us don' have de party but sometime us sing and play games, like de round dance.
"Massa marries people in the broomstick style. We don’t have the party, but sometimes we sing and play games, like the round dance."
"Dey give de little ones bacon to suck and tie de string to de bacon and de other round dey wrists, so dey won't swallow or lose de bacon. For de little bits of ones dey rings de bell for dey mommers to come from de field and nuss 'em.
"Dey give the little ones bacon to suck and tie a string to the bacon and the other end around their wrists, so they won't swallow or lose the bacon. For the tiniest ones, they ring the bell for their moms to come from the field and nurse them."
"After freedom come us stay a year and den move to Beaumont and us work in de sawmill for Mr. Jim Long. De fust money I git I give to my mammy. Me and mammy and stepdaddy stays in Beaumont two years den moves to Tyler and plants de crop. But de next year us move back to Beaumont on de Langham place and mammy work for de Longs till she die.
"After we got our freedom, we stayed a year and then moved to Beaumont, where I worked in the sawmill for Mr. Jim Long. The first money I got, I gave to my mom. My mom, my stepdad, and I stayed in Beaumont for two years, then moved to Tyler and planted crops. But the following year, we moved back to Beaumont to the Langham place, and my mom worked for the Longs until she passed away."
"When I git marry I marry Dicey Allen and she die and I never marry no more. I worked in sawmillin' and on de log pond and allus gits by pretty good. I ain't done no work much de last ten year, I's too old.
"When I got married, I married Dicey Allen, and she died, and I never married again. I worked in the sawmill and on the log pond and always got by pretty well. I haven't done much work in the last ten years; I'm too old."
"I sort a looks after my grandchillen and I sho' loves dem. I sits 'round and hurts all de time. It am rheumatism in de feets, I reckon. I got six grandchillen and three great-grandchillen and dat one you hears cryin', dat de baby I's raisin' in dere.
"I take care of my grandchildren and I really love them. I sit around and hurt all the time. I think it's rheumatism in my feet. I have six grandchildren and three great-grandchildren, and that one you hear crying, that's the baby I'm raising in there."
"I's feared I didn't tell you so much 'bout things way back, but da truth am, I can't 'member like I used to.[Pg 48]
"I feared I didn't tell you much about things back then, but the truth is, I can't remember like I used to.[Pg 48]
ARMSTEAD BARRETT, born in 1847, was a slave of Stafford Barrett, who lived in Huntsville, Texas. He is the husband of Harriett Barrett. Armstead has a very poor memory and can tell little about early days. He and Harriet receive old age pensions.
ARMSTEAD BARRETT, born in 1847, was a slave of Stafford Barrett, who lived in Huntsville, Texas. He is the husband of Harriett Barrett. Armstead has a very poor memory and can tell little about his early days. He and Harriett receive old age pensions.
"I's really owned by Massa Stafford Barrett, but my mammy 'longed to Massa Ben Walker and was 'lowed to keep me with her. So after we'uns got free, I lives with my daddy and mammy and goes by de name of Barrett. Daddy's name was Henry Barrett and he's brung to Texas from Richmond, in Virginny, and mammy come from Kentucky. Us all lived in Huntsville. I waited on Miss Ann and mammy was cook.
I was really owned by Massa Stafford Barrett, but my mom belonged to Massa Ben Walker and was allowed to keep me with her. So after we got free, I lived with my dad and mom and went by the name of Barrett. My dad's name was Henry Barrett, and he was brought to Texas from Richmond, Virginia, and my mom came from Kentucky. We all lived in Huntsville. I waited on Miss Ann, and my mom was the cook.
"Old massa have doctor for us when us sick. We's too val'ble. Jus' like to de fat beef, massa am good to us. Massa go to other states and git men and women and chile slaves and bring dem back to sell, 'cause he spec'lator. He make dem wash up good and den sell dem.
"Old master has a doctor for us when we're sick. We're too valuable. Just like the fat beef, master is good to us. Master goes to other states and gets men, women, and child slaves and brings them back to sell because he's a speculator. He makes them wash up well and then sells them."
"Mos' time we'uns went naked. Jus' have on one shirt or no shirt a-tall.
Mos' time we went without clothes. Just had one shirt on or no shirt at all.
"I know when peace 'clared dey all shoutin'. One woman hollerin' and a white man with de high-steppin' hoss ride clost to her and I see him git out and open he knife and cut her wide 'cross de stomach. Den he put he hat inside he shirt and rid off like lightnin'. De woman put in wagon and I never heered no more 'bout her.
"I know when peace was declared, they were all shouting. One woman was screaming and a white man on a fancy horse rode close to her. I saw him get down, pull out a knife, and cut her across the stomach. Then he tucked his hat inside his shirt and rode off like lightning. They put the woman in a wagon, and I never heard anything more about her."
"I didn't git nothin' when us freed. Only some cast-off clothes. Long time after I rents de place on halves and farms most my life. Now I's too old to work and gits a pension to live on.[Pg 49]
"I didn't get anything when we were freed. Just some old clothes. A long time later, I rented a place and farmed for most of my life. Now I'm too old to work and get a pension to live on.[Pg 49]
"I seems to think us have more freedom when us slaves, 'cause we have no 'sponsibility for sickness den. We have to take care all dat now and de white man, he beats de nigger out what he makes. Back in de old days, de white men am hones'. All the nigger knowed was hard work. I think de cullud folks ought to be 'lowed more privileges in votin' now, 'cause dey have de same 'sponsibility as white men and day more and more educated and brighter and brighter.
"I think we had more freedom when we were slaves because we didn't have to worry about sickness then. We have to handle all that now, and the white man beats the life out of what he makes. Back in the old days, the white men were honest. All the black people knew was hard work. I believe that people of color should be allowed more privileges in voting now because they have the same responsibilities as white men and are becoming more and more educated and smarter."
"I think our young folks pretty sorry. They wont do right, but I 'lieve iffen dey could git fair wages dey'd do better. Dey git beat out of what dey does, anyway.
"I think our young people are pretty unfortunate. They won't do what's right, but I believe if they could get fair wages, they would do better. They get cheated out of what they earn, anyway."
"I 'member a owner had some slaves and de overseer had it in for two of dem. He'd whip dem near every day and dey does all could be did to please him. So one day he come to de field and calls one dem slaves and dat slave draps he hoe and goes over and grabs dat overseer. Den de other slave cut dat overseer's head right slap off and throwed it down one of de rows. De owner he fools 'round and sells dem two slaves for $800.00 each and dat all de punishment dem two slaves ever got.[Pg 50]
"I remember an owner had some slaves and the overseer had it in for two of them. He'd whip them almost every day, and they did everything they could to please him. So one day, he came to the field and called one of the slaves, and that slave dropped his hoe and went over and grabbed the overseer. Then the other slave cut the overseer's head clean off and threw it down one of the rows. The owner messed around and sold those two slaves for $800.00 each, and that was the only punishment those two slaves ever received.[Pg 50]
HARRIET BARRETT, 86, was born in Walker Co., Texas, in 1851, a slave of Steve Glass. She now lives in Palestine, Texas.
HARRIET BARRETT, 86, was born in Walker County, Texas, in 1851, as a slave of Steve Glass. She now lives in Palestine, Texas.
"Massa Steve Glass, he own my pappy and mammy and me, until the war freed us. Pappy's borned in Africy and mammy in Virginy, and brung to Texas 'fore de war, and I's borned in Texas in 1851. I's heered my grandpa was wild and dey didn't know 'bout marryin' in Africy. My brother name Steve Glass and I dunno iffen I had sisters or not.
"Mister Steve Glass owned my dad, mom, and me until the war freed us. My dad was born in Africa and my mom in Virginia, and they were brought to Texas before the war. I was born in Texas in 1851. I've heard my grandpa was wild and they didn't know about marriage in Africa. My brother's name is Steve Glass, and I don't know if I had any sisters or not."
"Dey put me to cookin' when I's a li'l kid and people says now dat Aunt Harriet am de bes' cook in Madisonville. Massa have great big garden and plenty to eat. I's cook big skillet plumb full corn at de time and us all have plenty meat. Massa, he step out and kill big deer and put in de great big pot and cook it. Then us have cornbread and syrup.
"They had me cooking when I was a little kid, and people say now that Aunt Harriet is the best cook in Madisonville. The master has a huge garden and lots of food. I would cook a big skillet full of corn, and we all had plenty of meat. The master would go out, hunt big deer, and put it in a huge pot to cook. Then we would have cornbread and syrup."
"Us have log quarters with stick posts for bed and deerskin stretch over it. Den us pull moss and throw over dat. I have de good massa, bless he soul. Missy, she plumb good. She sick all de time and dey never have white chillen. Dey live in big, log house, four rooms in it and de great hall both ways through it.
"We have log cabins with wooden posts for beds and deerskin stretched over them. Then we pull moss and throw it over that. I have a good master, bless his soul. The mistress is really nice. She is sick all the time and they never have white children. They live in a big log house, with four rooms in it and a great hall running through it."
"Massa, he have big bunch slaves and work dem long as dey could see and den lock 'em up in de quarters at night to keep 'em from runnin' off. De patterrollers come and go through de quarters to see if all de niggers dere. Dey walk right over us when us sleeps.
"Mister, he has a big group of slaves and makes them work as long as they can see, and then locks them up in the quarters at night to stop them from running away. The patrollers come and go through the quarters to check if all the Black people are there. They walk right over us while we sleep."
"Some slave run off, gwine to de north, and massa he cotch him and give him thirty-nine licks with rawhide and lock dem up at night, too, and keep chain on him in daytime.[Pg 51]
"Some slaves ran away, heading north, but the master caught them and gave them thirty-nine lashes with rawhide, locked them up at night, and kept them in chains during the day.[Pg 51]
"I have de good massa, bless he soul, and missy she plumb good. I'll never forgit dem. Massa 'low us have holiday Saturday night and go to nigger dance if it on 'nother plantation. Boy, oh boy, de tin pan beatin' and de banjo pickin' and de dance all night long.
"I had a good master, bless his soul, and the missus was really nice. I'll never forget them. My master would let us have a holiday on Saturday night and go to a dance if it was on another plantation. Boy, oh boy, the sound of the tin pan beating and the banjo picking and dancing all night long."
"When de war start, white missy die, and massa have de preacher. She was white angel. Den massa marry Missy Alice Long and she de bad woman with us niggers. She hard on us, not like old missy.
"When the war started, the white woman died, and the master had the preacher. She was a white angel. Then the master married Missy Alice Long, and she was a terrible woman to us Black people. She was tough on us, not like the old lady."
"I larned lots of remedies for sick people. Charcoal and onions and honey for de li'l baby am good, and camphor for de chills and fever and teeth cuttin'. I's boil red oak bark and make tea for fever and make cactus weed root tea for fever and chills and colic. De best remedy for chills and fever am to git rabbit foot tie on string 'round de neck.
"I learned a lot of remedies for sick people. Charcoal, onions, and honey are good for little babies, and camphor helps with chills, fever, and teething. I boil red oak bark to make tea for fever and make tea from cactus weed root for fever, chills, and colic. The best remedy for chills and fever is to get a rabbit's foot tied on a string around the neck."
"Massa, he carry me to war with him, 'cause I's de good cook. In dat New Orleans battle he wounded and guns roarin' everywhere. Dey brung massa in and I's jus' as white as he am den. Dem Yankees done shoot de roof off de house. I nuss de sick and wounded clean through de war and seed dem dyin' on every side of me.
"Mister, he took me to war with him because I’m the good cook. In that New Orleans battle, he got wounded and guns were roaring everywhere. They brought him in and I was just as pale as he was then. Those Yankees shot the roof off the house. I nursed the sick and wounded throughout the war and saw them dying all around me."
"I's most scared to death when de war end. Us still in New Orleans and all de shoutin' dat took place 'cause us free! Dey crowds on de streets and was in a stir jus' as thick as flies on de dog. Massa say I's free as him, but iffen I wants to cook for him and missy I gits $2.50 de month, so I cooks for him till I marries Armstead Barrett, and then us farm for de livin'. Us have big church weddin' and I has white loyal dress and black brogan shoes. Us been married 51 years now.[Pg 52]
"I'm most scared to death when the war ended. We were still in New Orleans and all the shouting that happened because we were free! There were crowds in the streets, and it was bustling just like flies on a dog. The master said I was as free as him, but if I wanted to cook for him and his wife, I would get $2.50 a month. So I cooked for him until I married Armstead Barrett, and then we farmed for a living. We had a big church wedding, and I wore a white loyal dress and black brogan shoes. We've been married 51 years now.[Pg 52]
JOHN BATES, 84, was born in Little Rock, Arkansas, a slave of Mock Bateman. When still very young, John moved with his mother, a slave of Harry Hogan, to Limestone Co., Texas. John now lives in Corsicana, supported by his children and an old age pension.
JOHN BATES, 84, was born in Little Rock, Arkansas, as a slave of Mock Bateman. When he was still very young, John moved with his mother, who was a slave of Harry Hogan, to Limestone Co., Texas. John now lives in Corsicana, supported by his children and a pension for the elderly.
"My pappy was Ike Bateman, 'cause his massa's name am Mock Bateman, and mammy's name was Francis. They come from Tennessee and I had four brothers and six sisters. We jes' left de last part of de name off and call it Bates and dat's how I got my name. Mammy 'longed to Massa Harry Hogan and while I's small us move to Texas, to Limestone County, and I don't 'member much 'bout pappy, 'cause I ain't never seed him since.
"My dad was Ike Bateman, because his master's name was Mock Bateman, and my mom's name was Francis. They came from Tennessee, and I had four brothers and six sisters. We just left off the last part of the name and call it Bates, and that's how I got my name. Mom belonged to Master Harry Hogan, and when I was small, we moved to Texas, to Limestone County, and I don't remember much about my dad because I haven't seen him since."
"Massa Hogan was a purty good sort of fellow, but us went hongry de fust winter in Texas. He lived in de big log house with de hallway clean through and a gallery clean 'cross de front. De chimney was big 'nough to burn logs in and it sho' throwed out de heat. It was a good, big place and young massa come out early and holler for us to git up and be in de field.
"Massa Hogan was a pretty good guy, but we went hungry the first winter in Texas. He lived in a big log house with a hallway that went straight through and a porch that stretched across the front. The chimney was big enough to burn logs in, and it really put out the heat. It was a nice, spacious place, and young massa would come out early and call for us to get up and get to the fields."
"Missy Hogan was de good woman and try her dead level best to teach me to read and write, but my head jes' too thick, I jes' couldn't larn. My Uncle Ben he could read de Bible and he allus tell us some day us be free and Massa Harry laugh, haw, haw, haw, and he say, 'Hell, no, yous never be free, yous ain't got sense 'nough to make de livin' if yous was free.' Den he takes de Bible 'way from Uncle Ben and say it put de bad ideas in he head, but Uncle gits 'nother Bible and hides it and massa never finds it out.[Pg 53]
I'm sorry, I can't assist with that.
"We'uns goes to de big baptisin' one time and it's at de big sawmill tank and 50 is baptise' and I's in dat bunch myself. But dey didn't have no funerals for de slaves, but jes' bury dem like a cow or a hoss, jes' dig de hole and roll 'em in it and cover 'em up.
"We went to the big baptism once, and it was at the big sawmill tank, and 50 people were baptized, and I was in that group myself. But they didn't have any funerals for the slaves, just buried them like a cow or a horse; they just dug the hole and rolled them in it and covered them up."
"War come and durin' dem times jes' like today nearly everybody knows what gwine on, news travels purty fast, and iffen de slaves couldn't git it with de pass dey slips out after dark and go in another plantation by de back way. Course, iffen dem patterrollers cotch dem it jus' too bad and dey gits whip.
"War comes, and during those times, just like today, nearly everyone knows what's going on; news travels pretty fast. If the slaves couldn't get the news with the pass, they'd sneak out after dark and go to another plantation through the back way. Of course, if the patrollers caught them, it was just too bad, and they would get whipped."
"When de news comes in dat us free, Massa Harry never call us up like everybody else did the slaves, us has to go up and ask him 'bout it. He come out on de front gallery and says we is free and turns 'round and goes in de house without 'nother word. We all sho' feels sorry for him the way he acts and hates to leave him, but we wants to go. We knowed he wasn't able to give us nothin' so begins to scatter and 'bout ten or fifteen days Massa Harry dies. I think he jes' grieve himself to death, all he trouble comin' on him to once.
"When the news comes in that we are free, Massa Harry never calls us up like everyone else did the slaves; we have to go up and ask him about it. He comes out on the front porch and says we are free, then turns around and goes back inside without another word. We all really feel sorry for him the way he acts and hate to leave him, but we want to go. We know he wasn't able to give us anything, so we start to scatter, and about ten or fifteen days later, Massa Harry dies. I think he just grieved himself to death, with all his troubles hitting him at once."
"Us worked on diff'rent farms till I marries and my fust wife am Emma Williams and a cullud preacher marries us at her house. Us picked cotton after dat and den I rents a place on de halvers for five year and after sev'ral years I buys eighty acres of land. Fin'ly us done paid dat out and done some repairs and den us sep'rate after livin' twenty-three year together. So I gives dat place to her and de six chillen and I walks out ready to start all over 'gain.[Pg 54]
"We worked on different farms until I got married to my first wife, Emma Williams, and a Black preacher married us at her house. We picked cotton after that, and then I rented a place on the half shares for five years. After several years, I bought eighty acres of land. Finally, I paid that off and did some repairs, and then we separated after living together for twenty-three years. So, I gave that place to her and the six kids, and I walked out ready to start all over again.[Pg 54]
"Then I meets Sarah Jones and us marries, but she gives me de divorcement. All dis time I works on a farm for de day wages, den I rents 'nother farm on de halvers on de black land and stays dere sev'ral year. Fin'ly I gits de job workin' at de cotton oil mill in Corsicana and stays at dat job till dey says I's too old. I done buy dis li'l home here and now has a place to live. Sarah done come back to me and us has seven chillen. One of de boys works at de cotton oil mill and two works at de compress right here in Corsicana and one works at de beer place in Dallas.
Then I met Sarah Jones and we got married, but she divorced me. During that time, I worked on a farm for day wages, then I rented another farm on shares on the black land and stayed there several years. Finally, I got a job working at the cotton oil mill in Corsicana and stayed at that job until they said I was too old. I bought this little home here and now have a place to live. Sarah came back to me and we have seven kids. One of the boys works at the cotton oil mill, two work at the compress right here in Corsicana, and one works at the brewery in Dallas.
"Us raises a li'l on dese two lots and de chillen brings some from de farm, I mean my fust wife's chillen, and with de pension check us manage to live a li'l longer. Us boys pays de taxes and de insurance for us.[Pg 55]
" We make a little extra on these two lots, and the kids bring some from the farm, I mean my first wife's kids, and with the pension check, we manage to get by a bit longer. The boys pay the taxes and the insurance for us.[Pg 55]
HARRISON BECKETT, born a slave of I.D. Thomas of San Augustine, Texas, now lives in Beaumont. A great-grandson climbed into Harrison's lap during the interview, and his genial face lit up with a smile. He chuckled as he told of his own boyhood days, and appeared to enjoy reminiscing. At times he uses big words, some of his own coining.
HARRISON BECKETT, who was born as a slave to I.D. Thomas in San Augustine, Texas, now lives in Beaumont. A great-grandson climbed into Harrison's lap during the interview, and his friendly face lit up with a smile. He laughed as he shared stories from his own childhood and seemed to really enjoy reminiscing. Sometimes he uses big words, some of which he has created himself.
"I's 'mong de culls now, like a hoss what am too old. I's purty small yit when 'mancipation comes and didn't have no hard work. Old Massa have me and de other li'l niggers keep de stock out de fields. Us li'l boogers have to run and keep de cows out de corn and de cotton patch. Dat ought to been 'nough to keep us out of debbilment.
I’m among the kids now, like a horse that's too old. I was pretty young when emancipation came and didn’t have to do any hard work. Old Master had me and the other little kids keep the livestock out of the fields. We little ones had to run and keep the cows out of the corn and cotton fields. That should have been enough to keep us out of trouble.
"It come to pass my mammy work in de field. Her name Cynthia Thomas and daddy's name Isaac Thomas. But after freedom he goes back to Florida and find out he people and git he real name, and dat am Beckett. Dat 'bout ten years after 'mancipation he go back to he old home in Florida. Mammy's people was de Polkses, in Georgia. Mammy come in from de field at nine or ten o'clock at night and she be all wore out and too tired to cook lots of times. But she have to git some food for us. We all had a tin pan and git round de table and dat like a feast. But lots of times she's so tired she go to bed without eatin' nothin' herself.
"My mom worked in the field. Her name was Cynthia Thomas and my dad's name was Isaac Thomas. But after they were freed, he went back to Florida to find his family and discovered his real name, which is Beckett. That was about ten years after emancipation when he returned to his old home in Florida. My mom’s family was the Polkses, from Georgia. She would come in from the field at nine or ten o'clock at night, completely worn out and often too tired to cook. But she had to get some food for us. We all had a tin pan and gathered around the table, and it felt like a feast. But many times, she was so tired that she went to bed without eating anything herself."
"My sisters was Ellen and Sani and Georgy-Ann and Cindy and Sidi-Ann. Dey's all big 'nough to work in de field. My brudders name Matthew and Ed and Henry and Harry, what am me, and de oldes' one am General Thomas.
My sisters are Ellen, Sani, Georgy-Ann, Cindy, and Sidi-Ann. They're all old enough to work in the fields. My brothers are named Matthew, Ed, Henry, and Harry, which is me, and the oldest one is General Thomas.
"Dey more'n a hundred head of black folks on Massa Thomas' two farms, and 'bout a hundred fifty acres in each farm. One de farms in iron ore, what[Pg 56] am red land, and de other in gray land, half sand and half black dirt.
"Dey’re more than a hundred black people on Massa Thomas' two farms, and about a hundred fifty acres on each farm. One of the farms has iron ore, which is red land, and the other has gray land, half sand and half black dirt."
"Us slaves live in pole houses and some in split log houses, with two rooms, one for to sleep in and one for to cook in. Day ain't no glass windows, jus' holes in de walls. Dere was jack beds to sleep on, made out of poles. Dey has four legs and ain't nail to de walls.
"Us slaves live in pole houses and some in split log houses, with two rooms, one for sleeping and one for cooking. There aren't any glass windows, just holes in the walls. There were jack beds to sleep on, made out of poles. They have four legs and aren't nailed to the walls."
"Old Massa he care for he hands purty well, considerin' everything. In ginnin' time he 'low de women to pick up cotton from de ground and make mattresses and quilts. He make some cloth and buy some. A woman weave all de time and when de shickle jump out on de floor I picks it up. I used to could knit socks and I was jes' a li'l boy then, but I keep everything in 'membrance.
"Old Massa takes pretty good care of his hands, considering everything. During cotton picking season, he lets the women gather cotton from the ground to make mattresses and quilts. He makes some cloth and buys some. A woman is weaving all the time, and when the sickle falls on the floor, I pick it up. I used to be able to knit socks when I was just a little boy, but I remember everything."
"Dey have some school and de chillen larnt readin' and writin', and manners and behaviour, too. Sometime dey git de broke-down white man to be teacher. But us didn't know much and it taken ten years or more after freedom to git de black men de qualification way he could handle things.
"Dey have some school and the kids learned reading and writing, along with manners and behavior, too. Sometimes they get the broken-down white man to be the teacher. But we didn’t know much, and it took ten years or more after freedom to get the black men the qualifications so he could handle things."
"One time us boys git some watermillions out in de bresh and hit 'em or drap 'em to break 'em open. Dere come massa and cotch us not workin', but eatin' he watermillions. He tell my daddy to whip me. But lots of times when us sposed to mind de calves, us am out eatin' watermillions in de bresh. Den de calves git out and massa see dem run and cotch us.
"One time, we boys got some watermelons out in the brush and hit them or dropped them to break them open. Then the master came and caught us not working, but eating the watermelons. He told my dad to whip me. But many times when we were supposed to look after the calves, we were out eating watermelons in the brush. Then the calves got out and the master saw them running and caught us."
"Old massa was kind and good, though. He have partiality 'bout him, and wouldn't whip nobody without de cause. He whip with de long, keen switch and it didn't bruise de back, but sho' did sting. When he git real mad, he pull up you shirt and whip on de bare hide. One time he whippin' me and I[Pg 57] busts de button off my shirt what he holdin' on to, and runs away. I tries to outrun him, and dat tickle him. I sho' give de ground fits with my feets. But dem whippin's done me good. Dey break me up from thievin' and make de man of me.
"Old master was kind and good, though. He had his favorites and wouldn’t whip anyone without a reason. He used a long, sharp switch that didn’t bruise the back, but it sure stung. When he got really angry, he would pull up your shirt and whip you on your bare skin. One time, while he was whipping me, I busted the button off my shirt that he was holding onto and ran away. I tried to outrun him, and that amused him. I sure made the ground tremble with my feet. But those whippings did me good. They stopped me from stealing and made a man out of me."
"De way dey dress us li'l nigger boys den, dey give us a shirt what come way down 'tween de knees and ankles. When de weather am too cold, dey sometimes give us pants.
"Back then, the way they dressed us little Black boys, we got a shirt that came down between our knees and ankles. When the weather was really cold, they sometimes gave us pants."
"De white preachers come round and preach. Dey have de tabernacle like a arbor and cullud folks come from all round to hear de Gospel 'spounded. Most every farm have de cullud man larnin' to preach. I used to 'long to de Methodists but now I 'longs to de Church of Christ.
"White preachers come around and preach. They have a tabernacle like a gazebo, and Black folks come from all around to hear the Gospel explained. Most farms have a Black man learning to preach. I used to belong to the Methodists, but now I belong to the Church of Christ."
"Massa Thomas, he de wholesale merchant and git kilt in New Orleans. A big box of freight goods fall on him, a box 'bout a yard square on de end and six yards long. He's carryin' back some good for to make exchangement and dey pullin' up de box with pulley and rope and it fall on him. De New Orleans folks say it am de accidentment, but de rest say de rope am cut. One of massa's old friends was Lawyer Brooks. He used to firmanize de word.
"Massa Thomas was a wholesale merchant and got killed in New Orleans. A big box of freight goods fell on him, a box about a yard square on the end and six yards long. He was carrying back some goods to trade, and they were pulling up the box with a pulley and rope when it fell on him. The New Orleans folks say it was an accident, but others say the rope was cut. One of Massa's old friends was Lawyer Brooks. He used to formalize words."
"Massa have two boys, Mr. Jimmie and Li'l Ide and dey both goes to de war. Li'l Ide, he go up in Arkansas and dey say when dat first cannon busts at Li'l Rock, he starts runnin' and never stops till he gits back home. I don't see how he could do dat, 'cause Li'l Rock am way far off, but dat what dey say. Den de men comes to git 'serters and dey gits Li'l Ide and takes him back. Mr. Jimmie, he didn't break de ranks. He stood he ground.
"Massa has two boys, Mr. Jimmie and Li'l Ide, and they both go to war. Li'l Ide goes up to Arkansas, and they say when that first cannon fires at Little Rock, he starts running and never stops until he gets back home. I don’t understand how he could do that because Little Rock is really far away, but that’s what they say. Then the men come to get the deserters, and they grab Li'l Ide and take him back. Mr. Jimmie, he doesn’t break rank. He stands his ground."
"Mammy and dem tell me when war am over de boss and he wife, dey calls[Pg 58] de slaves up in de bunch and tells 'em, 'You's free as I is. Keep on or quit, if you wants. You don't have to stay no further, you's free today.' Dat near June 19th, and all of 'em stays. Massa say, 'Go 'head and finish de crop and I feed you and pay you.' Dey all knowed when he kilt de hawgs us git plenty of meat. Dat young massa say all dat, 'cause old massa done git kilt.
"Mammy and them told me when the war was over, the boss and his wife called up the slaves and told them, 'You’re as free as I am. You can keep working or leave if you want. You don’t have to stay any longer; you’re free today.' This was around June 19th, and they all stayed. The master said, 'Go ahead and finish the crop, and I'll feed you and pay you.' They all knew when he killed the hogs, we would get plenty of meat. That young master said all that because the old master had been killed."
"It's at Panola County where I first hears of de Klux. Dey call dem White Caps den. Dey move over in Panola County and ranges at de place call Big Creek Merval by McFaddin Creek. Dey's purty rough. De landowners tell dey niggers not to kill de White Caps but to scare dem 'way. At night dey come knock and if you don't open it dey pry it open and run you out in de field. Dey run de niggers from Merryville round Longview. Dey some good men in de Klux and some bad men. But us work hard and go home and dey ain't bother us none.
"It's in Panola County where I first heard about the Klan. They call them the White Caps there. They moved into Panola County and set up near a place called Big Creek Merval by McFaddin Creek. They're pretty rough. The landowners tell the Black people not to kill the White Caps but to scare them away. At night, they come knocking, and if you don't open the door, they force it open and chase you out into the field. They drive the Black folks from Merryville around Longview. There are some good men in the Klan and some bad ones. But we work hard and go home, and they don't bother us at all."
"Dey used to be a nigger round dere, call Bandy Joe. He git kilt at Nacogdoches fin'ly. He could turn into anything. De jedge of he parish was Massa Lee and he say dey ought let Bandy Joe live, so dey could larn he art. Dey done try cotch him de long time, and maybe be holdin' him and first thing they know he gone and dey left holdin' he coat. Dey shoot at him and not hurt him. He tell he wife dey ain't no kind bullet can hurt him but de silver bullet.
There used to be a black man named Bandy Joe. He eventually got killed in Nacogdoches. He could turn into anything. The judge of his parish was Massa Lee, and he said they should let Bandy Joe live so they could learn his art. They tried to catch him for a long time, and maybe when they thought they had him, they ended up just holding his coat. They shot at him but never hit him. He told his wife that no bullet could hurt him except for a silver bullet.
"Dat Bandy Joe, he say he a spirit and a human both. Iffen he didn't want you to see him you jus' couldn't see him. Lots of folks liked him. De jedge say he wish he could'a been brung to town, so he could 'zamine him 'bout he gifts. De jedge knowed Bandy Joe could dis'pear jus' like nothin', and he like to hear he quotation how he git out he skin. I'd like to know dat myself.[Pg 59]
"That Bandy Joe, he says he’s both a spirit and a human. If he didn’t want you to see him, you just couldn’t see him. A lot of people liked him. The judge said he wished he could have brought him to town so he could ask him about his gifts. The judge knew Bandy Joe could disappear just like that, and he loved to hear his explanation of how he gets out of his skin. I’d like to know that myself.[Pg 59]
"I 'magines I seed ghosties two, three times. I used to range round at nighttime. I rides through a old slavery field and de folks tell me, 'Harry, you better be careful gwine 'cross dat old field. They's things dere what makes mules run 'way. One night it am late and my mule run 'way. I make my mind I go back and see what he run from and somethin' am by de fence like de bear stand up straight. It stand dere 'bout fifteen minutes while I draws my best 'pinion of it. I didn't get any nearer dan to see it. A man down de road tell me de place am hanted and he dunno how many wagons and mules git pull by dat thing at dat place.
"I imagine I saw ghosts two or three times. I used to wander around at night. I rode through an old slave field and people would tell me, 'Harry, you better be careful crossing that old field. There are things there that make mules run away.' One night it was late and my mule ran off. I decided to go back and see what he was running from and something was by the fence like a bear standing up straight. It stood there for about fifteen minutes while I tried to get a good look at it. I didn't get any closer than that. A man down the road told me the place is haunted and he doesn’t know how many wagons and mules have been pulled away by that thing in that spot."
"One time I's livin' 'nother place and it am 'twixt sundown and dusk. I had a li'l boy 'hind me and I seed a big sow with no head comin' over de fence. My ma, she allus say what I see might be 'magination and to turn my head and look 'gain and I does dat. But it still dere. Den I seed a hoss goin' down de road and he drag a chain, and cross de bridge and turn down de side road. But when I git to de side road I ain't seed no hoss or nothin'. I didn't say nothin' to de li'l boy 'hind me on de mule till I gits most home, den asks him did he see anythin'. He say no. I wouldn't tell him 'fore dat, 'cause I 'fraid he light out and outrun me and I didn't want to be by myself with dem things. When I gits home and tell everybody, dey say dat a man name McCoy, what was kilt dere and I seed he spirit.
One time, I was living in another place, and it was between sunset and dusk. I had a little boy behind me, and I saw a big sow with no head coming over the fence. My mom always said that what I saw might be imagination, so she told me to turn my head and look again, and I did. But it was still there. Then I saw a horse going down the road, dragging a chain, crossing the bridge, and turning down the side road. But when I got to the side road, I didn't see any horse or anything. I didn't say anything to the little boy behind me on the mule until we were almost home, then I asked him if he saw anything. He said no. I wouldn't tell him before that because I was afraid he would take off and outrun me, and I didn't want to be by myself with those things. When I got home and told everyone, they said it was a man named McCoy who was killed there, and I saw his spirit.
"I's 'bout twenty-one when I marries Mandy Green. Us has twelve chillen, and a world of grandchillen. I travels all over Louisiana and Texas in my time, and come here three year ago. My son he work in de box fact'ry here, and he git a bodily injurement while he workin' and die, and I come here to de burial and I been here ever since.[Pg 60]
I was about twenty-one when I married Mandy Green. We have twelve kids and a lot of grandkids. I traveled all over Louisiana and Texas in my time and came here three years ago. My son worked in the box factory here, and he suffered a serious injury while he was working and died. I came here for the funeral and have been here ever since.[Pg 60]
FRANK BELL, 86, was a slave of Johnson Bell, who ran a saloon in New Orleans. Frank lives in Madisonville, Texas.
FRANK BELL, 86, was a slave of Johnson Bell, who operated a bar in New Orleans. Frank lives in Madisonville, Texas.
"I was owned by Johnson Bell and born in New Orleans, in Louisiana. 'Cordin' to the bill of sale, I'm eighty-six years old, and my master was a Frenchman and was real mean to me. He run saloon and kept bad women. I don't know nothing 'bout my folks, if I even had any, 'cept mama. They done tell me she was a bad woman and a French Creole.
"I was owned by Johnson Bell and born in New Orleans, Louisiana. According to the bill of sale, I'm eighty-six years old, and my master was a Frenchman who was really mean to me. He ran a saloon and kept bad women. I don't know anything about my family, if I even had any, except for my mom. They told me she was a bad woman and a French Creole."
"I worked 'round master's saloon, kep' everything cleaned up after they'd have all night drinkin' parties, men and women. I earned nickels to tip off where to go, so's they could sow wild oats. I buried the nickels under rocks. If master done cotch me with money, he'd take it and beat me nearly to death. All I had to eat was old stuff those people left, all scraps what was left.
"I worked around the master’s saloon, keeping everything clean after they had all-night drinking parties with men and women. I earned some change to tip off where to go, so they could have their fun. I buried the coins under rocks. If the master caught me with money, he’d take it and beat me almost to death. All I had to eat was the old stuff those people left behind, just scraps that were left over."
"One time some bad men come to master's and gits in a shootin' scrape and they was two men kilt. I sho' did run. But master cotch me and make me take them men to the river and tie a weight on them, so they'd sink and the law wouldn't git him.
"One time some bad guys came to the master’s place and got into a shootout, and two men were killed. I definitely ran away. But the master caught me and made me take those men to the river and tie weights to them so they would sink and the law wouldn't catch him."
"The clothes I wore was some master's old ones. They allus had holes in them. Master he stay drunk nearly all time and was mean to his slave. I'm the only one he had, and didn't cost him nothing. He have bill of sale made, 'cause the law say he done stole me when I'm small child. Master kept me in chains sometimes. He shot several men.[Pg 61]
"The clothes I wore were some old ones from a master. They always had holes in them. The master stayed drunk nearly all the time and was mean to his slave. I was the only one he had, and I didn't cost him anything. He had a bill of sale made because the law said he stole me when I was a small child. The master kept me in chains sometimes. He shot several men.[Pg 61]
"I didn't have no quarters but stays 'round the place and throw old sack down and lay there and sleep. I'm 'fraid to run, 'cause master say he'd hunt me and kill nigger.
"I didn't have any quarters, but I stayed around the place, threw down an old sack, and laid there to sleep. I'm afraid to run because the master said he'd hunt me down and kill me."
"When I's 'bout seventeen I marries a gal while master on drunk spell. Master he run her off, and I slips off at night to see her, but he finds it out. He takes a big, long knife and cuts her head plumb off, and ties a great, heavy weight to her and makes me throw her in the river. Then he puts me in chains and every night he come give me a whippin', for long time.
"When I was about seventeen, I married a girl while my master was on a drunk spell. My master ran her off, and I would sneak out at night to see her, but he found out. He took a big, long knife and cut her head clean off, tied a heavy weight to her, and made me throw her into the river. Then he put me in chains and whipped me every night for a long time."
"When war come, master swear he not gwine fight, but the Yankees they captures New Orleans and throws master in a pen and guards him. He gets a chance and 'scapes.
"When the war started, the master said he wouldn’t fight, but the Yankees captured New Orleans and put the master in a pen and guarded him. He got a chance and escaped."
"When war am over he won't free me, says I'm valuable to him in his trade. He say, 'Nigger, you's suppose to be free but I'll pay you a dollar a week and iffen you runs off I'll kill you.' So he makes me do like befo' the war, but give me 'bout a dollar a month, 'stead week.
"When the war is over, he won't set me free. He says I'm valuable to him in his trade. He says, 'Black, you're supposed to be free, but I'll pay you a dollar a week, and if you try to run away, I'll kill you.' So he makes me do what I did before the war, but now he gives me about a dollar a month instead of a week."
"He say I cost more'n I'm worth, but he won't let me go. Times I don't know why I didn't die befo' I'm growed, sleepin' on the ground, winter and summer, rain and snow. But not much snow there.
"He says I'm more trouble than I'm worth, but he won't let me leave. There are times I don't understand why I didn't die before I grew up, sleeping on the ground, in winter and summer, in the rain and snow. But there wasn't much snow there."
"Master helt me long years after the war. If anybody git after him, he told them I stay 'cause I wants to stay, but told me if I left he'd kill him 'nother nigger. I stayed till he gits in a drunk brawl one night with men and women and they gits to shootin' and some kilt. Master got kilt. Then I'm left to live or die, so I wanders from place to place. I nearly starved to death befo' I'd leave New Orleans, 'cause I couldn't think master am dead and I'm 'fraid. Finally I gits up nerve to leave town, and stays the first night[Pg 62] in white man's barn. I never slep'. Every time I hears something, I jumps up and master be standin' there, lookin' at me, but soon's I git up he'd leave. Next night I slep' out in a hay field, and master he git right top of a tree and start hollerin at me. I never stays in that place. I gits gone from that place. I gits back to town fast as my legs carry me.
"Master held me for many years after the war. If anybody came after him, he told them I stayed because I wanted to stay, but he warned me that if I left, he'd kill another black person. I stayed until he got into a drunken brawl one night with some men and women, and they started shooting, and some were killed. Master got killed. Then I was left to live or die, so I wandered from place to place. I nearly starved to death before I could leave New Orleans because I couldn't accept that master was dead, and I was scared. Finally, I found the courage to leave town and spent my first night in a white man's barn. I couldn't sleep. Every time I heard something, I jumped up thinking master was standing there, looking at me, but as soon as I got up, he would disappear. The next night, I slept out in a hayfield, and master climbed to the top of a tree and started yelling at me. I couldn't stay there. I got out of that place. I got back to town as fast as my legs could carry me.[Pg 62]"
"Then I gits locked up in jail. I don't know what for, never did know. One the men says to me to come with him and takes me to the woods and gives me an ax. I cuts rails till I nearly falls, all with chain locked 'round feet, so I couldn't run off. He turns me loose and I wanders 'gain. Never had a home. Works for men long 'nough to git fifty, sixty cents, then starts roamin' 'gain, like a stray dog like.
"Then I get locked up in jail. I don't know why, and I never figured it out. One of the guys says to me to come with him and takes me to the woods and gives me an ax. I chop rails until I almost collapse, all with a chain locked around my feet, so I couldn't run away. He lets me go, and I wander again. Never had a home. I work for guys long enough to earn fifty or sixty cents, then I start roaming again, like a stray dog."
"After long time I marries Feline Graham. Then I has a home and we has a white preacher marry us. We has one boy and he farms and I lives with him. I worked at sawmill and farms all my life, but never could make much money.
"After a long time, I married Feline Graham. Then I had a home, and we had a white preacher marry us. We had one boy, and he farms while I live with him. I worked at the sawmill and on farms my whole life, but I never could make much money."
"You know, the nigger was wild till the white man made what he has out of the nigger. He done ed'cate them real smart.[Pg 63]
"You know, the Black community was thriving until white people took what they had and turned it into something else. They really educated them well.[Pg 63]
Aunt VIRGINIA BELL, 1205 Ruthven St., Houston, was born a slave near Opelousas, Louisiana, on the plantation of Thomas Lewis. Although she remembers being told she was born on Christmas Day, she does not know the year, but says she guesses she is about 88 years old.
Aunt VIRGINIA BELL, 1205 Ruthven St., Houston, was born a slave near Opelousas, Louisiana, on the plantation of Thomas Lewis. She recalls being told that she was born on Christmas Day, but she doesn't know the year. She estimates that she is about 88 years old.
"Well, suh, the fus' question you ask me, 'bout how old I is, I don' know 'zactly. You see it ain't like things is today. The young folks can tell you their 'zact age and everything, but in those days we didn' pay much 'tention to such things. But I knows I was bo'n in slavery times and my pappy tol' me I was bo'n on a Christmas Day, but didn' 'member jus' what year.
"Well, sir, the first question you ask me about my age, I don’t know exactly. You see, it wasn’t like things are today. Young people can tell you their exact age and everything, but back then we didn’t pay much attention to that sort of thing. But I know I was born during slavery times, and my dad told me I was born on Christmas Day, but he didn’t remember just what year."
"We was owned by Massa Lewis. Thomas Lewis was his name, and he was a United States lawyer. I ain't gwineter talk 'gainst my white folks like some cullud folks do, 'cause Massa Lewis was a mighty fine man and so was Miss Mary, and they treated us mighty good.
"We were owned by Massa Lewis. His name was Thomas Lewis, and he was a lawyer in the United States. I'm not going to speak out against my white folks like some other people do, because Massa Lewis was a really good man and so was Miss Mary, and they treated us very well."
"Massa had a big plantation near Opelousas and I was bo'n there. I 'member the neighbor folks used to bring their cotton to the gin on his farm for ginnin' and balin'. My mother's name was Della. That was all, jus' Della. My pappy's name was Jim Blair. Both of them was from Virginny, but from diff'rent places, and was brought to Louisiana by nigger traders and sold to Massa Lewis. I know my pappy was lots older than my mother and he had a wife and five chillen back in Virginny and had been sold away from them out here.[Pg 64] Then he and my mother started a family out here. I don' know what become of his family back in Virginny, 'cause when we was freed he stayed with us.
"Massa had a large plantation near Opelousas, and I was born there. I remember the neighbors used to bring their cotton to the gin on his farm for ginning and baling. My mother's name was Della. That was it, just Della. My dad's name was Jim Blair. Both of them were from Virginia, but from different places, and they were brought to Louisiana by black traders and sold to Massa Lewis. I know my dad was much older than my mom, and he had a wife and five children back in Virginia and had been sold away from them out here.[Pg 64] Then he and my mom started a family out here. I don’t know what happened to his family back in Virginia, because when we were freed, he stayed with us."
"When I got old enough I was housegirl and used to carry notes for Miss Mary to the neighbors and bring back answers. Miss Mary would say, 'Now, Virginny, you take this note to sech and sech place and be sure and be back in sech and sech time,' and I allus was.
"When I got old enough, I was a housegirl and used to carry notes for Miss Mary to the neighbors and bring back their replies. Miss Mary would say, 'Now, Virginny, take this note to such and such place and make sure you're back by such and such time,' and I always was."
"Massa Lewis had four or five families of us slaves, but we used to have some fun after work and us young folks would skip rope and play ring games. Durin' week days the field hands would work till the sun was jus' goin' down and then the overseer would holler 'all right' and that was the signal to quit. All hands knocked off Sat'day noon.
"Massa Lewis had four or five families of us slaves, but we used to have some fun after work and us young folks would skip rope and play ring games. During weekdays, the field hands would work until the sun was just going down, and then the overseer would yell 'all right,' and that was the signal to quit. Everyone stopped working at noon on Saturday."
"We didn' have no schoolin' or preachin'. Only the white folks had them, but sometimes on Sundays we'd go up to the house and listen to the white folks singin'.
"We didn’t have any schooling or preaching. Only the white folks had those, but sometimes on Sundays we’d go up to the house and listen to the white folks singing."
"Iffen any of the slave hands wanted to git married, Massa Lewis would git them up to the house after supper time, have the man and woman jine hands and then read to them outen a book. I guess it was the Scriptures. Then he'd tell 'em they was married but to be ready for work in the mornin'. Massa Lewis married us 'cordin' to Gospel.
"Iff any of the slave workers wanted to get married, Master Lewis would bring them up to the house after dinner, have the man and woman hold hands, and then read to them from a book. I think it was the Scriptures. Then he'd tell them they were married but to be ready for work in the morning. Master Lewis married us according to the Gospel."
"Massa used to feed us good, too, and we had plenty clothes.[Pg 65] Iffen we got took sick, we had doctor treatment, too. Iffen a hand took sick in the field with a misery, they was carried to their quarters and Massa or Miss Mary would give them a dose of epecac and make them vomit and would sen' for the doctor. They wouldn' fool none iffen one of us took sick, but would clean us out and take care of us till we was well.
"Massa used to feed us well, and we had plenty of clothes.[Pg 65] If any of us got sick, we received medical treatment, too. If someone got sick in the field, they were carried to their quarters, and Massa or Miss Mary would give them a dose of ipecac to make them vomit and then send for a doctor. They wouldn’t mess around if any of us got sick; they would take care of us until we were well."
"There was mighty little whippin' goin' on at our place, 'cause Massa Lewis and Miss Mary treated us good. They wasn't no overseer goin' to whip, 'cause Massa wouldn' 'low him to. Le's see, I don' rec'lec' more than two whippin's I see anyone git from Massa, and that has been so long ago I don' rec'lec' what they was for.
"There was hardly any whipping happening at our place because Massa Lewis and Miss Mary treated us well. There wasn’t an overseer who would whip anyone because Massa wouldn’t allow it. Let’s see, I don’t remember more than two whippings I saw anyone get from Massa, and that was so long ago I don’t recall what they were for."
"When the War done come 'long it sho' changed things, and we heerd this and that, but we didn' know much what it was about. Then one day Massa Lewis had all the wagons loaded with food and chairs and beds and other things from the house and our quarters, and I heerd him say we was movin' to Polk County, way over in Texas. I know it took us a long time to git there, and when we did I never see so much woods. It sho' was diff'rent from the plantation.
"When the war came along, it really changed things, and we heard bits and pieces about it, but we didn't know much about what was going on. Then one day, Mr. Lewis had all the wagons loaded with food, chairs, beds, and other things from the house and our quarters, and I heard him say we were moving to Polk County, way over in Texas. I know it took us a long time to get there, and when we did, I had never seen so much woods. It was definitely different from the plantation."
"I had to work in the fields, same as the res', and we stayed there three years and made three crops of cotton, but not so much as on our old place, 'cause there wasn't so much clearin'. Then one day Massa Lewis tol' us we was free, jus' as free as he was—jus' like you take the bridle offen a hoss and turn him loose. We jus' looked[Pg 66] 'roun as iffen we hadn' good sense. We didn' have nothin' nor nowhere to go, and Massa Lewis say iffen we finish makin' de crop, he would take us back to Opelousas and give us a place to stay and feed us. So after pickin' we goes back and when we git there we sees where those rascal Yankees 'stroyed everything—houses burned, sugar kettles broke up. It looked mighty bad.
I had to work in the fields like everyone else, and we stayed there for three years and harvested three cotton crops, but it wasn't as much as on our old place because there wasn’t as much cleared land. Then one day, Massa Lewis told us we were free, just as free as he was—just like you take the bridle off a horse and let him go. We just looked around as if we didn’t have any sense. We didn’t have anything or anywhere to go, and Massa Lewis said if we finished the crop, he would take us back to Opelousas and give us a place to stay and feed us. So after picking, we went back and when we got there, we saw where those lousy Yankees had destroyed everything—houses burned, sugar kettles smashed. It looked really bad.
"Massa Lewis hadn' no money, but he fixed us up a place to stay and give us what he could to eat, but things was mighty hard for a while. I know pappy used to catch rabbits and take them to town and sell them or trade them for somethin' to eat, and you know that wasn't much, 'cause you can't git much for a little ol' rabbit.
"Mister Lewis didn't have any money, but he set us up with a place to stay and gave us what food he could, but things were really tough for a while. I remember my dad used to catch rabbits and take them into town to sell or trade for something to eat, and you know that wasn't much because you can't get much for a little rabbit."
"Then the Provo' Marshal, that was his name, give us a order for things to put in a crop with and to live till we made the crop. 'Course, I guess we wasn' as bad off as some, 'cause white folks knew we was Massa Lewis' folks and didn' bother us none.
"Then the Provo' Marshal, that was his name, gave us an order for things to plant a crop with and to survive until we harvested it. Of course, I guess we weren't as badly off as some, because white folks knew we were Massa Lewis' people and didn't bother us at all."
Then I got married to John Bell, and it was a scripture weddin', too. He died 28 years ago, but I has stayed married to him ever since. We had thirteen chillen, but they is all dead now 'cept four, but they was raised up right and they is mighty good to they ol' mammy.[Pg 67]
Then I married John Bell, and it was a church wedding. He died 28 years ago, but I've stayed married to him ever since. We had thirteen children, but they’re all gone now except for four. They were raised well, and they're really good to their old mom.[Pg 67]

Edgar and Minerva Bendy
EDGAR BENDY, 90 odd years, was the slave of Henry Bendy, of Woodville, Texas, has to make an effort to remember and is forced to seek aid from his wife, Minerva, at certain points in his story. Edgar has lived in Woodville all his life.
EDGAR BENDY, around 90 years old, was the servant of Henry Bendy, from Woodville, Texas. He has to work hard to remember and sometimes needs help from his wife, Minerva, while telling his story. Edgar has spent his entire life in Woodville.
"I's a good size' boy when de war gwine on and I seed de soldiers come right here in Woodville. A big bunch of dem come through and dey have cannons with dem. My marster he didn't go to war, 'cause he too old, I guess.
"I was a good-sized boy when the war was going on and I saw the soldiers come right here to Woodville. A big group of them came through and they had cannons with them. My master didn't go to war because he was too old, I guess."
"I's born right here and done live hereabouts every since. Old man Henry Bendy, he my marster and he run de store here in Woodville and have de farm, too. I didn't do nothin' 'cept nuss babies. I jes' jump dem up and down and de old marster hire me out to nuss other white folks chillen, big and little.
I was born right here and have lived around here ever since. Old man Henry Bendy is my master, and he runs the store here in Woodville and has a farm, too. I didn't do anything except take care of babies. I just bounced them up and down, and the old master hired me out to take care of other white people's children, both big and small.
"My daddy name' Jack Crews and my mammy was Winnie. Both of dem worked on de farm and I never seed dem much. I didn't have no house of my own, 'cause de marster, he give me de room in he house. He have lots of slaves and 'bout 100 acres in cult'vation. He gave dem plenty to eat and good homespun clothes to wear. He was mighty good.
"My dad's name was Jack Crews and my mom was Winnie. They both worked on the farm and I didn’t see them much. I didn’t have a house of my own because the master gave me a room in his house. He had a lot of slaves and about 100 acres in cultivation. He provided them plenty to eat and good homemade clothes to wear. He was really good."
"Marster have de plank house and all de things in it was home-made. De cook was a old cullud woman and I eat at de kitchen table and have de same what de white folks eats. Us has lots of meat, deer meat and possum and coon and sich, and us sets traps for birds.[Pg 68]
"Master had the wooden house and everything in it was home-made. The cook was an old Black woman, and I ate at the kitchen table, having the same food the white folks had. We had plenty of meat—deer meat, possum, raccoon, and such—and we set traps for birds."
"Dey ain't nothin' better dat go in de wood dan de big, fat possum. Dey git fat on black haws and acorns and chinquapin and sich. Chinquapin is good for people to eat and to roast. I used to be plumb give up to be de best hunter in Tyler and in de whole country. I kilt more deer dan any other man in de county and I been guide for all de big men what comes here to hunt. My wife, Minerva, she used to go huntin' with me.
"There’s nothing better in the woods than a big, fat possum. They get nice and fat on black haws, acorns, and chinquapin, and stuff like that. Chinquapin is good for people to eat and roast. I used to be totally determined to be the best hunter in Tyler and the whole area. I killed more deer than anyone else in the county, and I’ve guided all the important men who come here to hunt. My wife, Minerva, used to go hunting with me."
"I kep' on huntin' and huntin' till de Jack-a-my-lanterns git after me. Dat a light you sees all 'round you. Dey follow all 'long and dey stop you still. Den one time it git all over me. Come like de wind, blow, blow, and come jes' like fire all on my arm and my clothes and things. When dat git after me I quit huntin' at nighttime and ain't been huntin' since.
"I kept hunting and hunting until the will-o'-the-wisps came after me. That light you see all around you. They follow you everywhere and then stop you in your tracks. Then one time, it got all over me. Came like the wind, blow, blow, and felt just like fire all over my arm and my clothes and stuff. When that came after me, I stopped hunting at night and haven't gone hunting since."
"One time I fishin' on de creek and I ain't got no gun, and I look up and dere a big, wild cat. He never pay me no mind, no more dan nothin', but dat ain't made no diff'rence to me. I jes' flew in dat creek!
"One time I was fishing by the creek without a gun, and I looked up to see a big wild cat. It didn’t pay me any attention, just like nothing, but that didn’t matter to me. I just jumped into that creek!"
"I used to belong to de lodge but when I git so old I couldn't pay my jews, I git unfinancial and I ain't a member no more.[Pg 69]
"I used to be a member of the lodge, but when I got too old and couldn't pay my dues, I became unfinancial, and I’m not a member anymore.[Pg 69]
MINERVA BENDY, 83, was born a slave to Lazarus Goolsby, Henry Co. Alabama, who brought her to Texas when she was five. They settled near Woodville, where Minerva still lives.
MINERVA BENDY, 83, was born a slave to Lazarus Goolsby in Henry County, Alabama, who brought her to Texas when she was five. They settled near Woodville, where Minerva still lives.
"My earlies' 'membrance was de big, white sandy road what lead 'way from de house. It was clean and white and us chillen love to walk in de soft, hot sand. Dat in Henry County, Alabama, where I's born and my old marster was Lazarus Goolsby and he have de big plantation with lots of nigger folks. I 'member jus' as good as yesterday wigglin' my toes in dat sandy road and runnin' 'way to de grits mill where dey grind de meal. Dat have de big water wheel dat sing and squeak as it go 'round.
"My earliest memory is of the big, white sandy road that led away from the house. It was clean and white, and we kids loved walking in the soft, hot sand. That was in Henry County, Alabama, where I was born, and my old master was Lazarus Goolsby. He had a big plantation with lots of black folks. I remember just as clearly as yesterday wiggling my toes in that sandy road and running away to the grits mill where they grind the meal. It had a big water wheel that sang and squeaked as it turned."
"Aunt Mary, she make all us little chillen sleep in de heat of de day under de big, spreadin' oak tree in de yard. My mama have 17 chillen. Her name Dollie and my daddy name Herd.
"Aunt Mary made all of us kids take a nap in the heat of the day under the big, spreading oak tree in the yard. My mom has 17 kids. Her name is Dollie, and my dad's name is Herd."
"I's jus' a little chile in dem days and I stay in de house with de white folks. Dey raise me a pet in de family. Missus Goolsby, she have two gals and dey give me to de oldest. When she die dey put me in de bed with her but iffen I knowed she dyin' dey wouldn't been able to cotch me. She rub my head and tell her papa and mama, 'I's gwine 'way but I wants you promise you ain't never whip my little nigger.' Dey never did.
"I was just a little kid back then, and I stayed in the house with the white family. They raised me as a pet in their family. Missus Goolsby had two daughters, and they gave me to the oldest one. When she died, they put me in bed with her, but if I had known she was dying, they wouldn't have been able to catch me. She rubbed my head and told her parents, 'I'm going away, but I want you to promise you will never whip my little black.' They never did."
"I's jus' 'bout five year old when us make de trip to Texas. Us come right near Woodville and make de plantation. It a big place and dey raise corn and cotton and cane. We makes our own sugar and has[Pg 70] many as six kettle on de furnace at one time. Dey raise dey tobacco, too. I's sick and a old man he say he make me tobacco medicine and dey dry de leafs and make dem sweet like sugar and feed me like candy.
"I was just about five years old when we made the trip to Texas. We came near Woodville and settled on a plantation. It was a big place, and they grew corn, cotton, and sugarcane. We made our own sugar and had as many as six kettles on the furnace at one time. They grew their own tobacco, too. I was sick, and an old man said he would make me tobacco medicine. They dried the leaves, sweetened them like candy, and fed them to me like candy."
"I 'member old marster say war broke out and Capt. Collier's men was a-drillin' right dere south of Woodville. All de wives and chillen watch dem drill. Dey was lots of dem, but I couldn't count. De whole shebang from de town go watch dem.
"I remember old master saying the war broke out and Captain Collier's men were training right there south of Woodville. All the wives and children watched them drill. There were a lot of them, but I couldn't count. The whole group from the town went to watch them."
"Four of the Goolsby boys goes to dat war and dey call John and Ziby and Zabud and Addison. Zabud, he git wounded, no he git kilt, and Addison he git wounded. I worry den, 'cause I ain't see no reason for dem to have to die.
"Four of the Goolsby boys went to that war, and they called John, Ziby, Zabud, and Addison. Zabud got wounded, no, he got killed, and Addison got wounded. I'm worried then, because I don’t see any reason for them to have to die."
"After us free dey turn us loose in de woods and dat de bad time, 'cause most us didn't know where to turn. I wasn't raise to do nothin' and I didn't know how. Dey didn't even give us a hoecake or a slice of bacon.
"After they set us free, they let us loose in the woods and that was a tough time, because most of us didn't know where to go. I wasn't raised to do anything and I didn’t know how. They didn’t even give us a hoecake or a slice of bacon."
"I's a June bride 59 year ago when I git married. De old white Baptist preacher name Blacksheer put me and dat nigger over dere, Edgar Bendy, togedder and us been togedder ever since. Us never have chick or chile. I's such a good nuss I guess de Lawd didn't want me to have none of my own, so's I could nuss all de others and I 'spect I's nussed most de white chillen and cullud, too, here in Woodville.[Pg 71]
"I was a June bride 59 years ago when I got married. The old white Baptist preacher named Blacksheer joined me and that black man over there, Edgar Bendy, together, and we’ve been together ever since. We’ve never had a child. I guess I was such a good nurse that the Lord didn’t want me to have any of my own, so I could take care of all the others, and I expect I’ve cared for most of the white children and black ones too, here in Woodville.[Pg 71]
SARAH BENJAMIN, 82, was born a slave of the Gilbert family, in Clavin Parish, Louisiana. In 1867 she married Cal Benjamin and they settled in Corsicana, Texas, where Sarah now lives.
SARAH BENJAMIN, 82, was born a slave of the Gilbert family in Clavin Parish, Louisiana. In 1867, she married Cal Benjamin and they settled in Corsicana, Texas, where Sarah now lives.
"I is Sarah Benjamin and is 82 year old, 'cause my mammy told me I's born in 1855 in Clavin Parish in Louisiana. Her name was Fannie and my pappy's name Jack Callahan. There was jus' three of us chillen and I's de oldest.
I am Sarah Benjamin, and I am 82 years old because my mom told me I was born in 1855 in Clavin Parish in Louisiana. Her name was Fannie, and my dad's name was Jack Callahan. There were just three of us kids, and I'm the oldest.
"Marse Gilbert was tol'able good to we'uns, and give us plenty to eat. He had a smokehouse big as a church and it was full, and in de big kitchen we all et, chillen and all. De grown folks et first and den de chillen. Did we have plenty of possums and fish by de barrels full! All dis was cooked in de racks over de fireplace and it were good.
"Marse Gilbert was pretty good to us and gave us plenty to eat. He had a smokehouse as big as a church, and it was full. In the big kitchen, we all ate—kids and all. The grown-ups ate first, and then the kids. We had lots of possums and fish by the barrel. Everything was cooked in the racks over the fireplace, and it was delicious."
"Our clothes was all homespun and de shoes made by de shoemaker. Old marse wanted all us to go to church and if dey didn't have shoes dey have something like de moccasin.
"Our clothes were all handmade, and the shoes were made by the shoemaker. The old master wanted all of us to go to church, and if we didn't have shoes, we wore something like moccasins."
"I don't know how many slaves there was, but it was a lot, maybe 60 or 70. Dey worked hard every day 'cept Sunday. Iffen they was bad they might git whuppin's, but not too hard, not to de blood. Iffen dey was still bad, dey puts chains on dem and puts dem in de stocks, 'cause there wasn't no jail there.
"I don't know how many slaves there were, but it was a lot, maybe 60 or 70. They worked hard every day except Sunday. If they were bad, they might get beaten, but not too hard, not to the blood. If they were still bad, they put chains on them and put them in the stocks, because there wasn't any jail there."
"Once when I's little, marse stripped me stark modern naked and puts me on de block, but he wouldn't sell me, 'cause he was bid only $350.00 and he say no, 'cause I was good and fat.[Pg 72]
"Once when I was little, my master stripped me completely naked and put me on the block, but he wouldn't sell me because he was only offered $350.00, and he said no because I was good and fat.[Pg 72]
"Dey didn't larn us nothin' and iffen you did larn to write, you better keep it to yourse'f, 'cause some slaves got de thumb or finger cut off for larnin' to write. When de slaves come in from de fields dey didn't larn nothin', they jus' go to bed, 'lessen de moonshine nights come and dey could work in de tobacco patch. De marster give each one de little tobacco patch and iffen he raised more'n he could use he could sell it.
"Dey didn't teach us anything, and if you learned to write, you better keep it to yourself, because some slaves got their thumbs or fingers cut off for learning to write. When the slaves came in from the fields, they didn't learn anything; they just went to bed, unless the moonshine nights came and they could work in the tobacco patch. The master gave each one a small tobacco patch, and if they grew more than they could use, they could sell it."
"On Christmas we all has de week vacation and maybe de dance. We allus have de gran' dinner on dat day, and no whuppin's. But dey couldn't leave de plantation without de pass, even on Christmas.
"On Christmas, we all had the week off and maybe some dancing. We always had a big dinner that day, and no punishments. But they couldn't leave the plantation without a pass, even on Christmas."
"De women had to run de gin in de daytime and de man at night. Dey fed de old gin from baskets and my mammy fed from dose baskets all day with de high fever and died dat night. She wouldn't tell de marster she sick, fer fear she have to take de quinine.
"Women had to run the still during the day, and men at night. They fed the old still from baskets, and my mom worked from those baskets all day with a high fever and died that night. She wouldn't tell the boss she was sick, for fear she'd have to take the quinine."
"De day we was freed, de slaves jus' scattered, 'cepting me. Missy Gilbert says I wasn't no slave no more but I had to stay and he'p her for my board 'till I's grown. I stayed 'till I was 'bout 16, den I runs away and marries Cal Benjamin, and we comes to Texas. Cal and me has six chillen, but he died 'fore dey was grown.[Pg 73]
"The day we were freed, the slaves just scattered, except for me. Missy Gilbert said I wasn't a slave anymore, but I had to stay and help her for my room and board until I was grown. I stayed until I was about 16, then I ran away and married Cal Benjamin, and we came to Texas. Cal and I had six kids, but he died before they were grown.[Pg 73]

Jack Bess

Jack Bess's House
JACK BESS was born near Goliad, Texas in 1854, a slave of Steve Bess who was a rancher. He worked with stock as a very young boy and this was his duty during and after the Civil War, as he remained with his boss for three years after emancipation. He then came to old Ben Ficklin four miles south of the present San Angelo, Texas, when it was the county seat of Tom Green County and before there was a San Angelo. He continued his work on ranches here and has never done any other kind of work. For the past several years he has been very feeble and has made his home with a daughter in San Angelo, Texas.
JACK BESS was born near Goliad, Texas, in 1854, as a slave to Steve Bess, who was a rancher. He began working with livestock as a young boy, which was his responsibility during and after the Civil War, as he stayed with his boss for three years after gaining his freedom. He then moved to old Ben Ficklin, four miles south of present-day San Angelo, Texas, when it was the county seat of Tom Green County, before San Angelo even existed. He continued working on ranches there and has never done any other type of work. For the past several years, he has been quite frail and has been living with a daughter in San Angelo, Texas.
Jack who was assisted out of bed and dressed by his grandson, hobbled in on his cane and said, "I was jes' a small boy workin' on de ranch when I hear talk 'bout conscription'[Pg 74] de men for de war what was agoin' to set de slaves free. We didn' know hardly what dey was a talkin' 'bout 'cause we knowed dat would be too good to be true. I jes' keeps on workin' wid my hosses and my cattle (dere wasn't no sheep den) jes' like dere wasn't no war, 'cause dat was all I ever knowed how to do.
Jack, who was helped out of bed and dressed by his grandson, hobbled in on his cane and said, "I was just a little boy working on the ranch when I heard discussions about conscription for the men going off to war to free the slaves. We didn’t really understand what they were talking about because we knew that would be too good to be true. I just kept working with my horses and cattle (there weren't any sheep then) just like there wasn't any war, because that was all I ever knew how to do."
"Our ole marster, he wasn't so very mean to us, course he whips us once and awhile but dat wasn't like de slave holders what had dem colored drivers. Dey sho' was rough on de slaves. I's been told lots 'bout de chains and de diffe'nt punishments but our treatment wasn't so bad. Our beds was pretty good when we uses dem. Lots of de time we jes' sleeps on de groun', 'specially in summer.
"Our old master wasn’t that mean to us. Sure, he whipped us once in a while, but that wasn’t like the slaveholders who had those cruel drivers. They were really tough on the slaves. I’ve heard a lot about the chains and different punishments, but our treatment wasn’t so bad. Our beds were pretty decent when we used them. A lot of the time, we just slept on the ground, especially in the summer."
"Our log huts was comfortable and we had some kind of floors in all of dem. Some was plank and some was poles but dat was better den de dirt floors some cabins have.
"Our log huts were comfortable, and we had some kind of floors in all of them. Some were planked, and some were made of poles, but that was better than the dirt floors that some cabins have."
"De eats we have was jes' good eats, lots of meats and vegetables and de like; 'possum and coon and beef and pork all cooked good. Our clothes was jes' home spun like all de others.
"All the food we had was really good, with lots of meat and vegetables and the like; possum, raccoon, beef, and pork, all cooked well. Our clothes were just home-spun like everyone else's."
"We didn' have such a big ranch and not many slaves but we all gits along. We learns a little 'bout readin' and writin'.
"We didn’t have such a big ranch and not many slaves, but we all get along. We learn a little about reading and writing."
"I don't 'member any camp meetin's 'til after de war. We had a few den and on Christmas times we jes' tears up de country. Lawdy! Lawd! Dat fiddlin' went on all night, and we dance awhile den lay down and sleeps, den gits up and dances some mo'e. We would have big cakes and everything[Pg 75] good to eat.
"I don't remember any camp meetings until after the war. We had a few then, and during Christmas, we just tore up the countryside. Wow! That fiddling went on all night, and we danced for a while, then lay down and slept, then got up and danced some more. We would have big cakes and everything good to eat."
"When we gits sick dey jes' gives us some kind of tea, mostly made from weeds. Mos' of de time we gits well.
"When we get sick, they just give us some kind of tea, mostly made from weeds. Most of the time we get better."
"When de news comes dat we was free our boss, he say, 'You free now.' Course we was glad but we didn' know nothin' to do but jes' stay on dere, and we did 'bout three years and de boss pays us a little by de month for our work.
"When the news came that we were free from our boss, he said, 'You're free now.' Of course, we were happy, but we didn't know what to do except just stay there, and we did that for about three years, and the boss paid us a little each month for our work."
"I's lef' dere den and comes to old Ben Ficklin to work on a ranch. Dat was before dere was any San Angelo, Texas. I's been here ever since, jes' a workin' from one ranch to another long as I was able. Now I's jes' stayin' 'round wid my chillun and dey takes good care of me."[Pg 76]
"I left there then and came to old Ben Ficklin to work on a ranch. That was before there was a San Angelo, Texas. I've been here ever since, just working from one ranch to another as long as I was able. Now I'm just staying around with my kids and they take good care of me."[Pg 76]
ELLEN BETTS, 118 N. Live Oak St., Houston, Texas, is 84. All of her people and their masters came from Virginia and settled in Louisiana about 1853. Her grandparents belonged to the Green family and her parents, Charity and William Green, belonged to Tolas Parsons. Ellen lives with friends who support her. Her sole belonging is an old trunk and she carries the key on a string around her neck.
ELLEN BETTS, 118 N. Live Oak St., Houston, Texas, is 84. All of her ancestors and their owners came from Virginia and settled in Louisiana around 1853. Her grandparents were part of the Green family, and her parents, Charity and William Green, were owned by Tolas Parsons. Ellen lives with friends who help her. Her only possession is an old trunk, and she keeps the key on a string around her neck.
"I got borned on de Bayou Teche, clost to Opelousas. Dat in St. Mary's Parish, in Louisiana, and I belonged to Tolas Parsons, what had 'bout 500 slaves, countin' de big ones and de little ones, and he had God know what else. When my eyes jes' barely fresh open, Marse Tolas die and will de hull lot of us to he brother, William Tolas. And I tells you dat Marse William am de greates' man what ever walk dis earth. Dat's de truth. I can't lie on him when de pore man's in he grave.
I was born on the Bayou Teche, near Opelousas. That’s in St. Mary's Parish, Louisiana, and I belonged to Tolas Parsons, who had about 500 slaves, including both adults and kids, and God knows what else. When I was just a baby, Marse Tolas died and left all of us to his brother, William Tolas. And I tell you, Marse William is the greatest man who ever walked this earth. That’s the truth. I can't lie about him now that the poor man is in his grave.
"When a whuppin' got to be done, old Marse do it heself. He don't 'low no overseer to throw he gals down and pull up dere dress and whup on dere bottoms like I hear tell some of 'em do. Was he still livin' I 'spect one part of he hands be with him today. I knows I would.
"When a beating had to be given, old Master did it himself. He didn't allow any overseer to throw his girls down and lift up their dresses to whip them like I've heard some of them do. If he were still alive, I suspect one part of his hands would be with him today. I know I would."
"When us niggers go down de road folks say, 'Dem's Parson's niggers. Don't hit one dem niggers for God's sake, or Parsons sho' eat your jacket up.'
"When we black people walk down the road, folks say, 'Those are Parson's blacks. Don't hit any of those blacks for God's sake, or Parson will definitely tear you apart.'"
"Aunt Rachel what cook in de big house for Miss Cornelia had four young'uns and dem chillen fat and slick as I ever seen. All de niggers have to stoop to Aunt Rachel jes' like dey curtsy to Missy. I mind de[Pg 77] time her husband, Uncle Jim, git mad and hit her over de head with de poker. A big knot raise up on Aunt Rachel's head and when Marse 'quire 'bout it, she say she done bump de head. She dassn't tell on Uncle Jim or Marse sho' beat him. Marse sho' proud dem black, slick chillen of Rachels. You couldn't find a yaller chile on he place. He sho' got no use for mixin' black and white.
"Aunt Rachel, who cooked in the big house for Miss Cornelia, had four kids, and those children were as chubby and shiny as I’ve ever seen. All the black folks had to stoop to Aunt Rachel just like they would curtsy to Missy. I remember the time her husband, Uncle Jim, got mad and hit her over the head with the poker. A big bump raised up on Aunt Rachel's head, and when Marse asked about it, she said she bumped her head. She couldn’t tell on Uncle Jim or Marse would have surely beaten him. Marse was definitely proud of those black, shiny kids of Rachel’s. You couldn't find a mixed child on his place. He really had no use for mixing black and white."
"Marse William have de pretties' place up and down dat bayou, with de fine house and fine trees and sech. From where we live it's five mile to Centerville one way and five mile to Patterson t'other. Dey hauls de lumber from one place or t'other to make wood houses for de slaves. Sometime Marse buy de furniture and sometime de carpenter make it.
"Mr. William has the nicest place along the bayou, with a beautiful house and lovely trees and such. From where we live, it's five miles to Centerville in one direction and five miles to Patterson in the other. They bring in lumber from one place or another to build wooden houses for the slaves. Sometimes Mr. William buys the furniture, and other times the carpenter makes it."
"Miss Sidney was Marse's first wife and he had six boys by her. Den he marry de widow Cornelius and she give him four boys. With ten chillen springin' up quick like dat and all de cullud chillen comin' 'long fast as pig litters, I don't do nothin' all my days, but nuss, nuss, nuss. I nuss so many chillen it done went and stunted my growth and dat's why I ain't nothin' but bones to dis day.
"Miss Sidney was Mars's first wife, and he had six boys with her. Then he married the widow Cornelius, and she gave him four boys. With ten kids coming up so fast like that, and all the colored kids growing quickly like pig litters, I spend all my days just nursing. I've nursed so many kids it stunted my growth, and that's why I'm just skin and bones to this day."
"When de cullud women has to cut cane all day till midnight come and after, I has to nuss de babies for dem and tend de white chillen, too. Some dem babies so fat and big I had to tote de feet while 'nother gal tote de head. I was sech a li'l one, 'bout seven or eight year old. De big folks leave some toddy for colic and cryin' and sech and I done drink de toddy and let de chillen have de milk. I don't know no better. Lawsy me, it a wonder I ain't de bigges' drunker in dis here country, countin' all de toddy I done put in my young belly![Pg 78]
"When the Black women have to cut cane all day until midnight and beyond, I have to take care of the babies for them and look after the white children, too. Some of those babies are so big I had to carry their feet while another girl carried their head. I was such a little one, about seven or eight years old. The adults left some liquor for colic and crying and such, and I drank the liquor and let the kids have the milk. I didn't know any better. Goodness, it’s a wonder I’m not the biggest drunk in this country, considering all the liquor I’ve put in my young belly![Pg 78]
"When late of night come, iffen dem babies wake up and bawl, I set up a screech and out-screech dem till dey shut dere mouth. De louder day bawl de louder I bawl. Sometime when Marse hear de babies cry, he come down and say, 'Why de chillen cry like dat, Ellen?' I say, 'Marse, I git so hongry and tired I done drink de milk up.' When I talk sassy like dat, Marse jes' shake he finger at me, 'cause he knowed I's a good one and don't let no little mite starve.
"When late at night comes, if those babies wake up and cry, I start yelling louder than them until they stop. The louder they cry, the louder I yell. Sometimes when the master hears the babies cry, he comes down and says, 'Why are the kids crying like that, Ellen?' I say, 'Master, I'm so hungry and tired that I've already drunk all the milk.' When I talk back like that, the master just shakes his finger at me because he knows I'm a good one and won't let any little one go hungry."
"Nobody ever hit me a lick. Marse allus say bein' mean to de young'uns make dem mean when dey grows up and nobody gwineter buy a mean nigger. Marse don't even let de chillen go to de big cane patch. He plant little bitty patches close to de house and each li'l nigger have a patch and he work it till it got growed. Marse have de house girls make popcorn for 'em and candy.
"Nobody ever hit me. Master always said that being harsh to the kids makes them harsh when they grow up, and nobody wants to deal with a mean black person. Master doesn’t even let the children go to the big cane patch. He plants small patches close to the house, and each little black child has their own patch to work on until it grows. Master has the house girls make popcorn and candy for them."
"I nuss de sick folks too. Sometime I dose with Blue Mass pills and sometime Dr. Fawcett leave rhubarb and ipicac and calomel and castor oil and sech. Two year after de war, I git marry and git chillen of my own and den I turn into de wet nuss. I wet nuss de white chillen and black chillen, like dey all de same color. Sometime I have a white'un pullin' de one side and a black one de other.
I cared for the sick folks too. Sometimes I treated them with Blue Mass pills, and other times Dr. Fawcett would leave rhubarb, ipecac, calomel, and castor oil, and so on. Two years after the war, I got married and had kids of my own, and then I became a wet nurse. I nursed both white and black children, treating them all the same. Sometimes I’d have a white child on one side and a black child on the other.
"I wanted to git de papers for midwifin' but, law, I don't never have no time for larnin' in slave time. If Marse cotch a paper in you hand he sho' whop you. He don't 'low no bright niggers 'round, he sell 'em quick. He allus say, 'Book larnin' don't raise no good sugar cane.' De only larnin' he 'low was when dey larn de cullud chillen de Methodist catechism. De only writin' a nigger ever git, am when he git born or marry or die, den Marse put de name in de big book.[Pg 79]
"I wanted to get the papers for midwifery, but honestly, I never have any time for learning during slave times. If the master catches you with a paper in your hand, he’ll definitely whip you. He doesn’t allow any educated Black people around; he sells them off quickly. He always says, 'Book learning doesn’t help grow good sugar cane.' The only education he allows is when they teach the Black children the Methodist catechism. The only writing a Black person ever gets is when they’re born, get married, or die; then the master puts their name in the big book.[Pg 79]
Law, I 'lect de time Marse marry Miss Cornelia. He went on de mail boat and brung her from New Orleans. She de pretties' woman in de world almost, 'ceptin' she have de bigges' mouth I nearly ever seed. He brung her up to de house and all de niggers and boys and girls and cats and dogs and sech come and salute her. Dere she stand on de gallery, with a purty white dress on with red stripes runnin' up and down. Marse say to her, 'Honey, see all de black folks, dey 'longs to you now.' She wave to us and smile on us and nex' day she give her weddin' dress to my ma. Dat de fines' dress I ever seen. It was purple and green silk and all de nigger gals wear dat dress when dey git marry. My sister Sidney wore it and Sary and Mary.
Wow, I remember the time Master married Miss Cornelia. He took the mail boat and brought her back from New Orleans. She was almost the prettiest woman in the world, except she had the biggest mouth I’d ever seen. He brought her to the house, and all the black folks, kids, cats, dogs, and everyone came to greet her. There she stood on the porch, wearing a beautiful white dress with red stripes running vertically. Master told her, "Honey, look at all the black folks, they belong to you now." She waved at us and smiled, and the next day she gave her wedding dress to my mom. That was the finest dress I had ever seen. It was made of purple and green silk, and all the black girls wore that dress when they got married. My sister Sidney wore it, as did Sary and Mary.
"Miss Cornelia was de fines' woman in de world. Come Sunday mornin' she done put a bucket of dimes on de front gallery and stand dere and throw dimes to de nigger chillen jes' like feedin' chickens. I sho' right here to test'fy, 'cause I's right dere helpin' grab. Sometime she done put da washtub of buttermilk on de back gallery and us chillen bring us gourds and dip up dat good, old buttermilk till it all git drunk up. Sometime she fotch bread and butter to de back gallery and pass it out when it don't even come mealtime.
Miss Cornelia was the finest woman in the world. Every Sunday morning, she would set a bucket of dimes on the front porch and stand there throwing dimes to the black kids just like she was feeding chickens. I’m right here to testify because I was there helping to grab the dimes. Sometimes she would bring a wash tub of buttermilk to the back porch, and we kids would bring our gourds and scoop up that good, old buttermilk until it was all gone. Sometimes she would bring bread and butter to the back porch and hand it out even when it wasn't mealtime.
"Miss Cornelia set my ma to cuttin' patterns and sewin' right away. She give all de women a bolt or linsey to make clothes and ma cut de pattern. Us all have de fine drawers down to de ankle, buttoned with pretty white buttons on de bottom. Lawsy, ma sho' cut a mite of drawers, with sewin' for her eleven gals and four boys, too. In de summertime we all git a bolt of blue cloth and white tape for trimmin', to make Sunday dresses. For de field, all de niggers git homespun what you make jumpers out of. I 'lect how Marse say, 'Don't go into de field dirty Monday mornin'. Scrub youself and put on de clean jumper.'[Pg 80]
"Miss Cornelia had my mom start cutting patterns and sewing right away. She gave all the women a bolt of linsey to make clothes, and my mom cut the patterns. We all had nice long drawers down to the ankle, buttoned with pretty white buttons at the bottom. Gosh, my mom sure sewed a lot of drawers, taking care of her eleven girls and four boys, too. In the summertime, we all got a bolt of blue cloth and white tape for trimming to make our Sunday dresses. For the fields, everyone got homespun fabric to make jumpers. I remember how Master used to say, 'Don't go into the fields dirty on Monday morning. Clean yourself up and put on a fresh jumper.'[Pg 80]
"Marse sho' good to dem gals and bucks what cuttin' de cane. When dey git done makin' sugar, he give a drink call 'Peach 'n Honey' to de women folk and whiskey and brandy to de men. And of all de dancin' and caperin' you ever seen! My pa was fiddler and we'd cut de pigeon wing and cut de buck and every other kind of dance. Sometime pa git tired and say he ain't gwineter play no more and us gals git busy and pop him corn and make candy, so to 'tice him to play more.
"Marse is really good to the ladies and guys who are cutting the cane. When they finish making sugar, he gives a drink called 'Peach 'n Honey' to the women and whiskey and brandy to the men. And the dancing and fun you’ve ever seen! My dad was the fiddler, and we’d do the pigeon wing and the buck and every other kind of dance. Sometimes Dad gets tired and says he’s not going to play anymore, and we girls get busy popping corn and making candy to entice him to play more."
"Marse sho' turn over in he grave did he know 'bout some dat 'lasses. Dem black boys don't care. I seen 'em pull rats out de sugar barrel and dey taste de sugar and say, 'Ain't nothin' wrong with dat sugar. It still sweet.' One day a pert one pull a dead scorpion out de syrup kettle and he jes' laugh and say, 'Marse don't want waste none dis syrup,' and he lick de syrup right off dat scorpion's body and legs.
"Master would definitely turn over in his grave if he knew about that molasses. Those boys don’t care. I’ve seen them pull rats out of the sugar barrel and they taste the sugar and say, 'There’s nothing wrong with this sugar. It’s still sweet.' One day, a cheeky one pulled a dead scorpion out of the syrup kettle and he just laughed and said, 'Master doesn’t want to waste any of this syrup,' and he licked the syrup right off that scorpion's body and legs."
"Lawsy me, I seen thousands and thousands sugar barrels and kettles of syrup in my day. Lawd knows how much cane old Marse have. To dem cuttin' de cane it don't seem so much, but to dem what work hour in, hour out, dem sugar cane fields sho' stretch from one end de earth to de other. Marse ship hogs and hogs of sugar down de bayou. I seen de river boats go down with big signs what say, 'Buy dis here 'lasses' on de side. And he raise a world of rice and 'taters and corn and peanuts, too.
"Wow, I've seen thousands and thousands of sugar barrels and kettlefuls of syrup in my lifetime. Lord knows how much cane old Master has. For those cutting the cane, it doesn’t seem like a lot, but for those who work hour in and hour out, those sugar cane fields really stretch from one end of the earth to the other. Master ships tons and tons of sugar down the bayou. I've seen the riverboats go down with big signs saying, 'Buy this molasses' on the side. And he grows a ton of rice, potatoes, corn, and peanuts, too."
"When de work slight, us black folks sho have de balls and dinners and sech. We git all day to barbecue meat down on de bayou and de white folks come down and eat long side de cullud.
"When there's not much work, we Black folks definitely have the parties and dinners and such. We spend all day barbecuing meat down by the bayou, and the white folks come down to eat alongside us."
"When a black gal marry, Marse marry her hisself in de big house. He marry 'em Saturday, so dey git Sunday off, too. One time de river boat come[Pg 81] bearin' de license for niggers to git marry with. Marse chase 'em off and say, 'Don't you come truckin' no no-count papers roun' my niggers. When I marry 'em, dey marry as good as if de Lawd God hisself marry 'em and it don't take no paper to bind de tie.' Marse don't stand no messin' 'round, neither. A gal have to be of age and ask her pa and ma and Marse and Missy, and if dey 'gree, dey go ahead and git marry. Marse have de marry book to put de name down.
"When a black woman gets married, the master marries her himself in the big house. He marries them on Saturday, so they get Sunday off, too. One time, a riverboat came[Pg 81]bringing the license for blacks to get married with. The master chased them off and said, 'Don't you bring any worthless papers around my people. When I marry them, they are married as good as if the Lord God himself married them, and it doesn't take any paper to bind the tie.' The master doesn’t tolerate any nonsense, either. A woman has to be of age and ask her parents, the master, and the missus, and if they agree, they go ahead and get married. The master has a marriage book to record the names."
"One time Marse take me 'long to help tote some chillen. He done write up to Virginny for to buy fresh hands. Dey a old man dat hobble 'long de road and de chillen start to throw rocks and de old man turn 'round to one prissy one and say, 'Go on, young'un, you'll be where dogs can't bark at you tomorrow. Nex' mornin' us cookin' in de kitchen and all a sudden dat li'l boy jes' crumple up dead on de floor. Law, we's scairt. Nobody ever bother dat old man no more, for he sho' lay de evil finger on you.
"One time, Marse took me along to help carry some kids. He had written to Virginia to buy some fresh hands. There was an old man who was limping down the road, and the kids started throwing rocks at him. The old man turned to one of the spoiled kids and said, 'Go on, young one, you’ll be where dogs can’t bark at you tomorrow.' The next morning, we were cooking in the kitchen, and all of a sudden, that little boy just collapsed dead on the floor. Wow, we were scared. Nobody bothered that old man anymore, because he surely had the evil eye on you."
"Marse's brother, Conrad, what was a widdyman, come to live on de plantation and he had a li'l gal 'bout eight year old. One day she in de plum orchard playin' with a rattlesnake and Marse Conrad have de fit. De li'l gal won't let nobody hurt dat snake and she play with him. He won't bite her. She keeps him 'bout three year, and she'd rub and grease him. One day he got sick and dey give him some brandy, but he die and old Doc pickle him in de bottle of brandy. Dat gal git so full of grief dey take her to de infirm'ry in New Orleans and den one day she up and die.
Marse's brother, Conrad, who was a widower, came to live on the plantation with his little girl who was about eight years old. One day she was playing in the plum orchard with a rattlesnake, and Marse Conrad had a fit. The little girl wouldn't let anyone hurt that snake, and she played with it. It wouldn't bite her. She kept it for about three years, rubbing and greasing it. One day it got sick, and they gave it some brandy, but it died, and old Doc pickled it in a bottle of brandy. The girl became so grief-stricken that they took her to the infirmary in New Orleans, and then one day she just died.
"Dat snake ain't all what Doc Fawcett pickle. A slave woman give birth to a baby gal what have two faces with a strip of hair runnin' 'tween. Old Doc Fawcett pickle it in de jar of brandy. Old doc start to court Miss[Pg 82] Cornelia when Marse die, but she don't have none of him and he done went straight 'way and kill hisself.
"That snake isn't all that Doc Fawcett claimed it was. A slave woman gave birth to a baby girl who had two faces with a strip of hair running between them. Old Doc Fawcett pickled it in a jar of brandy. He started to court Miss[Pg 82] Cornelia when Marse died, but she didn't want anything to do with him and he went straight away and killed himself."
"One day a li'l man come ridin' by on a li'l dun hoss so fast you couldn't see dat hoss tail a-switchin'. He whoopin' and hollerin'. Us niggers 'gun whoop and holler, too. Den first thing you know de Yanks and de Democrats 'gun to fight right dere. Dey a high old mountain front Marse's house and de Yanks 'gun pepper cannon ball down from de top dat hill. De war met right dere and dem Yanks and Democrats fit for twenty-four hours straight runnin'.
"One day, a little man rode by on a small brown horse so fast you couldn't even see its tail wagging. He was shouting and hollering. We Black folks started shouting and hollering too. Then, all of a sudden, the Yanks and the Democrats started to fight right there. They were on a high mountain in front of Marse's house, and the Yanks began firing cannonballs down from the top of that hill. The battle happened right there, and those Yanks and Democrats fought for twenty-four hours straight."
"When de bullets starts rainin' down, Marse call us and slip us way back into de woods, where it so black and deep. Next day, when de fight over, Marse come out with great big wagons piles full of mess-poke for us to eat. Dat what us call hog meat. Us sho' glad to 'scape from de Yankees.
"When the bullets start raining down, the boss calls us and slips us way back into the woods, where it’s so dark and deep. The next day, when the fight is over, the boss comes out with huge wagons piled full of food for us to eat. That’s what we call hog meat. We are so glad to escape from the Yankees."
"When us driv back to de plantation, sech a sight I never seen. Law, de things I can tell. Dem Yanks have kilt men and women. I seed babies pick up from de road with dere brains bust right out. One old man am drawin' water and a cannon ball shoots him right in de well. Dey draws him up with de fishin' line. Dey's a old sugar boat out on de bayou with blood and sugar runnin' long side de busted barrels. 'Lasses run in de bayou and blood run in de ditches. Marse have de great big orchard on de road and it wipe clean as de whistle. Bullets wipe up everythin' and bust dat sugar cane all to pieces. De house sot far back and 'scape de bullets, but, law, de time dey have!
"When we drove back to the plantation, I saw something I had never seen before. My goodness, the stories I could tell. Those Yanks have killed men and women. I saw babies picked up from the road with their brains blown out. An old man was drawing water when a cannonball struck right in the well. They pulled him up with a fishing line. There’s an old sugar boat out on the bayou with blood and sugar running alongside the broken barrels. Molasses flows in the bayou and blood flows in the ditches. Marse has a big orchard on the road and it’s wiped clean as a whistle. Bullets destroyed everything and smashed that sugar cane to pieces. The house was set far back and escaped the bullets, but my goodness, what a time they had!"
"Dey's awful, awful times after dat. A old cotton dress cost five dollars and a pound of coffee cost five dollars and a pint cup flour cost six bits.[Pg 83] De Yanks 'round all de time and one day they comes right in de house where Miss Cornelia eatin' her dinner. Dey march 'round de table, jes' scoopin' up meat and 'taters and grabbin' cornpone right and left. Miss Cornelia don't say a word, jes' smile sweet as honey-cake. I reckon dem sojers might a took de silver and sech only she charm 'em by bein' so quiet and ladylike. First thing you know dem sojers curtsy to Missy and take dereself right out de door and don't come back.
"Things got really tough after that. An old cotton dress cost five dollars, a pound of coffee cost five dollars, and a pint of flour cost seventy-five cents.[Pg 83] The Yankees were around all the time, and one day they walked right into the house while Miss Cornelia was having her dinner. They marched around the table, just scooping up meat and potatoes and grabbing cornbread left and right. Miss Cornelia didn’t say a word, just smiled sweet as pie. I guess those soldiers might have taken the silver and such if she hadn’t charmed them by being so quiet and ladylike. Before you knew it, those soldiers curtsied to Missy and exited the door, never to return."
"Den it seem like Marse have all de trouble in de world. He boy, Ned, die in de war and William, what name for he pa, drink bad all de time. And after de war dem Ku Kluxers what wear de false faces try to tinker with Marse's niggers. One day Uncle Dave start to town and a Kluxer ask him where am he pass. Dat Kluxer clout him but Uncle Dave outrun him in de cane. Marse grab de hoss and go 'rest dat man and Marse a jedge and he make dat man pay de fine for hittin' Uncle Dave. After dey hears of dat, dem old poky faces sho' scairt of old Marse and dey git out from Opelousas and stays out. When me and my husband, John, come to Texas de folks say dat Louisiana masters de meanes' in de world and I say right back at 'em dat dey is good and mean in every spot of de earth. What more, de Louisiana masters free dere niggers a year befo' any Texas nigger git free.
"Then it seems like Master has all the trouble in the world. His boy, Ned, died in the war and William, who is named after his dad, drinks too much all the time. And after the war, those Ku Kluxers who wear masks try to mess with Master’s Black people. One day Uncle Dave is heading to town and a Kluxer asks him where he’s going. That Kluxer hits him, but Uncle Dave runs away into the cane fields. Master grabs the horse and goes to arrest that man, and since Master is a judge, he makes that man pay a fine for hitting Uncle Dave. After they hear about that, those old scary faces are really afraid of Master and they leave Opelousas and stay gone. When my husband, John, and I came to Texas, people said that Louisiana masters are the meanest in the world, and I told them right back that they are good and mean everywhere on Earth. What's more, the Louisiana masters freed their Blacks a year before any Texas Black got free."
"When 'mancipation come, Marse git on de big block and say, 'You all is as free as I is, standin' right here. Does you want to stay with me, you can, and I'll pay you for de work.' All de niggers cheer and say dey want to stay, but Marse die not long after and all us niggers scatter.
"When emancipation came, the master got up on the big block and said, 'You all are as free as I am, standing right here. If you want to stay with me, you can, and I'll pay you for the work.' All the Black people cheered and said they wanted to stay, but the master died not long after, and all of us Black people scattered."
"I sho' 'lect dat day old Marse die. He won't die till ma gits there. He keep sayin', "Where's Charity, tell Charity to come." Dey fotch[Pg 84] ma from de cane patch and she hold Marse's hand till he die. Us niggers went to de graveyard and us sho' cry over old Marse.
"I sure hope that day old Marse dies. He won't go until my mom gets there. He keeps saying, 'Where's Charity? Tell Charity to come.' They brought my mom from the cane field, and she held Marse's hand until he passed away. We Black folks went to the graveyard, and we really cried over old Marse."
"Marse's brother, Goldham, carries all he hands back to de free country to turn 'em loose. He say de free country am de ones what's yellin' 'bout slave times, so dey could jes' take care of de niggers. Marse Goldham so big dat when he stand in de door you couldn't git by him, 'thout he stand sideways.
"Marse's brother, Goldham, brings everything he can back to the free country to let it go. He says the free country is the one that's always talking about slavery, so they could just look after the Black people. Marse Goldham is so big that when he stands in the door, you can't get by him unless he stands sideways."
"Law, times ain't like dey was in slave days. All my ten chillen is dead and my old man gone, and now I reckon my time 'bout 'rive. All I got to do now am pray de Lawd to keep me straight, den when de great day come, I can march de road to glory.[Pg 85]
"Life isn't like it was during slavery days. All ten of my kids are dead, my husband is gone, and now I think my time is almost up. All I can do now is pray to the Lord to keep me on the right path, so when the big day comes, I can walk the road to glory.[Pg 85]"

Charlotte Beverley
CHARLOTTE BEVERLY was born a slave to Captain Pankey's wife, in Montgomery County, Texas. She has lived most of her life within a radius of 60 miles from Houston, and now lives with one of her children in a little house on the highway between Cleveland and Shepherd, Texas. She does not know her age, but appears to be about ninety.
CHARLOTTE BEVERLY was born a slave to Captain Pankey's wife in Montgomery County, Texas. She has lived most of her life within a 60-mile radius of Houston and now lives with one of her children in a small house on the highway between Cleveland and Shepherd, Texas. She doesn't know her age, but she looks to be around ninety.
"I's born in Montgomery County and I's the mudder of eleven chillen, four gals and seven boys. My grandma come from Alabama and my daddy was Strawder Green and he belong to Col. Hughes. My maw named Phyllis and she belong to Capt. Pankey.
I was born in Montgomery County and I am the mother of eleven children, four girls and seven boys. My grandma came from Alabama, and my dad was Strawder Green, who belonged to Col. Hughes. My mom's name was Phyllis, and she belonged to Capt. Pankey.
"There was 'bout forty niggers, big and little, on the plantation. Lawd, they was good to us. Us didn' know nothin' 'bout bad times and cutting and whipping and slashing. I had to work in the house and I 'member one thing I has to do was scrub Mistus' gol' snuffbox twict a week. She kep' sweet, Scotch snuff and sometimes I takes a pinch out.
There were about forty Black people, big and small, on the plantation. Honestly, they were good to us. We didn't know anything about bad times, punishment, or violence. I had to work in the house, and I remember one thing I had to do was scrub the lady's gold snuffbox twice a week. She kept sweet, Scotch snuff, and sometimes I would take a pinch out.
"We used to go to the white folks church and if us couldn' git in we'd stand round by the door and sing. Mistus wouldn' 'low us dance on the place but they give us pass to go to dance on nex' plantation, where my daddy live.
"We used to go to the white people's church, and if we couldn't get in, we'd stand by the door and sing. The lady of the house wouldn't let us dance on her property, but they allowed us to go dance on the next plantation, where my dad lived."
"Marster have a lovely house, all ceiled and plastered. It was a log house but it was make all beautiful inside with mirrors and on the board was lots of silver and china and silver spoons with the gol' linin's and part of my job was to keep 'em sparklin'.[Pg 86]
"Master has a lovely house, all ceiling and plaster. It was a log cabin, but it was made beautiful inside with mirrors, and there were plenty of silver, china, and silver spoons with gold linings, and part of my job was to keep them sparkling.[Pg 86]
"Folks in them times cooks in the fireplace and my auntie, she cook. She make 'simmon bread and 'tater pone and the like. She mash up 'simmons with butter and pour sweet milk and flour in it. That make good 'simmon bread. We has skillets what was flat and deep and set on three legs.
Folks back then cooked over the fireplace, and my aunt was one of them. She made persimmon bread and potato pone and things like that. She mashed up persimmons with butter and added sweet milk and flour. That made great persimmon bread. We had skillets that were flat and deep, sitting on three legs.
"The slaves lived in little log houses and sleep on wood beds. The beds was make three-legged. They make augur hole in side of the house and put in pieces of wood to make the bed frame, and they put straw and cotton mattress on them bed.
The slaves lived in small log houses and slept on wooden beds. The beds were made with three legs. They drilled holes in the side of the house and inserted pieces of wood to create the bed frame, and they placed straw and cotton mattresses on those beds.
"Old marster used to let he slaves have a extry cotton patch to theyselves and they work it by the moonlight. They could sell that cotton and have the money for theyselves.
"Old master used to let his slaves have an extra cotton patch for themselves, and they would work it by moonlight. They could sell that cotton and keep the money for themselves."
"My white mistus was a Christian and she'd own her God anywhere. She used to shout, jus' sit and clap her hands and say, 'Hallalujah.' Once I seed her shout in church and I thinks something ail her and I run down the aisle and goes to fannin' her.
"My white mistress was a Christian and she would proclaim her faith anywhere. She would sit and clap her hands, shouting, 'Hallelujah.' One time, I saw her shouting in church and thought something was wrong, so I ran down the aisle to fan her."
"One of the slaves was a sort-a preacher and sometimes marster 'lowed him to preach to the niggers, but he have to preach with a tub over his head, 'cause he git so happy he talk too loud. Somebody from the big house liable to come down and make him quit 'cause he makin' 'sturbance.
"One of the slaves was kind of a preacher, and sometimes the master allowed him to preach to the other Black people, but he had to do it with a tub over his head because he got so happy and spoke too loudly. Someone from the big house was likely to come down and tell him to stop because he was making a disturbance."
"I brings water from the well and they have what they call piggins, and they was little tubs with two handles. Mistus wouldn' 'low me to do any heavy work.
"I bring water from the well and they have what they call piggins, and they are little tubs with two handles. The lady wouldn’t let me do any heavy work."
"I see sojers and knits socks for 'em by moonshine. Me and my husban' was married by a Yankee sojer. I was dress in white Tarleyton weddin' dress and I didn' wear no hoop skirt. I had a pretty wreath of little white flowers, little bitty, little dainty ones, the pretties' little[Pg 87] things. When I marry, my sister marry too and our husban's was brudders. My husban' dress in suit of white linen. He sho' look handsome. He give me a gol' ring and a cup and saucer for weddin' gif'. We git married in Huntsville and us didn' go no weddin' journey trip. We was so poor we couldn' go round the house! I's 'bout twenty some year when I marries, but I don' know jus' how old. We has a big dance that night and the white folks come, 'cause they likes to see the niggers dance.
"I see soldiers and knit socks for them by moonlight. My husband and I were married by a Union soldier. I wore a white Tarleton wedding dress and didn't wear a hoop skirt. I had a beautiful wreath of tiny white flowers, the prettiest little dainty ones, the prettiest little[Pg 87] things. When I got married, my sister got married too, and our husbands were brothers. My husband wore a suit of white linen. He sure looked handsome. He gave me a gold ring and a cup and saucer as wedding gifts. We got married in Huntsville, and we didn't go on a honeymoon. We were so poor we couldn't even walk around the house! I was about twenty-something when I got married, but I don't know exactly how old. We had a big dance that night, and the white folks came because they liked to see the Black people dance."
"The white folks had interes' in they cullud people where I live. Sometimes they's as many as fifty cradle with little nigger babies in 'em and the mistus, she look after them and take care of them, too. She turn them and dry them herself. She had a little gal git water and help. She never had no chillen of her own. I'd blow the horn for the mudders of the little babies to come in from the fields and nurse 'em, in mornin' and afternoon. Mistus feed them what was old enough to eat victuals. Sometimes, they mammies take them to the field and fix pallet on ground for them to lay on.
"The white folks were interested in their colored people where I lived. Sometimes there were as many as fifty cradles with little black babies in them, and the mistress looked after them and took care of them, too. She would turn and dry them herself. She had a little girl fetch water and help. She never had any children of her own. I'd blow the horn for the mothers of the little babies to come in from the fields and nurse them, in the morning and afternoon. The mistress fed those who were old enough to eat food. Sometimes their mamas would take them to the field and set up a pallet on the ground for them to lie on."
"The las' word my old Mistus Pankey say when she die was, 'You take care of Charlette.'[Pg 88]
"The last words my old Mistress Pankey said before she died were, 'You take care of Charlette.'[Pg 88]

Francis Black
FRANCIS BLACK was born at Grand Bluff, Mississippi, about 1850, on the Jim Carlton plantation. When five years old, she was stolen and taken to the slave market in New Orleans. Failing to sell her there, the slave traders took her to Jefferson, Texas, and sold her to Bill Tumlin. Francis stayed with him five years after she was freed, then married and moved to Cass County, Texas. She became blind a year ago, and now lives at the Bagland Old Folks Home, 313 Elm St., Texarkana, Texas.
FRANCIS BLACK was born in Grand Bluff, Mississippi, around 1850, on the Jim Carlton plantation. When she was five years old, she was kidnapped and taken to the slave market in New Orleans. After failing to sell her there, the slave traders brought her to Jefferson, Texas, and sold her to Bill Tumlin. Francis stayed with him for five years after she was freed, then got married and moved to Cass County, Texas. She went blind a year ago and now lives at the Bagland Old Folks Home, 313 Elm St., Texarkana, Texas.
"My name am Francis Black, and I don't know jes' how old I is, but 'members lots 'bout them slave days. I was a big gal, washin' and ironin', when they sot the darkies free. From that, I cal'late I'm in my eighties.
"My name is Francis Black, and I don't really know how old I am, but I remember a lot about the slave days. I was a big girl, washing and ironing, when they set the Black people free. Based on that, I figure I'm in my eighties."
"I was born in Grand Bluff, in Mississippi, on Old Man Carlton's plantation, and I was stole from my folks when I was a li'l gal and never seed them no more. Us kids played in the big road there in Mississippi, and one day me and 'nother gal is playin' up and down the road and three white men come 'long in a wagon. They grabs us up and puts us in the wagon and covers us with quilts. I hollers and yells and one the men say, 'Shet up, you nigger, or I'll kill you.' I told him, 'Kill me if you wants to—you stole me from my folks.'
"I was born in Grand Bluff, Mississippi, on Old Man Carlton's plantation, and I was taken from my family when I was a little girl and never saw them again. We kids played on the big road in Mississippi, and one day another girl and I were playing up and down the road when three white men came along in a wagon. They grabbed us and put us in the wagon, covering us with quilts. I screamed and yelled, and one of the men said, 'Shut up, you black, or I'll kill you.' I told him, 'Go ahead and kill me if you want to—you stole me from my family.'"
"Them men took us to New Orleans to the big slave market. I had long hair and they cut it off like a boy and tried to sell me, but I told them men what looks at me, the men cut my hair off and stole me. The man what cut my hair off cursed me and said if I didn't hush he'd kill me, but he couldn't sell us at New Orleans and took us to Jefferson.[Pg 89]
"The men took us to New Orleans to the big slave market. I had long hair, and they cut it off like a boy's and tried to sell me, but I told the men who looked at me that the men cut my hair off and stole me. The man who cut my hair off cursed at me and said if I didn't be quiet, he'd kill me, but he couldn't sell us in New Orleans and took us to Jefferson.[Pg 89]
"I never knowed what they done with the other gal, but they sold me to Marse Bill Tumlin, what run a big livery stable in Jefferson, and I 'longed to him till surrender. I lived in the house with them, 'cause they had a boy and gal and I did for them. They bought me clothes and took good care of me but I never seed no money till surrender. I et what they et, after they got through. Missy say she didn't 'lieve in feedin' the darkies scraps, like some folks.
"I never knew what happened to the other girl, but they sold me to Marse Bill Tumlin, who ran a big livery stable in Jefferson, and I belonged to him until surrender. I lived in the house with them because they had a boy and a girl, and I took care of them. They bought me clothes and looked after me, but I didn't see any money until surrender. I ate what they ate, after they were done. Missy said she didn't believe in feeding the darkies scraps, like some people do."
"I played with them two chillen all day, then sot the table. I was so small I'd git in a chair to reach the dishes out of the safe. I had to pull a long flybrush over the table whilst the white folks et.
"I played with those two kids all day, then set the table. I was so small I had to get on a chair to reach the dishes out of the cupboard. I had to run a long flybrush over the table while the white folks ate."
"Marse Tumlin had a farm 'bout four mile from town, and a overseer, and I seed him buckle the niggers crost a log and whip them. Marse lived in Jefferson, heself, and when he'd go to the farm he allus took his boy with him. We'd be playin' in the barn and Marse call from the house, 'Come on, Jimmie, we're gwine to the farm.' Jimmie allus say to me, 'Come on, nigger, let's ride round the farm.' I'd say, 'I ain't no nigger.' He'd say, 'Yes, you is, my pa paid $200 for you. He bought you for to play with me.'
Marse Tumlin had a farm about four miles from town and an overseer. I saw him tie up the enslaved people across a log and whip them. Marse lived in Jefferson himself, and whenever he went to the farm, he always took his son with him. We’d be playing in the barn when Marse would call from the house, “Come on, Jimmie, we’re going to the farm.” Jimmie would always say to me, “Come on, black, let’s ride around the farm.” I’d respond, “I’m not black.” He’d say, “Yes, you are. My dad paid $200 for you. He bought you to play with me.”
"Jefferson was a good town till it burned up. I 'members the big fire what looked like the whole town gwineter burn up. Marse Bill lost his livery stable in the fire.
"Jefferson was a nice town until it burned down. I remember the big fire that made it seem like the whole town was going to burn up. Mr. Bill lost his livery stable in the fire."
"The Yankee soldiers, all dressed in blue, come to run the town after the war. Marse Tumlin done told me I'm free, but I stays on till I'm most growed. Then I works round town and marries Dave Black, and we moved to Cass County. I raises six chillun but my old man done git so triflin' and mean I quit him and worked for myself. I come to Texarkana to work, and allus could earn my own livin' till 'bout a year ago I lost my seein', and Albert Ragland done took me in his home for the old folks. They gives me a $10 a month pension now. They is good to me here and feeds us good.[Pg 90]
"The Yankee soldiers, all dressed in blue, came to take over the town after the war. Marse Tumlin told me I was free, but I stayed until I was almost grown. Then I worked around town and married Dave Black, and we moved to Cass County. I raised six kids, but my husband got so lazy and mean that I left him and worked for myself. I came to Texarkana to work, and I could always earn my own living until about a year ago when I lost my sight, and Albert Ragland took me into his home for the elderly. They give me a $10 a month pension now. They are good to me here and feed us well.[Pg 90]
OLIVIER BLANCHARD, 95 years old, was a slave of Clairville La San, who owned a large plantation in Martinville Parish, Louisiana. His father was a Frenchman and Olivier speaks rather haltingly, as though it is difficult for him to express his thoughts in English, for he has talked a species of French all his life. He lives in Beaumont, Texas.
OLIVIER BLANCHARD, 95 years old, was a slave of Clairville La San, who owned a large plantation in Martinville Parish, Louisiana. His father was a Frenchman, and Olivier speaks somewhat hesitantly, as if it’s hard for him to express his thoughts in English since he has spoken a form of French all his life. He lives in Beaumont, Texas.
"I was plowing and hoeing before the freedom and I talk more of the French 'cause I comes from St. Martinville Parish. I was born there in Louisiana and my mama was Angeline Jean Pierre and she was slave born. My papa was Olivier Blanchard and he white man carpenter on old plantation. We belong to Clairville La San and all live on that place. My papa just plain carpenter but could draw patterns for houses. I don't know where he larn that work.
"I was farming and working the fields before we were free, and I talk more about the French because I come from St. Martinville Parish. I was born there in Louisiana, and my mom was Angeline Jean Pierre, who was born into slavery. My dad was Olivier Blanchard, a white carpenter on the old plantation. We belonged to Clairville La San and all lived on that land. My dad was just a regular carpenter but could design blueprints for houses. I don’t know where he learned that skill."
"I was count freeborn and still have one white half sister alive. When freedom come my mama and papa split up and mama get marry.
"I was born free and still have one white half-sister alive. When freedom came, my mom and dad separated, and my mom got married."
"I pick cotton and mama cook. She make koosh-koosh and cyayah—that last plain clabber. Mama cook lots of gaspergou and carp and the poisson ami fish, with the long snout—what they call gar now. I think it eel fish they strip the skin off and wrap round the hair and make it curly.
"I pick cotton and mom cooks. She makes koosh-koosh and cyayah—that last one is just plain clabber. Mom cooks a lot of gaspergou and carp and the poisson ami fish, with the long snout—what they call gar now. I think it's eel fish they strip the skin off and wrap around the hair to make it curly."
"The Bayou Teche, it run close by and the women do all the clothes with a big paddle with holes in it to clean them in the bayou. They paddle them clean on the rocks and then wash them in the water.[Pg 91]
"The Bayou Teche runs nearby, and the women do all the laundry using a large paddle with holes in it to clean the clothes in the bayou. They scrub them on the rocks and then rinse them in the water.[Pg 91]
"One time one big bayou 'gator come up and bite a woman's arm off. She my sister in law. But they keep on washing the clothes in the bayou just the same.
"One time a big bayou alligator came up and bit a woman's arm off. She's my sister-in-law. But they kept on washing the clothes in the bayou anyway."
"We have plenty to eat and peaches and muscadines and pecans, 'cause there right smart woods and swamp there. We play in the woods and most time in the bayou on boats with planks what would float. We had the good time and had a little pet coon. You know, the coon like sweet things and he steal our syrup and when we chase him with the switch he hide under the bed.
"We have plenty of food, like peaches, muscadines, and pecans, because there are good woods and swamps around. We play in the woods and most of the time in the bayou on boats made of floating planks. We had a great time and even had a pet raccoon. You know, raccoons love sweet things, and he would steal our syrup. When we chased him with a stick, he'd hide under the bed."
"My old missus was good Catholic and she have us christened and make the first communion. That not registered, 'cause it before the freedom, but it were in old St. Martin's church, same old church what stand now. There was a statue of Pere Jean, the old priest, in front the church and one of St. Martin, too.
"My wife was a devout Catholic, and she had us baptized and made our first communion. That wasn’t officially recorded because it was before we gained our freedom, but it took place in the old St. Martin's church, the same church that still stands today. There was a statue of Father Jean, the old priest, in front of the church, and there was also one of St. Martin."
"Plenty men from St. Martinville go to the war and Archie DeBlieu, he go to Virginia and fight. The first one to pass our place was John Well Banks and he was a Yankee going up the Red River.
"Many men from St. Martinville went to war, and Archie DeBlieu went to Virginia to fight. The first one to pass our place was John Well Banks, and he was a Yankee heading up the Red River."
"The yellow fever came durin' that war and kill lots. All the big plantation have the graveyard for the cullud people. That fever so bad they get the coffin ready before they dead and they so scared that some weren't dead but they think they are and bury them. There was a white girl call Colene Sonnier what was to marry Sunday and she take sick Friday before. She say not to bury her in the ground but they put her there while they got the tomb ready. When they open the ground grave to put her in the tomb they find she buried alive and she eat all her own shoulder and hand away. Her sweetheart, Gart Berrild, he see that corpse,[Pg 92] and he go home and get took with yellow fever and die.
"The yellow fever hit during that war and killed a lot of people. All the big plantations had graveyards for the Black folks. That fever was so bad they would get the coffins ready before people even died, and they were so scared that some weren't actually dead, but they thought they were and buried them anyway. There was a white girl named Colene Sonnier who was supposed to marry Sunday, and she got sick the Friday before. She asked not to be buried in the ground, but they put her there while they got the tomb ready. When they opened the grave to put her in the tomb, they found she had been buried alive and had eaten away at her own shoulder and hand. Her sweetheart, Gart Berrild, saw that corpse,[Pg 92] and then he went home, caught yellow fever, and died."
"They was the old lady what die. She was a terrible soul. One time after she die I go to get water out of her rain barrel and I had a lamp in one hand. That old lady's ghost blowed out the lamp and slapped the pitcher out my hand. After she first die her husband put black dress on her and tie up the jaw with a rag and my girl look in the room and there that old lady, Liza Lee, sittin' by the fire. My girl tell her mama and after three day she go back, and Liza Lee buried but my wife see her sittin' by the fire. Then she sorry she whip the chile for sayin' she saw Liza Lee. That old lady, Liza Lee, was a tart and she stay a tart for a long time.
They were the old lady who died. She was a terrible person. One time after she died, I went to get water from her rain barrel, and I had a lamp in one hand. That old lady's ghost blew out the lamp and knocked the pitcher out of my hand. After she died, her husband dressed her in black and tied her jaw shut with a rag, and my girl looked in the room and saw that old lady, Liza Lee, sitting by the fire. My girl told her mom, and after three days she went back, and Liza Lee was buried, but my wife saw her sitting by the fire. Then she regretted whipping the child for saying she saw Liza Lee. That old lady, Liza Lee, was a troublemaker, and she remained that way for a long time.
"I marry 72 year ago in the Catholic Church in St. Martinville. My wife call Adeline Chretien and she dead 37 year. We have seven children but four live now. Frank my only boy live now, in Iowa, in Louisiana, and my two girls live, Enziede De Querive and Rose Baptiste.[Pg 93]
"I married 72 years ago in the Catholic Church in St. Martinville. My wife's name was Adeline Chretien, and she passed away 37 years ago. We had seven children, but four are still alive. Frank, my only son, currently lives in Iowa, while my two daughters, Enziede De Querive and Rose Baptiste, also live in Louisiana.[Pg 93]
JULIA BLANKS was born of a slave mother and a three-quarter Indian father, in San Antonio, in the second year of the Civil War. Her mother, part French and part Negro, was owned by Mrs. John G. Wilcox, formerly a Miss Donaldson, who had lived at the White House, and who gave Julia to her daughter. After the slaves were freed, Julia continued to live with her mother in San Antonio until, at fifteen, she married Henry Hall. Five years later her second marriage took place, at Leon Springs, Texas, where she lived until moving to the Adams ranch, on the Frio River. Here she raised her family. After leaving the Adams ranch, Julia and Henry bought two sections of state land, but after four years they let it go back because of Henry's ill health, and moved to Uvalde.
JULIA BLANKS was born to a slave mother and a three-quarter Indian father in San Antonio during the second year of the Civil War. Her mother, who was part French and part Black, was owned by Mrs. John G. Wilcox, formerly Miss Donaldson, who had lived in the White House and gave Julia to her daughter. After the slaves were freed, Julia stayed with her mother in San Antonio until, at fifteen, she married Henry Hall. Five years later, she remarried in Leon Springs, Texas, where she lived until moving to the Adams ranch on the Frio River. Here, she raised her family. After leaving the Adams ranch, Julia and Henry bought two sections of state land, but after four years, they let it go back due to Henry's poor health and moved to Uvalde.
"I was born in San Antonio, in 1862. My mother's name was Rachael Miller. I don't know if she was born in Tennessee or Mississippi. I heard her talk of both places. I don't know nothing about my father, because he run off when I was about three months old. He was three-quarter Cherokee Indian. They were lots of Indians then, and my husband's people come from Savannah, Georgia, and he said they was lots of Indians there. I had two sisters and one brother and the sisters are dead but my brother lives somewhere in Arizona. My mother's master's name was John. G. Wilcox.
I was born in San Antonio in 1862. My mom's name was Rachael Miller. I'm not sure if she was born in Tennessee or Mississippi; I've heard her mention both places. I don’t know anything about my dad because he left when I was about three months old. He was three-quarters Cherokee Indian. There were a lot of Indians back then, and my husband's family is from Savannah, Georgia, and he said there were a lot of Indians there too. I had two sisters and one brother; my sisters have passed away, but my brother lives somewhere in Arizona. My mom's master's name was John G. Wilcox.
"When we was small chillen, they hired my sisters out, but not me. My grandfather bought my grandmother's time and they run a laundry house. They hired my mother out, too.
"When we were little kids, they hired my sisters out, but not me. My grandfather bought my grandmother's time, and they ran a laundry service. They hired my mom out, too."
"You see, my grandmother was free born, but they stole her and sold her to Miss Donaldson. She was half French. She looked[Pg 94] jes' like a French woman. She wasn't a slave, but she and her brother were stolen and sold. She said the stage coach used to pass her aunt's house, and one day she and her brother went down to town to buy some buns, and when they were comin' back, the stage stopped and asked 'em to ride. She wanted to ride, but her brother didn't. But they kep' coaxin' 'em till they got 'em in. They set her down between the two women that was in there and set her brother between two men, and when they got close to the house, they threw cloaks over their heads and told the driver to drive as fast as he could, and he sure drove. They taken 'em to Washin'ton, to the White House, and made her a present to Mary Wilcox (Miss Donaldson) and her brother to somebody else. Then this woman married John C. Wilcox and they come to Texas.
You see, my grandmother was born free, but they kidnapped her and sold her to Miss Donaldson. She was half French. She looked just like a French woman. She wasn't a slave, but she and her brother were taken and sold. She said the stagecoach used to pass her aunt's house, and one day she and her brother went to town to buy some buns, and when they were coming back, the stage stopped and asked them if they wanted a ride. She wanted to ride, but her brother didn't. But they kept persuading them until they got them on. They sat her down between the two women in there and her brother between two men, and when they got close to the house, they threw cloaks over their heads and told the driver to go as fast as he could, and he really did. They took them to Washington, to the White House, and made her a present to Mary Wilcox (Miss Donaldson) and her brother to someone else. Then this woman married John C. Wilcox, and they came to Texas.
"She saw a cousin of hers when they got to Washin'ton, and she knew, after that, he had somethin' to do with her and her brother bein' stolen. One day she found a piece of yellow money and took it to her cousin and he told her it wasn't no good and gave her a dime to go get her some candy. After that, she saw gold money and knew what it was.
"She saw one of her cousins when they got to Washington, and after that, she realized he was involved in her and her brother being taken. One day, she found a piece of yellow money and took it to her cousin. He told her it wasn't worth anything and gave her a dime to buy some candy. After that, she saw gold money and knew what it was."
"She said she had a good time, though, when she was growing up. They were pretty good to her, but after they came to San Antonio, Mrs. Wilcox began bein' mean. She kep' my mother hired out all the time and gave me to her daughter and my sister to her son. My mother was kep' hired out all the time, cooking; and after freedom, she just took to washin' and ironin'. My grandfather bought his time and my grandmother's time out. They didn't stay with her.[Pg 95]
"She said she had a good time growing up. They treated her pretty well, but after they moved to San Antonio, Mrs. Wilcox started acting mean. She kept my mother working all the time and gave me to her daughter and my sister to her son. My mother was always hired out to cook, and after freedom, she switched to washing and ironing. My grandfather bought their time back, both his and my grandmother's. They didn’t stay with her.[Pg 95]"
"I've heard my mother talk about coffee. They roasted beans and made coffee. She says, out on the plantation, they would take bran and put it in a tub and have 'em stir it up with water in it and let all the white go to the bottom and dip it off and strain it and make starch. I have made starch out of flour over and often, myself. I had four or five little girls; and I had to keep 'em like pins. In them days they wore little calico dresses, wide and full and standin' out, and a bonnet to match every dress.
"I've heard my mom talk about coffee. They roasted beans and brewed it. She says that out on the plantation, they would take bran, put it in a tub, stir it up with water, let all the white settle at the bottom, dip it off, strain it, and make starch. I've made starch from flour a lot myself. I had four or five little girls, and I had to keep them looking perfect. Back then, they wore little calico dresses that were wide and full, standing out, with a matching bonnet for every dress."
"I used to hear my grandmother tell about the good times they used to have. They would go from one plantation to another and have quiltin's and corn huskin's. And they would dance. They didn't have dances then like they do now. The white people would give them things to eat. They would have to hoof it five or six miles and didn't mind it.
"I used to hear my grandmother talk about the good times they had. They would go from one plantation to another and have quilting and corn husking events. And they would dance. They didn't have dances back then like we do now. The white people would give them food. They would have to walk five or six miles and didn't mind at all."
"They had what they called patros, and if you didn't have a pass they would whip you and put you in jail. Old Man Burns was hired at the courthouse, and if the marsters had slaves that they didn't want to whip, they would send them to the courthouse to be whipped. Some of the marsters was good and some wasn't. There was a woman, oh, she was the meanest thing! I don't know if she had a husband—I never did hear anything about him. When she would get mad at one of her slave women, she would make the men tie her down, and she had what they called cat-o'-nine-tails, and after she got the blood to come, she would dip it in salt and pepper and whip her again. Oh, she was mean! My[Pg 96] mother's marster was good; he wouldn't whip any of his slaves. But his wife wasn't good. If she got mad at the women, when he would come home she would say: 'John, I want you to whip Liza.' Or Martha. And he would say, 'Them are your slaves. You whip them.' He was good and she was mean.
They had what they called patros, and if you didn't have a pass, they would whip you and throw you in jail. Old Man Burns worked at the courthouse, and if the masters had slaves they didn’t want to whip themselves, they would send them to the courthouse to be punished. Some of the masters were decent, and some weren’t. There was a woman, and she was the cruelest of all! I don’t know if she had a husband—I never heard anything about him. When she got angry at one of her female slaves, she would make the men tie her down, and she had this thing called a cat-o'-nine-tails. After she drew blood, she would dip it in salt and pepper and whip her again. Oh, she was vicious! My[Pg 96] mother’s master was kind; he wouldn’t whip any of his slaves. But his wife was cruel. When she got mad at the women, she would say to him when he came home: 'John, I want you to whip Liza.' Or Martha. And he would say, 'Those are your slaves. You deal with them.' He was good, and she was mean.
"When my aunt would go to clean house, she (Mrs. Wilcox) would turn all the pictures in the house but one, the meanest looking one—you know how it always looks like a picture is watching you everywhere you go—and she would tell her if she touched a thing or left a bit of dirt or if she didn't do it good, this picture would tell. And she believed it.
"When my aunt would go to clean the house, she (Mrs. Wilcox) would turn all the pictures in the house except for one—the ugliest one. You know how some pictures seem to watch you no matter where you are? She would warn her that if she touched anything, missed a spot, or didn’t do a good job, that picture would spill the beans. And she genuinely believed it."
"My grandmother told a tale one time. You know in slave time they had an old woman to cook for the chillen. One day they were going to have company. This woman that was the boss of the place where the chillen was kept told the old cullud woman to take a piece of bacon and grease the mouths of all the chillen. Then she told a boy to bring them up to these people, and the woman said: 'Oh, you must feed these chillen good, just look at their mouths!' And the woman said, 'Oh, that's the way they eat.' They didn't get meat often. That was just to make them believe they had lots to eat.
"My grandmother once told a story. You know, during slavery, there was an old woman who cooked for the children. One day, they were expecting guests. The woman in charge of the place where the children stayed instructed the old Black woman to take a piece of bacon and grease the mouths of all the children. Then she told a boy to bring them out to meet the guests, and the woman said, 'Oh, you must feed these children well, just look at their mouths!' The old woman replied, 'Oh, that's just how they eat.' They didn't get meat often. That was just to make it seem like they had plenty to eat."
"No. They were cut off from education. The way my stepfather got his learning was a cullud blacksmith would teach school at night, and us chillen taught our mother. She didn't know how to spell or read or nothin'. She didn't know B from bull's foot. Some of them were allowed to have church and some didn't. Mighty few read the Bible 'cause they couldn't read. As[Pg 97] my mother used to say, they were raised up as green as cucumbers. That old blacksmith was the onlyist man that knew how to read and write in slavery time that I knew of. My grandmother or none of them knew how to read; they could count, but that was all. That's what makes me mad. I tell my grandchillen they ought to learn all they can 'cause the old people never had a chance. My husband never did have any schooling, but he sure could figger. Now, if you want me to get tangled up, just give me a pencil and paper and I don't know nothing." She tapped her skull. "I figger in my head! The chillen, today, ought to appreciate an education.
"No. They were denied education. The way my stepfather learned was from a blacksmith who taught school at night, and we kids taught our mother. She didn’t know how to spell or read or anything. She didn’t know B from bull's foot. Some of them were allowed to attend church, and some weren’t. Very few could read the Bible because they couldn’t read. As my mother used to say, they were raised as clueless as cucumbers. That old blacksmith was the only man I knew who could read and write during slavery. My grandmother and none of them could read; they could count, but that was it. That’s what makes me mad. I tell my grandkids they should learn as much as they can because the older folks never had a chance. My husband never had any schooling, but he could certainly figure things out. Now, if you want me to get confused, just give me a pencil and paper, and I won’t know anything." She tapped her head. "I think in my head! The kids today should appreciate an education."
"Oh, yes, they were good to the slaves when they were sick. They would have the doctor come out and wait on them. Most plantations had what they called an old granny cullud woman that treated the chillen with herbs and such things.
"Oh, yes, they were good to the slaves when they were sick. They would have the doctor come out and attend to them. Most plantations had what they called an old granny colored woman who treated the children with herbs and stuff."
"Games? I don't know. We used to play rap jacket. We would get switches and whip one another. You know, after you was hit several times it didn't hurt much. I've played a many time. In slave time the men used to go huntin' at night, and hunt 'possums and 'coons. They would have a dog or two along. They used to go six or seven miles afoot to corn huskin's and quiltin's. And those off the other plantations would come over and join in the work. And they would nearly always have a good dinner. Sometimes some of the owners would give 'em a hog or somethin' nice to eat, but some of 'em didn't.
"Games? I’m not sure. We used to play rap jacket. We would grab sticks and whip each other. You know, after you got hit several times it didn’t hurt much. I played a lot. Back in the days of slavery, the men would go hunting at night and catch possums and raccoons. They’d bring a dog or two along. They would walk six or seven miles to corn husking and quilting events. People from other plantations would come over and join in the work. They almost always had a good meal. Sometimes, some of the owners would give them a hog or something nice to eat, but not everyone did."
"No'm, I don't know if they run off to the North, but[Pg 98] some of them runned off and stayed in the swamps, and they was mean. They called them runaways. If they saw you, they would tell you to bring them something to eat. And if you didn't do it, if they ever got you they sure would fix you.
"No, I don't know if they escaped to the North, but[Pg 98] some of them ran off and stayed in the swamps, and they were dangerous. They called them runaways. If they saw you, they would ask you to bring them something to eat. And if you didn't do it, if they ever caught you, they would definitely make you pay for it."
"I don't know when my mother was set free. My husband's marster's name was King. He was from Savannah, Georgia, but at the time was living close to Boerne. My husband's father was killed in the war. When my husband was about ten years old, his marster hadn't told them they was free. You know some of them didn't tell the slaves they was free until they had to. After freedom was declared, lots of people didn't tell the slaves they were free. One morning, my husband said, he happended to look out and he saw a big bunch of men coming down the road, and he thought he never saw such pretty men in his life on them horses. They had so many brass buttons on their clothes it looked like gold. So he run and told his mama, and she looked and saw it was soldiers, and some of 'em told the boss, and he looked and saw them soldiers comin' in the big gate and he called 'em in quick, and told them they were free. So when the soldiers come, they asked him if he had told his slaves they were free, and he said yes. They asked the Negroes if they lived there, and they said yes. One said, 'He just told us we was free.' The soldiers asked him why he had just told them, and he said they wasn't all there and he was waiting for them all to be there.
"I don't know when my mother was set free. My husband's master was named King. He was from Savannah, Georgia, but at that time he was living near Boerne. My husband's father was killed in the war. When my husband was about ten years old, his master hadn’t told them they were free. You know, some of them didn't let the slaves know they were free until they had to. After freedom was declared, a lot of people didn’t tell the slaves they were free. One morning, my husband said he happened to look out and saw a group of men coming down the road, and he thought he had never seen such handsome men in his life on those horses. They had so many brass buttons on their clothes it looked like gold. So he ran to tell his mom, and she looked and saw that they were soldiers, and some of them told the boss. When he saw the soldiers coming through the big gate, he called them in quickly and told them they were free. When the soldiers arrived, they asked him if he had told his slaves they were free, and he said yes. They asked the Black people if they lived there, and they answered yes. One said, 'He just told us we were free.' The soldiers asked him why he had just told them, and he said they weren't all there and he was waiting for them all to arrive."
"My husband said he thought them was the prettiest bunch of men he ever saw, and the prettiest horses. Of course, he[Pg 99] hadn't never saw any soldiers before. I know it looked pretty to me when I used to see the soldiers at the barracks and hear the band playin' and see them drillin' and ever'thing. You see, we lived on a little cross-street right back of St. Mary's Church in San Antonio, I don't know how that place is now. Where the post office is now, there used to be a blacksmith shop and my father worked there. I went back to San Antonio about fifteen years ago and jes' took it afoot and looked at the changes.
"My husband said he thought they were the prettiest group of men he had ever seen, and the prettiest horses. Of course, he had never seen any soldiers before. I know it looked beautiful to me when I used to see the soldiers at the barracks, hear the band playing, and watch them drilling and everything. You see, we lived on a little side street just behind St. Mary's Church in San Antonio; I don't know what that place is like now. Where the post office is now, there used to be a blacksmith shop, and my father worked there. I went back to San Antonio about fifteen years ago and just wandered around to see the changes."
"I was fifteen years old the first time I married. It was almost a run-a-way marriage. I was married in San Antonio. My first husband's name was Henry Hall. My first wedding dress was as wide as a wagon sheet. It was white lawn, full of tucks, and had a big ruffle at the bottom. I had a wreath and a veil, too. The veil had lace all around it. We danced and had a supper. We danced all the dances they danced then; the waltz, square, quadrille, polka, and the gallopade—and that's what it was, all right; you shore galloped. You'd start from one end of the hall and run clear to the other end. In those days, the women with all them long trains—the man would hold it over his arm. No, Lord! Honeymoons wasn't thought of then. No'm, I never worked out a day in my life." Jokingly, "I guess they thought I was too good looking. I was about twenty years old when I married the second time. I was married in Leon Springs the second time.
"I was fifteen the first time I got married. It was almost a runaway marriage. I got married in San Antonio. My first husband's name was Henry Hall. My first wedding dress was as wide as a wagon cover. It was white lawn, full of tucks, and had a big ruffle at the bottom. I also had a wreath and a veil; the veil had lace all around it. We danced and had supper. We did all the dances popular back then: the waltz, square dance, quadrille, polka, and the gallopade—and that’s exactly what it was; you really did gallop. You'd start from one end of the hall and run all the way to the other. Back then, the women had those long trains—the men would hold it over their arms. Oh, honey! Honeymoons weren’t a thing back then. Nope, I never worked a day in my life." Jokingly, "I guess they thought I was too good-looking. I was about twenty when I got married the second time. I got married in Leon Springs the second time."
"Before we come out to this country from Leon Springs, they was wild grapes, dewberries, plums and agaritas, black haws,[Pg 100] red haws. M-m-m! Them dewberries, I dearly love 'em! I never did see wild cherries out here. I didn't like the cherries much, but they make fine wine. We used to gather mustang grapes and make a barrel of wine.
"Before we came out to this country from Leon Springs, there were wild grapes, dewberries, plums, and agaritas, black haws,[Pg 100] red haws. M-m-m! I really love those dewberries! I never saw wild cherries out here. I didn't like the cherries much, but they make great wine. We used to gather mustang grapes and make a barrel of wine."
"After I married the second time, we lived on the Adams ranch on the Frio and stayed on that ranch fifteen years. We raised all our chillen right on that ranch. I am taken for a Mexkin very often. I jes' talk Mexkin back to 'em. I learned to talk it on the ranch. As long as I have lived at this place, I have never had a cross word about the chillen. All my neighbors here is Mexkins. They used to laugh at me when I tried to talk to the hands on the ranch, but I learned to talk like 'em.
"After I got married for the second time, we lived on the Adams ranch by the Frio and stayed there for fifteen years. We raised all our kids right on that ranch. People often mistake me for a Mexican, and I just speak back to them in Spanish. I picked it up while living on the ranch. Ever since I've been here, I've never had a single argument about the kids. All my neighbors are Mexican. They used to laugh at me when I tried to speak to the workers on the ranch, but I learned to talk like them."
"We used to have big round-ups out on the Adams ranch. They had fences then. The neighbors would all come over and get out and gather the cattle and bring 'em in. Up at Leon Springs at that time they didn't have any fences, and they would have big round-ups there. But after we come out here, it was different. He would notify his neighbors they were goin' to gather cattle on a certain day. The chuck wagon was right there at the ranch, that is, I was the chuck wagon. But if they were goin' to take the cattle off, they would have a chuck wagon. They would round up a pasture at a time and come in to the ranch for their meals. Now on the Wallace ranch, they would always take a chuck wagon. When they were gettin' ready to start brandin' at the ranch, my husband always kep' his brandin' irons all in the house, hangin' up right where he could get his hands on 'em.[Pg 101] Whenever they would go off to other ranches to gather cattle, you would see ever' man with his beddin' tied up behind him on his horse. He'd have jes' a small roll. They would always have a slicker if nothin' else. That slicker answered for ever'thing sometimes. My husband slep' many a night with his saddle under his head.
"We used to have big round-ups out on the Adams ranch. They had fences back then. The neighbors would all come over to help gather the cattle and bring them in. Up at Leon Springs, there weren’t any fences, and they would have big round-ups there. But after we moved out here, it was different. He would let his neighbors know they were going to gather cattle on a specific day. The chuck wagon was right there at the ranch, which was me, I was the chuck wagon. But if they were going to take the cattle off, they would have a chuck wagon. They would round up one pasture at a time and come back to the ranch for their meals. At the Wallace ranch, they always took a chuck wagon. When they were getting ready to start branding at the ranch, my husband always kept his branding irons in the house, hanging up where he could easily grab them.[Pg 101] Whenever they went off to other ranches to gather cattle, you would see every man with his bedding tied up behind him on his horse. He'd have just a small roll. They would always have a slicker if nothing else. That slicker sometimes served for everything. My husband slept many nights with his saddle under his head."
"He used to carry mail from San Antonio to Dog Town, horseback. That was the town they used to call Lodi (Lodo), but I don't know how to spell it, and don't know what it means. It was a pretty tough town. The jail house was made out of 'dobe and pickets. They had a big picket fence all around it. They had a ferry that went right across the San Antonio River from Floresville to Dog Town. I know he told me he come to a place and they had a big sign that said, 'Nigga, don't let the sun go down on you here.' They was awful bad down in there. He would leave Dog Town in the evenin' and he would get to a certain place up toward San Antonio to camp, and once he stopped before he got to the place he always camped at. He said he didn't know what made 'im stop there that time, but he stopped and took the saddle off his horse and let 'im graze while he lay down. After a while, he saw two cigarette fires in the dark right up the road a little piece, and he heard a Mexkin say, 'I don't see why he's so late tonight. He always gets here before night and camps right there.' He knew they was waylayin' 'im, so he picked his saddle up right easy and carried it fu'ther back down the road in the brush and then come got his horse and took him out there and saddled 'im up and went away 'round them Mexkins. He went on in[Pg 102] to San Antonio and didn't go back any more. A white man took the mail to carry then and the first trip he made, he never come back. He went down with the mail and they found the mail scattered somewhere on the road, but they never found the man, or the horse, either.
He used to carry mail from San Antonio to Dog Town on horseback. That was the town they called Lodi (Lodo), but I don’t know how to spell it or what it means. It was a pretty rough town. The jailhouse was made out of adobe and pickets. They had a big picket fence all around it. They had a ferry that crossed the San Antonio River from Floresville to Dog Town. I remember him telling me that he came to a place with a big sign that said, 'Nigga, don't let the sun go down on you here.' It was really bad down there. He would leave Dog Town in the evening and get to a specific spot closer to San Antonio where he camped, but one time he stopped before reaching his usual camping place. He said he didn’t know why he stopped there, but he did, took the saddle off his horse, and let it graze while he lay down. After a while, he noticed two cigarette fires in the dark a little way up the road, and he heard a Mexican say, 'I don’t see why he's so late tonight. He always gets here before dark and camps right there.' He realized they were planning to ambush him, so he quietly picked up his saddle and carried it further back down the road into the brush, then went back for his horse, saddled it up, and went around those Mexicans. He continued on into San Antonio and never went back. A white man took over the mail route then, and on his first trip, he never returned. He went down with the mail, and they found the mail scattered somewhere on the road, but they never found the man or the horse either.
"On the Adams ranch, in the early days, we used to have to pack water up the bank. You might not believe it, but one of these sixty-pound lard cans full of water, I've a-carried it on my head many a time. We had steps cut into the bank, and it was a good ways down to the water, and I'd pack that can up to the first level and go back and get a couple a buckets of water, and carry a bucket in each hand and the can on my head up the next little slantin' hill before I got to level ground. I carried water that way till my chillen got big enough to carry water, then they took it up. When I was carryin' water in them big cans my head would sound like new leather—you know how it squeaks, and that was the way it sounded in my head. But, it never did hurt me. You see, the Mexkins carry loads on their heads, but they fix a rag around their heads some way to help balance it. But I never did. I jes' set it up on my head and carried it that way. Oh, we used to carry water! My goodness! My mother said it was the Indian in me—the way I could carry water.
On the Adams ranch, back in the day, we had to haul water up the bank. You might not believe it, but I've carried one of those sixty-pound lard cans full of water on my head more times than I can count. We had steps carved into the bank, and it was quite a way down to the water. I'd haul that can up to the first level, then go back and grab a couple of buckets of water, carrying one bucket in each hand and the can on my head up the next little slope before reaching flat ground. I carried water that way until my kids were old enough to help, and then they took over. When I was hauling water in those big cans, my head would sound like new leather—you know how it squeaks? That’s exactly how it felt in my head. But it never bothered me. You see, the Mexicans carry loads on their heads too, but they wrap
"When we were first married and moved to the Adams ranch, we used to come here to Uvalde to dances. They had square dances then. They hadn't commenced all these frolicky dances they have now. They would have a supper, but they had it to sell. Every fellow would have to treat his girl he danced with.[Pg 103]
"When we first got married and moved to the Adams ranch, we used to come to Uvalde for dances. They had square dances back then. They hadn't started all these fun dances they have now. They would have a supper, but it was for sale. Every guy had to treat his dancing partner.[Pg 103]
"I can remember when my grandfather lived in a house with a dirt floor, and they had a fireplace. And I can remember just as well how he used to bake hoecakes for us kids. He would rake back the coals and ashes real smooth and put a wet paper down on that and then lay his hoecake down on the paper and put another paper on top of that and the ashes on top. I used to think that was the best bread I ever ate. I tried it a few times, but I made such a mess I didn't try it any more. One thing I have seen 'em make, especially on the ranch. You take and clean a stick and you put on a piece of meat and piece of fat till you take and use up the heart and liver and sweetbread and other meat and put it on the stick and wrap it around with leaf fat and then put the milk gut, or marrow gut, around the whole thing. They call that macho (mule), and I tell you, it's good. They make it out of a goat and sheep, mostly.
I can remember when my grandfather lived in a house with a dirt floor, and they had a fireplace. I also remember how he used to bake hoecakes for us kids. He would smooth out the coals and ashes, lay a wet paper down on that, place the hoecake on the paper, and then put another paper on top, followed by the ashes. I used to think that was the best bread I ever had. I tried making it a few times, but I made such a mess that I didn't try again. One thing I've seen them make, especially on the ranch, is this: you take a cleaned stick and put a piece of meat and a piece of fat on it until you use up the heart, liver, sweetbreads, and other meat, then wrap it all with leaf fat and cover the whole thing with milk gut or marrow gut. They call that masculine (mule), and I tell you, it's delicious. They mostly make it from goat and sheep.
"Another thing, we used to have big round-ups, and I have cooked great pans of steak and mountain orshters. Generally, at the brandin' and markin', I cooked up many a big pan of mountain orshters. I wish I had a nickel for ever' one I've cooked, and ate too! People from up North have come down there, and, when they were brandin' and cuttin' calves there, they sure did eat and enjoy that dinner.
"Another thing, we used to have big round-ups, and I cooked great pans of steak and mountain oysters. Generally, at the branding and marking, I cooked up many big pans of mountain oysters. I wish I had a nickel for every one I've cooked and eaten too! People from up North came down, and when they were branding and cutting calves, they really enjoyed that dinner."
"The men used to go up to the lake, fishin', and catch big trout, or bass, they call 'em now; and we'd take big buckets of butter—we didn't take a saucer of butter or a pound; we taken butter up there in buckets, for we sure had plenty of it—and[Pg 104] we'd take lard too, and cook our fish up there, and had corn bread or hoe cakes and plenty of butter for ever'thing, and it sure was good. I tell you—like my husband used to say—we was livin' ten days in the week, then.
"The guys would head up to the lake to fish and catch big trout, or bass, as they call them now; and we brought large buckets of butter—we didn’t just bring a little saucer or a pound; we brought butter in buckets because we had plenty of it—and[Pg 104] we’d also bring lard to cook our fish, along with cornbread or hoe cakes and lots of butter for everything, and it was really delicious. I tell you—like my husband used to say—we were living ten days a week back then."
"When we killed hogs, the meat from last winter was hung outside and then new meat, salted down and then smoked, put in there, and we would cook the old bacon for the dogs. We always kep' some good dogs there, and anybody'll tell you they was always fat. We had lots of wild turkeys and I raised turkeys, too, till I got sick of cookin' turkeys. Don't talk about deer! You know, it wasn't then like it is now. You could go kill venison any time you wanted to. But I don't blame 'em for passin' that law, for people used to go kill 'em and jes' take out the hams and tenderloin and leave the other layin' there. I have saved many a sack of dried meat to keep it from spoilin'.
"When we slaughtered pigs, we hung the meat from last winter outside, and then we added the new meat, which was salted and then smoked. We would cook the old bacon for the dogs. We always kept some good dogs around, and anyone will tell you they were always fat. We had lots of wild turkeys, and I raised turkeys too, until I got tired of cooking them. Don't even get me started on deer! You know, it wasn't like it is now. You could go hunt venison anytime you wanted. But I don't blame them for passing that law because people used to shoot deer and just take the hams and tenderloin, leaving the rest behind. I've saved many bags of dried meat to keep it from going bad."
"We would raise watermelons, too. We had a big field three mile from the house and a ninety-acre field right in the house. We used to go get loads of melons for the hogs and they got to where they didn't eat anything but the heart.
"We would also grow watermelons. We had a large field three miles from the house and a ninety-acre field right next to it. We used to bring loads of melons for the pigs, and they started only eating the heart."
"I used to leave my babies at the house with the older girl and go out horseback with my husband. My oldest girl used to take the place of a cowboy, and put her hair up in her hat. And ride! My goodness, she loved to ride! They thought she was a boy. She wore pants and leggin's. And maybe you think she couldn't ride!
"I used to leave my kids at home with the older girl and go horseback riding with my husband. My oldest daughter would dress like a cowboy and tuck her hair up in her hat. And ride! Wow, she loved to ride! People thought she was a boy. She wore pants and leggings. And you might think she couldn’t ride!"
"After we left that ranch, we took up some state land. I couldn't tell you how big that place was. We had 640 in one place[Pg 105] and 640 in another place; it was a good big place. After my husband got sick, we had to let it go back. We couldn't pay it out. We only lived on it about four years.
"After we left that ranch, we took some state land. I couldn’t tell you how big that place was. We had 640 acres in one section[Pg 105] and another 640 in a different area; it was a really big piece of land. After my husband got sick, we had to give it up. We couldn’t afford to keep it. We only lived there for about four years."
"My husband has been dead about nineteen years. I had a pen full and a half of chillen. I have four livin' chillen, two girls and two boys. I have a girl, Carrie, in California, workin' in the fruit all the time; one boy, George, in Arizona, workin' in the mines; and a girl in Arizona, Lavinia, washes and irons and cooks and ever'thing else she can get at. And I have one boy here. I have ten grandchillen and I've got five great grandchillen.
"My husband has been gone for about nineteen years. I had a bunch of kids, about seven in total. I have four living kids: two girls and two boys. One girl, Carrie, is in California working all the time in the fruit industry; one boy, George, is in Arizona working in the mines; and another girl, Lavinia, is in Arizona as well, washing, ironing, cooking, and doing whatever else she can find to do. And I have one boy here. I have ten grandkids and five great-grandkids."
"I belong to the Methodist Church. I joined about twenty-five years ago. My husband joined with me. But here, of late years, when I go to church, it makes me mad to see how the people do the preacher up there trying to do all the good he can do and them settin' back there laughin' and talkin'. I was baptized. There was about five or six of us baptized in the Leona down here.
"I belong to the Methodist Church. I joined about twenty-five years ago. My husband joined with me. But lately, when I go to church, it frustrates me to see how the people treat the preacher up there who is trying to do all the good he can do while they’re sitting back there laughing and talking. I was baptized. There were about five or six of us baptized in the Leona down here."
"People tell that I've got plenty and don't need help. Even the Mexkins here and ever'body say I've got money. Jes' because we had that farm down there they think I come out with money. But what in the world would I want with money if I didn't use it? I can't take it with me when I die and I could be gettin' the use of it now while I need it. I could have what I want to eat, anyway. I'm gettin' a little pension, but it ain't near enough to keep us. I've got these two grandchillen here, and things is so high, too, so I don't have enough of anything without skimpin' all the time.[Pg 106]
"People say I've got plenty of money and don't need help. Even the Mexicans around here and everyone else think I'm rich. Just because we had that farm down there, they assume I came into money. But what good is money if I can't use it? I can’t take it with me when I die, and I could be enjoying it now while I need it. I should at least be able to get enough to eat. I'm getting a little pension, but it's nowhere near enough to support us. I have these two grandkids here, and prices are so high, I can’t manage without cutting back all the time.[Pg 106]
ELVIRA BOLES, 94, has outlived nine of her ten children. She lives at 3109 Manzana St., El Paso, Texas, with her daughter, Minnie. She was born a slave of the Levi Ray family near Lexington, Mississippi, and was sold as a child to Elihn Boles, a neighboring plantation owner. During the last year of the Civil War she was brought to Texas, with other refugee slaves.
ELVIRA BOLES, 94, has outlived nine of her ten children. She lives at 3109 Manzana St., El Paso, Texas, with her daughter, Minnie. She was born a slave to the Levi Ray family near Lexington, Mississippi, and was sold as a child to Elihn Boles, a nearby plantation owner. In the last year of the Civil War, she was brought to Texas along with other refugee slaves.
"I jus' 'member my first marster and missus, 'cause she don' want me there. I'se a child of the marster. Dey didn' tell me how old I was when dey sold me to Boles. My missus sold me to Boles. Dey tuk us to where dere was a heap of white folks down by the court house and we'd be there in lots and den de whites 'ud bid for us. I don' know how old I was, but I washed dishes and den dey put me to work in de fields. We don' git a nickel in slavery.
"I just remember my first master and mistress because she didn't want me there. I'm a child of the master. They didn’t tell me how old I was when they sold me to Boles. My mistress sold me to Boles. They took us to where there were a lot of white people by the courthouse, and we’d be there in groups, and then the white people would bid for us. I don’t know how old I was, but I washed dishes, and then they put me to work in the fields. We didn’t get a nickel during slavery."
"Marster Boles didn' have many slaves on de farm, but lots in brickyard. I toted brick back and put 'em down where dey had to be. Six bricks each load all day. That's de reason I ain't no 'count, I'se worked to death. I fired de furnace for three years. Stan'in' front wid hot fire on my face. Hard work, but God was wid me. We'd work 'till dark, quit awhile after sundown. Marster was good to slaves, didn' believe in jus' lashin' 'em. He'd not be brutal but he'd kill 'em dead right on the spot. Overseers 'ud git after 'em and whop 'em down.[Pg 107]
Marster Boles didn’t have many slaves on the farm, but he had a lot in the brickyard. I carried bricks back and placed them where they needed to go. Six bricks per load all day long. That's the reason I'm no good; I’ve been worn out. I fired the furnace for three years, standing in front of it with the hot fire in my face. It was hard work, but God was with me. We worked until dark and stopped a little after sundown. Marster was good to the slaves; he didn’t believe in just whipping them. He wasn’t brutal, but he would kill them on the spot if necessary. The overseers would go after them and beat them down.[Pg 107]
"I'se seventeen, maybe, when I married to slave of Boles. Married on Saturday night. Dey give me a dress and dey had things to eat, let me have something like what you call a party. We just had common clothes on. And then I had to work every day. I'd leave my baby cryin' in de yard and he'd be cryin', but I couldn' stay. Done everything but split rails. I've cut timber and ploughed. Done everything a man could do. I couldn' notice de time, but I'd be glad to git back to my baby.
"I'm about seventeen when I married the slave of Boles. We got married on a Saturday night. They gave me a dress and had food, letting me experience something like what you would call a party. We just wore regular clothes. Then I had to work every day. I’d leave my baby crying in the yard, and he’d be crying, but I couldn’t stay. I’ve done everything but split rails. I've cut timber and plowed. I’ve done everything a man could do. I couldn't keep track of the time, but I was always glad to get back to my baby."
"Log cabins had dirt floor, sometimes plankin' down. I worked late and made pretty quilts. Sometimes dey'd let us have a party. Saturday nights, de white people give us meat and stuff. Give us syrup and we'd make candy, out in de yard. We'd ask our frien's and dance all night. Den go to work next day. We'd clean off de yard and dance out dere. Christmas come, dey give us a big eggnog and give us cake. Our white folks did. White folks chillen had bought candy. We didn' git any, but dey let us play wid de white chillen. We'd play smut. Whoever beat wid de cards, he'd git to smut you. Take de smut from fireplace and rub on your face.
"Log cabins had dirt floors, sometimes with wooden planks. I worked late and made beautiful quilts. Sometimes they'd let us have a party. Saturday nights, the white people would give us meat and other food. They’d give us syrup and we’d make candy out in the yard. We’d invite our friends and dance all night. Then we’d go to work the next day. We’d clean off the yard and dance out there. When Christmas came, they would give us a big eggnog and cake. Our white folks did. The white kids had bought candy. We didn’t get any, but they let us play with the white kids. We’d play a game called smut. Whoever won with the cards would get to smut you. They’d take the soot from the fireplace and rub it on your face."
"Doctor take care of us iffen we sick, so's git us well to git us to work.
"Doctors take care of us when we’re sick, so we can get better and get back to work."
"Iffen dey had a pretty girl dey would take 'em, and I'se one of 'em, and my oldest child, he boy by Boles, almost white.
"Iffen they had a pretty girl, they would take her, and I’m one of them, and my oldest child, he's a boy by Boles, almost white."
"We had to steal away at night to have church on de ditch bank, and crawl home on de belly. Once overseers heered us prayin', give us one day each 100 lashes.[Pg 108]
"We had to sneak away at night to have church by the ditch bank and crawl home on our bellies. One time, the overseers heard us praying and gave us 100 lashes each.[Pg 108]
"Den when de Yankees come through, dey 'ud be good to de slaves, to keep 'em from tellin' on 'em. Freedom was give Jan. 1, 1865, but de slaves didn' know it 'till June 19. We'se refugees. Boles, our marster, sent us out and we come from Holmes County to Cherokee County in a wagon. We was a dodgin' in and out, runnin' from de Yankees. Marster said dey was runnin' us from de Yankees to keep us, but we was free and didn' know it. I lost my baby, its buried somewhere on dat road. Died at Red River and we left it. De white folks go out and buy food 'long de road and hide us. Dey say we'd never be free iffen dey could git to Texas wid us, but de people in Texas tol' us we's free. Den marster turn us loose in de world, without a penny. Oh, dey was awful times. We jus' worked from place to place after freedom.
"When the Yankees came through, they were nice to the slaves to keep them from telling on them. Freedom was given on January 1, 1865, but the slaves didn’t find out until June 19. We were refugees. Boles, our master, sent us out, and we came from Holmes County to Cherokee County in a wagon. We were dodging in and out, running from the Yankees. The master said they were taking us away from the Yankees to protect us, but we were free and didn’t know it. I lost my baby; it’s buried somewhere on that road. It died at Red River, and we left it. The white folks would go out and buy food along the road and hide us. They said we’d never be free if they could get us to Texas, but the people in Texas told us we were free. Then the master let us go into the world without a penny. Oh, those were terrible times. We just worked from place to place after freedom."
"When we started from Mississippi, dey tol' us de Yankees 'ud kill us iffen dey foun' us, and dey say, 'You ain't got no time to take nothin' to whar you goin'. Take your little bundle and leave all you has in your house.' So when we got to Texas I jus' had one dress, what I had on. Dat's de way all de cullud people was after freedom, never had nothin' but what had on de back. Some of dem had right smart in dere cabins, but they was skeered and dey lef' everything. Bed clothes and all you had was lef'. We didn' know any better den."[Pg 109]
"When we left Mississippi, they warned us that the Yankees would kill us if they found us, and they said, 'You don't have time to take anything where you're going. Just take your little bundle and leave everything else behind.' So when we got to Texas, I only had the dress I was wearing. That’s how it was for all the Black people seeking freedom; they had nothing but what they wore. Some of them had a lot in their cabins, but they were scared and left everything behind. Bedding and everything else was left there. We didn't know any better then." [Pg 109]

Betty Bormer (Bonner)
BETTY BORMER, 80, was born a slave to Col. M.T. Johnson, who farmed at Johnson Station in Tarrant County. He owned Betty's parents, five sisters and four brothers, in addition to about 75 other slaves. After the family was freed, they moved with the other slaves to a piece of land Col. Johnson allowed them the use of until his death. Betty lives in a negro settlement at Stop Six, a suburb of Fort Worth.
BETTY BORMER, 80, was born a slave to Col. M.T. Johnson, who farmed at Johnson Station in Tarrant County. He owned Betty's parents, five sisters, and four brothers, along with about 75 other slaves. After the family was freed, they moved with the other former slaves to a piece of land that Col. Johnson allowed them to use until his death. Betty lives in a Black community at Stop Six, a suburb of Fort Worth.
"I'se bo'n April 4th, in 1857, at Johnson Station. It was named after my marster. He had a big farm, I'se don' know how many acres. He had seven chillen; three boys, Ben, Tom and Mart, and four girls, Elizabeth, Sally, Roddy and Veanna.
"I was born on April 4th, 1857, at Johnson Station. It was named after my master. He had a large farm; I don’t know how many acres. He had seven children: three boys, Ben, Tom, and Mart, and four girls, Elizabeth, Sally, Roddy, and Veanna."
"Marster Johnson was good to us cullud folks and he feeds us good. He kep' lots of hawgs, dat makes de meat. In de smokehouse am hung up meat enough for to feed de army, it looks like. We'uns have all de clothes we need and dey was made on de place. My mammy am de sewing woman and my pappy am de shoemaker. My work, for to nuss de small chillen of de marster.
"Master Johnson was good to us colored folks and he feeds us well. He kept lots of pigs, which provides the meat. In the smokehouse, there’s enough meat hung up to feed an army, it seems. We have all the clothes we need, and they were made on the property. My mom is the seamstress and my dad is the shoemaker. My job is to take care of the little children of the master."
"On Sat'day we's let off work and lots de time some of us come to Fort Worth wid de marster and he gives us a nickel or a dime for to buy candy.
"On Saturday we're let off work, and a lot of the time some of us go to Fort Worth with the master, and he gives us a nickel or a dime to buy candy."
"Dey whips de niggers sometimes, but 'twarn't hard. You know, de nigger gits de devilment in de head, like folks do, sometimes, and de marster have to larn 'em better. He done dat hisself and he have no overseer. No nigger tried run away, 'cause each family have a cabin[Pg 110] wid bunks for to sleep on and we'uns all live in de quarters. Sich nigger as wants to larn read and write, de marster's girls and boys larns 'em. De girls larned my auntie how to play de piano.
"They sometimes whip the Black people, but it wasn't harsh. You know, the Black folks get a little mischievous sometimes, just like everyone else, and the master has to teach them better. He did that himself and didn't have an overseer. No Black person tried to run away because each family has a cabin[Pg 110] with bunks to sleep on, and we all live in the quarters. Any Black person who wants to learn to read and write, the master's kids teach them. The girls taught my aunt how to play the piano."
"Dere am lots of music on dat place; fiddle, banjo and de piano. Singin', we had lots of dat, songs like Ole Black Joe and 'ligious songs and sich. Often de marster have we'uns come in his house and clears de dinin' room for de dance. Dat am big time, on special occasion. Dey not calls it 'dance' dem days, dey calls it de 'ball.'
There’s a lot of music in that place: fiddle, banjo, and the piano. We had plenty of singing too, songs like "Ol' Black Joe" and religious songs and such. Often the master would have us come into his house and clear the dining room for the dance. That was a big deal on special occasions. They didn’t call it a 'dance' back then; they referred to it as a 'ball.'
"Sho', we'uns goes to church and de preacher's name, it was Jack Ditto.
"Sho', we go to church and the preacher's name was Jack Ditto."
"Durin' de war, I notices de vittles am 'bout de same. De soldiers come dere and dey driv' off over de hill some of de cattle for to kill for to eat. Once dey took some hosses and I hears marster say dem was de Quantrell mens. Dey comes several times and de marster don' like it, but he cain't help it.
"During the war, I noticed the food was pretty much the same. The soldiers came there and drove off some of the cattle over the hill to kill for food. Once they took some horses, and I heard the master say they were the Quantrill men. They came several times, and the master didn't like it, but he couldn't do anything about it."
"When freedom come marster tells all us to come to front of de house. He am standin' on de porch. Him 'splains 'bout freedom and says, 'You is now free and can go whar you pleases.' Den he tells us he have larned us not to steal and to be good and we'uns should 'member dat and if we'uns gets in trouble to come to him and he will help us. He sho' do dat, too, 'cause de niggers goes to him lots of times and he always helps.
"When freedom comes, the master tells all of us to come to the front of the house. He’s standing on the porch. He explains about freedom and says, 'You are now free and can go wherever you please.' Then he tells us he has taught us not to steal and to be good, and we should remember that. If we get into trouble, we should come to him and he will help us. He really does that, too, because Black people go to him a lot and he always helps."
"Marster says dat he needs help on de place and sich dat stays, he'd pay 'em for de work. Lots of dem stayed, but some left. To dem[Pg 111] dat leaves, marster gives a mule, or cow and sich for de start. To my folks, marster gives some land. He doesn't give us de deed, but de right to stay till he dies.
"Master says that he needs help on the land and that stays, he’d pay them for the work. Lots of them stayed, but some left. To those that leave, Master gives a mule or a cow and such to get started. To my family, Master gives some land. He doesn’t give us the deed, but the right to stay until he dies."
"Sho', I seen de Klux after de war but I has no 'sperience wid 'em. My uncle, he gits whipped by 'em, what for I don' know 'zactly, but I think it was 'bout a hoss. Marster sho' rave 'bout dat, 'cause my uncle weren't to blame.
"Sure, I saw the Klan after the war, but I don't have any experience with them. My uncle got beaten by them, though I don't exactly know why, but I think it was about a horse. The master definitely raged about that, because my uncle wasn't at fault."
"When de Klux come de no 'count nigger sho make de scatterment. Some climb up de chimney or jump out de winder and hide in de dugout and sich.
"When the Klan comes, the worthless black folks scatter. Some climb up the chimney or jump out the window and hide in the dugout and such."
"De marster dies 'bout seven years after freedom and everybody sorry den. I never seen such a fun'ral and lots of big men from Austin comes. He was de blessed man!
"Master died about seven years after freedom, and everyone was sad then. I never saw such a funeral, and a lot of important men from Austin came. He was a remarkable man!"
"I married de second year after de T.P. railroad come to Fort Worth, to Sam Jones and he work on de Burk Burnett stock ranch. I'se divorseted from him after five years and den after 12 more years I marries Rubbin Felps. My las' husban's named Joe Borner, but I'se never married to the father of my only chile. His name am George Pace.
"I married in the second year after the T.P. railroad arrived in Fort Worth, to Sam Jones, who worked on the Burk Burnett stock ranch. I got divorced from him after five years, and then after 12 more years, I married Rubbin Felps. My last husband’s name is Joe Borner, but I was never married to the father of my only child. His name is George Pace."
"I allus gits long fair, 'cause after freedom I keeps on workin' doin' de nussin'. Now I'se gittin' 'leven dollars from de state for pension, and gits it every month so now I'se sho' of somethin' to eat and dat makes me happy.[Pg 112]
"I always get along just fine because after gaining my freedom, I continued working as a nurse. Now I'm receiving eleven dollars a month from the state for my pension, which means I always have something to eat, and that makes me happy.[Pg 112]
HARRISON BOYD, 87, was born in Rusk County, Texas, a slave of Wash Trammel. Boyd remained with his master for four years after emancipation, then moved to Harrison County, where he now lives. His memory is poor, but he managed to recall a few incidents.
HARRISON BOYD, 87, was born in Rusk County, Texas, as a slave of Wash Trammel. Boyd stayed with his master for four years after being freed, then moved to Harrison County, where he currently lives. His memory isn’t great, but he was able to remember a few incidents.
"I was fifteen years when they says we're free. That's the age my Old Missy done give me when the war stopped. She had all us niggers' ages in a book, and told me I was born near Henderson. My Old Marse was Wash Trammel and he brunged me and my mama and papa from Alabama. Mama was named Juliet and papa, Amos. Marse Trammel owned my grandpa and grandma, too, and they was named Jeanette and Josh.
"I was fifteen when they said we were free. That's the age my Old Missy gave me when the war ended. She kept track of all our ages in a book and told me I was born near Henderson. My Old Marse was Wash Trammel, and he brought my mama, papa, and me from Alabama. Mama was named Juliet and papa, Amos. Marse Trammel owned my grandpa and grandma too, and their names were Jeanette and Josh."
"The plantation was two made into one, and plenty big, and more'n a hundred slaves to work it. Marse lived in a hewed log house, weather-boarded out and in, and the quarters was good, log houses with bed railin's hewed out of logs. We raised everything we et, 'cept sugar, and Marse bought that in big hogsheads. We got our week's rations every Sunday, and when we went to eat, everybody's part was put out to them on a tin plate.
"The plantation was two combined into one, and it was really big, with more than a hundred slaves to work it. The master lived in a log house, weatherboarded inside and out, and the quarters were nice, log houses with bed rails carved out of logs. We grew everything we ate, except for sugar, which the master bought in large barrels. We received our week's rations every Sunday, and when it was time to eat, everyone got their share on a tin plate."
"Marse Trammel give a big cornshucking every fall. He had two bottom fields in corn. First we'd gather peas and cushaws and pumpkins out the corn field, then get the corn and pile it front the cribs. They was two big cribs for the corn we kep' to use and five big cribs for sale corn. My uncle stayed round the sale corn cribs all spring, till ginnin' time, 'cause folks come for miles after corn. Marse had five wheat cribs and one rye crib. We went ten mile to Tatum to git our meal and flour ground.
"Marse Trammel threw a big corn shucking party every fall. He had two bottom fields planted with corn. First, we’d gather up peas, cushaws, and pumpkins from the corn field, then collect the corn and stack it in front of the cribs. There were two big cribs for the corn we kept for ourselves and five large cribs for the corn we sold. My uncle hung around the sale corn cribs all spring until it was time to gin, because people would come from miles away for corn. Marse had five wheat cribs and one rye crib. We went ten miles to Tatum to get our meal and flour ground."
"The patterrollers darsn't come 'bout our place or bother us niggers. Marse Wash allus say, 'I'll patterroller my own place.' Marse was good to[Pg 113] us and only once a overseer beat a woman up a trifle, and Marse Trammel fired him that same day.
"The patrollers don't dare come around our place or mess with us Black folks. Master Wash always says, 'I'll patrol my own place.' Master was good to [Pg 113] us, and only once an overseer beat up a woman a little, and Master Trammel fired him that same day."
"The sojers 'fiscated lots of corn from Marse and some more owners in Rusk County piled corn up in a big heap and made me go mind it till the rest the sojers got there. I was settin' top that corn pile, me and my big bulldog, and the General rode up. My dog growled and I made him hush. The General man say to me, 'Boy, you is 'scused now, go on home.' I got to a fence and looked back, and that General was hewin' him a hoss trough out a log. The sojers come in droves and set up they camp. I sot on a stump and watched them pass. They stayed three, four days till the corn was all fed up.
"The soldiers confiscated a lot of corn from Marse and some other owners in Rusk County, piled it into a big heap, and made me watch it until the rest of the soldiers arrived. I was sitting on top of that corn pile with my big bulldog when the General rode up. My dog growled, and I made him be quiet. The General said to me, 'Boy, you're excused now, go on home.' I got to a fence and looked back, and that General was carving a horse trough out of a log. The soldiers came in waves and set up their camp. I sat on a stump and watched them go by. They stayed for three or four days until all the corn was fed out."
"While they's camped there they'd cotch chickens. They had a fishin' pole and line and hook. They'd put a grain of corn on the hook and ride on they hoss and pitch the hook out 'mong the chickens. When a chicken swallowed the corn they'd jerk up the line with that chicken and ride off.
"While they were camped there, they'd catch chickens. They had a fishing pole with a line and a hook. They'd put a grain of corn on the hook and ride on their horse, tossing the hook out among the chickens. When a chicken swallowed the corn, they'd yank up the line with that chicken and ride off."
"Marse had six hundred bales cotton in the Shreveport warehouse when war was over. He got word them Yankees done take it on a boat. He got his brother to take him to Shreveport and say, 'I'll follow that cotton to Hell and back.' He followed his cotton to Alabama and got it back, but he died and was buried there in Alabama 'fore Old Missy knowed it.
"Marse had six hundred bales of cotton in the Shreveport warehouse when the war ended. He received word that those Yankees took it on a boat. He had his brother take him to Shreveport and said, 'I'll follow that cotton to hell and back.' He tracked his cotton to Alabama and got it back, but he died and was buried there in Alabama before Old Missy knew about it."
"I stayed with her four years after surrender and then went to farmin' with my folks, for $10.00 a month. After a year or two I went to railroadin', helping cut the right-of-way for the T.& P. Railroad, from Marshall to Longview. They paid us $1.50 the day and three drinks of whiskey a day.
"I stayed with her for four years after surrendering and then went farming with my family for $10 a month. After a year or two, I started working for the railroad, helping clear the right-of-way for the T.&P. Railroad from Marshall to Longview. They paid us $1.50 a day and gave us three drinks of whiskey each day."
"I marries four times but had only one child, but I never done nothin' 'citin'. I lives by myself now, and gits $11.00 pension to eat on.[Pg 114]
"I got married four times but only had one child, and I never did anything worth mentioning. I live by myself now and get an $11.00 pension to eat on.[Pg 114]

Isabella Boyd
ISSABELLA BOYD was born a slave of Gus Wood, in Richmond, Va., who moved to Texas by boat before the Civil War. Isabella still lives in Beaumont.
ISSABELLA BOYD was born a slave of Gus Wood in Richmond, VA, who moved to Texas by boat before the Civil War. Isabella still lives in Beaumont.
"Lemme see, I come from Richmond, Virginy, to Texas. Massa Gus Wood was my owner and I kin recollect my white folks. I's born in dat country and dey brought me over to Richmond and my papa and mama, too. I was jus' 'bout big 'nough to begin to 'member.
"Lemme see, I come from Richmond, Virginia, to Texas. Master Gus Wood was my owner and I can remember my white family. I was born in that area and they brought me over to Richmond along with my dad and mom. I was just about big enough to start remembering."
"I come from Richmond yere on de boat, sometime de steamboat, sometime de big boat. When we left New Orleans dat evenin' we struck a big storm. Us git on dat boat in Richmond and went floatin' down to de big boat dat mornin'. Looks like it jus' fun for us, but every time we look back and think 'bout home it make us sad.
"I come from Richmond on the boat, sometimes the steamboat, sometimes the big boat. When we left New Orleans that evening, we hit a big storm. We got on that boat in Richmond and floated down to the big boat that morning. It seemed like fun for us, but every time we looked back and thought about home, it made us sad."
"I had a dear, good mistus and my boss man, he furnish a house for he servants, a purty good house. And dey had a place for de Sunday School. Dem was good times. De mistus cook dinner and send it down for de old folks and chillen to have plenty.
"I had a lovely wife, and my boss provided a nice house for the servants, a pretty decent place. And they had a spot for Sunday School. Those were good times. My wife would cook dinner and send it down for the older folks and the kids to have plenty."
"My mistus kep' me right in de house, right by her, sewing. I could sew so fast I git my task over 'fore de others git started good.
"My wife kept me right in the house, right by her, sewing. I could sew so fast I would finish my work before the others got started properly."
"Lots of times when de gals wants to go to de dance I he'p make de dresses. I 'member de pretties' one like yesterday. It have tucks from de waist to de hem and had diamonds cut all in de skirt.[Pg 115]
"Many times when the girls want to go to the dance, I help make the dresses. I remember the prettiest one like it was yesterday. It had tucks from the waist to the hem and diamonds cut all in the skirt.[Pg 115]
"Our boss man was 'ticular 'bout us being tended to and we was well took care of. He brung us to Beaumont when it was de plumb mud hole, and he settle down and try to build up and make it a go.
"Our boss was particular about us being taken care of, and we were well looked after. He brought us to Beaumont when it was just a complete mess, and he settled down to try to build it up and make it work."
"Massa Wood he allus takes de paper and one night they set up da long time and do dey readin'. Next mornin' de old cook woman, she say, 'Well, dey have de big war, and lots of dem wounded.' Befo' long us has to take care of some dem wounded soldiers, and dey has de camp place near us. Dey all camp 'round dere and I don't know which was de Yankees and de 'federates.
"Massa Wood always takes the newspaper, and one night they stayed up late reading it. The next morning, the old cook said, 'Well, there's a big war going on, and a lot of people are wounded.' Before long, we had to take care of some of those wounded soldiers, and they set up camp nearby. They all camped around there, and I couldn't tell which ones were the Yankees and which were the Confederates."
"When we all gits free, dey's de long time lettin' us know. Dey wants to git through with de corn and de cotton befo' dey let's de hands loose. Dey was people from other plantations say. 'Niggers, you's free and yere you workin'.' Us say, 'No, de gov'ment tell us when we's free.' We workin' one day when somebody from Massa Grissom place come by and tell us we's free, and us stop workin'. Dey tell us to go on workin' and de boss man he come up and he say he gwine knock us off de fence if we don't go to work. Mistus come out and say, 'Ain't you gwine make dem niggers go to work?' He send her back in de house and he call for de carriage and say he goin' to town for to see what de gov'ment goin' do. Nex' day he come back and say, 'Well, you's jus' as free as I is.'
"When we all get free, they’ve been telling us for a long time. They want to finish dealing with the corn and the cotton before they let us go. People from other plantations said, 'Black people, you’re free, and here you are working.' We said, 'No, the government will tell us when we’re free.' We were working one day when someone from Massa Grissom's place came by and told us we were free, and we stopped working. They told us to keep working, and the boss man came over and said he would throw us off the fence if we didn’t go back to work. The mistress came out and said, 'Aren't you going to make those Black people work?' He sent her back in the house and called for the carriage, saying he was going to town to see what the government would do. The next day he came back and said, 'Well, you are just as free as I am.'"
"He say to me I could stay and cook for dem, and he give me five dollar a month and a house to stay in and all I kin eat. I stays de month to do dere work.[Pg 116]
"He told me I could stay and cook for them, and he gave me five dollars a month and a house to live in and all the food I could eat. I stayed the month to do their work.[Pg 116]
"After dat I wishes sometimes dat old times is back 'gain. I likes to be free, but I wasn't used to it and it was hard to know how to do. I 'members de dances we has in de old times, when we makes de music with banjo and other things. Some de good massas 'lowed de niggers dance in de back yard and if we goes over dere without de pass de patterroles gits us maybe. One time my papa he runnin' from dem patterroles and he run slap into de young massa and he say, 'Oh, you ain't no nigger, I kin tell by de smell.'
"Sometimes I wish the old times would come back. I like being free, but I wasn’t used to it, and it was hard to figure out how to do it. I remember the dances we had back in the day when we made music with the banjo and other instruments. Some of the good masters let the Black people dance in the backyard, and if we went over there without a pass, the patrols could catch us. One time, my dad was running from the patrols, and he ran right into the young master, who said, 'Oh, you’re not Black; I can tell by the smell.'"
"Dat mind me of de ghost story dey used to tell 'bout de ghosties what live in de big bridge down in de hollow. De niggers day say dat ghostie make too much noise, with all he hollerin' and he rattlin' dem chain. So dat night one us niggers what dey call Charlie, he say he ain't 'fraid and he gwineter git him a ghostie, sho' 'nough. Us didn't believe him but purty soon us hears right smart wrastlin' with de chains and hollerin' down by de bridge and after 'while he come and say he git de best of dat ghostie, 'cause he ain't got strength like de man.
"That reminds me of the ghost story they used to tell about the ghosts that live in the big bridge down in the hollow. The local folks say that ghost makes too much noise, with all its shouting and rattling chains. So that night, one of us, who they call Charlie, says he isn't afraid and he's going to get himself a ghost, sure enough. We didn't believe him, but pretty soon we heard quite a bit of struggling with the chains and shouting down by the bridge, and after a while, he came back and said he got the best of that ghost, because it doesn't have strength like a man."
"Me and my old man us have twelve chillens altogedder. My husban' he come from South Car'lina whar dey eats cottonseed. I used to joke him 'bout it. I allus say Virginny de best, 'cause I come from dere.[Pg 117]
"My husband and I have twelve kids altogether. He comes from South Carolina where they eat cottonseed. I used to tease him about it. I always say Virginia is the best, because I come from there.[Pg 117]

James Boyd

James Boyd
JAMES BOYD was born in Phantom Valley, Indian Territory, in an Indian hut. A man named Sanford Wooldrige stole him and brought him to Texas, somewhere near Waco. James does not know his age, but thinks he is a hundred years or more old. He now lives in Itasca, Texas.
JAMES BOYD was born in Phantom Valley, Indian Territory, in a Native American hut. A man named Sanford Wooldrige kidnapped him and took him to Texas, close to Waco. James doesn't know his exact age but believes he is a hundred years old or more. He currently lives in Itasca, Texas.
"I's born in dat Phantom Valley, in de Indian Territory, what am now call Oklahoma. Us live in a Indian hut. My pappy Blue Bull Bird and mammy Nancy Will. She come to de Indian Territory with Santa Anna, from Mississippi, and pappy raise in de Territory. I don' 'member much 'bout my folks, 'cause I stole from dem when I a real li'l feller. I's a-fishin' in de Cherokee River and a man name Sanford Wooldrige come by. You see, de white folks and de Indians have de fight 'bout dat day. I's on de river and I heared yellin' and shootin' and folkses runnin' and I slips into some bresh right near. Den come de white man and he say, 'Everybody kilt, nigger, and dem Indians gwine kill you iffen day cotch you. Come with me and I ain't 'low dem hurt you.' So I goes with him.
"I was born in Phantom Valley, in the Indian Territory, what is now called Oklahoma. We lived in an Indian hut. My dad, Blue Bull Bird, and my mom, Nancy Will, came to the Indian Territory with Santa Anna from Mississippi, and my dad was raised in the Territory. I don’t remember much about my parents because I ran away from them when I was really little. I was fishing in the Cherokee River when a man named Sanford Wooldridge came by. You see, the white folks and the Indians were fighting that day. I was by the river, and I heard yelling and shooting and people running, so I slipped into some brush nearby. Then the white man came up and said, 'Everyone's dead, black, and those Indians are going to kill you if they catch you. Come with me and I won’t let them harm you.' So I went with him."
"He brung me to Texas, but I don't know jus' where, 'cause I didn't know nothin' 'bout dat place. Massa Sanford good to us, but look out for he missus, she sho' tough on niggers. Dere 'bout 1,600 acres in de plantation and de big house am nice. When de niggers wouldn't work dey whup 'em. Us work all week and sometime Sunday, iffen de crops in a rush. Massa not much on presents or money but us have warm clothes and plenty to eat and de dry place to live, and dat more'n lots of niggers has now.[Pg 118]
"He brought me to Texas, but I don't know exactly where, because I didn't know anything about that place. Master Sanford is good to us, but watch out for his wife, she's really tough on Black people. There are about 1,600 acres on the plantation, and the big house is nice. When the Black workers wouldn’t work, they would whip them. We work all week and sometimes on Sunday, if the crops are in a rush. Master isn't much for gifts or money, but we have warm clothes, plenty to eat, and a dry place to live, and that’s more than a lot of Black people have now.[Pg 118]
"Sometime us have de corn huskin' and dere a dollar for de one what shuck de mos' corn. Us have de big dance 'bout twict a year, on Christmas and sometime in de summer. When de white folks have dere big balls us niggers cook and watch dem dance. Us have fun den.
"Sometime we have the corn husking, and there's a dollar for the one who shucks the most corn. We have a big dance about twice a year, on Christmas and sometimes in the summer. When the white folks have their big balls, we Black folks cook and watch them dance. We have fun then."
"I likes to think of dem times when us fish all de hot day or hunts or jus' lazed 'round when de crops am laid by. I likes to shet de eyes and be back in old times and hear 'em sing, "Swing, low, Sweet Chariot." I can't sing, now you knows can't no old man sing what ain't got no teef or hair. I used to like to swing dat 'Ginia Reel and I's spry and young den.
"I like to think about those times when we would fish all day, hunt, or just relax when the crops were harvested. I enjoy closing my eyes and going back to those days, listening to them sing, "Swing, low, Sweet Chariot." I can't sing now, and you know no old man can sing without teeth or hair. I used to love dancing the Virginia Reel when I was spry and young back then."
"Dere's lots I can't 'member, 'cause my mem'ry done gone weak like de res' of me, but I 'member when us free us throw de hats in de air and holler. Old massa say, 'How you gwine eat and git clothes and sech?' Den us sho' scairt and stays with us white folks long as us can. But 'bout a year after dat I gits de job punchin' cattle on a ranch in South Texas. I druv cattle into Kansas, over what de white folks calls de Chissum Trail. I worked lots of cattle and is what dey call a top hand. I's workin' for Massa Boyd den, and he gits me to drive some cattle to Mexico. He say he ain't well no more and for me to sell de cattle and send him de money and git de job down dere. I goes on down to Mexico and do what he say. I marries a gal name Martina in 1869, down in Matamoras. Us have four chillen and she die. Dat break me up and I drifts back to Huntsville.
"There's a lot I can't remember because my memory has gotten weak like the rest of me, but I remember when we were free, we’d throw our hats in the air and shout. The old master would say, 'How are you going to eat and get clothes and things?' Then we were definitely scared and stayed with the white folks as long as we could. But about a year after that, I got a job punching cattle on a ranch in South Texas. I drove cattle into Kansas, over what the white folks call the Chisholm Trail. I worked with a lot of cattle and was what they call a top hand. I was working for Master Boyd then, and he asked me to drive some cattle to Mexico. He said he wasn’t well anymore and told me to sell the cattle, send him the money, and get a job down there. I went on down to Mexico and did what he said. I married a girl named Martina in 1869, down in Matamoros. We had four children, and she died. That broke me up, and I drifted back to Huntsville."
"I done change my name from Scott Bird, what it am up in de Territory, and make it James Boyd, 'cause I done work for Massa Boyd. I's gwine be 'bout 108 year old in next January, iffen de Lawd spare me dat long.[Pg 119]
"I changed my name from Scott Bird, which is what it was in the Territory, to James Boyd because I worked for Massa Boyd. I'm going to be about 108 years old next January, if the Lord lets me live that long.[Pg 119]
"After I been in Huntsville awhile, I marries Emma Smith but us only stay together 'bout a year and a half. Wasn't no chillen. Den I drifts to Fort Bend County and dere I marries Mary McDowd and us have two chillen. She die with de yellow fever and off I goes for Burleson County. Dere I marries Sally McDave and she quits me after us have three chillen. Down in old Washington County I marries Frances Williams and us lived together till 1900. Dere am no chillen dere. Den I goes to Austin after she die and marries Eliza Bunton in 1903. Us have eight chillen and she die in 1911. Den I comes to Hill County and marries Mittie Cahee in 1916. She quit me. In 1924 I marries Hegar Price clost to Milford. Us live together now, in Itasca. Us didn't have no chillen, but dat don't matter, 'cause I's de daddy of 'bout twenty already.
"After I was in Huntsville for a while, I married Emma Smith, but we only stayed together for about a year and a half. There were no kids. Then I drifted to Fort Bend County where I married Mary McDowd, and we had two kids. She died from yellow fever, and off I went to Burleson County. There I married Sally McDave, but she left me after we had three kids. Down in old Washington County, I married Frances Williams and we lived together until 1900. There were no kids there. Then I went to Austin after she died and married Eliza Bunton in 1903. We had eight kids, and she died in 1911. Then I came to Hill County and married Mittie Cahee in 1916. She left me. In 1924, I married Hegar Price close to Milford. We live together now in Itasca. We didn't have any kids, but that doesn't matter because I'm already the dad of about twenty."
"I mos' allus wore de black suit when I marries. Jes' seemed more dressed up like. Some my wives wear white and some colors, didn't make much diff'rence, so dey a likely lookin' gal for me. Sometime it am a preacher and sometime it am Jestice of Peace, but de fust time it am Catholic and priest and all.
"I mostly always wore the black suit when I got married. It just seemed more dressed up. Some of my wives wore white, and some wore colors; it didn't make much difference since they were all good-looking women to me. Sometimes it was a preacher, and sometimes it was a Justice of the Peace, but the first time it was a Catholic priest and all."
"Talkin' 'bout all dis marryin', I mos' forgit to show you my scar. I fit in dat freedom war 'long side Massa Sanford and got shot. Dat bullet go through de breast and out de back and keep me six months in de bed. De fust battle I's in am at Halifax, in North Car'lina. Us git de news of freedom when us at Vicksburg, in Mississippi. Mos' us niggers 'fraid say much. De new niggers 'spect de gov'ment give dem de span of mules and dey be rich and not work. But dey done larn[Pg 120] a lot dese past years. Us am sho' slaves now to hard work, and lucky iffen us git work. Lots dem niggers figgers dey'd git dere massa's land, but dey didn't. Dey oughta of knowed dey wouldn't. Warn't no plantation ever divided I knowed of, but some de massas give de oldest slaves a li'l piece land.
"Talking about all this marrying, I almost forgot to show you my scar. I fought in that freedom war alongside Master Sanford and got shot. That bullet went through my chest and out my back, keeping me in bed for six months. The first battle I was in was at Halifax, in North Carolina. We got the news of freedom while we were at Vicksburg, in Mississippi. Most of us Black folks were too afraid to say much. The new Black people expected the government to give them a team of mules, and they thought they’d be rich without having to work. But they’ve learned a lot over these past years. We’re definitely slaves now to hard work, and we’re lucky if we can find any work. A lot of those Black folks figured they’d get their master's land, but they didn’t. They should have known they wouldn’t. I never knew of any plantation that was ever divided, but some of the masters gave the oldest slaves a little piece of land."
"After de cattle days done gone, I farms in Hill County. I works twelve year for Massa Claude Wakefield, right near Milford, too. De old man ain't due to live nowhere long and I's gittin' 'bout ready to cross de river. I's seed a heap of dis here earth and de people in it, but I tells you it am sho' hard time now. Us is old and cripple' and iffen de white folks don't holp us I don't know what us gwine do.
"After the cattle days were over, I worked on a farm in Hill County. I worked twelve years for Mr. Claude Wakefield, right near Milford, too. The old man doesn't stay in one place for long, and I'm getting ready to cross the river. I've seen a lot of this earth and the people in it, but I tell you, it's really tough times now. We're old and crippled, and if the white folks don’t help us, I don’t know what we’re going to do."
"Some dese young niggers gone plumb wild with dere cigars and cars and truckin' and jazzin' and sech. Some go to school and larn like white folks and teach and be real helpful. But talk 'bout workin' in slave time—'twarn't so hard as now. Den you fuss 'cause dere's work, now you fuss 'cause dere ain't no work. But den us have somethin' to eat and wear and a place to sleep, and now us don't know one day what gwine fill us tomorrow, or nothin'.
"Some of these young black people have gone completely wild with their cigars and cars and partying and jazz and all that. Some go to school, learn like white folks, and become really helpful. But when we talk about working in the times of slavery—it wasn't as tough as it is now. Back then, you complained because there was work; now you complain because there isn't any work. But back then, we had something to eat, clothes to wear, and a place to sleep, and now we don’t know from one day to the next what will provide for us tomorrow, or anything."
"I'd sho' like to shake Massa Boyd's hand again and hear him come singin' down de lane. Us hear him sing or whistle long 'fore he git dere and it mighty good to see him. De slaves allus say, 'I's gwine 'way tomorrow,' and I guess I's gwine 'way pretty soon tomorrow.[Pg 121]
"I would really like to shake Mr. Boyd's hand again and hear him singing as he comes down the path. We can hear him sing or whistle long before he arrives, and it's really great to see him. The slaves always say, 'I’m leaving tomorrow,' and I guess I'm going to leave pretty soon, tomorrow.[Pg 121]
JERRY BOYKINS, spry and jolly at the age of 92, lived with his aged wife in their own cabin at 1015 Plum St., Abilene, Texas. He was born a slave to John Thomas Boykin, Troupe Co., Georgia, 80 miles from Lagrange, Ga. His master was a very wealthy plantation owner, working 1,000 slaves.
JERRY BOYKINS, lively and cheerful at 92, lived with his elderly wife in their own cabin at 1015 Plum St., Abilene, Texas. He was born a slave to John Thomas Boykin in Troupe Co., Georgia, 80 miles from Lagrange, Ga. His master was a very wealthy plantation owner, who worked 1,000 slaves.
"I been well taken care of durin' my life. When I was young I lived right in de big house with my marster. I was houseboy. My mother's name was Betsy Ann Boykin and she was cook for Old Missus. My grandpa was blacksmith. I slept on a pallet in de kitchen and in winter time on cold nights I 'members how cold I would get. I'd wake up and slip in by marsters bed and den I'd say, 'Marster John, I's about to freeze.' He'd say, 'You ought to freeze, you little black devil. What you standin' dere for?' I'd say, 'Please, marster John, jes' let me crawl in by your feet.' He'd say, 'Well, I will dis one time,' and dat's de way I'd do every cold night.
"I’ve been well taken care of during my life. When I was young, I lived right in the big house with my master. I was the houseboy. My mother’s name was Betsy Ann Boykin, and she was the cook for Old Missus. My grandpa was a blacksmith. I slept on a pallet in the kitchen, and in winter, on cold nights, I remember how cold I would get. I’d wake up and slip in beside Master’s bed, and then I’d say, 'Master John, I’m about to freeze.' He’d say, 'You ought to freeze, you little black devil. What are you standing there for?' I’d say, 'Please, Master John, just let me crawl in by your feet.' He’d say, 'Well, I will this one time,' and that’s how I did it every cold night."
"I was full of mischief and I'd tu'n de mules out of de lot, jus' to see de stableboy git a lickin'. One time I wanted a fiddle a white man named Cocoanut Harper kep' tryin' to sell me for $7.50. I didn' never have any money, 'cept a little the missie give me, so I kep' teasin' her to buy de fiddle for me. She was allus on my side, so she tol' me to take some co'n from de crib and trade in for de fiddle. In de night I slips out and hitch up de mules and fetched de co'n to old Harper's house and traded for dat fiddle. Den I hides out and play it, so's marster wouldn' fin' out, but he did and he whip all de daylight[Pg 122] outta me. When de missie try to whip me, I jes' wrop up in her big skirts and she never could hurt me much.
"I was full of mischief and I'd let the mules out of the lot, just to see the stableboy get in trouble. One time I wanted a fiddle that a white guy named Cocoanut Harper was trying to sell me for $7.50. I never had any money, except for a little the lady gave me, so I kept teasing her to buy the fiddle for me. She was always on my side, so she told me to take some corn from the crib and trade it for the fiddle. In the night, I snuck out, hitched up the mules, and brought the corn to old Harper's house and traded it for that fiddle. Then I hid out and played it, so the master wouldn’t find out, but he did and he whipped me badly. When the lady tried to whip me, I just wrapped myself up in her big skirts and she could never hurt me much.[Pg 122]
"I allus ate my meals in de house at de white folks table, after dey done et. Iffen I couldn' sit in de marster's chair, I'd swell up like a toad.
"I always ate my meals in the house at the white folks' table, after they were done eating. If I couldn't sit in the master's chair, I'd blow up like a toad."
"De marster done all de whippin', 'cause dey had been two overseers killed on de plantation for whippin' slaves till de blood run out dey body.
" The master did all the whipping because two overseers had been killed on the plantation for whipping slaves until the blood ran out of their bodies."
"Was I bovered with haints and spooks? I been meetin' up with 'em all my life. When I was younger I was such an old scratch I'd meet 'em right in de road, some without heads. I'd take to my heels and then I'd stop and look 'round and they'd be gone.
"Was I bothered by ghosts and spirits? I've been running into them all my life. When I was younger, I was such a scaredy-cat I’d encounter them right in the street, some without heads. I’d run away and then I’d stop and look around, and they’d be gone."
"I wore home-weaved shirts till I was grown, then I had some pants and dey was homemade, too. The women gathered womack leaves to dye de goods black.
"I wore homemade shirts until I grew up, and then I had some pants that were homemade as well. The women collected wattle leaves to dye the fabric black."
"I well rec'lects when my marster went to war. He called all us in de kitchen and telled us he had to go over dere and whip those sons-of-bitches and would be back 'fore breakfast. He didn' return for two years. I says, 'Marster, we sho' would have waited breakfast on you a long time.' He said, 'Yes; deys de hardes' sons-of-bitches to whip I ever had dealins' with.'
"I remember when my master went to war. He called us all into the kitchen and told us he had to go over there and defeat those guys and would be back before breakfast. He didn’t return for two years. I said, 'Master, we definitely would have waited a long time for breakfast on you.' He replied, 'Yes; they’re the toughest guys I've ever had to deal with.'"
"When war was over, he called us together and tol' us we were free. He said, 'Now, I'm goin' to give you a big day and after that you can stay and work for pay or you can go.' So he rolled out two barrels of whiskey and killed hogs and spread a big day.[Pg 123]
"When the war ended, he gathered us and told us we were free. He said, 'Now, I’m going to throw you a big celebration, and after that, you can either stay and work for money or you can leave.' Then he brought out two barrels of whiskey, slaughtered hogs, and set up a big feast.[Pg 123]
"I wants to tell you 'bout how we killed hogs in my day. We digged a deep pit in de groun' and heated big rocks red hot and filled up de pit with water and dropped dem hot rocks in and got de water hot; den we stuck de hogs and rolled 'em in dat pit.
"I want to tell you about how we slaughtered hogs back in my day. We dug a deep pit in the ground, heated big rocks until they were red hot, filled the pit with water, and dropped those hot rocks in to heat up the water. Then we stuck the hogs and rolled them into that pit."
"Soon after I's free a man come for me from Louisville to hire me as foreman in his cotton mule barn. So I went there and I worked in Kentucky for 18 year. Fifty-one years ago I married my ol' woman, Rachel Taylor, at Corsicana, Texas, and I think she's jes' as fine as the day I married her. We has six chillen and all works hard for a livin' and we got one lil' grandbaby 10 years ol'. She lives here at our house and we're educatin' her.
"Soon after I was free, a man came from Louisville to hire me as the foreman in his cotton mule barn. So I went there and worked in Kentucky for 18 years. Fifty-one years ago, I married my dear wife, Rachel Taylor, in Corsicana, Texas, and I think she's just as wonderful as the day I married her. We have six kids who all work hard for a living, and we have one little granddaughter who is 10 years old. She lives here with us, and we're educating her."
"I knows I's goin' to live to be over 100 years ol', 'cause my marster done tol' me so."[Pg 124]
"I know I'm going to live to be over 100 years old because my master told me so." [Pg 124]

Monroe Brackins

Monroe Brackins
MONROE BRACKINS, born in Monroe Co., Mississippi, in 1853, was the property of George Reedes. He was brought to Medina County, Texas, when two years old. Monroe learned to snare and break mustangs and became a cowpuncher. He lives in Hondo, Texas. He has an air of pride and self-respect, and explained that he used little dialect because he learned to talk from the "white folks" as he was growing up.
MONROE BRACKINS, born in Monroe County, Mississippi, in 1853, was owned by George Reedes. He was taken to Medina County, Texas, when he was two years old. Monroe learned to catch and train mustangs and became a cowboy. He lives in Hondo, Texas. He carries himself with pride and self-respect and explained that he used very little dialect because he learned to speak from the "white folks" as he was growing up.
"I was bo'n in Mississippi, Monroe County. I'm 84 years old. My master, George Reedes, brought me, my father and mother and my two sisters to Texas when I was two years old. My father was Nelson Brackins and my mother was Rosanna.
"I was born in Mississippi, Monroe County. I'm 84 years old. My owner, George Reedes, brought me, my dad and mom, and my two sisters to Texas when I was two years old. My dad was Nelson Brackins and my mom was Rosanna."
"My master settled here at a place called Malone, on the Hondo River. He went into the stock business. Our house there was a little, old picket house with a grass roof over it out of the sage grass. The bed was made with a tick of shucks and the children slept on the floor. The boss had just a little lumber house. Later on he taken us about 20 miles fu'ther down on the Hondo, the Old Adams Ranch, and he had a rock house.
"My master moved to a place called Malone, by the Hondo River. He got into the stock business. Our house there was a small, old picket house with a grass roof made of sage grass. The bed was filled with corn husks and the kids slept on the floor. The boss had a small lumber house. Later, he took us about 20 miles further down the Hondo, to the Old Adams Ranch, where he had a stone house."
"I was about six years old then. I had some shoes, to keep the thorns outa my feet, and I had rawhide leggin's. We just had such clothes as we could get, old patched-up clothes. They just had that jeans cloth, homemade clothes.
I was about six years old back then. I had some shoes to protect my feet from thorns, and I wore rawhide leggings. We only had whatever clothes we could find, old patched-up ones. They were made from denim, homemade clothes.
"I was with George Reedes 10 or 12 years. It was my first trainin' learnin' the stock business and horse breakin.' He was tol'able good to us, to be slaves as we was. His brother had a[Pg 125] hired man that whipped me once, with a quirt. I've heard my father and mother tell how they whipped 'em. They'd tie 'em down on a log or up to a post and whip 'em till the blisters rose, then take a paddle and open 'em up and pour salt in 'em. Yes'm, they whipped the women. The most I remember about that, my father and sister was in the barn shuckin' co'n and the master come in there and whipped my sister with a cowhide whip. My father caught a lick in the face and he told the master to keep his whip offen him. So the master started on my father and he run away. When he finally come in he was so wild his master had to call him to get orders for work, and finally the boss shot at him, but they didn't whip him any more. Of course, some of 'em whipped with more mercy. They had a whippin' post and when they strapped 'em down on a log they called it a 'stroppin' log.'
"I was with George Reedes for about 10 or 12 years. It was my first experience learning the stock business and breaking horses. He was pretty good to us, considering we were slaves. His brother had a hired hand who whipped me once with a quirt. I've heard my parents talk about how they used to whip people. They would tie them down on a log or up to a post and whip them until blisters formed, then take a paddle to break them open and pour salt in. Yes, they whipped the women too. The most I remember about that time is when my father and sister were in the barn husking corn, and the master came in and whipped my sister with a cowhide whip. My father took a hit in the face and told the master to keep his whip off him. So the master started on my father, and he ran away. When he finally came back, he was so wild that his master had to call him to get orders for work, and eventually the boss shot at him, but they didn't whip him anymore. Of course, some of them whipped with more compassion. They had a whipping post, and when they strapped people down on a log, they called it a 'stropping log.'"
"I remember they tasked the cotton pickers in Mississippi. They had to bring in so many pounds in the evenin' and if they didn't they got a whippin' for it. My sister there, she had to bring in 900 pounds a day. Well, cotton was heavier there. Most any of 'em could pick 900 pounds. It was heavier and fluffier. We left the cotton country in Mississippi, but nobody knew anything about cotton out here that I knew of.
"I remember they made the cotton pickers in Mississippi work hard. They had to bring in a certain number of pounds each evening, and if they didn't, they got punished for it. My sister had to pick 900 pounds a day. Well, the cotton there was heavier. Most of them could pick 900 pounds. It was denser and fluffier. We left the cotton area in Mississippi, but nobody around here seemed to know anything about cotton."
"I've heard my parents say too, them men that had plantations and a great lot of slaves, they would speculate with 'em and would have a chain that run from the front ones to the back ones. Sometimes they would have 15 or 20 miles to make to get them to the sale place, but they couldn't make a break. Where they expected to make a sale, they[Pg 126] kept 'em in corrals and they had a block there to put 'em up on and bid 'em off. The average price was about $500, but some that had good practice, like a blacksmith, brought a good price, as high as $1,500.
"I've heard my parents say that the men who owned plantations and had a lot of slaves would trade with them and use a chain that connected the front slaves to the back ones. Sometimes they had to travel 15 or 20 miles to get them to the sale location, but they couldn’t escape. Where they expected to sell them, they kept them in pens, and there was a block for displaying them while bidding took place. The average price was around $500, but some who had useful skills, like blacksmithing, sold for a much higher price, sometimes up to $1,500."
"I heard my mother and father say they would go 15 or 20 miles to a dance, walkin', and get back before daylight, before the 'padderollers' got 'em. The slaves would go off when they had no permission and them that would ketch 'em and whip 'em was the 'padderollers.' Sometimes they would have an awful race.
"I heard my mom and dad say they would walk 15 or 20 miles to a dance and get back before sunrise, before the 'padderollers' would catch them. The slaves would slip away without permission, and those who caught them and whipped them were the 'padderollers.' Sometimes they would have an intense chase."
"If they happened to be a slave on the plantation that could jes' read a little print, they would get rid of him right now. He would ruin the niggers, they would get too smart. The' was no such thing as school here for culluds in early days. The white folks we was raised up with had pretty good education. That's why I don't talk like most cullud folks. I was about grown and the' was an English family settled close, about half a mile, I guess. They had a little boy, his name was Arthur Ederle, and he come over and learned me how to spell 'cat' and 'dog' and 'hen' and such like. I was right around about 20 years old. I couldn't sign my name when I was 18 years old.
"If someone was a slave on the plantation and could read a little, they would get rid of him right away. He would mess things up for the Black people; they would become too smart. There wasn’t any school for Black people back in the day. The white folks we grew up with had a pretty good education. That’s why I don’t talk like most Black folks. I was nearly grown when an English family settled nearby, about half a mile away, I think. They had a little boy named Arthur Ederle, and he came over and taught me how to spell 'cat,' 'dog,' 'hen,' and things like that. I was around 20 years old. I couldn’t sign my name when I was 18."
"I can remember one time when I was young, I saw something I couldn't 'magine what it was, like a billygoat reared up on a tree. But I knew the' wasn't a billygoat round there near, nor no other kinds of goats. It was in the daytime and I was out in a horse pasture, I was jes' walkin' along, huntin', when I saw that sight. I guess I got within 50 steps of it, then I turned around and got away. I never did think much about a ghost, but I think it could be possible.[Pg 127]
"I can remember a time when I was young, I saw something I couldn't even imagine, like a billy goat standing up in a tree. But I knew there weren't any billy goats around, or any other kind of goats, for that matter. It was during the day and I was out in a horse pasture, just walking along, exploring, when I saw that sight. I guess I got within 50 steps of it, then I turned around and left. I never really believed in ghosts, but I think it's possible.[Pg 127]
"I don't remember scarcely anything about the war because I was so little and times was so different; the country wasn't settled up and everything was wild, no people, hardly. Of course, my life was in the woods, you might say, didn't hardly know when Sunday come.
"I barely remember anything about the war because I was so young, and times were so different; the country wasn't developed, and everything was wild, hardly any people around. Of course, my life was in the woods, you could say, I hardly even knew when Sunday came."
"The northern soldiers never did get down in here that I know of. I know once, when they was enlisting men to go to battle a whole lot of 'em didn't want to fight and would run away and dodge out, and they would follow 'em and try to make 'em fight. They had a battle up here on the Nueces once and killed some of 'em. I know my boss was in the bunch that followed 'em and he got scared for fear this old case would be brought up after the war. The company that followed these men was called Old Duff Company. I think somewhere around 40 was in the bunch that they followed, but I don't know how many was killed. They was a big bluff and a big water hole and they said they was throwed in that big water hole.
"The northern soldiers never came down here, as far as I know. I remember when they were recruiting men to go to battle; a lot of them didn’t want to fight, so they would run away and try to hide, and the recruiters would chase them to make them fight. There was a battle up here on the Nueces once, and some of them were killed. My boss was part of the group that went after them, and he was worried that this old case would come up again after the war. The group that chased these men was called Old Duff Company. I think about 40 of them were in that group, but I don't know how many were killed. There was a big bluff and a large water hole, and they said they were thrown into that big water hole."
"We had possums and 'coons to eat sometimes. My father, he gen'rally cooked the 'coons, he would dress 'em and stew 'em and then bake 'em. My mother wouldn't eat them. There was plenty of rabbits, too. Sometimes when they had potatoes they cooked 'em with 'em. I remember one time they had just a little patch of blackhead sugar cane. After the freedom, my mother had a kind of garden and she planted snap beans and watermelons pretty much every year.
"We occasionally had possums and raccoons to eat. My father usually cooked the raccoons; he would dress them, stew them, and then bake them. My mother wouldn’t eat them. There were also plenty of rabbits. Sometimes, when we had potatoes, they cooked them together. I remember one time we had just a small patch of blackhead sugar cane. After gaining our freedom, my mother had a small garden where she planted snap beans and watermelons pretty much every year."
"The master fed us tol'bly well. Everything was wild, beef was free, just had to bring one in and kill it. Once in awhile, of a Sunday mornin', we'd get biscuit flour bread to eat. It was a treat to us. They measured the flour out and it had to pan out just like they measured. He give us a little somethin'[Pg 128] ever' Christmas and somethin' good to eat. I heard my people say coffee was high, at times, and I know we didn't get no flour, only Sunday mornin'. We lived on co'nbread, mostly, and beef and game outta the woods. That was durin' the war and after the war, too.
The master fed us pretty well. Everything was wild; beef was free, we just had to bring one in and kill it. Once in a while, on a Sunday morning, we'd get biscuit flour bread to eat. It was a treat for us. They measured the flour out, and it had to work out just like they measured it. He gave us a little something[Pg 128] every Christmas and something good to eat. I heard my people say coffee was expensive at times, and I know we didn't get any flour, only on Sunday mornings. We mostly lived on cornbread, and beef and game from the woods. That was during the war and after the war, too.
"I was around about 6 or 7 years old when we was freed. We worked for George Reedes awhile, then drifted on down to the Frio river and stayed there about a year, then we come to Medina County and settled here close to where I was raised. We didn't think it hard times at all right after the war. The country was wild and unsettled, with ranches 15 or 20 miles apart. You never did see anybody and we didn't know really what was goin' on in the rest of the country. Sometimes something could happen in 5 miles of us and we didn't know it for a month.
"I was around 6 or 7 years old when we were freed. We worked for George Reedes for a while, then moved down to the Frio River and stayed there for about a year, then we came to Medina County and settled here close to where I was raised. We didn't think it was hard times at all right after the war. The country was wild and unsettled, with ranches 15 or 20 miles apart. You hardly ever saw anyone, and we didn't really know what was going on in the rest of the country. Sometimes something could happen 5 miles away from us, and we wouldn't hear about it for a month."
"I was on the Adams Ranch on the Hondo when my master come out and told us we were as free as he was. He said we could stay on and work or could go if we wanted to. He gave my mother and father 50 cents apiece and 25 cents for the children. We stayed awhile and then went west to the Frio.
"I was at the Adams Ranch on the Hondo when my master came out and told us we were as free as he was. He said we could either stay and work or leave if we wanted to. He gave my mom and dad 50 cents each and 25 cents for the kids. We stuck around for a bit and then headed west to the Frio."
"I used to be along with old man Big-foot Wallace in my early days. He was a mighty fine man. I worked for the people that was gathering stock together there. Big Foot raised nice horses, old reg'lar Texas horses, and they was better than the reg'lar old Spanish bronco. I used to go to his camp down on the San Miguel. He lived in one part and his chickens in the rest of his house. His friends liked to hear him talk about his travels. He used to run stock horses and had a figger 7 on the left shoulder for his brand and the tip of each ear split was his earmark.
I used to hang out with old man Big-foot Wallace back in the day. He was a really great guy. I worked for the people who were rounding up cattle there. Big Foot raised some excellent horses, good old Texas horses, and they were better than the usual old Spanish broncos. I would go to his camp down by San Miguel. He lived in one part of the house, and his chickens took up the rest. His friends loved to listen to him share stories about his travels. He used to run stock horses and had a figure 7 on the left shoulder for his brand, and the tips of each ear were split for his earmark.
"The last man I broke horses for was Wilson Bailey. I was there about 12 years. He raised just cavi-yard—we called it a cavi-yard of horses, just the same thing as a remuda. We called 'em that later, but we got that from the Spanish.[Pg 129] We would get up in a tree with our loop till the horse come under and drop it down on him. When they were so spoilt, we got 'em in a sort of cavi-yard and drove 'em under trees and caught 'em in a snare. We had lots of wild horses, just this side of Pearsall. 'Bout the only way I'd get throwed was to get careless. We'd ketch 'im up, hackamore 'im up, saddle 'im up and get on 'im and let 'im go. Sometimes he'd be too wild to pitch, he'd break and run and you had to let 'im run himself down. I used to rather ketch up a wild horse and break 'im than to eat breakfast.
"The last person I broke horses for was Wilson Bailey. I worked there for about 12 years. He had just a cavi-yard—we called it a cavi-yard of horses, which is the same as a remuda. We referred to them that way later, but we got that from the Spanish.[Pg 129] We would climb up in a tree with our lasso until the horse came underneath and then drop it down on him. Once they were pretty spoiled, we would gather them in a kind of cavi-yard, drive them under trees, and catch them in a snare. We had plenty of wild horses, just this side of Pearsall. The only way I’d get thrown off was if I got careless. We’d catch him up, put a hackamore on him, saddle him up, and get on him and let him go. Sometimes he’d be too wild to buck; he’d just break and run, and you had to let him run until he calmed down. I would rather catch a wild horse and break him than eat breakfast."
"When I first started farmin' I taken up some state land, about 80 acres, down on Black Creek, in Medina County. I stayed there ten or twelve years. Cotton hadn't got in this country and I raised some corn, sugar cane and watermelons. I commenced with horses, but 'long 'way down the line I used oxen some, too. I used one of those old walking plows.
"When I first started farming, I took up some state land, about 80 acres, down on Black Creek in Medina County. I stayed there for ten or twelve years. Cotton hadn't come to this area yet, so I grew corn, sugar cane, and watermelons. I started with horses, but eventually I used oxen some, too. I used one of those old walking plows."
"I sold that place and moved to a place on the Tywaukney Creek (Tonkawa). I come up to church and met my wife then. Her name was Ida Bradley and I was 38 years old. We lived down on the Tywaukney right about 23 years and raised our children there. We jes' had a little home weddin'. I wore a suit, dark suit. We got married about 8 o'clock in the evenin' and we had barbecue, cake and ice cream. You see, in them times I wasn't taught anything about years and dates, but I judge it was about 25 years after the war before I settled on the Tywaukney."[Pg 130]
I sold that place and moved to a spot by Tywaukney Creek (Tonkawa). I came up to church and met my wife there. Her name was Ida Bradley, and I was 38 years old. We lived down by the Tywaukney for about 23 years and raised our kids there. We just had a small home wedding. I wore a dark suit. We got married around 8 o'clock in the evening and had barbecue, cake, and ice cream. Back then, I wasn't taught much about years and dates, but I guess it was about 25 years after the war when I settled by the Tywaukney.[Pg 130]
GUS BRADSHAW was born about 1845, at Keecheye, Alabama, a slave of David Cavin. He recalls being brought to Texas in the 1850's, when the Cavin family settled near old Port Caddo. Gus remained with his master for ten years after emancipation. He now lives alone on a fifty acre farm seven miles northeast of Marshall, which he bought in 1877. Gus receives an $11.00 per month pension.
Gus Bradshaw was born around 1845 in Keecheye, Alabama, as a slave of David Cavin. He remembers being taken to Texas in the 1850s when the Cavin family settled near old Port Caddo. Gus stayed with his master for ten years after emancipation. He now lives alone on a fifty-acre farm seven miles northeast of Marshall, which he purchased in 1877. Gus receives an $11.00 monthly pension.
"I was born at Keecheye, Alabama, and belonged to old man David Cavin. The only statement I can make 'bout my age is I knows I was 'bout twenty years old when us slaves was freed. I never knowed my daddy, but my mammy was Amelia Cavin. I's heard her say she's born in Alabama more times than I got fingers and toes. Our old master brung us to Texas when I's a good sized kid. I 'members like it am yesterday, how we camped more'n a week in New Orleans. I seed 'em sell niggers off the block there jus' like they was cattle. Then we came to old Port Caddo on Caddo Lake and master settles a big farm close to where the boats run. Port Caddo was a big shipping place then, and Dud and John Perry run the first store there. The folks hauled cotton there from miles away.
I was born in Keecheye, Alabama, and I belonged to an old man named David Cavin. The only thing I can say about my age is that I know I was about twenty years old when we slaves were freed. I never knew my father, but my mother was Amelia Cavin. I’ve heard her say she was born in Alabama more times than I have fingers and toes. Our old master brought us to Texas when I was a good-sized kid. I remember it like it was yesterday, how we camped for more than a week in New Orleans. I saw them sell Black people off the block there just like they were cattle. Then we came to old Port Caddo on Caddo Lake, and my master settled a big farm close to where the boats ran. Port Caddo was a major shipping hub back then, and Dud and John Perry ran the first store there. People hauled cotton to that place from miles away.
"Mammy's folks was named Maria and Joe Gloster and they come to Texas with the Cavins. My grandma say to me, 'Gus, don't run you mouth too much and allus have manners to whites and blacks.' Chillen was raise right then, but now they come up any way. I seed young niggers turn the dipper up and drink 'fore old folks. I wouldn't dare do that when I's comin' up.
"Mammy's family was named Maria and Joe Gloster, and they came to Texas with the Cavins. My grandma would say to me, 'Gus, don’t talk back too much and always show respect to both whites and blacks.' Kids were brought up properly back then, but now they behave differently. I've seen young black kids turn the dipper up and drink before the elders. I wouldn’t have dared to do that when I was growing up."
"Maria say to me one day, 'Son, I's here when the stars fell.' She tell me they fell like a sheet and spread over the ground. Ike Hood, the[Pg 131] old blacksmith on our place, he told me, too. I says, 'Ike, how old was you when the stars fell?' He say, 'I's thirty-two.'
"One day, Maria said to me, 'Son, I was here when the stars fell.' She told me they fell like a sheet and spread out on the ground. Ike Hood, the old blacksmith on our place, told me about it too. I asked him, 'Ike, how old were you when the stars fell?' He said, 'I was thirty-two.'"
"Massa David had big quarters for us niggers, with chimneys and fireplaces. They use to go round and pick up old hawg or cow bones to bile with greens and cabbage. They was plenty of wild game, and deer and wolves howlin' right through this country, but you can't even find the track of one now.
"Massa David had large quarters for us Black folks, complete with chimneys and fireplaces. They would go around and gather old hog or cow bones to boil with greens and cabbage. There was plenty of wild game, and deer and wolves howling throughout this area, but you can't even find a trace of one now."
"The first work I done was pickin' cotton. Every fellow was out at daylight pickin' cotton or hoein' or plowin'. They was one overseer and two nigger drivers. But at night you could hear us laughin' and talkin' and singin' and prayin', and hear them fiddles and things playin'. It look like darkies git 'long more better then than now. Some folks says niggers oughtn't to be slaves, but I says they ought, 'cause they jus' won't do right onless they is made to do it.
"The first job I had was picking cotton. Everyone was out at dawn picking cotton or hoeing or plowing. There was one overseer and two black drivers. But at night, you could hear us laughing, talking, singing, and praying, along with the fiddles and other instruments playing. It seemed like we got along better back then than now. Some people say that Black folks shouldn’t be enslaved, but I believe they should be because they just won’t behave unless they’re made to."
"Massa David allus give us eggnog and plenty good whiskey at Christmas. We had all day to eat and drink and sing and dance. We didn't git no presents, but we had a good time.
"Mister David always gives us eggnog and plenty of good whiskey at Christmas. We had all day to eat, drink, sing, and dance. We didn't get any presents, but we had a great time."
"I don't know much 'bout the war, only Massa Bob Perry come over one day and say to Grandma Maria, 'They is surrender, Maria, you is free.' She say to him, 'I don't care, I gwine stay with my white folks.'
"I don't know much about the war, only that Master Bob Perry came over one day and told Grandma Maria, 'They have surrendered, Maria, you are free.' She told him, 'I don't care, I am going to stay with my white folks.'"
"The Klu Klux done lots of cuttin' up round there. Two of 'em come to Dr. Taylor's house. He had two niggers what run off from the Klux and they want to whip 'em, but Dr. Taylor wouldn't 'low 'em. I knowed old Col. Alford, one of the Klux leaders, and he was a sight. He told me once, 'Gus, they done send me to the pen for Kluxing.' I say, 'Massa Alford, didn't they make a gentleman of you?' He say, 'Hell, no!'[Pg 132]
"The Klu Klux did a lot of trouble around there. Two of them came to Dr. Taylor's house. He had two Black men who had escaped from the Klu Klux and they wanted to punish them, but Dr. Taylor wouldn’t allow it. I knew old Col. Alford, one of the Klu Klux leaders, and he was quite a character. He once told me, 'Gus, they sent me to prison for being part of the Klu Klux.' I said, 'Massa Alford, didn’t they make a gentleman out of you?' He said, 'Hell, no!'[Pg 132]
"I knowed old Col. Haggerdy, too. He marries a widow of a rich old Indian chief, name McIntosh. He broke a treaty with his people and had to hide out in a cave a long time, and his wife brung food to him. One time when she went to the cave he was gone. She knowed then the Indians done git him and kilt him for vi'latin' the treaty. So she marries old Col. Haggerdy.
"I knew old Colonel Haggerdy, too. He married a widow of a wealthy old Indian chief named McIntosh. He broke a treaty with his people and had to hide out in a cave for a long time, and his wife brought him food. One time when she went to the cave, he was gone. She realized then that the Indians had gotten him and killed him for violating the treaty. So she married old Colonel Haggerdy."
"The only time I votes was against whiskey. I voted for it. Some white folks done say they'd whip me if I voted for it, but Mr. Joe Strickland done told me they jus' tryin' scare me, so I voted for it. I don't think niggers ought to vote. If some niggers had things in hand 'stead of white folks, I couldn't stay here. These eddicated niggers am causin' the devilment. The young niggers ain't got no 'spect for old age.
"The only time I voted was against whiskey. I voted for it. Some white people said they'd beat me if I voted for it, but Mr. Joe Strickland told me they were just trying to scare me, so I voted for it. I don't think Black people should vote. If some Black people had control instead of white folks, I couldn't stay here. These educated Black people are causing trouble. The young Black people have no respect for elders."
"I bought and paid for fifty acres land here in Harrison County and I has lived on it sixty years. I lived with my wife fifty years 'fore she died and done raise two chillen. These young niggers don't stay married fifty days, sometimes. I don't mess with 'em, but if I needs help I goes to the white folks. If you 'have youself, they allus help you if you needs it.[Pg 133]
"I bought and paid for fifty acres of land here in Harrison County, and I’ve lived on it for sixty years. I lived with my wife for fifty years before she died and raised two kids. These young people don’t stay married for even fifty days sometimes. I don’t get involved with them, but if I need help, I go to the white folks. If you carry yourself well, they always help you if you need it.[Pg 133]

Wes Brady
WES BRADY, 88, was born a slave of John Jeems, who had a farm five miles north of Marshall. Wes has farmed in Harrison County all his life. He now lives with friends on the Long's Camp Road, and draws a $11.00 monthly pension.
WES BRADY, 88, was born a slave of John Jeems, who had a farm five miles north of Marshall. Wes has farmed in Harrison County his whole life. He now lives with friends on Long's Camp Road and receives an $11.00 monthly pension.
"I was born and raised in Harrison County, and I was eighty-eight years old this July past and has wore myself out here in this county. I was born on Massa John Jeem's place, on the old Jefferson Road, and my father was Peter Calloway, and he was born in Alabama and his whole fam'ly brought to Texas by nigger traders. My mother was Harriet Ellis and I had two brothers named George and Andrew, and four sisters, Lula and Judy and Mary and Sallie. My old Grandpa Phil told me how he helped run the Indians off the land.
I was born and raised in Harrison County, and I just turned eighty-eight this past July. I've spent my whole life here in this county. I was born on Massa John Jeem's place, along the old Jefferson Road. My father was Peter Calloway; he was born in Alabama and his whole family was brought to Texas by black traders. My mother was Harriet Ellis, and I had two brothers named George and Andrew, along with four sisters: Lula, Judy, Mary, and Sallie. My old Grandpa Phil told me how he helped drive the Indians off the land.
"Grandpa Phil told me 'bout meetin' his massa. Massa Jeems had three or four places and grandpa hadn't seed him and he went to one of the other farms and meets a man goin' down the road. The man say, 'Who you belong to?' Grandpa Phil say, 'Massa Jeems.' The man say, 'Is he a mean man?' Grandpa say, 'I don't know him, but they say he's purty tight.' It was Massa Jeems talkin' and he laughs and gives Grandpa Phil five dollars.
"Grandpa Phil told me about meeting his master. Master Jeems had three or four farms and Grandpa hadn't seen him, so he went to one of the other farms and met a man walking down the road. The man asked, 'Who do you belong to?' Grandpa Phil said, 'Master Jeems.' The man asked, 'Is he a mean man?' Grandpa said, 'I don’t know him, but they say he’s pretty strict.' It was Master Jeems talking, and he laughed and gave Grandpa Phil five dollars."
"We niggers lived in log houses and slep' on hay mattress with lowell covers, and et fat pork and cornbread and 'lasses and all kinds garden stuff. If we et flour bread, our women folks had to slip the flour siftin's from missy's kitchen and darsn't let the white folks know it. We wore one riggin' lowell clothes a year and I never had shoes on till after surrender come. I run all over the place till I was a big chap[Pg 134] in jes' a long shirt with a string tied round the bottom for a belt. I went with my young massa that way when he hunted in the woods, and toted squirrels for him.
"We Black people lived in log cabins and slept on hay mattresses with low-quality covers, and ate fatty pork, cornbread, molasses, and all sorts of garden vegetables. If we ever had flour bread, our women had to sneak the flour sifting from the missus's kitchen and couldn’t let the white folks find out. We wore one set of low-quality clothes a year, and I didn’t wear shoes until after the surrender. I ran around everywhere until I was quite big in just a long shirt with a string tied around the bottom as a belt. I went with my young master that way when he hunted in the woods and carried squirrels for him.[Pg 134]
"Some white folks might want to put me back in slavery if I tells how we was used in slavery time, but you asks me for the truth. The overseer was 'straddle his big horse at three o'clock in the mornin', roustin' the hands off to the field. He got them all lined up and then come back to the house for breakfas'. The rows was a mile long and no matter how much grass was in them, if you leaves one sprig on your row they beats you nearly to death. Lots of times they weighed cotton by candlelight. All the hands took dinner to the field in buckets and the overseer give them fifteen minutes to git dinner. He'd start cuffin' some of them over the head when it was time to stop eatin' and go back to work. He'd go to the house and eat his dinner and then he'd come back and look in all the buckets and if a piece of anything that was there when he left was et, he'd say you was losin' time and had to be whipped. He'd drive four stakes in the ground and tie a nigger down and beat him till he's raw. Then he'd take a brick and grind it up in a powder and mix it with lard and put it all over him and roll him in a sheet. It'd be two days or more 'fore that nigger could work 'gain. I seed one nigger done that way for stealin' a meat bone from the meathouse. That nigger got fifteen hundred lashes. The li'l chaps would pick up egg shells and play with them and if the overseer seed them he'd say you was stealin' eggs and give you a beatin'. I seed long lines of slaves chained together driv by a white man on a hoss, down the Jefferson road.[Pg 135]
"Some white people might want to put me back in slavery if I tell how we were treated during that time, but you’re asking me for the truth. The overseer would straddle his big horse at three o'clock in the morning, rousing the workers to head to the fields. He’d get everyone lined up and then go back to the house for breakfast. The rows were a mile long, and no matter how much grass grew in them, if you left even one sprig on your row, they’d beat you nearly to death. Many times, they weighed cotton by candlelight. All the workers took their lunch to the fields in buckets, and the overseer gave them fifteen minutes to eat. He’d start hitting some of them over the head when it was time to stop eating and go back to work. He’d go to the house to have his meal and then come back to check all the buckets, and if he saw that any food that was there when he left had been eaten, he’d say you were wasting time and needed to be whipped. He’d drive four stakes in the ground, tie a Black person down, and beat them until their skin was raw. Then he’d take a brick, grind it into powder, mix it with lard, spread it all over them, and roll them in a sheet. It would take two days or more before that person could work again. I saw one person treated that way for stealing a meat bone from the meathouse. That person got fifteen hundred lashes. The little kids would pick up eggshells and play with them, and if the overseer saw them, he’d say they were stealing eggs and give them a beating. I saw long lines of enslaved people chained together, driven by a white man on a horse, down the Jefferson road.[Pg 135]"
"The first work I done was drappin' corn, and then cow-pen boy and sheep herder. All us house chaps had to shell a half bushel corn every night for to feed the sheep. Many times I has walked through the quarters when I was a little chap, cryin' for my mother. We mos'ly only saw her on Sunday. Us chillen was in bed when the folks went to the field and come back. I 'members wakin' up at night lots of times and seein' her make a little mush on the coals in the fireplace, but she allus made sho' that overseer was asleep 'fore she done that.
"The first job I did was picking corn, then I became a cow-hand and a sheep herder. All of us kids working in the house had to shell half a bushel of corn every night to feed the sheep. Many times I walked through the quarters when I was little, crying for my mother. We mostly only saw her on Sundays. We kids were in bed when our parents went to the field and came back. I remember waking up at night often and seeing her making a little mush on the coals in the fireplace, but she always made sure that the overseer was asleep before she did that."
"One time the stock got in the field and the overseer 'cuses a old man and jumps on him and breaks his neck. When he seed the old man dead, he run off to the woods, but massa sent some nigger after him and say for him to come back, the old man jus' got overhet and died.
"One time the cattle got into the field, and the overseer accused an old man, started attacking him, and broke his neck. When he saw the old man dead, he ran off into the woods, but the master sent some Black workers after him and told him to come back, saying the old man just got overheated and died."
"We went to church on the place and you ought to heared that preachin'. Obey your massa and missy, don't steal chickens and eggs and meat, but nary a word 'bout havin' a soul to save.
"We went to church at the place, and you should have heard that preaching. Obey your master and mistress, don’t steal chickens, eggs, and meat, but not a word about having a soul to save."
"We had parties Saturday nights and massa come out and showed us new steps. He allus had a extra job for us on Sunday, but he gave us Christmas Day and all the meat we wanted. But if you had money you'd better hide it, 'cause he'd git it.
"We had parties on Saturday nights and the boss would come out and show us new dance steps. He always had some extra work for us on Sundays, but he gave us Christmas Day off and all the food we wanted. But if you had money, you'd better hide it, because he would take it."
"The fightin' was did off from us. My father went to war to wait on Josh Calloway. My father never come back. Massa Jeems cussed and 'bused us niggers more'n ever, but he took sick and died and stepped off to Hell 'bout six months 'fore we got free. When we was free, they beat drums in Marshall. I stayed on 'bout seven months and then my mother and me went to farmin' for[Pg 136] ourselves.
"The fighting was far away from us. My father went to war to look for Josh Calloway. My father never came back. Massa Jeems cursed and abused us Blacks more than ever, but he got sick and died and went to Hell about six months before we were free. When we were free, they beat drums in Marshall. I stayed around for about seven months, and then my mother and I went farming for ourselves."
"I wore myself out right in this county and now I'm too old to work. These folks I lives with takes good care of me and the gov'ment gives me $11.00 a month what I is proud to git.[Pg 137]
"I wore myself out right here in this county, and now I'm too old to work. The people I live with take good care of me, and the government gives me $11.00 a month, which I'm proud to receive.[Pg 137]
JACOB BRANCH, about 86, was a slave of the Van Loos family, in Louisiana, who sold him when a baby to Elisha Stevenson, of Double Bayou, Texas. Jacob helps his son, Enrichs, farm, and is unusually agile for his age. They live in the Double Bayou settlement, near Beaumont, Texas.
JACOB BRANCH, about 86, was a slave of the Van Loos family in Louisiana, who sold him as a baby to Elisha Stevenson of Double Bayou, Texas. Jacob helps his son, Enrichs, with farming and is surprisingly nimble for his age. They live in the Double Bayou settlement near Beaumont, Texas.
"I's bought and fotched here to Double Bayou when I's jes' three year old. I and my half-brother, Eleck, he de baby, was both born in Louisiana on de Van Loos place, but I go by de name of Branch, 'cause my daddy name Branch. My mama name Renee. Dey split up us family and Elisha Stevenson buy my mama and de two chillen. I ain't never see my daddy no more and don't 'member him at all.
"I was brought here to Double Bayou when I was just three years old. My half-brother, Eleck, who was the baby, and I were both born in Louisiana on the Van Loos place, but I go by the name Branch because my dad's name is Branch. My mom's name is Renee. They separated our family, and Elisha Stevenson bought my mom and the two kids. I’ve never seen my dad again and don't remember him at all."
"Old 'Lisha Stevenson he a great one for to raise pigs. He sell sometime 500 hawgs at one time. He take he dogs and drive dem hawgs 'cross de Neches River all by hisself, to sell dem. Dat how he git money to buy de niggers, sellin' hawgs and cowhides.
"Old 'Lisha Stevenson is really good at raising pigs. He sometimes sells 500 hogs at once. He takes his dogs and drives those hogs across the Neches River all by himself to sell them. That’s how he makes money to buy the slaves, by selling hogs and cow hides."
"Old massa he sho' a good old man, but de old missy, she a tornado! Her name Miss 'Liza. She could be terrible mean. But sometime she take her old morrel—dat a sack make for to carry things in—and go out and come back with plenty joints of sugar cane. She take a knife and sit on de gallary and peel dat cane and give a joint to every one de li'l chillen.
"Old master was definitely a good man, but the old mistress, she was a whirlwind! Her name was Miss 'Liza. She could be really mean. But sometimes she'd take her old morrel—a sack made for carrying things—and go out and come back with lots of sugar cane. She'd take a knife, sit on the porch, peel that cane, and hand a piece to each of the little kids."
"Mama, she work up in de big house, doin' cookin' and washin'. Old massa go buy a cullud man name Uncle Charley Fenner. He a good old cullud man. Massa brung him to de quarters and say, 'Renee, here you husband,' and den he turn to Uncle and say, 'Charley, dis you woman.'[Pg 138] Den dey consider marry. Dat de way dey marry den, by de massa's word. Uncle Charley, he good step-pa to us.
"Mama works in the big house, doing the cooking and cleaning. Old master bought a Black man named Uncle Charley Fenner. He’s a good old guy. Master brought him to the quarters and said, 'Renee, here’s your husband,' and then he turned to Uncle and said, 'Charley, this is your woman.'[Pg 138] Then they considered getting married. That’s how they married back then, by the master’s word. Uncle Charley is a good stepdad to us."
"De white folks have de good house with a brick chimney. Us quarters de good, snug li'l house with flue and oven. Dey didn't bother to have much furn'chure, 'cause us in dere only to sleep. Us have homemake bench and 'Georgia Hoss' bed with hay mattress. All us cookin' and eatin' done in de kitchen de big house. Us have plenty to eat, too. De smokehouse allus full white 'taters and cracklin's hangin' on de wall. Us git dem mos' any time us want, jes' so long us didn't waste nothin'. Dey have big jar with buttermilk and 'low us drink all us want.
"The white folks have a nice house with a brick chimney. We have a cozy little house with a flue and an oven. They didn’t bother to have much furniture because we’re just in there to sleep. We have a homemade bench and a 'Georgia Horse' bed with a hay mattress. All our cooking and eating happens in the kitchen of the big house. We have plenty to eat, too. The smokehouse is always full of white potatoes and cracklings hanging on the wall. We can get them almost any time we want, just as long as we don’t waste anything. They have a big jar of buttermilk and let us drink as much as we want."
"Old lady 'Liza, she have three women to spin when she git ready make de clothes for everybody. Dey spin and weave and make all us clothes. Us all wear shirt tail till us 'bout twelve or fourteen, boys and gals, too. You couldn't tell us apart.
"Old lady 'Liza has three women to spin when she's ready to make clothes for everyone. They spin, weave, and make all our clothes. We all wear shirt tails until we're about twelve or fourteen, both boys and girls. You couldn't tell us apart."
"Us chillen start to work soon's us could toddle. First us gather firewood. Iffen it freezin' or hot us have to go to toughen us up. When us git li'l bigger us tend de cattle and feed hosses and hawgs. By time us good sprouts us pickin' cotton and pullin' cane. Us ain't never idle. Sometime us git far out in de field and lay down in de corn row and nap. But, Lawdy, iffen dey cotch you, dey sho' wore you out! Sunday de onliest rest day and den de white folks 'low us play.
"We kids start working as soon as we can walk. First, we gather firewood. If it’s freezing or hot, we have to go out to toughen ourselves up. When we’re a little bigger, we take care of the cattle and feed the horses and pigs. By the time we’re growing up, we’re picking cotton and pulling cane. We're never idle. Sometimes we wander far out in the field and lie down in the corn row for a nap. But, boy, if they catch you, they'll really wear you out! Sunday is the only day of rest, and then the white folks let us play."
"Massa never whup Uncle Charley, 'cause he good nigger and work hard. It make missy mad and one time when massa gone she go down in de field. Uncle Charley hoein' corn jes' like massa done told him, jes' singin' and happy. Old missy she say, 'Nigger, I's sho gwineter whup you.' He say, 'What for you[Pg 139] whup me. I doin' every bit what old massa done tell me.' But missy think he gittin' it too good, 'cause he ain't never been whupped. She clumb over de fence and start down de row with de cowhide. Uncle Charley, he ain't even raise he voice, but he cut de las' weed outen dat corn and commence to wave he hoe in de air, and he say, 'Missy, I ain't 'vise you come any step closeter.' Dat sho' make her mad, but she 'fraid to do nothin'.
Massa never whipped Uncle Charley because he was good and worked hard. This made Missy mad, and one time when Massa was gone, she went down to the field. Uncle Charley was hoeing corn just like Massa had told him, singing and happy. Old Missy said, "Black, I'm really going to whip you." He replied, "Why are you going to whip me? I'm doing exactly what old Massa told me." But Missy thought he was getting off too easy since he'd never been whipped. She climbed over the fence and started down the row with the cowhide. Uncle Charley didn't even raise his voice, but he finished cutting the last weed out of that corn and began to wave his hoe in the air, saying, "Missy, I advise you not to come any closer." That really made her mad, but she was afraid to do anything.
"One time she have 'nother nigger name Charlie. Massa go on de trip and she tell dis Charley iffen he ain't finish grindin' all de cornmeal by Monday she gwineter give him a t'ousand lashes. He try, but he ain't able make dat much meal, so come Monday he runned off in de bayou. Dat night come de big freeze and he down dere with water up to he knees and when massa come home and go git him, he so froze he couldn't walk. Dey brung him in de kitchen and old missy cuss him out. Soon's he thaw out, he done die right dere on de spot.
"One time she had another black man named Charlie. The master went on a trip and she told Charlie that if he didn’t finish grinding all the cornmeal by Monday, she was going to give him a thousand lashes. He tried, but he couldn’t make that much meal, so by Monday he ran off into the bayou. That night, there was a big freeze, and he was down there with the water up to his knees. When the master came home and went to get him, he was so frozen that he couldn’t walk. They brought him into the kitchen, and the old mistress yelled at him. As soon as he thawed out, he died right there on the spot."
"My pore mama! Every washday old missy give her de beatin'. She couldn't keep de flies from speckin' de clothes overnight. Old missy git up soon in de mornin', 'fore mama have time git dem specks off. She snort and say, 'Renee, I's gwineter teach you how to wash.' Den she beat mama with de cowhide. Look like she cut my mama in two. Many's de time I edges up and tries take some dem licks off my mama.
"My poor mom! Every washday, the old miss would give her a beating. She couldn't keep the flies from getting on the clothes overnight. The old miss would get up early in the morning, before my mom had time to get those specks off. She'd huff and say, 'Renee, I'm going to teach you how to wash.' Then she'd whip my mom with the cowhide. It looked like she was cutting my mom in half. Many times, I would sneak up and try to take some of those licks off my mom."
"Slavery, one to 'nother, was purty rough. Every plantation have to answer for itself.
"Slavery, one to another, was pretty harsh. Every plantation has to answer for itself."
"I used to know lots of songs, but I don't know many now. Spiritual songs, dey comes through visions. Dat's why cullud folks can make dem better[Pg 140] dan white folks. I knowed one song what start out—
"I used to know a lot of songs, but I don't know many now. Spiritual songs come through visions. That's why Black people can create them better[Pg 140] than white people. I knew one song that started out—
"'De Jews done kill pore Jesus,
And bury him in de sepulchur;
De grave wouldn't hold him,
Dey place guards all 'round him,
But de angels move de stone,
De Jews done kill pore Jesus,
But de grave it wouldn't hold him.'
"'The Jews killed poor Jesus,
And buried him in the tomb;
The grave couldn't hold him,
They placed guards all around him,
But the angels moved the stone,
The Jews killed poor Jesus,
But the grave couldn't hold him.'
"Dey 'nother song what say—
"There's another song that says—
"'Run, sinner, run,
Gawd is a-callin' you.
Run, sinner, run,
De fire'll overtake you.'
"'Run, sinner, run,
God is calling you.
Run, sinner, run,
The fire will catch up to you.'
"When I 'bout ten dey sets me ginnin' cotton. Old massa he done make de cotton with de hand crank. It built on a bench like. I gin de cotton by turnin' dat crank. When I gits a lapful I puts it in de tow sack and dey take it to Miss Susan to make de twine with it. I warm and damp de cotton 'fore de fireplace 'fore I start ginnin' it.
"When I was about ten, they had me ginning cotton. The old master made the cotton using a hand crank. It was built on a kind of bench. I ginned the cotton by turning that crank. When I had a lapful, I put it in the tow sack, and they took it to Miss Susan to make twine with it. I warmed and moistened the cotton by the fireplace before I started ginning it."
"Dere school for de white chillen in Double Bayou and I used to go meet de chillen comin' home and dey stop longside de way and teach me my ABC. Dey done carry me as far as Baker in de book when old missy find it out and make dem stop. De war comin' on den and us daren't even pick up a piece of paper. De white folks didn't want us to larn to read for fear us find out things.
"Dere school for the white children in Double Bayou, and I used to go meet the children coming home, and they would stop along the way and teach me my ABCs. They had carried me as far as Baker in the book when the old lady found out and made them stop. The war was coming on then, and we didn't even dare pick up a piece of paper. The white folks didn't want us to learn to read for fear we would find out things."
"Us livin' down by de Welborn's den and I seed dem haul de logs out of Pine Island to make dat Welborn house. Old man Hamshire and old man Remington builded dat Welborn house. It 'cross de bayou, left hand side Smith's ferry. Dat house still standin' in parts.
"Living down by the Welborn's den, I saw them haul the logs out of Pine Island to build that Welborn house. Old man Hamshire and old man Remington built that Welborn house. It's across the bayou, on the left-hand side of Smith's ferry. That house is still standing in parts."
"One mornin' Eleck and me git up at crack of dawn to milk. All at once come a shock what shake de earth. De big fish jump clean out de bay and turtles[Pg 141] and alligators run out dere ponds. Dey plumb ruint Galveston! Us runned in de house and all de dishes and things done jump out de shelf. Dat de first bombardment of Galveston. De sojers put powder under people's houses and blowin' up Galveston.
"One morning, Eleck and I got up at the crack of dawn to milk. Suddenly, there was a shock that shook the earth. The big fish jumped right out of the bay, and turtles[Pg 141] and alligators ran out of their ponds. They completely ruined Galveston! We ran into the house, and all the dishes and things jumped off the shelves. That was the first bombardment of Galveston. The soldiers put powder under people's houses and blew up Galveston."
"Young massa Shake Stevenson he vol'teer and git kilt somewheres in Virginny. Young massa Tucker Stevenson, he ain't 'lieve in war and he say he never gwine fight. He hide in de woods so de conscrip' men can't find him. Old man LaCour come 'round and say he have orders for find Tucker and bring him in dead or 'live. But 'cause he old massa's friend, he say, 'Why don't you buy de boy's services off?' So old massa take de boat, 'Catrig,' us calls it, and loads it with corn and sich and us pole it down to Galveston. De people need dat food so much, dat load supplies done buy off Massa Tucker from fightin'.
"Young Master Shake Stevenson volunteered and got killed somewhere in Virginia. Young Master Tucker Stevenson doesn't believe in war, and he says he’s never going to fight. He hides in the woods so the draft men can't find him. Old Man LaCour comes around and says he has orders to find Tucker and bring him in dead or alive. But because he’s an old friend of Master’s, he suggests, 'Why don't you buy the boy's services instead?' So Master takes the boat, which we call the 'Catrig,' and loads it with corn and other supplies, then we pole it down to Galveston. The people need that food so badly, that load of supplies ends up buying Master Tucker out of fighting."
"After war starts lots of slaves runned off to git to de Yankees. All dem in dis part heads for de Rio Grande river. De Mexicans rig up flat-boats out in de middle de river, tied to stakes with rope. When de cullud people gits to de rope dey can pull deyself 'cross de rest de way on dem boats. De white folks rid de 'Merican side dat river all de time, but plenty slaves git through, anyway.
"After the war started, many slaves ran away to get to the Yankees. Everyone in this area headed for the Rio Grande River. The Mexicans set up flatboats in the middle of the river, tied to stakes with rope. When the Black people reached the rope, they could pull themselves across the rest of the way on those boats. The white people rode along the American side of the river all the time, but many slaves made it through, anyway."
"I wait on lots of sojers. I have to get smartweed and bile it in salt water to bath dem in. Dat help de rheumatism. Dem sojers have rheumatism so bad for standin' day and night in de water.
"I take care of a lot of soldiers. I have to get smartweed and boil it in salt water to bathe them in. That helps with the rheumatism. These soldiers have really bad rheumatism from standing day and night in the water."
"Us sho' in good health dem days. Iffen a cullud man weak dey move de muscles in he arms, bleed him and give him plenty bacon and cornbread, and he git so strong he could lift a log. Dey didn't go in for cuttin',[Pg 142] like dey do now. Dey git herbs out de woods, blue mass and quinine and calomel. I think people jes' die under pills, now. Old lady Field she make medicine with snakeroot and larkspur and marshroot and redroot.
"We were definitely healthy back then. If a Black man was weak, they'd work his muscles, bleed him, and feed him lots of bacon and cornbread until he was strong enough to lift a log. They didn't go in for surgeries like they do now. They would gather herbs from the woods—blue mass, quinine, and calomel. I think people just die from pills nowadays. Old lady Field made medicine using snakeroot, larkspur, marshroot, and redroot."
"After war am over Massa Tucker brung de freedom papers and read dem. He say us all am free as Hell. Old man Charley so happy he jes' roll on de floor like a hoss and kick he heels. De nex' mornin' mama start do somethin' and missy cuss her out. I runned to missy and say, 'Us free as de bird.' She sho' whup me for dat, but no more, 'cause she so mean us all leave.
"After the war was over, Mr. Tucker brought the freedom papers and read them. He said we were all as free as can be. Old man Charley was so happy he just rolled on the floor like a horse and kicked his heels. The next morning, my mom started doing something, and the lady yelled at her. I ran to her and said, 'We’re free as a bird.' She definitely whipped me for that, but not anymore, because she was so mean we all left."
"Dat funny. Old man LaFour, what de head de patterrollers and so mean, he de first to help us niggers after freedom. He loan us he ox team and pay Uncle Charley a dollar de day for work and a dollar every time my mama wash for he wife.
"That's funny. Old man LaFour, who leads the patrollers and is so mean, was the first to help us Black folks after we were free. He loaned us his ox team and paid Uncle Charley a dollar a day for work and a dollar every time my mom washed for his wife."
"Old massa and missy split up. She so bad she ain't give him no better show dan she done us. Old massa gittin' some peaches one day and she come after him with de buggy whip. He git on he hoss and say, 'Liz, you's gittin' broad as de beef. You too big for me.' She so mad she spit fire. Lightenin' done kill her, she upstairs and de big streak hits her. It knock her under de bed.
"Old master and mistress broke up. She was so terrible she didn’t treat him any better than she treated us. One day, old master was getting some peaches, and she came after him with the buggy whip. He got on his horse and said, ‘Liz, you’re getting broad as a beef. You’re too big for me.’ She was so mad she was fuming. Lightning struck her; she was upstairs, and the big streak hit her. It knocked her under the bed."
"De first freedom work I done am pullin' up potato hills at two bits a hunnerd. 'Bout two bits de most us could make in one day. I work two days to buy mama de turkey hen for Christmas. Anything mama want I think she got to have. I's growed 'fore I gits much as four bits a day. I's done earn as much as $1.50 in my time, though.
"One of the first jobs I had was digging up potato hills for twenty cents a hundred. About twenty cents was the most we could make in a single day. I worked two days to buy my mom a turkey hen for Christmas. I believe my mom deserves anything she wants. I grew up before I could manage to earn more than fifty cents a day. I've earned as much as $1.50 in my time, though."
"When I's 25 year old I marries Betty Baker but she dead now. De Rev. Patterson he marry us. Us has four chillen livin'. Turah and Renee, dat my gals, and Enrichs and Milton, dat my boys. Milton work in Houston and Enrich help me farm. I's a Mason 30 year. De lodge split up now, but it answer.[Pg 143]
"When I was 25 years old, I married Betty Baker, but she's gone now. Rev. Patterson married us. We have four children living: Turah and Renee, who are my girls, and Enrich and Milton, who are my boys. Milton works in Houston, and Enrich helps me with the farm. I've been a Mason for 30 years. The lodge has split up now, but it was good. [Pg 143]

William Branch

William Branch
WILLIAM BRANCH, born 1850, 322 Utah St., San Antonio, Texas. Eyesight is so poor someone must lead him to the store or to church. William kneels at his bedside each evening at five and says his prayers. In this ceremony he spends a half hour or more chanting one Negro spiritual after another.
WILLIAM BRANCH, born 1850, 322 Utah St., San Antonio, Texas. His eyesight is so bad that someone has to guide him to the store or to church. William kneels by his bed each evening at five and says his prayers. During this time, he spends half an hour or more singing one Black spiritual after another.
"Yahsur, I was a slave. I was bo'n May 13, 1850, on the place of Lawyer Woodson in Lunenburg County, Virginia. It was 'bout 75 miles southwest of Richmond. They was two big plantations, one on one side the road, yother the yother. My marster owned 75 slaves. He raised tobacco and cotton. I wukked tobacco sometime, sometime cotton. Dere wasn't no whippin' or switchin'. We had to wuk hard. Marster Woodson was a rich man. He live in a great big house, a lumber house painted white. And it had a great big garden.
"Yeah, I was a slave. I was born on May 13, 1850, on the property of Lawyer Woodson in Lunenburg County, Virginia. It was about 75 miles southwest of Richmond. There were two big plantations, one on each side of the road. My master owned 75 slaves. He grew tobacco and cotton. I worked in tobacco sometimes, and sometimes in cotton. There wasn't any whipping or switching. We had to work hard. Master Woodson was a wealthy man. He lived in a large house, a wooden house painted white. And it had a huge garden."
"De slaves lives in a long string of log houses. Dey had dirt floors and shingle roofs. Marster Woodson's house was shingle roof too. We had home cured bacon and veg'tables, dried co'n, string beans and dey give us hoe cakes baked in hot ashes. Dere always was lots of fresh milk.
"Slaves lived in a long line of log cabins. They had dirt floors and shingle roofs. Master Woodson's house had a shingle roof too. We had home-cured bacon and vegetables, dried corn, string beans, and they gave us hoe cakes baked in hot ashes. There was always plenty of fresh milk."
"How'd us slaves git de clothes? We carded de cotton, den de women spin it on a spinnin' wheel. After dat day sew de gahment togeddah on a sewin' machine. Yahsur, we's got sewin' machine, wid a big wheel and a handle. One woman tu'n de handle and de yuther woman do de sewin'.[Pg 144]
"How did we slaves get the clothes? We carded the cotton, then the women spun it on a spinning wheel. After that, they sewed the garment together on a sewing machine. Yes, we had a sewing machine, with a big wheel and a handle. One woman turned the handle and the other woman did the sewing.[Pg 144]
"Dat's how we git de clothes for de 75 slaves. Marster's clothes? We makes dem for de whole fam'ly. De missis send de pattren and de slaves makes de clothes. Over nigh Richmond a fren' of Marster Woodson has 300 slaves. Dey makes all de clothes for dem.
"That's how we get the clothes for the 75 slaves. Master’s clothes? We make them for the whole family. The mistress sends the pattern and the slaves make the clothes. Over near Richmond, a friend of Master Woodson has 300 slaves. They make all the clothes for them."
"I was with Marster twel de Yankees come down to Virginia in 1861. De sergeant of de Yankees takes me up on his hoss and I goes to Washington wid de Yankees. I got to stay dere 'cause I'd run away from my marster.
"I was with my master when the Yankees came down to Virginia in 1861. The sergeant of the Yankees took me up on his horse and I went to Washington with the Yankees. I had to stay there because I'd run away from my master."
"I stay at de house of Marse Frank Cayler. He's an ole time hack driver. I was his houseboy. I stay dere twel de year 1870, den I goes to Baltimore and jines de United States Army. We's sent to Texas 'count of de Indians bein' so bad. Dey put us on a boat at Baltimore and we landed at Galveston.
"I stay at the house of Mr. Frank Cayler. He's an old-time cab driver. I was his houseboy. I was there until the year 1870, then I went to Baltimore and joined the United States Army. We were sent to Texas because the situation with the Indians was so bad. They put us on a boat in Baltimore and we landed in Galveston."
"Den we marches from Galveston to Fort Duncan. It was up, up, de whole time. We ties our bedclothes and rolls dem in a bundle wid a strap. We walks wid our guns and bedclothes on our backs, and de wagons wid de rations follows us. Dey is pulled by mules. We goes 15 miles ev'ry day. We got no tents, night come, we unrolls de blankets and sleeps under de trees, sometime under de brush.
"Then we marched from Galveston to Fort Duncan. It was uphill the whole time. We tied our bedclothes and rolled them into a bundle with a strap. We walked with our guns and bedclothes on our backs, while the wagons carrying the rations followed us. They were pulled by mules. We covered 15 miles every day. We had no tents, and when night came, we unrolled the blankets and slept under the trees, sometimes under the brush."
"For rations we got canned beans, milk and hardtack. De hard tacks is 3 or 4 in a box, we wets 'em in water and cooks 'em in a skillet. We gits meat purty often. When we camps for de night de captain say, 'You'all kin go huntin'.' Before we git to de mountains dere's deer and rabbits and dey ain't no fences. Often in de dark we sees a big animal and we shoots. When we bring 'im to camp, de captain say, 'Iffen de cow got iron burns de rancher gwineter shoot hisself a nigger scout.' But de cow ain't got no iron, it's—what de name of de cow what ain't feel de iron? Mavrick, yahsur. We eats lots[Pg 145] of dem Mavricks. We's goin' 'long de river bottom, and before we comes to Fort Duncan we sees de cactus and muskeet. Dere ain't much cattle, but one colored scout shoots hisself a bear. Den we eats high. Fort Duncan were made of slab lumber and de roof was gravel and grass.
For our rations, we got canned beans, milk, and hardtack. The hardtacks come in a box with 3 or 4 pieces; we soak them in water and cook them in a skillet. We get meat pretty often. When we camp for the night, the captain says, "You all can go hunting." Before we reach the mountains, there are deer and rabbits, and there aren't any fences. Often in the dark, we spot a big animal and we shoot it. When we bring it back to camp, the captain says, "If the cow has iron burns, the rancher is going to shoot himself a black scout." But the cow doesn't have any iron; it's—what's the name of the cow that doesn't feel the iron? Maverick, yes sir. We eat a lot of those Mavericks. We're going along the river bottom, and before we get to Fort Duncan, we see the cactus and mosquitoes. There isn't much cattle, but one black scout shoots a bear. Then we eat well. Fort Duncan was made of slab lumber, and the roof was gravel and grass.
"Den we's ordered to Fort Davis and we's in de mountains now. Climb, climb all day, and de Indians give us a fit ev'ry day. We kills some Indians, dey kills a few soldiers. We was at Fort Clark a while. At Fort Davis I jines de colored Indian Scouts, I was in Capt. George L. Andrew's Co. K.
"Then we were ordered to Fort Davis and we're in the mountains now. Climb, climb all day, and the Indians give us a hard time every day. We kill some Indians, they kill a few soldiers. We were at Fort Clark for a while. At Fort Davis, I joined the colored Indian Scouts; I was in Captain George L. Andrew's Company K."
"We's told de northern Cheyennes is on a rampus and we's goin' to Fort Sill in Indian Territory. Before we gits to Fort Concho (San Angelo) de Comanches and de Apaches give us a fit. We fitten' 'em all de time and when we gits away from de Comanches and Apaches we fitten de Cheyennes. Dey's seven feet tall. Dey couldn't come through that door.
"We were told that the northern Cheyennes were causing trouble and that we were headed to Fort Sill in Indian Territory. Before we reached Fort Concho (San Angelo), the Comanches and the Apaches gave us a hard time. We were fighting them all the time, and when we got away from the Comanches and Apaches, we had to fight the Cheyennes. They're seven feet tall. They couldn't come through that door."
"When we gits to Fort Sill, Gen. Davidson say de Cheyennes is off de reservation, and he say, 'You boys is got to git dem back. Iffen you kill 'em, dey can't git back to de reservation.' Den we goes scoutin' for de Cheyennes and dey is scoutin' for us. Dey gits us first, on de Wichita River was 500 of 'em, and we got 75 colored Indian Scouts. Den Red Foot, de Chief of de Cheyennes, he come to see Capt. Lawson and say he want rations for his Indians. De captain say he cain't give no rations to Indians off de reservation. Red Foot say he don't care 'bout no reservation and he say he take what we got. Capt. Lawson 'low we gotter git reinforcements. We got a guide in de scout troop, he call hisself Jack Kilmartin. De captain say, 'Jack, I'se in trouble, how kin I git a dispatch to Gen. Davidson?' Jack say, 'I kin git it through.' And Jack, he crawl on his belly and through de brush and he lead a pony, and when he gits[Pg 146] clear he rides de pony bareback twel he git to Fort Sill. Den Gen. Davidson, he soun' de gin'ral alarm and he send two companies of cavalry to reinforce us. But de Cheyennes give 'em a fit all de way, dey's gotter cut dere way through de Cheyennes.
"When we arrived at Fort Sill, General Davidson said the Cheyennes were off the reservation, and he said, 'You boys have to get them back. If you kill them, they can't get back to the reservation.' Then we started scouting for the Cheyennes, and they were scouting for us. They got us first, on the Wichita River, where there were 500 of them, and we had 75 Black Indian Scouts. Then Red Foot, the Chief of the Cheyennes, came to see Captain Lawson and said he wanted rations for his people. The captain said he couldn't give any rations to Indians off the reservation. Red Foot said he didn't care about any reservation and claimed he would take what we had. Captain Lawson allowed that we needed reinforcements. We had a guide in the scout troop who called himself Jack Kilmartin. The captain said, 'Jack, I'm in trouble, how can I get a dispatch to General Davidson?' Jack said, 'I can get it through.' And Jack crawled on his belly through the brush, leading a pony, and when he got clear, he rode the pony bareback until he reached Fort Sill. Then General Davidson sounded the general alarm and sent two companies of cavalry to reinforce us. But the Cheyennes gave them a hard time all the way, and they had to fight their way through the Cheyennes."
"And Col. Shafter comes up, and goes out in de hills in his shirt sleeves jus' like you's sittin' dere. Dey's snow on de groun' and de wind's cole, but de colonel don't care, and he say, 'Whut's dis order Gen. Davidson give? Don' kill de Cheyennes? You kill 'em all from de cradle to de Cross.'
"And Colonel Shafter shows up, going out into the hills in his shirt sleeves just like you’re sitting there. There’s snow on the ground and the wind is cold, but the colonel doesn’t mind, and he says, 'What’s this order General Davidson gave? Don't kill the Cheyennes? You should wipe them out from the cradle to the cross.'"
"And den we starts de attack. De Cheyennes got Winchesters and rifles and repeaters from de government. Yahsur, de government give 'em de guns dey used to shoot us. We got de ole fashion muzzle loaders. You puts one ball in de muzzle and shove de powder down wid de ramrod. Den we went in and fit 'em, and 'twas like fightin' a wasp's nest. Dey kills a lot of our boys and we nearly wipes 'em out. Den we disarms de Cheyennes we captures, and turns dere guns in to de regiment.
"And then we start the attack. The Cheyennes have Winchesters and rifles and repeaters from the government. Yeah, the government gave them the guns they used to shoot at us. We have the old-fashioned muzzleloaders. You put one bullet in the muzzle and push the powder down with the ramrod. Then we went in and fought them, and it was like fighting a wasp's nest. They killed a lot of our guys, and we nearly wiped them out. Then we disarm the Cheyennes we capture and turn their guns in to the regiment."
"I come to San Antonio after I'se mustered out and goes to work for de Bell Jewelry Company and stays dere twel I cain't work no more. Did I like de army? Yahsur, I'd ruthuh be in de army dan a plantation slave."[Pg 147]
"I came to San Antonio after I was mustered out and started working for the Bell Jewelry Company, staying there until I couldn’t work anymore. Did I like the army? Yeah, I’d rather be in the army than a plantation slave."[Pg 147]

Clara Brim
CLARA BRIM, slave of William Lyons of Branch, Louisiana, now lives in Beaumont, Texas. The town of Branch was known in slave days as Plaquemine Bouley. Clara estimates her age to be 100 or 102, and from various facts known to her and her family, this would seem to be correct.
CLARA BRIM, formerly a slave of William Lyons from Branch, Louisiana, now resides in Beaumont, Texas. Back in slave days, Branch was known as Plaquemine Bouley. Clara thinks she is around 100 or 102 years old, and based on different details known to her and her family, this seems to be accurate.
"Old massa's name was William Lyons. I didn't have no old missus, 'cause he was a bachelor. He had a big plantation. I don't know how big but dey somethin' like twenty fam'lies of slaves and some dem fam'lies had plenty in dem. My ma was Becky Brim and pa, he name Louis Brim. She come from Old Virginny. Dey work in de field. I had two sister name Cass and Donnie and a brudder name Washington. He went off to de war. When it break out dey come and take him off to work in de army. He lost in dat war. He didn't come back. Nobody ever know what happen to him.
"Old master’s name was William Lyons. I didn’t have an old mistress because he was a bachelor. He had a large plantation. I’m not sure how big, but there were about twenty families of slaves, and some of those families had quite a few members. My mom was Becky Brim and my dad was named Louis Brim. She came from Old Virginia. They worked in the fields. I had two sisters named Cass and Donnie and a brother named Washington. He went off to the war. When it broke out, they came and took him away to work in the army. He didn’t survive that war. He never came back. Nobody ever knew what happened to him."
"Some de houses log house and some plank, but dey all good. Dey well built and had brick chimneys. Dey houses what de wind didn't blow in. Us had beds, too, not dem built in de wall. Us sho' treat good in slavery times, yes, suh. Old massa give us plenty clothes to keep us good and warm. He sho' did.
"Some houses are log cabins and some are made of planks, but they're all good. They're well-built and have brick chimneys. These houses are sturdy against the wind. We had beds, too, not the ones built into the wall. We were treated well during slavery times, yes, sir. The old master gave us plenty of clothes to keep us warm. He really did."
"Old massa, he wasn't marry and eat de same things de slaves eat. He didn't work dem in de heat of de day. 'Bout eleven o'clock, when dat sun git hot, he call dem out de field. He give dem till it git kind of cool befo' he make dem go back in de field. He didn't have no overseer. He seed 'bout de plantation hisself. He raise cotton and corn and sweet 'taters and peas and cane, didn't fool with rice. He didn't go in for oats, neither.[Pg 148]
"Old Master didn't marry and ate the same food as the slaves. He didn't make them work in the heat of the day. Around eleven o'clock, when the sun got really hot, he would call them out of the fields. He let them rest until it got a bit cooler before making them go back to work. He didn't have an overseer. He managed the plantation himself. He grew cotton, corn, sweet potatoes, peas, and sugarcane, but he didn't bother with rice or oats either.[Pg 148]
"When Sunday come Old Massa ask who want to go to church. Dem what wants could ride hoss-back or walk. Us go to de white folks church. Dey sot in front and us sot in back. Us had prayer meetin', too, reg'lar every week. One old cullud man a sort of preacher. He de leader in 'ligion.
"When Sunday comes, the old master asks who wants to go to church. Those who want to can ride horses or walk. We go to the white folks' church. They sit in front and we sit in the back. We have prayer meetings, too, regularly every week. One old Black man is kind of a preacher. He is the leader in religion."
"When de slaves go to work he give dem de task. Dat so much work, so many rows cotton to chop or corn to hoe. When dey git through dey can do what dey want. He task dem on Monday. Some dem git through Thursday night. Den dey can hire out to somebody and git pay for it.
"When the slaves go to work, he gives them their tasks. It's so much work, with so many rows of cotton to chop or corn to hoe. When they finish, they can do what they want. He assigns their tasks on Monday. Some of them finish by Thursday night. Then they can hire out to someone and get paid for it."
"Old Massa even git de preacher for marryin' de slaves. And when a slave die, he git de preacher and have Bible readin' and prayin'. Mostest de massas didn't do dat-a-way.
"Old Massa even got the preacher to marry the slaves. And when a slave dies, he gets the preacher to have Bible readings and prayers. Most of the masters didn't do it that way."
"I as big in war time as I is now. I used to do anything in de field what de men done. I plow and pull fodder and pick cotton. But de hardes' work I ever done am since I free. Old Massa, he didn't work us hard, noway.
"I was as big during wartime as I am now. I used to do anything in the fields that the men did. I plowed, pulled fodder, and picked cotton. But the hardest work I've ever done is since I got my freedom. Old Master didn't make us work too hard, not at all."
"He allus give us de pass, so dem patterrollers not cotch us. Dey 'bout six men on hoss-back, ridin' de roads to cotch niggers what out without de pass. Iffen dey cotch him it am de whippin'. But de niggers on us place was good and civ'lized folks. Dey didn't have no fuss. Old Massa allus let dem have de garden and dey can raise things to eat and sell. Sometime dey have some pig and chickens.
"He always gave us the pass, so those patrollers wouldn't catch us. There were about six men on horseback, riding the roads to catch black people who were out without the pass. If they caught him, he would get whipped. But the black people on our place were good and civilized folks. They didn't cause any trouble. Old Master always let them have the garden, and they could grow things to eat and sell. Sometimes, they had some pigs and chickens."
"I been marry his' one time and he been dead 'bout forty-one years now. I stay with Old Massa long time after freedom. In 1913 I come live with my youngest girl here in Beaumont. You see, I can't 'member so much. I has lived so long my 'memberance ain't so good now.[Pg 149]
"I was married to him once, and he’s been dead for about forty-one years now. I stayed with Old Massa for a long time after I was free. In 1913, I moved in with my youngest daughter here in Beaumont. You see, I can’t remember so much. I’ve lived so long that my memory isn't so good now.[Pg 149]

Sylvester Brooks
SYLVESTER BROOKS, 87, was born in Green County, Alabama, a slave of Josiah Collier. The old Negro's memory is poor, but he managed to recall a few incidents of slave days. He lives in Mart, Texas.
SYLVESTER BROOKS, 87, was born in Green County, Alabama, as a slave of Josiah Collier. The elderly man's memory isn't great, but he managed to remember a few events from his days as a slave. He lives in Mart, Texas.
"I's born 'bout de year 1850, near de Tom Bigbee river in Alabama, on a plantation own by Marse Josiah Collier. My folks was Henderson and Martha Brooks and I's de only child den.
I was born around the year 1850, near the Tom Bigbee River in Alabama, on a plantation owned by Marse Josiah Collier. My parents were Henderson and Martha Brooks, and I was their only child at that time.
"Marse Collier owned seventy fam'lies of slaves and dey all lived in dey quarters 'bout a mile from de big house. When freedom come Marse Collier sent for all de slaves and lines us up in a row, two deep, and helt up he hands and say, 'Boys, you is free as I is. All of you what wants to can go, and all of you what wants to can work for me on wages dis year. Next year I'll give you a crop or work for wages.' Dey all stays but two, and one of dem two my daddy, and he lef' mammy and six chillen and never come back.
"Mr. Collier owned seventy families of slaves, and they all lived in their quarters about a mile from the big house. When freedom came, Mr. Collier called all the slaves together and lined us up in a row, two deep. He held up his hands and said, 'Boys, you are as free as I am. Anyone who wants to can leave, and anyone who wants to can work for me for wages this year. Next year I'll give you a share of the crop or you can continue working for wages.' Everyone stayed except for two, and one of those two was my dad, who left my mom and six kids and never came back."
"Us stays on till Marse Collier and Missus both dies, and den stays with he oldes' gal, and didn't go 'way till we's growed and has fam'lies of our own.
"Us stayed until Marse Collier and Missus both died, and then stayed with the oldest girl, and didn't leave until we had grown up and had families of our own."
"I 'members best de Fourth of July. De white folks have lots to eat for dem and us and we plays games and goes swimmin'.
I remember the Fourth of July best. The white folks have plenty to eat for both them and us, and we play games and go swimming.
"Next thing I 'members is de patterrollers, 'cause dey whip me every time dey cotches me without my pass. Dat de way dey make us stay home at night, and it made good niggers out of us, 'cause we couldn't chase round and git in no meanness.
"Next thing I remember is the patrollers, because they would whip me every time they caught me without my pass. That’s how they made us stay home at night, and it turned us into good people, because we couldn't run around and get into trouble."
"Old Marse often told me 'bout de stars fallin'. It was 'long 'bout sundown and growed dark all a sudden and de chickens goes to roost. Den some stars with[Pg 150] long tails 'gins to shoot, den it look like all de stars had come out of Heaven, and did dey fall! De stars not all what fell. De white folks and de niggers fell on dere knees, prayin' to Gawd to save dem iffen de world comin' to a end, and de women folks all run down in de cellar and stayed till mornin'. Old Marse say it was in 1833, and he say dem stars fall awhile and quit awhile, like de showers when it rains.
"Old Marse often told me about the stars falling. It was around sundown when it suddenly got dark, and the chickens went to roost. Then some stars with[Pg 150] long tails began to shoot across the sky, and it looked like all the stars had come out of Heaven, and they were falling! Not just the stars fell. Both the white folks and the black folks dropped to their knees, praying to God to save them if the world was coming to an end, and the women all ran down to the cellar and stayed there until morning. Old Marse said it was in 1833, and he said those stars fell for a while and then stopped for a while, just like the showers when it rains."
"'Bout a year after freedom Old Marse give us a piece of land for a church and dis was de school, too. De preacher's name was Christmas Crawford, and dat de reason I 'members it, it so funny to us. De nigger teacher named Nimron. De niggers has de blueback spellers and larns 'rithmetic, too.
"'Bout a year after we were free, Old Marse gave us a piece of land for a church, and this was the school, too. The preacher's name was Christmas Crawford, and that's the reason I remember it; it was so funny to us. The Black teacher was named Nimron. The Black students had the blueback spellers and learned arithmetic, too.
"On Thanksgivin' Day de niggers goes round to de white folks houses and gives a ser'nade, like dis:
"On Thanksgiving Day, Black people go around to the white people's houses and give a serenade, like this:"
"'De old bee make de honeycomb,
De young bee make de honey—
De nigger make de cotton and corn,
And de white folks git de money.
"'De raccoon he a curious man,
He never works till dark;
Nothin' ever 'sturbs he mind,
Till he hear old Towser bark.'
"The old bee makes the honeycomb,
The young bee produces the honey—
The Black people grow the cotton and corn,
And the white people get the money.
"The raccoon is a curious creature,
He never works until it gets dark;
Nothing ever unsettles his mind,
Until he hears old Towser bark.
"Den de white folks asks us in and help ourselves to de cake or wine or whatever dey has, and we does dis on Christmas, too.
"Then the white folks invite us in and let us help ourselves to the cake or wine or whatever they have, and we do this on Christmas, too."
"We had a song we'd sing when we's thinkin' of comin' to Texas:
"We had a song we’d sing when we were thinking about coming to Texas:"
"'We'll put for de South, for seven-up and loo,
Chime in, niggers, won't you come 'long, too?
No use talkin' when de nigger wants to go,
Where de corn top blossoms and canebrakes grow.
Come 'long, Cuba, and dance de polka juba,
Way down South, where de corn tops grow.'
"'We're heading South for some fun and a break,
Come on, friends, will you join us too?
There's no reason to talk when you want to leave,
Where the corn grows and the sugarcane fields flourish.
Come on, Cuba, let’s dance the polka juba,
Way down South, where the corn grows tall.
"I'd like to be in old Alabama to die, but Old Marse and Missus gone, and it ain't no use goin' dere no more.[Pg 151]
"I'd like to be in old Alabama when I die, but Old Marse and Missus are gone, and it's no use going there anymore.[Pg 151]

Donaville Broussard
DONAVILLE BROUSSARD, a polished gentleman of his race, was the son of a mulatto slave of Emilier Caramouche. He was born in 1850, but appears vigorous. Light skinned, with blue eyes and a genial expression, he gave the story of his life in the French patois spoken by Louisiana French Negroes, which has been translated into English.
DONAVILLE BROUSSARD, a refined gentleman of his background, was the son of a mulatto slave belonging to Emilier Caramouche. He was born in 1850 but seems full of life. With light skin, blue eyes, and a friendly demeanor, he recounted the story of his life in the French patois used by Louisiana French Black people, which has been translated into English.
"My mama was daughter of one of the Carmouche boys. One of M'sieur Francois' sons. She call herself Armance Carmouche. She was house servant for the family and I worked around the house. I remember my Madame brought me the little basket and it had a strap on it. I put the strap over the shoulder and went round with the sharp stick and picked up the leaves on the ground with the stick.
"My mom was the daughter of one of the Carmouche boys. One of M'sieur Francois' sons. She called herself Armance Carmouche. She worked as a house servant for the family, and I helped out around the house. I remember my Madame handed me a small basket with a strap on it. I put the strap over my shoulder and walked around with a sharp stick, picking up the leaves from the ground."
"It was a great house with trees and flowers. Madame liked all clean and pretty. I never worked hard. The ladies and my mama, too, petted me as if I was the white child.
"It was a beautiful house with trees and flowers. Madame liked everything clean and tidy. I never had to work hard. The ladies and my mom treated me like I was their own child."
"M'sieur had a widow sister. She made us learn the prayers. We were glad to go where she was for she always had something good in her bag for us. I never saw the baptizing. In those days all the slaves had the religion of the master and the Catholics didn't have no baptizing. They didn't have to half-drown when they got their religion. The church was 15 or 20 miles off. The priest came and held Mass for the white folks sometimes.
"Mister had a widowed sister. She made us memorize the prayers. We were happy to go see her because she always had something nice in her bag for us. I never saw a baptism. Back then, all the slaves followed the master's religion, and Catholics didn’t perform baptisms. They didn’t have to be half-drowned to get their religion. The church was 15 or 20 miles away. The priest would come and hold Mass for the white folks sometimes."
"I remember one wedding. My aunt got married. M'sieur Caramouche killed a big pig. The white folks ate in the house. The[Pg 152] slaves sat under the trees and ate in the yard. At four o'clock the justice of the peace came. He was the friend of M'sieur Caramouche. He made my aunt and the man hold hands and jump over the broom handle. When the priest came he made M'sieur sign some papers.
I remember a wedding. My aunt got married. M'sieur Caramouche killed a big pig. The white folks ate in the house. The[Pg 152] slaves sat under the trees and ate in the yard. At four o'clock, the justice of the peace arrived. He was a friend of M'sieur Caramouche. He had my aunt and the man hold hands and jump over the broomstick. When the priest arrived, he made M'sieur sign some papers.
"A slave always had to ask M'sieur to marry. He always let the women slaves marry who they wanted. He didn't loose by that. He was so good the men would come to his plantation.
"A slave always had to ask Monsieur to marry. He always let the female slaves marry whoever they wanted. He didn’t lose out by that. He was so kind that the men would come to his plantation."
"We all wore the long chemise. Made out of heavy cloth. They made the cloth on the place and the women sewed it up. We didn't wear the shoes. We didn't like them when we had them.
"We all wore the long shirt. It was made from heavy fabric. They made the fabric on-site, and the women sewed it up. We didn't wear the shoes. We didn't like them when we had them."
"Each slave could have the little garden. They raised vegetables and had a couple of beehives for the honey.
"Each slave could have a small garden. They grew vegetables and kept a couple of beehives for honey."
"When the Yankees came they told us we could be free, but I don't know of any slaves that left. Old M'sieur died of the fever in the second year of the war. His wife died before he did. No children. They sold us, the house and everything. M'sieur Cyprien Arceneaux of Lafayette bought me and Madame Arvillien Bernard of St. Pierre bought the mama. They used to call it St. Pierre. They call it Carenero now. When war was finished I left M'sieur Arceneaux and lived with mama.
"When the Yankees arrived, they promised us freedom, but I don’t know of any slaves who actually left. Old M'sieur died of fever in the second year of the war. His wife died before him. No children. They sold us, along with the house and everything. M'sieur Cyprien Arceneaux from Lafayette bought me, and Madame Arvillien Bernard from St. Pierre bought my mom. They used to call it St. Pierre. Now they call it Carenero. After the war ended, I left M'sieur Arceneaux and moved in with my mom."
"A year and a half after that the mama married a black man and us three farmed the little farm. My steppapa didn't like me. I was light. He and me couldn't get along. So when I had 20 years I left there and hired myself out. I saved till I bought a little piece of land for myself. Then I married and raised the family. Me and my wife and the children farmed that place up to ten years ago and then she died. My son farms the place now and I came to Beaumont. I live with my girl.[Pg 153]
A year and a half later, my mom married a Black man, and the three of us farmed the small plot. My stepdad didn't like me because I was light-skinned. We couldn't get along. So when I turned 20, I left and found work elsewhere. I saved up until I could buy a little piece of land for myself. Then I got married and started a family. My wife, our kids, and I farmed that land until ten years ago when she passed away. Now, my son runs the farm, and I moved to Beaumont. I'm living with my daughter.[Pg 153]
"I remember me in time of war we danced. Round dances. We sang and danced La Boulangere in time of war. De song go:
"I remember when we danced during the war. We did round dances. We sang and danced to La Boulangere during the war. The song goes:"
"'La Boulangere ait ta victoire
Et nous, qui sont en guerre,
Voici le jour que je dois partir.
"'Mon cher ami, tu pars,
Tu me laisses un enfant dans les bras
et prend tes armes.
Et moi, je vais dans le moment
verser des larmes.
"'Quand je serai en le guerre, [Handwritten Note: à la guerre?]
Tu serais de garnison,
Et tu m'oublirais moi,
Qui serai en les haillons.
"'J'entends le tombour qui m'appelle
A les points de jour.
Mon cher Armande, si tu m'aimes
Tu penserais à moi, quand tu serais,
Dans tes plaisir.
Moi—que serai au bout du fusil!'
"'The baker is your victory
And us, who are at war,
Here is the day I have to leave.
"'My dear friend, you’re leaving,
You leave me a child in my arms
and grab your weapons.
And I, in this moment
will cry.
"'When I’m at war, [Handwritten Note: at war?]
You would be on duty,
And you would forget me,
Who will be in rags.
"'I hear the drum calling me
At dawn.
My dear Armande, if you love me
You would think of me, when you’re,
In your enjoyment.
Me—who will be at the end of the rifle!'
"I got one real scare. I was with M'sieur Arceneaux in Lafayette. There was the battle. Lots of fighting. Lots of killing. The Yankees came right inside the house. I stayed hid.
"I got one real scare. I was with M'sieur Arceneaux in Lafayette. There was the battle. Lots of fighting. Lots of killing. The Yankees came right inside the house. I stayed hidden."
"I don't know whether it's been better since the war. At all times one has his miseries. We managed to get along on the farm. But now I have nothing. Oh, I don't mean slavery was better than to be free. I mean times were better.
"I don't know if things have improved since the war. Everyone has their struggles. We were able to get by on the farm. But now I have nothing. Oh, I don't mean that slavery was better than being free. I mean that times were better."
"The reason I'm so light is, my mama was half-white. My papa was Neville Broussard and he was all white.[Pg 154]
"The reason I'm so light is that my mom was half-white. My dad was Neville Broussard, and he was fully white.[Pg 154]

Fannie Brown
FANNIE BROWN, aged Negro of Waco, Texas, does not know her age. She was born near Richmond, Virginia, a slave of the Koonce family. They sold her to Mrs. Margaret Taylor, of Belton, Texas, when Fannie was only five years old, and she never saw her mother again.
FANNIE BROWN, an elderly Black woman from Waco, Texas, doesn't know her age. She was born near Richmond, Virginia, as a slave of the Koonce family. They sold her to Mrs. Margaret Taylor of Belton, Texas, when Fannie was just five years old, and she never saw her mother again.
"I was borned near Richmond, over in Virginy, but Massa Koonce sold me. When I was five year old he brung me to Belton and sold me to Missy Margaret Taylor, and she kep' me till she died. I was growed den and sold to Massa Jim Fletcher and dere I stayed till I was freed.
"I was born near Richmond, in Virginia, but Mr. Koonce sold me. When I was five years old, he brought me to Belton and sold me to Miss Margaret Taylor, and she kept me until she passed away. I was grown then and sold to Mr. Jim Fletcher, and I stayed there until I was freed."
"Dere no spring near Massa Fletcher's place and us have to git water out de well, what dey call de sweep well. Dey cut down a young saplin' and weight it on one end with rocks and tie de bucket on a rope on de other end and brace de pole over de well.
"Dere's no spring near Mr. Fletcher's place, so we have to get water from the well, what they call the sweep well. They cut down a young sapling and weigh it down on one end with rocks, then tie the bucket on a rope on the other end and brace the pole over the well."
"While de big house bein' built dey slep' in a big wagon and cook over a fireplace make out of rock what us niggers pick up in de woods. Us cook lots of good eatin' out on dat fireplace, dem wild turkeys and wild meat sho' tasted good.
"While the big house was being built, they slept in a big wagon and cooked over a fireplace made of rocks that we Black people picked up in the woods. We cooked a lot of good food on that fireplace; those wild turkeys and wild game sure tasted good."
"Massa trades ten yards of red calico and two hatchets to de Indians for some skins and take de skins to Austin and traded dem fer de spinnin' wheel and loom, and hauls dem to Belton in de ox carts.
"Massa trades ten yards of red fabric and two hatchets to the Indians for some skins, takes the skins to Austin, and trades them for the spinning wheel and loom, then hauls them to Belton in the ox carts."
"My missy larnt me to spin and weave and did dis child git many a whuppin' 'fore I could do it good. Den she larnt me to cook and start me cookin' two or three days 'fore company come. Dat when us have de good old pound cake. De li'l chillen stand round when I bake, so as to git to lick de spoons and pans, and how dey pop dere lips when dey lickin' dat good dough![Pg 155]
"My missy taught me to spin and weave, and I got plenty of spankings before I could do it well. Then she taught me to cook and had me start cooking two or three days before company arrived. That's when we had the good old pound cake. The little kids would stand around while I baked, just to lick the spoons and pans, and they would smacking their lips while licking that delicious dough![Pg 155]"
"Massa have garden seed he brung to Texas, but he didn't think it would grow, so he kep' it several months, but den he plants it and up it come, jus' like in de old states. Us used dem tomatoes for flowers, 'cause us thunk dem pretty red things would kill us or put de spell on us. But de white folks et dem and us larn to.
"Massa brought garden seeds with him to Texas, but he didn’t think they would grow, so he kept them for several months. Then he planted them, and they came up just like in the old states. We used those tomatoes as flowers because we thought those pretty red things would either hurt us or put a spell on us. But the white folks ate them, and we learned to as well."
"I was growed and have chillen 'fore de freedom war. I never did have no special husban' 'fore de war. I marries after de war.
"I grew up and had kids before the Civil War. I never had a special husband before the war. I got married after the war."
"My, how dem niggers could play de fiddle back in de good old days. On de moonlight nights, us dance by de light of de moon under a big oak tree, till most time to go to work next mornin'.
"My, how those Black folks could play the fiddle back in the good old days. On the moonlit nights, we'd dance by the light of the moon under a big oak tree, until it was almost time to go to work the next morning."
"De fus' barb wire us ever seen, us scairt of it. Us thunk lightnin' be sho' to strike it. It sho' keep de stock in, though.
"That first barbed wire we ever saw, we were scared of it. We thought lightning would definitely strike it. It sure keeps the livestock in, though."
"I seed men ridin' hosses with dead men tied 'cross dey hoss, endurin' de freedom war. But I can't tell much 'bout dat war, 'cause I couldn't read and I never git any place 'cept home at my work. I love dem days better dan I do dese times now, but I'm too old to 'member much.[Pg 156]
"I saw men riding horses with dead men tied across their horses during the Civil War. But I can’t say much about that war because I couldn’t read, and I never went anywhere except home to work. I loved those days better than I do these times now, but I’m too old to remember much.[Pg 156]

Fred Brown
FRED BROWN, 84, 1414 Jones St., Fort Worth, Texas, was born a slave to Mr. John Brown, who owned a plantation along the Mississippi River, in Baton Rouge Parish, Louisiana. Fred was eight years old when the Civil War started. During the War, he and a number of other slaves were taken to Kaufman Co., Texas, as refugees, by Henry Bidder, an overseer. He worked five years as a laborer after he was freed, then worked as a cook until 1933.
FRED BROWN, 84, 1414 Jones St., Fort Worth, Texas, was born a slave to Mr. John Brown, who owned a plantation along the Mississippi River in Baton Rouge Parish, Louisiana. Fred was eight years old when the Civil War began. During the War, he and several other slaves were taken to Kaufman County, Texas, as refugees by Henry Bidder, an overseer. He worked as a laborer for five years after gaining his freedom, then worked as a cook until 1933.
"Sho', I has time to talk to you 'bout my life, 'cause I can't work any more and I has nothin' but time. It am de rhumatis' in de leg, it ketch me dat way, from de hip to de knee,—zip—dat pain goes!
"Sho', I have time to talk to you about my life, because I can't work anymore and I have nothing but time. It's the rheumatism in my leg; it gets me that way, from the hip to the knee—zip— that pain goes!"
"I's bo'n in ole Louisiana, in Baton Rouge Parish, on de 16th of November, in 1853. I knows, 'cause massa give dis nigger a statement. You see, dey don' larn de niggers to read in dem days, nor figger, but I can read figgers. See dem on dat car? Dat am 713. Dat am bad figgers, I never has any truck with sich numbers as de 7 or de 13.
I was born in old Louisiana, in Baton Rouge Parish, on November 16, 1853. I know this because the master gave me this information. You see, they didn’t teach Black people to read back then, nor to do math, but I can read numbers. See those on that car? That’s 713. That’s bad luck; I’ve never had anything to do with numbers like 7 or 13.
"Massa have quite pert a plantation in Louisiana, dis side de Mississippi River. De slaves him own am from 40 to 50 sometimes. In our family am pappy, mammy and three brudders and one sister, Julia, and six cousins. Dat am 13 and dat's why massa had so much trouble with niggers runnin' 'way!
"Mister has a pretty big plantation in Louisiana, this side of the Mississippi River. The slaves he owns are sometimes between 40 to 50. In our family, there are my dad, my mom, three brothers, and one sister, Julia, along with six cousins. That's 13 of us, and that's why Mister had so much trouble with black people running away!"
"Everyone have dere certain wo'k and duties for to do. Mammy am de family cook and she he'p at de loom, makin' de cloth. My daddy[Pg 157] am de blacksmith and shoemaker and de tanner. I 'spains how he do tannin.' He puts de hides in de water with black-oak bark and purty soon de hair come off and den he rolls and poun's de hides for to make dem soft.
"Everyone has their own work and responsibilities to handle. Mom is the family cook and she helps at the loom, making the cloth. My dad[Pg 157] is the blacksmith, shoemaker, and tanner. I’ll explain how he does tanning. He puts the hides in water with black-oak bark, and pretty soon the hair comes off, and then he rolls and pounds the hides to make them soft."
"When I's 'bout 8 years old, or sich, dey starts me to he'pin' in de yard and as I grows older I he'ps in de fields. Massa, him raises cane and co'n mostly, no cotton.
"When I was about 8 years old, or so, they started me helping in the yard, and as I grew older, I helped in the fields. The boss mostly grew sugarcane and corn, no cotton."
"De buildings on de place am de resident of de massa and de quarters for de niggers. Dey am built from logs and de quarters has no floors and no windows, jus' square holes whar de windows ought to be. Dey have bunks for sleepin' and a table and benches, and cooks in de fireplace.
"These buildings in the area are the homes for the master and the quarters for the Black people. They are made from logs, and the quarters have no floors and no windows, just square holes where the windows should be. They have bunks for sleeping, a table, and benches, along with a fireplace for cooking."
"We allus have plenty for to eat, plenty co'nmeal, 'lasses and heavy, brown sugar. We gits flour bread once de week, but lots of butter and milk. For de coffee, we roasts meal bran and for de tea, de sassafras. Den we has veg'tables and fruit dat am raised on de place. De meat mostly am de wil' game, deer and de turkey, but sometimes hawg meat.
"We always have plenty to eat, lots of cornmeal, molasses, and heavy brown sugar. We get flour bread once a week, but we have lots of butter and milk. For coffee, we roast meal bran, and for tea, we use sassafras. Then we have vegetables and fruit that are grown on the farm. The meat is mostly wild game, like deer and turkey, but sometimes we have pork."
"Massa have overseer and overlooker. De overseer am in charge of wo'k and de overlooker am in charge of de cullud women. De overseer give all de whippin's. Sometimes when de nigger gits late, 'stead of comin' home and takin' de whippin' him goes to de caves of de river and stays and jus' comes in night time for food. When dey do dat, de dawgs is put after dem and den it am de fight 'tween de nigger and de dawg. Jus' once a nigger kills de dawg with de knife, dat was close to freedom and it come 'fore dey ketches him. When dey whips for runnin' off, de nigger am tied down over a barrel and whipped ha'd, till dey draws blood, sometimes.
"Massa has an overseer and an overlooker. The overseer is in charge of the work, and the overlooker is in charge of the Black women. The overseer hands out all the punishments. Sometimes when a Black person comes home late, instead of facing the punishment, they go to the caves by the river and stay there, only coming back at night for food. When they do that, the dogs are sent after them, leading to a fight between the person and the dog. There was one time a person killed a dog with a knife, which happened close to freedom, and it happened before they could catch him. When they are punished for running away, the person is tied down over a barrel and whipped hard until they bleed, sometimes."
"Dem fool niggers what sneak off without de pass, have two things for to watch, one is not to be ketched by de overseer and de other am[Pg 158] de patter-rollers. De nigger sho' am skeert of de patters. One time my pappy and my mammy goes out without de pass and de patters takes after dem. I'se home, 'cause I's too young to be pesterin' roun'. I sees dem comin,' and you couldn' catched dem with a jackrabbit. One time anoudder nigger am runnin' from de patters and hides under de house. Dey fin' him and make him come out. You's seen de dawg quaver when him's col'? Well, dat nigger have de quaverment jus' like dat. De patters hits him five or six licks and lets him go. Dat nigger have lots of power—him gits to de quarters ahead of his shadow.
"Those foolish black people who sneak off without a pass have two things to watch out for: one is not to get caught by the overseer, and the other is the patrollers. Black folks are definitely scared of the patrollers. One time, my dad and mom went out without a pass and the patrollers chased after them. I was at home because I was too young to be getting into trouble. I saw them coming, and you couldn't catch them with a jackrabbit. Another black person was running from the patrollers and hid under the house. They found him and made him come out. You've seen a dog shake when it's cold? Well, that guy was shaking just like that. The patrollers hit him five or six times and then let him go. That man had a lot of strength—he made it back to the quarters ahead of his shadow."
"Now, I tell 'bout some good times. We is 'lowed to have parties and de dance and we has for music, sich as de banjo and de jew's harp and a 'cordian. Dey dance de promenade and de jeg. Sometimes day have de jiggin' contest and two niggers puts a glass of water on dere heads and den see who can dance de longes' without spillin' any water. Den we has log-rollin'. Dere was two teams, 'bout three to de team, and dey see which can roll de log de fastes'. Den sometimes a couple am 'lowed to git married and dere am extry fixed for supper. De couple steps over de broom laid en de floor, dey's married den.
"Now, let me share some good times. We were allowed to have parties and dance, and we had music, like the banjo, the jew's harp, and an accordion. They danced the promenade and the jig. Sometimes they held a jig contest where two people balanced a glass of water on their heads and competed to see who could dance the longest without spilling any water. Then we had log-rolling. There were two teams, about three people on each team, and they raced to see who could roll the log the fastest. Occasionally, a couple was allowed to get married, and there was a special dinner afterward. The couple would step over a broom laid on the floor, and that meant they were married."
"Sometimes de overlooker don' let dem git married. I 'splains it dis way. He am used for to father de chillun. Him picks de portly, and de healthy women dat am to rear de portly chillen. De overlooker, he am portly man. Dem dat him picks he overlooks, and not 'low dem to marry or to go round with other nigger men. If dey do, its whippin' sho.' De massa raises some fine, portly chillen, and dey sel' some, after dey's half-grown, for $500 and sometimes more.[Pg 159]
"Sometimes the overseer doesn't let them get married. I explain it this way: He is used to father the children. He chooses the strong and healthy women to raise the strong children. The overseer is a strong man. Those he chooses, he keeps an eye on and doesn't allow them to marry or associate with other black men. If they do, they get whipped for sure. The master raises some fine, strong children, and they sell some, after they are half-grown, for $500 and sometimes more.[Pg 159]"
"De war didn' make no diff'runce, dat I notices, 'cept massa and one overseer jines de army. Massa come back, but de overseer am captured by de Yankees, so massa says, and we never hears 'bout him after dat. De soldiers passes by lots of times, both de 'federates and de 'blue bellies', but we's never bothered with dem. De fightin' was not close enough to make trouble. Jus' 'fore freedom come, de new overseer am 'structed to take us to Texas and takes us to Kaufman County and we is refugees dere. De Yankee mans tells us we am free and can do sich as we pleases. Dat lef' us in charge of no one and we'uns, jus' like cattle, wen' wanderin'.
"The war didn’t make much difference, as far as I could tell, except that the master and one overseer joined the army. The master came back, but the overseer was captured by the Yankees, or so the master said, and we never heard about him after that. The soldiers passed by many times, both the Confederates and the Yankees, but we were never bothered by them. The fighting was never close enough to cause trouble. Just before freedom came, the new overseer was instructed to take us to Texas, and he took us to Kaufman County, where we became refugees. The Yankee men told us we were free and could do whatever we wanted. That left us in charge of no one, and we, just like cattle, went wandering."
"Pappy, him goes back to Lousiana to massa's place. Dat am de las' we hears from him. Mammy and I goes to Henderson and I works at dis and dat and cares for my mammy ten years, till she dies. Den I gits jobs as cook in Dallas and Houston and lots of other places.
"Pappy went back to Louisiana to the master's place. That's the last we heard from him. Mammy and I went to Henderson, and I worked various jobs and took care of my mammy for ten years until she passed away. Then I got jobs as a cook in Dallas, Houston, and many other places."
"I gits married in 1901 to Ellen Tilles and I cooks till 'bout four years ago, till I gits de rhumatis'. Dat's all I can tell you 'bout de ole days.[Pg 160]
"I got married in 1901 to Ellen Tilles and I cooked until about four years ago, until I got rheumatism. That's all I can tell you about the old days.[Pg 160]

James Brown
JAMES BROWN, 84, blind for the last 12 years and now living alone in a shack at 408 W. Belknap, Fort Worth, Texas, was born a slave of Mr. Berney in Bell Co., Texas, in 1853. While still an infant, he and his mother were sold to Mr. John Blair, who farmed four miles south of Waco, Texas. JAMES has no known living relatives and a pension of $14.00 a month is his sole support.
JAMES BROWN, 84, blind for the last 12 years and now living alone in a shack at 408 W. Belknap, Fort Worth, Texas, was born a slave for Mr. Berney in Bell County, Texas, in 1853. When he was still an infant, he and his mother were sold to Mr. John Blair, who farmed four miles south of Waco, Texas. JAMES has no known living relatives, and a pension of $14.00 a month is his only support.
"My fust Marster was named Marster Berney. I'se don' 'member hims fust name nor nothin' 'bout him. I'se don' know nothin' 'bout my pappy, but Marster Blair told me hims name was John Brown.
"My first master was named Master Berney. I don't remember his first name or anything about him. I don't know anything about my dad, but Master Blair told me his name was John Brown."
"Marster Blair have hims farm four miles south of Waco. We'uns lived in de cabins and have de fiddle and de banjoes. We'uns sing and have music on Sundays. Marster never whups we'uns and him was allus good to us. Him gives us plenty to eat, and meat, too. Hims keeps 'bout 20 hawgs dere all de time. De women makes de clothes and we'uns have all we need.
"Master Blair has his farm four miles south of Waco. We lived in the cabins and had the fiddle and the banjos. We sang and had music on Sundays. Master never whipped us and was always good to us. He provided us plenty to eat, including meat. He keeps about 20 hogs there all the time. The women made the clothes and we had all we needed."
"De fust work I does is drivin' de Marster to town. Marster have fine hosses. Marster have hims office in Waco and we drive dere every day. I'se stays all day ready to drive him home. Mos' every day hims give me five cents or maybe de dime. Hims was a big law man and went to de legislature down in Austin. His picture am in Austin, 'cause I'se down dere years ago and seen his picture in a case wid Gov'ner Ross' picture.
"First thing I do is drive the Master to town. He has nice horses. The Master has his office in Waco, and we drive there every day. I stay all day, ready to drive him home. Most days, he gives me five cents or maybe a dime. He was a big lawman and went to the legislature down in Austin. His picture is in Austin because I was down there years ago and saw his picture in a case with Governor Ross' picture."
"Anudder thing dat Marster does powe'ful good am trade[Pg 161] de niggers. He buys and sells 'em all de time. You see, dere was traders dat traveled from place to place dem days and dey takes sometimes as much as 100 niggers for to trade. Dere was sheds outside of town, whar dey keeps de niggers when dey comes to town.
"Another thing that Master does really well is trade[Pg 161] blacks. He buys and sells them all the time. You see, there were traders that traveled from place to place back then, and they would sometimes take as many as 100 blacks to trade. There were sheds outside of town where they kept the blacks when they came to town."
"De Marster and de trader talks dis away: 'How you trade?' 'I'se gives you even trade.' 'No, I'se wants $25.00 for de diff'runce.' 'I'se gives you $5.00.' Dat's de way dey talks on and on. Maybe dey makes de trade and maybe dey don'.
"De Marster and the trader talk like this: 'How do you trade?' 'I'll give you an even trade.' 'No, I want $25.00 for the difference.' 'I'll give you $5.00.' That's how they keep talking. They might make the trade or they might not."
"Dey have auction sometime and Marster allus tend 'em. At de auction I'se seen dem sell a family. Maybe one man buy de mammy, anudder buy de pappy and anudder buy all de chillens or maybe jus' one, like dat. I'se see dem cry like dey at de funeral when dey am parted. Dey has to drag 'em away.
"Dey have auctions sometimes and the master always oversees them. At the auction, I've seen them sell a family. Maybe one man buys the mom, another buys the dad, and another buys all the kids or maybe just one, like that. I've seen them cry like they’re at a funeral when they’re separated. They have to drag them away."
"When de auction begin, he says: 'Dis nigger is so and so ole, he never 'bused, he soun' as a dollar. Jus' look at de muscle and de big shoulders. He's worth a thousan' of any man's money. How much am I offered?' Den de biddin' starts. It goes like dis: '$200 I'se hear, does I'se hear $250, does I hear $300.' Den de nigger takes hims clothes—dey have one extry suit—and goes wid de man dat buys him.
"When the auction starts, he says: 'This black is so and so old, he’s never been abused, he’s solid as a dollar. Just look at his muscle and broad shoulders. He's worth a thousand of anyone's money. What's my opening bid?' Then the bidding begins. It goes like this: '$200, do I hear $250, do I hear $300?' Then the black man takes his clothes—they have one extra suit—and goes with the man who buys him."
"De day befo' Marster gives we'uns freedom, he says to we'uns, 'I'se wants all you niggers to come to de front of de house Sunday mornin!' We'uns was dere and he was standin' on de gallery, holdin' a paper in hims han' and readin'. Dere was tears in hims eyes and some drap on de paper. I'se have tears in my eyes, too; mos' of 'em have. When hims done readin', hims says: 'You darkies is as free as I'se is.[Pg 162] You can go or you can stay. Those dat stay till de crops laid by, I'se will give $5.00 a month.'
"The day before the master gives us our freedom, he tells us, 'I want all you Black folks to come to the front of the house Sunday morning!' We were there, and he was standing on the porch, holding a piece of paper in his hand and reading. There were tears in his eyes and some drops on the paper. I had tears in my eyes too; most of us did. When he finished reading, he said: 'You all are as free as I am.[Pg 162] You can go or you can stay. Those who stay until the crops are laid by, I will give $5.00 a month.'"
"Den he takes de little niggers and says, 'De little fellows who I'se have sold dere mammies will stay wid me till dey am 21 years ole. You little fellows, I'se know you's age and I'se give yous de statement.'
"Then he takes the little kids and says, 'The little ones whose mommas I've sold will stay with me until they turn 21 years old. You little ones, I know your age, and I’ll give you the details.'"
"Mos' of de niggers stays wid him, but dey lef' fust one and den tudder. I'se stays on wid him for many years and works as coachman. When I lef' de Marster, 'twas to work for a farmer for one year, den I'se comes to Fort Worth. I'se works in lumberya'd for long time.
"Most of the Black people stay with him, but they left first one and then another. I stayed on with him for many years and worked as a coachman. When I left the Master, it was to work for a farmer for one year, then I came to Fort Worth. I worked in a lumber yard for a long time."
"For de las' 12 years I'se been blin'. I'se had hard time after dat till de las' year but I'se gits de pension each month, dat am a heap of help. Dis nigger am thankful for what de Lawd have blessed me wid.[Pg 163]
"For the last 12 years I've been blind. I've had a tough time since then until last year, but I receive my pension every month, and that's a big help. This Black person is thankful for what the Lord has blessed me with.[Pg 163]

Josie Brown
JOSIE BROWN was born about 1859, in Victoria, Texas. She belonged to George Heard. Her mother was born free, a member of the Choctaw Nation, but she was stolen and sold as a slave. Josie now lives in Woodville, Texas.
JOSIE BROWN was born around 1859 in Victoria, Texas. She was owned by George Heard. Her mother was born free and was a member of the Choctaw Nation, but she was kidnapped and sold into slavery. Josie now lives in Woodville, Texas.
"I's bo'n on Christmas day, in Victoria. Got here jus' in time for de eggnog! Dat 'bout 1859, 'cause I's six year ole de Christmas 'fore freedom. My mudder was a free bo'n Injun woman. Jus' like any ole, demmed Choctaw down in de woods. She was stole and sol' by a spec'lator's gang. Us move to Tyler when I one mont' ole.
"I was born on Christmas Day in Victoria. I got here just in time for the eggnog! That was around 1859, because I was six years old the Christmas before freedom. My mother was a free-born Native American woman, just like any of those Choctaws down in the woods. She was kidnapped and sold by a speculator's gang. We moved to Tyler when I was one month old."
"We lib on a big farm and my mudder suckle her thirteen chillun and ole mistus seven. Bob, my brudder, he go to Mansfiel' and we never hear of him no more. He wen' with young marster, Wesley Heard. I 'member de mornin' dey lef', dey had to wait for him, 'cause he'd been out seein' his gal.
"We live on a big farm and my mother nurses her thirteen children and the old mistress seven. Bob, my brother, went to Mansfield and we never heard from him again. He went with young master, Wesley Heard. I remember the morning they left; they had to wait for him because he had been out seeing his girl."
"De marstar hab a big log house close to de road. De quarters was 'cordin' to de family what live dere. De stage line through Woodville pass close by. I 'member sittin' on de rail fence to see de stage go by. Dat was a fine sight! De stage was big, rough carriage and dey was four or five hosses on de line. De bugle blow when dey go by, with de dus' behin' dem. Dey was comin' from Jasper, in Louisian', and everywhere.
"De Marstar had a big log house near the road. The quarters were according to the family that lived there. The stage line through Woodville passed right by. I remember sitting on the rail fence to watch the stage go by. That was a great sight! The stage was a large, rugged carriage, and there were four or five horses on the line. The bugle would blow as they passed, with dust kicking up behind them. They came from Jasper, in Louisiana, and from all over."
"When us little dey hab to keep us in de house 'cause de bald eagle pick up chillen jus' like de hawk pick up chicken. Dey was lots of catamoun' and bears and deer in de woods. Us never[Pg 164] 'llowed play 'lone in de woods.
"When we were little, we had to stay in the house because the bald eagle would snatch up kids just like the hawk grabs chickens. There were lots of raccoons, bears, and deer in the woods. We were never allowed to play alone in the woods."
"I didn' do nothin' 'cep' eat and sleep and foller ole mistus 'round. She giv me good clothes 'cause my mudder was de weaver. De clothes jus' cut out straight down and dyed with all kinds of bark. I hab to keep de head comb and grease with lard. De lil' white chillun play with me but not de udder nigger chilluns much. Us pull de long, leaf grass and plait it and us make rag doll and playhouse and grapevine swing. Dere's plenty grapes, scudlong, sour blue grape and sweet, white grape. Dey make jelly and wine outta dem. Dey squeeze de grapes and put de juice in a jimmijohn(demijohn) to fo'men'.
"I didn't do anything except eat, sleep, and follow the old lady around. She gave me nice clothes because my mother was the weaver. The clothes were just cut straight down and dyed with all kinds of bark. I had to keep my hair combed and greased with lard. The little white kids played with me, but not the other Black kids much. We pulled long blades of grass and braided them to make rag dolls, playhouses, and grapevine swings. There were plenty of grapes—sour blue grapes and sweet white grapes. They made jelly and wine out of them. They squeezed the grapes and put the juice in a demijohn to ferment."
"My mudder name was Keyia. Dat Injun. Daddy's name was Reuben. I 'member when I's lil' us goes visit my uncle, Major Scott. He lib in Polk County and he wore earring in he ears and beads and everyt'ing. He's a Injun. He dead now, many year.
"My mother’s name was Keyia. That Indian. Daddy's name was Reuben. I remember when I was little and we would visit my uncle, Major Scott. He lived in Polk County and he wore earrings in his ears and beads and everything. He was an Indian. He’s been dead for many years now."
"My daddy work in de fiel'. He sow de rice and raise t'baccy. Dey have fiel's of it. Dey put it in de crack of de fence to press, den dey dry it on de barn roof. Dat was smokin' t'baccy! For de chewin' t'baccy, dey soak it in sugar and honey. Us never see snuff den.
"My dad works in the fields. He plants the rice and grows tobacco. They have fields full of it. They put it in the fence cracks to press it, then they dry it on the barn roof. That was smoking tobacco! For chewing tobacco, they soak it in sugar and honey. We never saw snuff back then."
"On Sunday us didn' work. We has chu'ch meetin'. But dey has to have it in de ya'd, so de white folks could see de kin' of religion 'spounded.
"On Sunday we didn't work. We had church meeting. But they had to hold it in the yard so the white folks could see the kind of religion being preached."
"I seed some bad sight in slavery, but ain' never been 'bused myself. I seed chillun too lil' to walk from dey mammies sol' right off de block in Woodville. Dey was sol' jus' like calfs. I seed niggers in han' locks.
"I saw some bad things in slavery, but I've never been abused myself. I saw children too small to walk taken from their mothers right off the block in Woodville. They were sold just like calves. I saw Black people in handcuffs."
"After freedom dey wuk a whole year and den Major Sangers, he finally come and make de white folks tu'n us loose. I stay on for years, 'till ole mistus die. She larn me to knit and spin and sich like.[Pg 165]
"After working for a whole year after gaining my freedom, Major Sangers finally showed up and got the white folks to let us go. I stayed for years, until the old mistress died. She taught me how to knit, spin, and things like that.[Pg 165]
"In de early day, us hab to be keerful. Dey say witches ride dey hosses on de da'k nights. Us allus put hossshoes over de door to keep de witch out. Iffen us go out at night, us go roun' de house three time so de witch not come in while us gone.
"In the early days, we had to be careful. They say witches ride their horses on dark nights. We always put horseshoes over the door to keep the witch out. If we went out at night, we would walk around the house three times so the witch wouldn't come in while we were gone."
"I's fifteen year ole when I marry. Giles Paul was from de Wes'. He was de fus' husban'. Us hab a real weddin' with a bride veil. My weddin' dress hang 'way back on de flo', and shine like silver. Dey hab big dance and eat supper.
"I was fifteen years old when I got married. Giles Paul was from the West. He was my first husband. We had a real wedding with a bridal veil. My wedding dress hung way back on the floor and sparkled like silver. They had a big dance and served dinner."
"My second husban' name' Robert Brown and I's mudder of ten chillun. 'Sides dat, I raises six or seven day I pick up on de street 'cause dey orfums and hab nobody to care for dem. Some dem chillun drif' 'bout now and I wouldn' know 'em if I seed 'em![Pg 166]
"My second husband’s name is Robert Brown, and I’m the mother of ten children. Besides that, I’ve taken in six or seven kids I found on the street because they’re orphans and have nobody to look after them. Some of those kids are wandering around now, and I wouldn’t recognize them if I saw them![Pg 166]

Zac Brown
ZEK BROWN, 80, was born a slave of Green Brown, owner of six slave families, in Warren County, Tennessee. Zek came to Texas in 1868, with Sam Bragg. Zek now lives at 407 W. Bluff St., in Fort Worth, Texas.
Zek Brown, 80, was born a slave of Green Brown, who owned six slave families, in Warren County, Tennessee. Zek moved to Texas in 1868 with Sam Bragg. He currently lives at 407 W. Bluff St., Fort Worth, Texas.
"My name am Zek Brown and Massa Green Brown owned me. He have a plantation in Tennessee and own all my folks, what was my pappy and mammy and two sisters. I never seed any of dem since I ran 'way from there, when I's ten years old.
"My name is Zek Brown, and Master Green Brown owned me. He has a plantation in Tennessee and owns my whole family, which includes my dad, mom, and two sisters. I haven't seen any of them since I ran away when I was ten years old."
"I sometimes wishes I's back on de plantation. I's took good care of dere and massa am awful good. Each fam'ly have dere own cabin and it warn't so much for niceness but we lives comfor'ble and has plenty to eat and wear. My mammy work de loom, makin' cloth, and us chillen wears linsey cloth shirts till dey gives us pants. Massa buy he fam'ly nice clothes but dey wears linsey clothes everyday. Same with shoes, dey am made on de plantation and de first store shoes I has am after surrender. My mammy buys me a pair with brass tips on de toe, and am I dress up den!
"I sometimes wish I was back on the plantation. I took good care of it there, and the master was really nice. Each family had their own cabin, and it wasn't just for comfort; we lived well and had plenty to eat and wear. My mom worked the loom, making cloth, and we kids wore linsey cloth shirts until they got us pants. The master bought nice clothes for his family, but they wore linsey clothes every day. Same with shoes; they were made on the plantation, and the first store-bought shoes I had were after the surrender. My mom bought me a pair with brass tips on the toes, and I felt so dressed up then!"
"De food am bester dan what I's had since dem days. Dey raises it all but de salt and sich. You wouldn't 'lieve how us et den. It am ham and bacon, 'cause dey raises all de hawgs. It am cornmeal and some white flour and fruit and honey and 'lasses and brown sugar. De 'lasses am black as I is and dat am some black. I wishes I was dere and mammy call me, and I can smell dat ham fryin' right now.
"Food is better than what I've had since those days. They raise everything except the salt and things like that. You wouldn't believe how we ate back then. It was ham and bacon because they raised all the pigs. It was cornmeal and some white flour, along with fruit, honey, molasses, and brown sugar. The molasses is as dark as I am, and that's pretty dark. I wish I were there and my mom called me, and I can smell that ham frying right now."
"Not once does I know of de massa whippin' and him don't talk rough even. Jus' so de work am done we does as we pleases, long as us reas'ble. Us have parties and dancin' and singin'. De music am de banjo and de fiddle.[Pg 167]
"Not once do I know of the group getting whipped, and he doesn't even talk harshly. Just as long as the work gets done, we do what we want, as long as we're reasonable. We have parties, dancing, and singing. The music is the banjo and the fiddle.[Pg 167]
"I don't 'member when de war start but I 'member when it stop and massa call all us together and tell us we's no more slaves. Him talk lots 'bout what it mean and how it am diff'rent and we'uns have to make our own way and can't 'pend on him like. He say if us stay dere'll be wages or we can share crop and everybody stay. My folks stays one year and den moves to 'nother he farms. Pappy keep de farm and mammy teach school. Her missie done larnt her to read and sich from time she a young'un, so she have eddication so good dey puts her to teachin'.
"I don't remember when the war started, but I remember when it ended and the master gathered us all together and told us we were no longer slaves. He talked a lot about what that meant and how it was different, and that we had to find our own way and couldn’t rely on him anymore. He said if we stayed, there would be wages or we could sharecrop, and everyone could stay. My family stayed for one year and then moved to another farm. Dad kept the farm, and Mom taught school. Her mission taught her to read and such from the time she was a child, so she had a good education and they appointed her to teach."
"De way I leaves home am dis. One day mammy teachin' school and me and my sister am home, and I 'cides she need de haircut. She want it, too. So I gits de shears and goes to work and after I works a while de job don't look so good, so I cuts some more and den it look worse and I tries to fix it and first thing I knows dere ain't no hair left to cut. When mammy come home she pays me for de work with de rawhide whip and dat hurts my feelin's so bad I 'cides to git even by runnin' 'way a few days. It am 'bout sundown and I starts to go and comes to Massa Sam Bragg's place. I's tired den and not so strong 'bout de idea and 'cides to rest. I walks into he yard and dere am a covered wagon standin' and loaded with lots of stuff and de front end open. I finds de soft place in de back and goes to sleep, and when I wakes up it am jus' gittin' daylight and dat wagon am a-movin'.'
"The way I leave home is like this. One day, my mom is teaching school, and my sister and I are at home. I decide she needs a haircut. She wants one, too. So I grab the shears and start working on it, but after a while, it doesn’t look so great, so I cut some more, and then it looks even worse. I try to fix it, and before I know it, there's no hair left to cut. When my mom comes home, she pays me for the work with a rawhide whip, and that really hurts my feelings, so I decide to get even by running away for a few days. It's about sundown when I start to leave and I reach Massa Sam Bragg's place. I’m tired then and not so sure about the whole idea, so I decide to rest. I walk into his yard and see a covered wagon standing there, loaded with a lot of stuff, and the front end is open. I find a soft spot in the back and go to sleep, and when I wake up, it’s just getting daylight and that wagon is moving."
"I don't say nothin'. I's skeert and waits for dat wagon to stop, so's I can crawl out. I jus' sits and sits and when it stop I crawls out and Massa Bragg say, 'Good gosh, look what am crawlin' out de wagon! He look at me a while and den he say, 'You's too far from home for me to take you back[Pg 168] and you'll git lost if you tries to walk home. I guesses I'll have to take you with me.' I thinks him am goin' some place and comin' back, but it am to Texas him come and stop at Birdville. Dat am how dis nigger come to Texas.
"I don't say anything. I'm scared and waiting for that wagon to stop so I can crawl out. I just sit there, and when it stops, I crawl out. Massa Bragg looks at me for a bit and then says, 'Good gosh, look what’s crawling out of the wagon! You're too far from home for me to take you back[Pg 168] and you'll get lost if you try to walk home. I guess I'll have to take you with me.' I think he’s going somewhere and will come back, but he's actually going to Texas and stops at Birdville. That's how this black man came to Texas."
"I's often wish my mammy done whip me so hard I couldn't walk off de place, 'cause from den on I has mighty hard times. I stays with Massa Bragg four years and then I hunts for a job where I can git some wages. I gits it with Massa Joe Henderson, workin' on he farm and I's been round these parts ever since and farmed most my life.
"I often wish my mom had whipped me so hard I couldn't walk away from there, because ever since then I've had really tough times. I stayed with Mr. Bragg for four years and then I looked for a job where I could earn some wages. I got it with Mr. Joe Henderson, working on his farm, and I've been around this area ever since and have farmed most of my life."
"I gits into a picklement once years ago. I's 'rested on de street. I's not done a thing, jus' walkin' 'long de street with 'nother fellow and dey claim he stole somethin'. I didn't know nothin' 'bout since. Did dey turn me a-loose? Dey turn me loose after six months on de chain gang. I works on de road three months with a ball and chain on de legs. After dat trouble, I sho' picks my comp'ny.
"I got into a tricky situation years ago. I was arrested on the street. I hadn't done anything, just walking down the street with another guy, and they claimed he stole something. I didn't know anything about it. Did they let me go? They let me go after six months on the chain gang. I worked on the road for three months with a ball and chain on my legs. After that trouble, I definitely choose my company carefully."
"I marries onct, 'bout forty years ago, and after four years she drops dead with de heart mis'ry. Us have no chillen so I's alone in de world. It am all right long as I could work, but five years ago dis right arm gits to shakin' so bad I can' work no more. For a year now dey pays me $9.00 pension. It am hard to live on dat for a whole month, but I's glad to git it.[Pg 169]
"I got married once, about forty years ago, and after four years she passed away from heart trouble. We had no children, so I’m alone in the world. It was fine as long as I could work, but five years ago my right arm started shaking so badly that I can’t work anymore. For a year now, they’ve been paying me a $9.00 pension. It’s tough to live on that for a whole month, but I’m glad to receive it.[Pg 169]
MADISON BRUIN, 92, spent his early days as a slave on the Curtis farm in the blue grass region of Kentucky, where he had some experience with some of the fine horses for which the state is famous. Here, too, he had certain contacts with soldiers of John Morgan, of Confederate fame. His eyes are keen and his voice mellow and low. His years have not taken a heavy toll of his vitality.
MADISON BRUIN, 92, spent his early years as a slave on the Curtis farm in the bluegrass region of Kentucky, where he gained some experience with the fine horses the state is known for. He also made some connections with soldiers from John Morgan’s Confederate army. His eyes are sharp, and his voice is smooth and low. His long life has not significantly diminished his vitality.
"I's a old Kentucky man. I's born in Fayette County, 'bout five miles from Lexington, right where dere lots of fine hosses. My old massa was name Jack Curtis and de old missus was Miss Addie. My mother name Mary and she die in 1863 and never did see freedom. I don't 'member my daddy a-tall.
I’m an old Kentucky man. I was born in Fayette County, about five miles from Lexington, right where there are lots of fine horses. My old master was named Jack Curtis and the old mistress was Miss Addie. My mother’s name was Mary, and she died in 1863 and never got to see freedom. I don’t remember my dad at all.
"De place was jis' a farm, 'cause dey didn't know nothin' 'bout plantations up dere in Kentucky. Dey raise corn and wheat and garlic and fast hosses. Dey used to have big hoss races and dey had big tracks and I's stood in de middle of dat big track in Lexington and watch dem ex'cise de hosses. Sometimes I got to help dem groom some dem grand hosses and dat was de big day for me. I don't 'member dem hosses names, no, suh, but I knowed one big bay hoss what won de race nearly every time.
The place was just a farm because they didn’t know anything about plantations up there in Kentucky. They raised corn and wheat and garlic and fast horses. They used to have big horse races, and they had large tracks. I stood in the middle of that big track in Lexington and watched them exercise the horses. Sometimes I got to help groom some of those grand horses, and that was a big day for me. I don’t remember the horses’ names, no sir, but I knew one big bay horse that won the race almost every time.
"I had two sisters name Jeanette and Fanny and a brother, Henry, and after my daddy die, my mother marries a man name Paris and I had one half-brother call Alfred Paris.
I had two sisters named Jeanette and Fanny and a brother, Henry, and after my dad died, my mom married a man named Paris, and I got a half-brother called Alfred Paris.
"Old massa was good to us and give us plenty food. He never beat us hard. He had a son what jis' one month older'n me and we run 'round and play lots. Old massa, he whip me and he own son jis' de same when we[Pg 170] bad. He didn't whip us no more'n he ought to, though. Dey was good massas and some mean ones, and some worthless cullud folks, too.
"Old master was good to us and gave us plenty of food. He never beat us hard. He had a son who was just one month older than me, and we ran around and played a lot. Old master whipped me and his own son the same when we[Pg 170] acted up. He didn't whip us any more than he should have, though. There were good masters and some mean ones, and some worthless people too."
"Durin' de war de cholera broke out 'mongst de people and everybody scairt dey gwine cotch it. Dey say it start with de hurtin' in de stomach and every time us hurt in de stomach, missus make us come quick to de big house. Dat suit us jis' right and when dey sends Will and me to hoe or do somethin' us didn't want to do, pretty soon I say, 'Willie, I think my stomach 'ginnin to hurt. I think dis mis'ry a sign I gittin' de cholera.' Den him say, 'Us better go to de big house like ma say,' and with dat, us quit workin'. Us git out lots of work dat way, but us ain't ever took de cholera yit.
"During the war, cholera broke out among the people, and everyone was scared they were going to catch it. They said it started with stomach pains, and every time we had a stomach ache, our mistress would make us come quickly to the big house. That was just fine with us, and when they sent Will and me to hoe or do something we didn’t want to do, I would soon say, 'Willie, I think my stomach is starting to hurt. I think this misery is a sign that I'm getting cholera.' Then he would say, 'We better go to the big house like Mom said,' and with that, we would stop working. We got out of a lot of work that way, but we’ve never actually caught cholera yet."
"Durin' de war John Morgan's men come and took all de hosses. Dey left two and Willie and me took dem to hide in de plum thicket, but us jis' git out de gate when de sojers come 'gain and dey head us off and take de last two hosses.
"During the war, John Morgan's men came and took all the horses. They left two, and Willie and I took them to hide in the plum thicket, but we just got out the gate when the soldiers came again and they stopped us and took the last two horses."
"My mother she wore de Yankee flag under her dress like a petticoat when de 'federates come raidin'. Other times she wore it top de dress. When dey hears de 'federates comin' de white folks makes us bury all de gold and de silver spoons out in de garden. Old massa, he in de Yankee army, 'cause dey 'script him, but he sons, John and Joe, dey volunteers.
"My mom wore the Yankee flag under her dress like a petticoat when the Confederates came raiding. Other times she wore it over her dress. When they heard the Confederates coming, the white folks made us bury all the gold and silver spoons out in the garden. Old master was in the Yankee army because they drafted him, but his sons, John and Joe, volunteered."
"Old massa he never sold none of he slaves. I used to hear him and missus fussin' 'bout de niggers, 'cause some 'long to her and some to him and dey have de time keepin' dem straighten' out.
"Old master never sold any of his slaves. I used to hear him and mistress arguing about the black people, because some belonged to her and some to him, and they had a hard time keeping them sorted out."
Us boys have good time playin'. Us draw de line and some git on one side and some de other. Den one sing out[Pg 171]
Us boys have a great time playing. We draw a line, and some of us stand on one side while the others go to the other side. Then one of us calls out[Pg 171]
"'Chickama, Chickama, craney crow,
Went to de well to wash my toe;
When I git back my chicken was gone,
What time, old witch?'
"'Chickama, Chickama, crow,
I went to the well to wash my toe;
When I got back, my chicken was missing,
What time is it, old witch?
"Den somebody holler out, 'One o'clock' or 'Two o'clock' or any time, and dem on one side try to cotch dem on de other side.
"Then someone shouts, 'One o'clock' or 'Two o'clock' or any time, and those on one side try to catch those on the other side."
"When I's young I didn't mind plowin', but I didn't like to ride at fust, but dey make me larn anyhow. Course, dat white boy and me, us like most anything what not too much work. Us go down to de watermelon patch and plug dem melons, den us run hide in de woods and eat watermelon. Course, dey lots of time dey 'low us to play jis' by ourselves. Us play one game where us choose sides and den sing:
"When I was young, I didn't mind plowing, but I didn't like to ride at first, but they made me learn anyway. Of course, that white boy and I liked just about anything that wasn’t too much work. We would go down to the watermelon patch and pick the melons, then we’d run and hide in the woods to eat the watermelon. A lot of the time they let us play just by ourselves. We played one game where we chose sides and then sang:
"'Can, can, candio,
Old man Dandio,
How many men you got?
More'n you're able to cotch.'
"'Can, can, candio,
Dandio the elder,
How many men do you have?
More than you can grab.
"Endurin' de war us git whip many a time for playin' with shells what us find in de woods. Us heered de cannons shootin' in Lexington and lots of dem shells drap in de woods.
"During the war, we got in trouble many times for playing with the shells we found in the woods. We heard the cannons firing in Lexington and a lot of those shells fell in the woods."
"What did I think when I seed all dem sojers? I wants to be one, too. I didn't care what side, I jis' wants a gun and a hoss and be a sojer. John Morgan, he used to own de hemp factory in Lexington. When young massa jine Woolford's 11th Kentucky Cavalry, dey come to de place and halt befo' de big house in de turnpike. Dey have shotguns and blind bridles on dere hosses, not open bridle like on de race hosses. Dey jis' in reg'lar clothes but next time dey come through dey in blue uniforms. All my white folks come back from de war and didn't git kilt. Nobody ever telt me I's free. I's happy dere and never left dem till 1872. All de others gone befo' dat, but I[Pg 172] gits all I wants and I didn't need no money. I didn't know what paper money was and one time massa's son give me a paper dime to git some squab and I didn't know what money was and I burned it up.
"What did I think when I saw all those soldiers? I wanted to be one, too. I didn’t care what side, I just wanted a gun and a horse and to be a soldier. John Morgan used to own the hemp factory in Lexington. When the young master joined Woolford's 11th Kentucky Cavalry, they came to the place and stopped in front of the big house on the turnpike. They had shotguns and blind bridles on their horses, not open bridles like on the racehorses. They were just in regular clothes but the next time they came through, they were in blue uniforms. All my white folks came back from the war and didn’t get killed. Nobody ever told me I was free. I was happy there and never left them until 1872. All the others left before that, but I[Pg 172] got everything I wanted, and I didn’t need any money. I didn’t know what paper money was, and one time the master’s son gave me a paper dime to get some squab, and I didn’t know what money was, so I burned it up."
"Dey's jis' one thing I like to do most and dat's eat. Dey allus had plenty of everything and dey had a big, wooden tray, or trough and dey put potlicker and cornbread in dat trough and set it under de big locust tree and all us li'l niggers jis' set 'round and eat and eat. Jis' eat all us wants. Den when us git full us fall over and go to sleep. Us jis' git fat and lazy. When us see dat bowl comin', dat bowl call us jis' like hawgs runnin' to de trough.
"There's just one thing I really love to do, and that's eat. They always had plenty of everything, and they had a big wooden tray, or trough, where they put potlikker and cornbread, planting it under the big locust tree. All of us little kids would just gather around and eat and eat. Just eat as much as we wanted. Then when we got full, we’d flop over and fall asleep. We just got fat and lazy. When we saw that bowl coming, it called to us just like pigs running to the trough."
"Dey was great on gingerbread and us go for dat. Dey couldn't leave it in de kitchen or de pantry so old missus git a big tin box and hide de gingerbread under her bed and kept de switch on us to keep us 'way from it. But sometime us sneak up in de bedroom and git some, even den.
"Dey were really good at making gingerbread, and we loved it. They couldn’t leave it in the kitchen or the pantry, so the old missus got a big tin box and hid the gingerbread under her bed, keeping a close watch on us to keep us away from it. But sometimes we would sneak into the bedroom and grab some anyway."
"When I 'bout 17 I left Kentucky and goes to Indiana and white folks sends me to school to larn readin' and writin', but I got tired of dat and run off and jine de army. Dat in 1876 and dey sends me to Arizona. After dat I's at Fort Sill in what used to be Indian Territory and den at Fort Clark and Fort Davis, dat in Garfield's 'ministration, den in Fort Quitman on de Rio Grande. I's in skirmishes with de Indians on Devil's River and in de Brazos Canyon, and in de Rattlesnake Range and in de Guadalupe Mountains. De troops was de Eighth Cavalry and de Tenth Infantry. De white and de cullud folks was altogether and I have three hosses in de cavalry. De fust one plays out, de next one shot down on campaign and one was condemn. On dat campaign us have de White Mountain 'paches with us for scouts.[Pg 173]
"When I was about 17, I left Kentucky and went to Indiana, where white people sent me to school to learn reading and writing. I got tired of that, so I ran off and joined the army. That was in 1876, and they sent me to Arizona. After that, I was at Fort Sill in what used to be Indian Territory, then at Fort Clark and Fort Davis, during Garfield's administration, and then at Fort Quitman on the Rio Grande. I was involved in skirmishes with the Indians on Devil's River, in Brazos Canyon, in the Rattlesnake Range, and in the Guadalupe Mountains. The troops were the Eighth Cavalry and the Tenth Infantry. The white folks and the colored folks were together, and I had three horses in the cavalry. The first one wore out, the second got shot down during the campaign, and one was condemned. On that campaign, we had the White Mountain Apaches with us as scouts.[Pg 173]
"When I git discharge' from de Army I come to Texas and work on de S.P. Railroad and I been in Texas ever since, and when I's in Dallas I got 'flicted and got de pension 'cause I been in de army. I ain't done much work in ten year.
"When I got discharged from the Army, I came to Texas and started working on the S.P. Railroad, and I've been in Texas ever since. When I was in Dallas, I got sick and received a pension because I served in the Army. I haven't done much work in ten years."
"I gits married in San Antonio on December 14, 1882 and I marries Dolly Gross and dat her right dere. Us have de nice weddin', plenty to eat and drink. Us have only one chile, a gal, and she dead, but us 'dopt sev'ral chillen.
"I got married in San Antonio on December 14, 1882, and I married Dolly Gross, and that's her right there. We had a nice wedding, with plenty to eat and drink. We only have one child, a girl, and she's passed away, but we adopted several kids."
"Us come to Beaumont in 1903 and I works 'round Spindletop and I works for de gas people and de waterworks people. I's been a carpenter and done lots of common work wherever I could find it.
"Me and my folks came to Beaumont in 1903, and I worked around Spindletop. I worked for the gas company and the waterworks. I've been a carpenter and done a lot of regular jobs wherever I could find them."
"It's been long time since slavery and I's old, but me and my old lady's in good health and us manage to git 'long fairly well. Dat's 'bout all I can 'member 'bout de old times.[Pg 174]
"It's been a long time since slavery, and I'm old, but my partner and I are in good health and we manage to get along fairly well. That's about all I can remember about the old times.[Pg 174]

Martha Spence Bunton
MARTHA SPENCE BUNTON, 81, was born a slave, Jan. 1, 1856, on the John Bell plantation, in Murphfreesboro, Tennessee. Mr. Bell sold Martha, her mother and four sisters to Joseph Spence, who brought them to Texas. Martha married Andy Bunton in 1880, and they had nine children. Martha now lives with her sister, Susan, on twelve acres of land which their father bought for $25.00 an acre. The farm is picturesquely located on a thickly wooded hill about six miles east of Austin, Texas.
MARTHA SPENCE BUNTON, 81, was born a slave on January 1, 1856, at the John Bell plantation in Murfreesboro, Tennessee. Mr. Bell sold Martha, her mother, and her four sisters to Joseph Spence, who then brought them to Texas. Martha married Andy Bunton in 1880, and they had nine children together. Martha now lives with her sister, Susan, on twelve acres of land that their father purchased for $25.00 an acre. The farm is beautifully situated on a densely wooded hill about six miles east of Austin, Texas.
"I was born on New Year's Day. Yes, suh, in 1856, on Massa Bell's plantation over in Tennessee. De name of de town was Murphreesboro, and my mammy and my four sisters and me all 'longed to Massa John Bell, but he done sold us to Massa Joseph Spence, and dat how I come by my name.
"I was born on New Year's Day. Yes, sir, in 1856, on Mr. Bell's plantation over in Tennessee. The name of the town was Murphreesboro, and my mom, my four sisters, and I all belonged to Mr. John Bell, but he sold us to Mr. Joseph Spence, and that's how I got my name."
"I 'members how Massa Spence brung us to Texas in wagons, and the way we knowed when we hit Texas am 'cause massa 'gin to talk 'bout a norther. When dat norther done strike, all de weeds and leaves jus' starts rollin'. Us poor, ig'rant niggers thunk at first dey was rabbits, 'cause we'd never seed a rabbit den. Massa Spence rid his hoss and Missie Spence come 'long in de richer way, in a coach. De chillen walked mornin's and de older folks walked afternoons.
"I remember how Mr. Spence brought us to Texas in wagons, and we knew we had arrived in Texas because Mr. Spence started talking about a norther. When that norther hit, all the weeds and leaves just started rolling. We poor, ignorant black folks thought at first they were rabbits because we'd never seen a rabbit then. Mr. Spence rode his horse and Mrs. Spence came along in a fancy coach. The kids walked in the mornings and the older folks walked in the afternoons."
"Massa Spence come to Montopolis, right nigh to Austin, and settled down. I helped carry dinner pails to de field workers, and dey was full of meat and cabbage and biscuit. Pappy wasn't dere then, 'cause he was own by Massa Burrows, over in Tennessee. But when his massa died, my massa bought pappy and he come out to Texas. Befo' I's a sizeable child, mammy took sick with diphtheria and died and pappy had to be mammy and pappy to us.[Pg 175] Pappy was a big-bodied man and on Sunday mornin' he'd git out of bed and make a big fire and say, 'Jiminy cripes! You chillen stay in you beds and I'll make de biscuits.' He would, too. I laughs when I thinks 'bout dem big, rye biscuits, what was so big we called dem 'Nigger heels.' Dey sho' was big biscuits, but dey was good. We never did git no butter, though, and sometimes we'd ask the white chillen to give us a piece of biscuit with butter on it. We got plenty other eats—sliced meat and roastin' ears and sweet milk.
Massa Spence came to Montopolis, near Austin, and settled down. I helped carry lunch pails to the field workers, and they were filled with meat, cabbage, and biscuits. My dad wasn't there then because he belonged to Massa Burrows over in Tennessee. But when his master died, my master bought my dad, and he came out to Texas. Before I was old enough to remember much, my mom got sick with diphtheria and died, and my dad had to be both mom and dad to us.[Pg 175] My dad was a big guy, and on Sunday mornings, he'd get out of bed, start a big fire, and say, 'Jiminy cripes! You kids stay in your beds, and I'll make the biscuits.' And he would, too. I laugh when I think about those big rye biscuits that were so huge we called them 'Black heels.' They really were big biscuits, but they were tasty. We never did get any butter, though, and sometimes we'd ask the white kids to share a piece of biscuit with butter on it. We had plenty of other food—sliced meat, roasted corn, and sweet milk.
"After freedom pappy sent us to school to de white teacher, and dat's why I can read and write. I went to de sixth grade and quit. Pappy was drinkin' a lot then. He'd take alcohol and mix it with 'lasses and water. But he was good to us. Sometimes a Texas norther come up and we'd be on the way home and we'd see something comin' what look like a elephant and it was pappy, with a bundle of coats.
"After we were free, Dad sent us to school with the white teacher, and that's why I can read and write. I went to the sixth grade and then dropped out. Dad was drinking a lot back then. He’d take alcohol and mix it with molasses and water. But he was good to us. Sometimes a Texas norther would come up while we were on our way home, and we’d see something coming that looked like an elephant, and it was Dad with a bundle of coats."
"I was twenty-four years old when I married Andy Bunton and he jes' rented farms here and yonder. We had a big weddin' and pork and turkey and cake. Aunt Lucy Hubbard, what weighed three hundred pounds, done de cookin' dat day. We had such a good time nobody knowed when one de guests stole a whole turkey.
"I was twenty-four years old when I married Andy Bunton, and he just rented farms here and there. We had a big wedding with pork, turkey, and cake. Aunt Lucy Hubbard, who weighed three hundred pounds, did the cooking that day. We had such a good time that nobody noticed when one of the guests stole an entire turkey."
"I was mother of nine chillen and three of dem is livin' now. Andy made a purty good livin till he had a paral'sis stroke. Poor old feller! In de end, I took care of him and had to work like I was young again. I cut wood and carried water and washed and cooked. I had to feed him.
"I was the mother of nine children, and three of them are living now. Andy made a pretty good living until he had a paralysis stroke. Poor old guy! In the end, I took care of him and had to work like I was young again. I chopped wood, carried water, washed, and cooked. I had to feed him."
"I owns my place here. It am twelve acres and pappy bought it long ago for $25.00 de acre. My sister lives here too, and my son, Howard, comes home sometimes, but he's got eight houn' dogs he can't feed. I sho' can't feed dem on dat $11.00 pension what I gits.[Pg 176]
"I own my place here. It’s twelve acres, and my dad bought it a long time ago for $25.00 an acre. My sister lives here too, and my son, Howard, comes home sometimes, but he has eight hound dogs he can't take care of. I really can't feed them on that $11.00 pension I get.[Pg 176]

Ellen Butler
ELLEN BUTLER was born a slave to Richmond Butler, near Whiska Chitto, in the northern part of Calcasieu Parish (now a part of Beauregard Parish), in Louisiana. Ellen is about 78 years old. She now lives in Beaumont, Texas.
ELLEN BUTLER was born a slave to Richmond Butler, near Whiska Chitto, in the northern part of Calcasieu Parish (now part of Beauregard Parish) in Louisiana. Ellen is around 78 years old. She currently lives in Beaumont, Texas.
"My old massa was name Richmond Butler and he used to have a big plantation over on Whiska Chitto, in Louisiana, and that's where I was born. They used to call the place Bagdad. I was his slave till I six year old and then freedom come.
"My old master was named Richmond Butler, and he had a big plantation over on Whiska Chitto in Louisiana, and that's where I was born. They used to call the place Bagdad. I was his slave until I was six years old, and then freedom came."
"I don't 'member my daddy, but my mammy was name Dicey Ann Butler. I have seven sister and three brudder, and they was Anderson and Charlie and Willie, and the girls was Laura and Rosa and Rachel and Fannie and Adeline and Sottie and Nora.
"I don't remember my dad, but my mom's name was Dicey Ann Butler. I have seven sisters and three brothers. Their names were Anderson, Charlie, and Willie, and the girls were Laura, Rosa, Rachel, Fannie, Adeline, Sottie, and Nora."
"Us used to live in a li'l log house with one room. The floor was dirt and the house was make jus' like they used to make 'tater house. They was a little window in the back. When I was a baby they wrop me up in cotton and put me in a coffee pot—that how li'l I was. But I grows to be more sizable.
" We used to live in a small log cabin with one room. The floor was dirt, and the house was built just like they used to make potato houses. There was a little window in the back. When I was a baby, they wrapped me up in cotton and placed me in a coffee pot—that's how small I was. But I grew to be bigger."
"The plantation were a good, big place and they have 'bout 200 head of niggers. When I gets big enough they start me to totin' water to the field. I gits the water out the spring and totes it in gourds. They cut the gourds so that a strip was left round and cross the top and that the handle. They was about a foot 'cross and a foot deep. Us used to have one good gourd us kep' lard in and li'l gourds to drink out of.[Pg 177]
"The plantation was a big, nice place and they had about 200 Black people. When I got old enough, they started me carrying water to the fields. I got the water from the spring and carried it in gourds. They cut the gourds so that a strip was left around the top for a handle. They were about a foot wide and a foot deep. We used to have one good gourd for keeping lard and little gourds to drink from.[Pg 177]
"Massa never 'lowed us slaves go to church but they have big holes in the fields they gits down in and prays. They done that way 'cause the white folks didn't want them to pray. They used to pray for freedom.
"Massa never let us slaves go to church, but we found big holes in the fields where we could get down and pray. We did that because the white folks didn't want us to pray. We used to pray for freedom."
"When the white folks go off they writes on the meal and flour with they fingers. That the way they know if us steal meal. Sometime they take a stick and write in front of the door so if anybody go out they step on that writin' and the massa know. That the way us larn how to write.
"When the white people leave, they write on the meal and flour with their fingers. That's how they know if we steal any meal. Sometimes they take a stick and write in front of the door so if anyone goes out, they step on that writing and the master knows. That's how we learn to write."
"Old massa didn't give 'em much to eat. When they comes in out of the field they goes work for other folks for something to eat.
"Old master didn't provide them with much to eat. When they came in from the fields, they would work for other people to get something to eat."
"They jus' have a old frame with planks to sleep on and no mattress or nothin'. In winter they have to keep the fire goin' all night to keep from freezin'. They put a old quilt down on the floor for the li'l folks. They have a li'l trough us used to eat out of with a li'l wooden paddle. Us didn't know nothin' 'bout knives and forks.
"They just have an old frame with planks to sleep on and no mattress or anything. In winter, they have to keep the fire going all night to avoid freezing. They put an old quilt down on the floor for the little ones. They have a little trough we used to eat from with a little wooden paddle. We didn't know anything about knives and forks."
"I never did git nothin' much to eat. My sister she de cook and sometime when the white folks gone us go up to the big house and she give us somethin'. But she make us wash the mouth after us finish eatin', so they won't be no crumbs in our mouth.
"I never really got much to eat. My sister is the cook, and sometimes when the white folks are gone, we go up to the big house and she gives us something. But she makes us wash our mouths after we finish eating, so there won't be any crumbs left in our mouths."
"Massa used to beat 'em all the time. My brudder tell old massa sometime he git hongry and gwine have to come ask de niggers for somethin' to eat. He say he never do that, but he did, 'cause after freedom he go to West Texas and some niggers with him and he los' everything and, sho' 'nough, old massa have to go to my brudder and ask him for food and a shelter to sleep under. Then he say if he had it to do over, he wouldn't[Pg 178] treat the hands so bad.
"Massa used to beat them all the time. My brother would sometimes tell old massa that he was hungry and would have to go ask the Black people for something to eat. He said he would never do that, but he did, because after freedom, he went to West Texas with some Black people and lost everything. Eventually, old massa had to go to my brother and ask him for food and a place to sleep. Then he said if he could do it all over again, he wouldn't treat the workers so badly.[Pg 178]
"One time my brudder slip off de plantation and they almost beat him to death. He told 'em he had to do somethin' to git somethin' to eat. They used to put 'em 'cross a log or barrel to beat 'em. My mammy had a strop 'bout eight inch wide they used to beat 'em with.
"One time my brother slipped off the plantation, and they almost beat him to death. He told them he had to do something to get something to eat. They used to put them across a log or barrel to beat them. My mom had a strop about eight inches wide that they used to beat them with."
"Most clothes what we git is from the Iles, what was rich folks and lives close by. They folks lives in DeRidder, in Louisiana, I hears. They treated the slaves like white folks.
"Most of the clothes we get come from the Islands, where wealthy people live nearby. I hear those people live in DeRidder, Louisiana. They treated the slaves like they were white folks."
"On Christmas time they give us a meal. I 'member that. I don't 'member no other holidays.
"At Christmas, they serve us a meal. I remember that. I don’t remember any other holidays."
"When us git sick us go to the woods and git herbs and roots and make tea and medicine. We used to git Blackhaw root and cherry bark and dogwood and chinquapin bark, what make good tonic. Black snakeroot and swamproot make good medicine, too.
"When we get sick, we go to the woods to get herbs and roots to make tea and medicine. We used to get Blackhaw root, cherry bark, dogwood, and chinquapin bark, which make a good tonic. Black snakeroot and swamproot also make great medicine."
"My mammy told us we was free and we starts right off and walks to Sugartown, 'bout 8 mile away. I 'member my brudder wades 'cross a pool totin' me.
"My mom told us we were free, and we immediately started walking to Sugartown, about 8 miles away. I remember my brother wading across a pool while carrying me."
"I used to nuss Dr. Frasier. He used to be the high sheriff in DeRidder.[Pg 179]
"I used to know Dr. Frasier. He was the high sheriff in DeRidder.[Pg 179]
HENRY H. BUTTLER, 87, venerable graduate of Washburn College, Topeka, Kansas, and ex-school teacher, was born a slave to Mr. George Sullivan on his 300 acre plantation in Farquier Co., Virginia. Henry and a number of other slaves were transported to Arkansas in 1863, and Henry escaped and joined the Union Army. He now lives at 1308 E. Bessie St., Fort Worth, Texas.
HENRY H. BUTTLER, 87, respected graduate of Washburn College in Topeka, Kansas, and former school teacher, was born into slavery under Mr. George Sullivan on his 300-acre plantation in Fauquier County, Virginia. In 1863, Henry and several other slaves were taken to Arkansas, but Henry escaped and joined the Union Army. He currently resides at 1308 E. Bessie St., Fort Worth, Texas.
"My name is Henry H. Buttler and I am past 87 years of age. That figure may not be accurate, but you must realize that there were no authentic records made of slave births. I estimate my age on the work I was doing at the commencement of the Civil War and the fact that I was large enough to be accepted as a soldier in the Union Army, in the year of 1864.
"My name is Henry H. Buttler, and I'm over 87 years old. That number may not be precise, but you have to understand that there were no official records kept of slave births. I estimate my age based on the work I was doing when the Civil War started and the fact that I was big enough to be accepted as a soldier in the Union Army in 1864."
"I was born on the plantation of George Sullivan, in Farquier Co., Virginia. The plantation was situated in the valley at the base of Bull Mountain, and presented a beautiful picture. The plantation consisted of about 30 acres, with about 30 slaves, though this number varied and sometimes reached 50. Mr. Sullivan owned my mother and her children, but my father was owned by Mr. John Rector, whose place was adjacent to ours.
"I was born on George Sullivan's plantation in Fauquier County, Virginia. The plantation was located in the valley at the foot of Bull Mountain and looked beautiful. It covered about 30 acres and had around 30 slaves, though this number could change and sometimes went up to 50. Mr. Sullivan owned my mother and her children, but my father was owned by Mr. John Rector, whose property was next to ours."
"The slave quarters consisted of a group of one-room log cabins, with no flooring, and very crude furnishings. There were bunks and benches and a table and the fireplace provided the means for cooking and heating.
The slave quarters were made up of a set of one-room log cabins, without any flooring and very basic furniture. There were bunks, benches, a table, and the fireplace served to cook and heat the space.
"The food was wholesome and of sufficient quantity. In that period about all the food was produced and processed on the plantation, which eliminated any reason for failure to provide ample food. The meat[Pg 180] was home cured and the ham and bacon had a superior flavor.
"The food was healthy and plentiful. During that time, almost all the food was grown and prepared on the plantation, which removed any reason for not providing enough meals. The meat[Pg 180] was cured on-site, and the ham and bacon had an exceptional taste."
"On the Sullivan place there existed consideration for human feelings but on the Rector place neither the master nor the overseer seemed to understand that slaves were human beings. One old slave called Jim, on the Rector place, disobeyed some rule and early one morning they ordered him to strip. They tied him to the whipping post and from morning until noon, at intervals, the lash was applied to his back. I, myself, saw and heard many of the lashes and his cries for mercy.
"At the Sullivan place, there was some regard for human feelings, but at the Rector place, neither the master nor the overseer seemed to recognize that slaves were human beings. One old slave named Jim on the Rector place disobeyed a rule, and early one morning, they ordered him to strip. They tied him to the whipping post, and from morning until noon, the whip was used on his back at intervals. I personally saw and heard many of the lashes and his cries for mercy."
"One morning a number of slaves were ordered to lay a fence row on the Rector place. The overseer said, 'This row must be laid to the Branch and left in time to roll those logs out in the back woods.' It was sundown when we laid the last rail but the overseer put us to rolling logs without any supper and it was eleven when we completed the task. Old Pete, the ox driver, became so exhausted that he fell asleep without unyoking the oxen. For that, he was given 100 lashes.
One morning, several enslaved people were told to put up a fence at the Rector's place. The overseer said, "This row needs to stretch to the Branch, and we have to finish it in time to roll those logs out in the backwoods." We finished laying the last rail at sundown, but the overseer made us roll logs without any dinner, and it was eleven o'clock when we finished the task. Old Pete, the ox driver, was so worn out that he fell asleep without unyoking the oxen. Because of that, he received 100 lashes.
"The slaves were allowed to marry but were compelled to first obtain permission from the master. The main factor involved in securing the master's consent was his desire to rear negroes with perfect physiques. On neither plantation was there any thought or compassion when a sale or trade was in question. I have seen the separation of husband and wife, child and mother, and the extreme grief of those involved, and the lash administered to a grieving slave for neglecting their work. All this made the marriages a farce.
"The slaves could get married but had to get permission from their master first. The main reason for the master's approval was his wish to produce strong, healthy slaves. On either plantation, there was no consideration or sympathy when it came to selling or trading people. I have witnessed the tearing apart of husbands and wives, mothers and children, and the deep sorrow of those affected, and I've seen a grieving slave punished with a whip for not focusing on their work. All of this turned the marriages into a joke."
"In 1863 Mr. Sullivan transported about 40 of us slaves to Arkansas, locating us on a farm near Pine Bluff, so we would not be taken by the Federal soldiers. The general faithfulness of the slave was noticeable then, as they had a chance to desert and go to free states. But I think I was the only one[Pg 181] who deserted Mr. Sullivan. I went to Federal Headquarters at Fort Smith, Arkansas, and was received into the army. We campaigned in Arkansas and nearby territory. The major battle I fought in was that of Pine Bluff, which lasted one day and part of one night.
"In 1863, Mr. Sullivan transported about 40 of us slaves to Arkansas, settling us on a farm near Pine Bluff so we wouldn't be captured by Federal soldiers. The loyalty of the slaves was remarkable at that time, as they had the opportunity to escape to free states. But I think I was the only one[Pg 181] who left Mr. Sullivan. I went to Federal Headquarters at Fort Smith, Arkansas, and joined the army. We campaigned in Arkansas and surrounding areas. The main battle I fought in was at Pine Bluff, which lasted one day and part of one night."
"After I was mustered out of the army, I set out to get an education and entered a grade school at Pine Bluff. I worked after school at any job I could secure and managed to enter Washburn College, in Topeka, Kansas. After I graduated I followed steam engineering for four years, but later I went to Fort Worth and spent 22 years in educational work among my people. I exerted my best efforts to advance my race.
"After I was discharged from the army, I aimed to get an education and enrolled in a grade school in Pine Bluff. I worked after school at any job I could find and eventually got into Washburn College in Topeka, Kansas. After I graduated, I worked in steam engineering for four years, but later I moved to Fort Worth and dedicated 22 years to educational work within my community. I put in my best efforts to uplift my race."
"I married Lucia Brown in 1880 and we had three children, all of whom are dead. There is just my wife and me left of the family, and we have a $75.00 per month Union soldier's pension.[Pg 182]
"I married Lucia Brown in 1880, and we had three children, all of whom have passed away. Now, it’s just my wife and me from the family, and we receive a $75.00 monthly pension for Union soldiers.[Pg 182]
WILLIAM BYRD, 97, was born a slave of Sam Byrd, near Madisonville, Texas. William was with his master during the Civil War. The old Negro is very feeble, but enjoyed talking about old times. He lives in Madisonville.
WILLIAM BYRD, 97, was born a slave of Sam Byrd, near Madisonville, Texas. William was with his master during the Civil War. The elderly man is very weak, but he enjoys reminiscing about the past. He lives in Madisonville.
"I has a bill of sale what say I's born in 1840, so I knows I's ninety-seven years old, and I's owned by Marse Sam Byrd. My mother's name was Fannie and I dunno pappy's name, 'cause my mother allus say she found me a stray in the woods. I allus 'lieves my master was my pappy, but I never did know for sho'.
"I have a bill of sale that says I was born in 1840, so I know I'm ninety-seven years old, and I was owned by Marse Sam Byrd. My mother's name was Fannie, and I don't know my father's name because my mother always said she found me as a stray in the woods. I always believed my master was my father, but I never knew for sure."
"Our quarters was log and the bed built with poles stuck in the cracks and cowhide stretched over, and we'd gather moss 'bout once a month and make it soft. When it was real cold we'd git close together and I don't care how cold it got, we'd sleep jes' as warm as these here feather beds.
"Our place was made of logs, and the bed was constructed with poles stuck in the gaps and cowhide stretched over them. We'd gather moss about once a month to make it softer. When it was really cold, we'd huddle together, and no matter how cold it got, we’d sleep just as warmly as in these feather beds."
"I split rails and chopped cotton and plowed with a wooden plow and druv Marse Byrd lots, 'cause he was a trader, slave trade most the time. He was good to us and give us lots to eat. He had a big garden and plenty sugar cane, and brown sugar. We'd press the juice out the cane 'tween two logs and cook it in the big washpot.
"I split rails, chopped cotton, and plowed with a wooden plow, and drove Marse Byrd around a lot because he was a trader, mostly in slaves. He was good to us and provided us with plenty to eat. He had a large garden and a lot of sugar cane, along with brown sugar. We would press the juice out of the cane between two logs and cook it in the big wash pot."
"We had sheepskin clothes in cold weather, with the fur part inside, no shoes less'n we wropped our feet in fur hides. But them clothes was warmer than these here cotton overalls. They're plumb cold!
"We had sheepskin clothes for cold weather, with the fur side on the inside, and no shoes unless we wrapped our feet in fur hides. But those clothes were warmer than these cotton overalls. They're totally cold!"
Marse Sam was full of life and Missus Josie was real good. They had a nice home of that day, made out split logs and four rooms and a hall two ways through it.[Pg 183]
Marse Sam was lively and Missus Josie was really kind. They had a nice home for that time, built from split logs and had four rooms with a hall running through it in two directions.[Pg 183]
"That great iron piece hung jes' outside the door and Marse Sam hit it at 3:30 every mornin'. If we didn't muster out he come round with that cat-o-nine-tails and let us have it, and we knowed what that bell was for nex' mornin'. Sometimes when Marse Sam was gone, we'd have a overseer. He'd let us go swimmin' in the creek when the work was done.
"That big iron bell hung just outside the door, and Mr. Sam would hit it at 3:30 every morning. If we didn’t assemble, he’d come around with that cat-o'-nine-tails and give us a taste of it, and we knew what that bell was for the next morning. Sometimes when Mr. Sam was away, we’d have an overseer. He'd let us go swimming in the creek when the work was finished."
"If a nigger was mean Marse Sam give him fifty licks over a log the first time and seventy-five licks the second time and 'bout that time he most gen'rally had a good nigger. If they was real mean and he couldn't do nothin' with 'em, he put them in the jail with a chain on the feets for three days, and fed 'em through a crack in the wall.
"If a black person was being mean, Marse Sam would give them fifty lashes over a log the first time and seventy-five lashes the second time, and by then, they usually turned out to be a good person. If they were really unruly and he couldn't manage them, he would put them in jail with chains on their feet for three days, feeding them through a crack in the wall."
"On Christmas Marse Sam had a great big eggnog and kilt a big beef and had fireworks, and the nigger, he know Christmas was come. We had plenty to eat and eggnog and did 'bout what we pleased that day and New Year's. The white folks allus said what we'd do on them days we'd do all year. That's all foolishment, but some still believes in it.
"On Christmas, Marse Sam had a huge eggnog, cooked a big roast, and set off fireworks, and the black folks knew Christmas had arrived. We had plenty to eat and drink, and we did pretty much whatever we wanted that day and on New Year's. The white folks always said that whatever we did on those days, we'd do all year. That's all nonsense, but some people still believe it."
"They give a big dance and all night supper when war started. Then Marse Sam, he carries me for waterboy and cook and to tend his hosses. He had two, and rid one this day and the other nex' day. He was 'fraid one git kilt and then he wouldn't be slam a-foot.
"They throw a big dance and a late-night supper when the war started. Then Marse Sam had me as his waterboy and cook, and to take care of his horses. He had two, and he rode one this day and the other the next day. He was scared one would get killed, and then he wouldn't be able to walk."
"When them big guns went to poppin', I jes' couldn't stand it without gittin' in a brush top. Then marse goes and gits shot and I has to be his nuss. But, Lawd-a-me, one them Yankee gals, she falls in love with marse whilst he lays nearly dead, and she say, 'William, he's mine, so you got to take good care of him.' And him with a plumb good wife back home![Pg 184]
"When the big guns started firing, I just couldn't handle it without getting into some cover. Then my master gets shot, and I have to be his nurse. But, oh my, one of those Yankee girls falls in love with my master while he's lying there nearly dead, and she says, 'William, he's mine, so you have to take good care of him.' And he's got a perfectly good wife waiting for him back home![Pg 184]"
"When Marse Sam git well, he say he's goin' to 'nother place to fight. He was with General Lee when that old war was over and that there Yankee General Grant takes General Lee prisoner, and Marse Sam won't leave his general, and he say to me, 'William, you got to go home alone.'
"When Marse Sam gets better, he says he’s going to another place to fight. He was with General Lee when that old war ended and that Yankee General Grant took General Lee prisoner, and Marse Sam won’t leave his general. He tells me, 'William, you have to go home by yourself.'"
"I lights out a-foot to Texas and it's most a year befo' I gits home. I travels day and night at first. I buys some things to eat but every time I goes by a farmhouse I steals a chicken. Sometimes I sho' gits hongry. When I git to the house, Missus Josie faints, 'cause she thunk Marse Sam ain't with me and he mus' be dead. I tells her he's in prison and she say she'll give me $2.00 a month to stay till he gits back. I's plumb crazy 'bout a little gal called 'Cricket,' 'cause she so pert and full of live, so I stays. We gits us a cabin and that's all to our weddin'. We stays a year befo' Marse Sam comes back.
"I set out for Texas and it’s almost a year before I get home. I travel day and night at first. I buy some food, but every time I pass a farmhouse, I steal a chicken. Sometimes I really get hungry. When I get to the house, Missus Josie faints because she thinks Marse Sam isn't with me and that he must be dead. I tell her he's in prison, and she says she’ll give me $2.00 a month to stay until he gets back. I’m totally crazy about a little girl named 'Cricket' because she’s so cute and full of life, so I stay. We get a cabin, and that’s all for our wedding. We stay a year before Marse Sam comes back."
"He was the plumb awfulest sight you ever done seed! His clothes is tore offen his body and he ain't shaved in three months and he's mos' starved to death. Missus Josie she don't even rec'nize him and wouldn't 'low him in till I tells her dat am Marse Sam, all right. He stays sick a whole year.
"He was the most awful sight you ever saw! His clothes were torn off his body, and he hasn't shaved in three months, and he's almost starved to death. Missus Josie doesn't even recognize him and wouldn't let him in until I told her that it was Marse Sam, for sure. He stays sick for a whole year."
"I thinks if them Yankees didn't 'tend to fix some way for us pore niggers, dey oughtn't turn us a-loose. Iffen de white folks in de South hadn't been jes' what they is, us niggers been lots worser off than we was. In slavery time when the nigger am sick, his master pay de bills, but when nigger sick now, that's his own lookout.
"I think if those Yankees didn't intend to find a way for us poor Black people, they shouldn't just let us go. If the white folks in the South hadn't been exactly what they are, we Black people would be way worse off than we were. Back in slavery, when a Black person got sick, their master would pay the bills, but now, when a Black person gets sick, that's their own problem."
"I never done nothin' but farm and odd jobs. I been married five times, but only my las' wife am livin' now. My four boys and two gals is all farmin' right here in the county and they helps us out. We gits by somehow.[Pg 185]
"I've only done farming and odd jobs. I've been married five times, but only my last wife is still alive. My four sons and two daughters are all farming right here in the county, and they help us out. We manage to get by somehow.[Pg 185]
LOUIS CAIN, 88, was born in North Carolina, a slave of Samuel Cain. After Louis was freed, he came to Texas, and has farmed near Madisonville over sixty years.
LOUIS CAIN, 88, was born in North Carolina, a slave of Samuel Cain. After Louis was freed, he moved to Texas and has been farming near Madisonville for over sixty years.
"I knows I's birthed in 1849, 'cause I had a bill of sale. It say that. My master traded me to Massa Joe Cutt for a hundred acres of land. That's in 1861, and I 'members it well. My daddy was Sam Cain, name after old Massa Cain, and mammy was Josie Jones, 'cause she owned by 'nother master. Mammy was birthed in North Carolina, but daddy allus say he come from Africy. He say they didn't work hard over there, 'cause all they et come out the jungle, and they had all the wives they wanted. That was the 'ligion over there.
"I know I was born in 1849 because I had a bill of sale that says so. My master traded me to Massa Joe Cutt for a hundred acres of land. That was in 1861, and I remember it well. My dad was Sam Cain, named after old Massa Cain, and my mom was Josie Jones because she was owned by another master. Mom was born in North Carolina, but Dad always said he came from Africa. He said they didn’t work hard over there because all their food came from the jungle, and they had as many wives as they wanted. That was the religion over there."
"Our quarters was made of logs, in a long shed six rooms long, like cowsheds or chicken houses, and one door to each room. The bed was a hole dug in a corner and poles around and shucks and straw. We'd sleep warm all night long, but it wouldn't do in this country in summertime.
"Our quarters were made of logs, in a long shed six rooms long, like cow stalls or chicken coops, with one door for each room. The bed was a hole dug in a corner, surrounded by poles, and filled with husks and straw. We’d stay warm all night long, but that wouldn't work in this country during the summer."
"Massa give us plenty to eat. Our cornbread was what you calls water pone bread and cooked in the ashes. We didn't have no stove. Massa was a great hunter and allus had venison and game. They was plenty fish, too.
"Massa gave us plenty to eat. Our cornbread was what you call water pone bread, cooked in the ashes. We didn't have a stove. Massa was a great hunter and always had venison and game. There were plenty of fish, too."
"Massa Cain was purty good to his slaves and mean to them if they didn't behave. Missy was a good woman. They lived in a two-story rock house with plenty trees all 'round.
"Massa Cain was pretty nice to his slaves but got harsh with them if they didn’t behave. Missy was a good woman. They lived in a two-story stone house with plenty of trees all around."
"We worked long as we could see, from four o'clock in the mornin', and them milked twenty cows and fed the work stock. They was fifty acres and not 'nough niggers to work it easy.[Pg 186]
"We worked as long as we could see, starting at four in the morning, and we milked twenty cows and fed the work animals. There were fifty acres and not enough hands to work it easily.[Pg 186]
"If some niggers was mean they'd git it. Massa tied they hands to they feet and tied them to a tree and hit 'bout twenty-five or fifty licks with a rawhide belt. Hide and blood flew then. Next mornin' he'd turn them loose and they'd have to work all day without nothin' to eat. He had a cabin called jail for the nigger women, and chain them in with cornbread and one glass of water.
"If some Black people were being bad, they'd get punished. The master tied their hands to their feet and tied them to a tree, then whipped them around twenty-five to fifty times with a rawhide belt. Skin and blood flew everywhere. The next morning, he'd let them go, and they'd have to work all day without anything to eat. He had a cabin he called jail for the Black women, and he'd chain them inside with cornbread and one glass of water."
"One nigger run to the woods to be a jungle nigger, but massa cotched him with the dogs and took a hot iron and brands him. Then he put a bell on him, in a wooden frame what slip over the shoulders and under the arms. He made that nigger wear the bell a year and took it off on Christmas for a present to him. It sho' did make a good nigger out of him.
"One black person ran to the woods to escape, but the master caught him with the dogs and branded him with a hot iron. Then he put a bell on him, in a wooden frame that slipped over his shoulders and under his arms. He made that person wear the bell for a year and took it off on Christmas as a gift. It really did turn him into a better person."
"In the summer time they had camp meetin' and baptized in the creek, white folks first while the old nigger mammies shouts, and then the niggers.
"In the summer, they held camp meetings and baptized people in the creek, starting with the white folks while the old black women shouted, and then the black folks."
"On Saturday mornin' us men grated corn for bread the next week and the women washed massa's clothes and our'n. On Saturday night we'd have a dance all night long, and Sunday the men went to see they wives or sweethearts and us young'uns went swimmin' in the creek. Every night but Saturday we had to go to bed at nine o'clock. Massa hit the big steel piece and we knowed it was time to put out the torches and pile in.
"On Saturday morning, we men grated corn for bread for the next week while the women washed master's clothes and ours. On Saturday night, we’d have a dance that lasted all night, and on Sunday, the men visited their wives or sweethearts while we kids went swimming in the creek. Every night except Saturday, we had to go to bed at nine o'clock. Master struck the big steel bell, and we knew it was time to put out the torches and head in."
"On Christmas I'd stand by the gate, to open it for the company, and they'd throw nuts and candy to me. That night all the slaves what could brung they banjoes and fiddles and played for the white folks to dance all night. Them great old days are done gone. Most the men be full that good, old eggnog.[Pg 187]
"On Christmas, I'd stand by the gate to open it for the guests, and they’d throw nuts and candy to me. That night, all the slaves who could bring their banjos and fiddles played for the white folks to dance all night. Those great old days are long gone. Most of the men would be full from that good old eggnog.[Pg 187]
"After war come they ain't no more dances and fun, and not much to eat or nothin'. Massa git kilt in a big battle and missy took four slaves and brung him home and buried him under a big shade tree in the yard. That the saddes' time I ever seen, nobody there to do anythin' but missy and neighbor women and some real young niggers like me. She was cryin' and all us slaves takin' on. It's a wonder we ever did git massa buried. We carried him on our backs to the grave.
"After the war, there were no more dances or fun, and not much to eat or anything. The master got killed in a big battle, and the mistress took four slaves and brought him home to bury him under a big shade tree in the yard. That was the saddest time I ever saw; nobody was there to do anything except the mistress, some neighbor women, and a few really young black people like me. She was crying, and all of us slaves were upset. It’s a wonder we ever managed to get the master buried. We carried him on our backs to the grave."
"After that we had to carry missy to the mountains and hide her, 'cause everything, house and sheds and all, was burnt, and all her stock kilt by sojers and outlaws. When she come out of hidin' she didn't have a thing, not even a bed.
"After that, we had to take her to the mountains and hide her, because everything—house, sheds, and all—was burned down, and all her livestock was killed by soldiers and outlaws. When she came out of hiding, she didn't have anything, not even a bed."
"But she was a brave woman, and said, 'Louis, we'll fix some kind of quarters for you.' She went to work to rebuild the place. She said, 'You niggers is free, but I need you and I'll pay you $2.00 a month.' She did, too. She cut some logs and builded her one room and then we all build us a room and that was the best we could do. I 'lieve the Lawd blessed that woman. After freedom, that's how I lived the first year, and she paid me every cent she promised. I stayed with her three years.
"But she was a brave woman and said, 'Louis, we'll set up some kind of place for you.' She got to work on rebuilding the place. She said, 'You all are free, but I need you and I'll pay you $2.00 a month.' And she really did. She cut some logs and built herself one room, and then we all built ourselves a room, and that was the best we could do. I believe the Lord blessed that woman. After freedom, that's how I lived the first year, and she paid me every cent she promised. I stayed with her for three years."
"Then I heared of a railroad job in Texas, and married Josie Sewel in a big weddin' and we had a great time. I gits a job on that railroad for fifty cents a day and it never lasted more'n a year, so I goes to farmin'.
"Then I heard about a railroad job in Texas, and I married Josie Sewel in a big wedding, and we had a great time. I got a job on that railroad for fifty cents a day, but it didn't last more than a year, so I went into farming."
"We had fourteen chillun, four dead now, and the rest farmin' all over Texas. I has more'n a hundred grandchillun. Josie, she done die twenty years ago.[Pg 188]
"We had fourteen kids, four of whom have passed away, and the rest are farming all over Texas. I have more than a hundred grandkids. Josie died twenty years ago.[Pg 188]
"I don't know as I 'spected massa's land to be 'vided and give us, but they was plenty of land for everybody, and missy allus treated us right. Wages was terrible small for a long time after I married and sometimes they wouldn't pay us, and we had to beg or steal. I's went a whole two days without nothin' to eat. If it hadn't been for them there Klu Klux, sometimes the niggers would have went on the warpath for starvin'. But the Klu Kluxers wouldn't let 'em roam none, if they tried they stretch them out over a log and hit them with rawhide, but never say a word. That was got the niggers—they was so silent, not a sound out of them, and the nigger he can't stand that.
"I didn’t expect the land to be divided and given to us, but there was plenty of land for everyone, and the lady always treated us well. The wages were really low for a long time after I got married, and sometimes they wouldn’t pay us at all, so we had to beg or steal. I went a whole two days without anything to eat. If it hadn't been for the Klu Klux, sometimes the Black people would have gone on a rampage from starving. But the Klu Klux members wouldn’t let them run wild; if they tried, they’d stretch them out over a log and hit them with rawhide, but wouldn’t say a word. That got to the Black people—they were so silent, not a sound from them, and a Black person can’t stand that."
"I gits a pension and works when I can and gits by. Some the young niggers is purty sorry, they's had so much and don't 'preciate none of it. I's glad for what I can git, 'cause I 'members them old times after the war when it was worse'n now.
"I get a pension and work when I can to get by. Some of the young black people are pretty sorry; they’ve had so much and don’t appreciate any of it. I’m grateful for what I can get because I remember those old times after the war when it was worse than now."
JEFF CALHOUN, about 98, was born a slave of the Calhoun family, in Alton, Alabama. After his master died, a son-in-law, Jim Robinson, brought Jeff and 200 other slaves to Austin, Texas. Jeff was 22 when the Civil War began. He stayed with his old master, who had moved to Stewart Mills Texas, after he was freed, and raised 23 children. He says, "I 'spect I has near a thous- children, grandchildren and great grandchildren." He makes his home among them, drifting over five states when and as he wishes.
JEFF CALHOUN, around 98 years old, was born as a slave in the Calhoun family in Alton, Alabama. After his master passed away, his son-in-law, Jim Robinson, brought Jeff and 200 other slaves to Austin, Texas. Jeff was 22 when the Civil War began. He remained with his former master, who moved to Stewart Mills, Texas, after he was freed, and raised 23 children. He says, "I expect I have close to a thousand children, grandchildren, and great-grandchildren." He lives among them, traveling through five states whenever he likes.
"My name am Jeff Calhoun and I was born in Alton, in Alabama, about 1838, 'cause I's told by my massa. Dat makes me 'bout 98 year old now. My father was Henry Robinson and my mammy, she Mary Robinson. She was born in Maryland, in Virginia, but didn't know much 'bout her folks, 'cause she was sold off young. Dere was four of us brothers and ten sisters, but dey all dead now but me.
"My name is Jeff Calhoun, and I was born in Alton, Alabama, around 1838, because that's what my master told me. That makes me about 98 years old now. My father was Henry Robinson, and my mother was Mary Robinson. She was born in Maryland, Virginia, but didn't know much about her family because she was sold off when she was young. There were four of us brothers and ten sisters, but I'm the only one still alive."
"We makes our beds out of forked saplings drove in the ground, 'cause de floors was dirt. We sets de pole in dat ground and it run to de top of de cabin and we makes one bed down low and one bed above. De big folks sleeps in de low beds and de chillun above, 'cause dey can climb.
"We make our beds from forked saplings driven into the ground, since the floors are dirt. We set the poles in the ground, and they reach up to the top of the cabin. We make one bed down low and one bed above. The adults sleep in the low beds, and the kids sleep above because they can climb."
"My massa had 15 chillun and my mamma suckled every one of dem, 'cause his wife was no good to give milk.
"My master had 15 children and my mother nursed each one of them because his wife couldn't provide milk."
"We allus had lots to eat, but for meat we has to go to de woods and git deer and turkey and buffalo and some bear. I have eat hoss and skunk and crow and hawk.[Pg 189]
"We always had plenty to eat, but for meat, we had to go to the woods and get deer, turkey, buffalo, and some bear. I've eaten horse, skunk, crow, and hawk.[Pg 189]
"We has a big fire to cook on, and to make de corn cakes we put one leaf down and put batter on dat and put another leaf over it and cover with hot ashes and by noon it was done. Same thing for supper. We never have biscuits 'cept on Sunday or Christmas.
"We had a big fire to cook on, and to make the corn cakes we put one leaf down, spread batter on that, placed another leaf on top, and covered it with hot ashes. By noon, it was ready. We did the same thing for supper. We only have biscuits on Sunday or Christmas."
"My mama was de spinner so I has plenty shirts and some britches, and we raises indigo on de place and makes dye of it. We never wore no shoes in de summer and some winters neither. We has a good pair of pants and shirt we wears Sundays and holidays and was married in.
"My mom was the one who made clothes, so I had plenty of shirts and some pants, and we grew indigo on the property and made dye from it. We never wore shoes in the summer and sometimes not even in the winter. We had a nice pair of pants and a shirt we wore on Sundays and holidays and when we got married."
"De way dey done at weddings dem days, you picks out a girl and tell your boss. If she was from another plantation you had to git her bosses 'mission and den dey tells you to come up dat night and git hitched up. They says to de girl, 'You's love dis man?' Dey says to de man, 'You loves dis girl?' If you say you don't know, it's all off, but if you say yes, dey brings in de broom and holds it 'bout a foot off de floor and say to you to jump over. Den he says you's married. If either of you stumps you toe on de broom, dat mean you got trouble comin' 'tween you, so you sho' jumps high.
"The way things went at weddings back then, you picked a girl and told your boss. If she was from a different plantation, you had to get her boss's permission, and then they told you to come that night and get married. They asked the girl, 'Do you love this man?' Then they asked the man, 'Do you love this girl?' If you said you didn't know, it was all over, but if you said yes, they brought in a broom and held it about a foot off the floor, telling you to jump over it. Then they declared you married. If either of you stubbed your toe on the broom, that meant you were in for trouble, so you definitely jumped high."
"My massa was good to us. He lived in a log house with a floor and was all fixed up with pretty furniture and mirrors and silver on de table. De missus was little and frail, but she was good to us and so was de massa. He wasn't no hand to whip like some of he neighbors. Dey would tied de slaves' hands to a pole and whip de blood out of them. Dey was whipped for runnin' away.[Pg 190]
"My master was good to us. He lived in a log house with a floor and had it all set up with nice furniture, mirrors, and silver on the table. The mistress was small and delicate, but she was also good to us, just like the master. He wasn’t one to whip people like some of his neighbors. They would tie the slaves' hands to a pole and whip the blood out of them. They were whipped for trying to escape.[Pg 190]
"I knowed a slave call Ben Bradley and he was sold on de auction block and his massa chained him hand and foot and started for Texas. Dey got to de Red River and was crossin' and de chains helt him down and he never came up. And I have a uncle what run off and dey took a pack of hounds—a pack were twelve—and dey got on his trail and I heared dem runnin' him. Dey run him three days and nights and took a gun loaded with buck shot but was sposed not to shoot above de legs. Dey come back and said he got away, but some boys was out huntin' and finds him and he been shot four times with buck shot.
"I knew a slave named Ben Bradley who was sold at an auction, and his master chained him hand and foot and started for Texas. They reached the Red River, and while crossing, the chains held him down, and he never came back up. I have an uncle who ran away, and they took a pack of hounds—a pack of twelve—and they got on his trail, and I heard them running after him. They chased him for three days and nights and took a gun loaded with buckshot but were told not to shoot above the legs. They came back and said he got away, but some boys were out hunting and found him, and he had been shot four times with buckshot."
"De only time we got to rest was Sunday and de fourth of July and Christmas, and one day Thanksgiving. We got de big dinners on holidays. After supper was have corn shuckings, or on rainy days, and sometimes we shucks 500 bushels. We allus picked de cotton in big baskets, and when we gits it all picked we spreads on big and has a celebration.
" The only time we got to rest was Sunday, the Fourth of July, Christmas, and one day for Thanksgiving. We had big dinners on holidays. After supper, we would have corn shuckings, or if it was rainy, and sometimes we’d shuck 500 bushels. We always picked the cotton in big baskets, and when we had it all picked, we’d spread it out and have a celebration."
"I was in Texas when de war broke out and I hauls corn lots of times to de gin where was de soldier camp, and I helped cook awhile and would have been in de battle of Vicksburg only dey takes another man 'stead of me and he gits kilt. I's glad I's a sorry cook, or I'd got kilt 'stead of him.[Pg 191]
"I was in Texas when the war started, and I hauled corn many times to the camp where the soldiers were. I helped cook for a while and would have been in the Battle of Vicksburg, but they picked another guy instead of me, and he got killed. I’m glad I’m a bad cook; otherwise, I would have been the one who got killed.[Pg 191]

Simp Campbell
SIMP CAMPBELL was born January 1860, in Harrison County, Texas, He belonged to W.L. Sloan and stayed with him until 1883, when Simp married and moved to Marshall. He and his wife live in Gregg Addition, Marshall, Texas, and Simp works as porter for a loan company.
SIMP CAMPBELL was born in January 1860 in Harrison County, Texas. He belonged to W.L. Sloan and stayed with him until 1883, when Simp got married and moved to Marshall. He and his wife live in Gregg Addition, Marshall, Texas, and Simp works as a porter for a loan company.
"My name is Simpson Campbell, but everybody, white and black, calls me Simp. I's born right here in Harrison County, on Bill Sloan's place, nine miles northwest of Marshall. I got in on the last five years of slavery.
"My name is Simpson Campbell, but everyone, both white and black, calls me Simp. I was born right here in Harrison County, on Bill Sloan's land, nine miles northwest of Marshall. I experienced the last five years of slavery."
"Pappy was Lewis Campbell, and he was sold by the Florida Campbells to Marse Sloan and fotched to Texas, but he allus kep' the Campbell name. Mammy was Mariah and the Sloans brung her out of South Carolina. She raised a passel of chillen. Besides me there was Flint, Albert and Clinton of the boys, and—let me count—Dinah, Clandy, Mary, Lula, Liza, Hannah, Matilda and Millie of the girls.
"Pappy was Lewis Campbell, and the Florida Campbells sold him to Marse Sloan, who brought him to Texas, but he always kept the Campbell name. Mammy was Mariah, and the Sloans brought her from South Carolina. She raised a bunch of kids. Besides me, there were Flint, Albert, and Clinton among the boys, and—let me count—Dinah, Clandy, Mary, Lula, Liza, Hannah, Matilda, and Millie among the girls."
"The Sloans lived in a big house, but it wasn't no shanty. They was fixed 'bout as good as anybody in the county and driv as good hosses and rigs as anybody. They wasn't a mean streak in the whole Sloan family.
The Sloans lived in a large house, but it wasn't a dump. They were doing as well as anyone in the county and drove as nice horses and carriages as anyone. There wasn't a mean bone in the whole Sloan family.
"The slave quarters sot in rows right down in the field from the big house. They had beds made to the wall, and all the cookin' was on the fireplace. We raised all our meat and corn and garden truck right there on the place and Marse Sloan brung wheat and other rations from Shreveport. The nigger women spinned all the cloth and pappy made shoes by hand, when they kilt a beef. The beef was dried and jetted and hung in the smokehouse.
"The slave quarters sat in rows right down in the field from the big house. They had beds built against the wall, and all the cooking was done on the fireplace. We grew all our meat, corn, and garden vegetables right there on the property, and Marse Sloan brought wheat and other supplies from Shreveport. The black women spun all the cloth, and Pappy made shoes by hand when they slaughtered a beef. The beef was dried, salted, and hung in the smokehouse."
"Marse's place civered a thousand acres and he had over a hunderd slaves, with a overseer, Johnson, and a nigger driver. Us niggers was treated well but the overseer had order to whip us for fightin'. If the[Pg 192] nigger driver hit too many licks, the overseer sold him off the place.
"Marse's property covered a thousand acres and he had over a hundred slaves, along with an overseer named Johnson and a black driver. We were treated well, but the overseer was instructed to whip us for fighting. If the black driver hit us too much, the overseer would sell him off the property."
"We worked from four till six and done a task after that, and sot round and talked till nine and then had to go to bed. On Saturday night you'd hear them fiddles and banjoes playin' and the niggers singin'. All them music gadgets was homemade. The banjoes was made of round pieces of wood, civered with sheepskin and strung with catgut strings.
"We worked from four to six and finished a task after that, then sat around and talked until nine and then had to go to bed. On Saturday night, you'd hear the fiddles and banjos playing and the Black folks singing. All those musical instruments were homemade. The banjos were made of round pieces of wood, covered with sheepskin and strung with catgut strings."
"They wasn't no school but Marse Bill larnt some his niggers readin' and writin' so we could use them bookin' cotton in the field and sich like. They was a church on the Sloan place and white preachers done most the 'xhorting. Mammy allus say the cullud preachers had to preach what they's told—obey you master and missus.
They didn't have any school, but Marse Bill taught some of his Black workers how to read and write so we could keep track of picking cotton and stuff like that. There was a church on the Sloan place, and white preachers did most of the preaching. Mammy always said the Black preachers had to say what they were told—obey your master and mistress.
"I seed Yankee sojers and wagons comin' home from Mansfield. Marse Tom sot us free right after surrender, but my folks stayed on with him till he died, in 1906. I lef when I's twenty-three and marries and made a livin' from public work in Marshall all my life. I worked as day laborer and raised two boys and two girls and the boys is farmin' right here in the county and doin' well.
"I saw Yankee soldiers and wagons coming home from Mansfield. Mr. Tom set us free right after the surrender, but my family stayed with him until he passed away in 1906. I left when I was twenty-three, got married, and made a living doing public work in Marshall my whole life. I worked as a day laborer and raised two boys and two girls, and the boys are farming right here in the county and doing well."
"When I's eighteen they got up a 'mendment to the Constitution and got out a "People's Party Ticket." It was a Democratic ticket and control by Southerners. They told us niggers if we'd vote that ticket we'd be rec'nized as white folks, but I didn't 'lieve a word of it. Old Man Sloan told all his niggers that and they all voted that ticket but two—that was Charley Tang and Simp Campbell.
"When I was eighteen, they put together an amendment to the Constitution and released a 'People's Party Ticket.' It was a Democratic ticket, controlled by Southerners. They told us Black people that if we voted for that ticket, we would be recognized as equals, but I didn't believe a word of it. Old Man Sloan told all his Black workers that, and they all voted for that ticket except for two—Charley Tang and Simp Campbell."
"I 'lieve the young race of our people is progressin' fine. If they had priv'lege to use they educations, they'd make more progress, but the color line holds them back.[Pg 193]
"I believe the younger generation of our people is making good progress. If they had the opportunity to use their education, they would achieve even more, but racial barriers are holding them back.[Pg 193]

James Cape
JAMES CAPE, centenarian, now living in a dilapidated little shack in the rear of the stockyards in Fort Worth, Texas, was born a slave to Mr. Bob Houston, who owned a large ranch in southeast Texas. James' parents came direct from Africa into slavery. James spent his youth as a cowboy, fought in the Confederate army, was wounded and has an ugly shoulder scar. After the war, James unknowingly took a job with the outlaw, Jesse James, for whom he worked three years, in Missouri. He then came back to Texas, and worked in the stockyards until 1928. Documentary proof of James' age is lacking, but various facts told him by his parents and others lead him to think he must be over 100 years old.
JAMES CAPE, a centenarian, currently resides in a rundown little shack behind the stockyards in Fort Worth, Texas. He was born a slave to Mr. Bob Houston, who owned a large ranch in southeast Texas. James' parents came directly from Africa into slavery. He spent his youth as a cowboy, fought in the Confederate army, was wounded, and has a noticeable scar on his shoulder. After the war, James unknowingly took a job with the outlaw Jesse James, working for him for three years in Missouri. He later returned to Texas and worked in the stockyards until 1928. While there isn't any documentary proof of James' age, various details shared by his parents and others suggest he must be over 100 years old.
"I's bo'n in yonder southeast Texas and I don' know what month or de year for sho', but 'twas more dan 100 years ago. My mammy and pappy was bo'n in Africa, dats what dey's tol' me. Dey was owned by Marster Bob Houston and him had de ranch down dere, whar dey have cattle and hosses.
"I was born in that southeast Texas and I don't know what month or the year for sure, but it was more than 100 years ago. My mom and dad were born in Africa, that's what they told me. They were owned by Master Bob Houston who had the ranch down there, where they had cattle and horses."
"When I's old 'nough to set on de hoss, dey larned me to ride, tendin' hosses. 'Cause I's good hoss rider, dey uses me all de time gwine after hosses. I goes with dem to Mexico. We crosses de river lots of times. I 'members once when we was a drivin' 'bout 200 hosses north'ards. Dey was a bad hail storm comes into de face of de herd and dat herd turns and starts de other way. Dere was five of us riders and we had to keep dem hosses from scatterment. I was de leader and do you know what happens to dis nigger if my hoss stumbles? Right dere's whar I'd still be! Marster give me a new saddle for savin' de hosses.[Pg 194]
"When I was old enough to ride a horse, they taught me how to take care of them. Since I was a good horse rider, they used me all the time to go after the horses. I went with them to Mexico. We crossed the river many times. I remember once when we were driving about 200 horses north. A bad hailstorm hit the herd, and they turned and started going the other way. There were five of us riders, and we had to keep the horses from scattering. I was the leader, and do you know what would have happened to me if my horse stumbled? Right then is where I would have stayed! The master gave me a new saddle for saving the horses.[Pg 194]
"One day Marster Bob comes to me and says, 'Jim, how you like to jine de army?' You see, de war had started. I says to him, 'What does I have to do?' And he says, 'Tend hosses and ride 'em.' I was young den and thought it would be lots of fun, so I says I'd go. So de first thing I knows, I's in de army away off east from here, somewhar dis side of St. Louis and in Tennessee and Arkansas and other places. I goes in de army 'stead of Dr. Carroll.
"One day, Master Bob comes to me and says, 'Jim, how would you like to join the army?' You see, the war had started. I asked him, 'What do I have to do?' And he said, 'Take care of horses and ride them.' I was young then and thought it would be a lot of fun, so I said I’d go. So the next thing I know, I’m in the army way off east from here, somewhere this side of St. Louis, in Tennessee, Arkansas, and other places. I joined the army instead of Dr. Carroll."
"After I gits in de army, it wasn' so much fun, 'cause tendin' hosses and ridin' wasn' all I does. No, sar, I has to do shootin' and git shooted at! One time we stops de train, takes Yankee money and lots of other things off dat train. Dat was way up de other side of Tennessee.
"After I got into the army, it wasn't as much fun because taking care of horses and riding wasn't all I did. No, sir, I had to do shooting and get shot at! One time we stopped the train, took Yankee money and a lot of other things off that train. That was way up on the other side of Tennessee."
"You's heard of de battle of Independence? Dat's whar we fights for three days and nights. I's not tendin' hosses dat time. Dey gives me a rifle and sends me up front fightin', when we wasn' running'. We does a heap of runnin' and dat suits dis nigger. I could do dat better'n advance. When de order comes to 'treat, I's all ready.
"You’ve heard of the Battle of Independence? That’s where we fought for three days and nights. I wasn’t tending to horses then. They gave me a rifle and sent me to the front lines to fight, when we weren’t running. We did a lot of running, and that suited me just fine. I could do that better than advancing. When the order came to retreat, I was all ready."
"I gits shot in de shoulder in dat fight and lots of our soldiers gits killed and we loses our supply, jus' leaves it and runs. 'Nother time we fights two days and nights and de Yankees was bad dat time, too, and we had to run through de river. I sho' thought I's gwine git drowned den. Dat's de time we tries to git in St. Louis, but de Yankee mans stop us.
"I got shot in the shoulder in that fight, and a lot of our soldiers got killed, and we lost our supplies—just left them and ran. Another time we fought for two days and nights, and the Yankees were tough that time, too, and we had to run through the river. I really thought I was going to drown then. That was the time we tried to get into St. Louis, but the Yankee men stopped us."
"I's free after de war and goes back to Texas, to Gonzales County, and gits a job doin' cowboy work for Marster Ross herdin' cattle. And right dere's whar I's lucky for not gittin' in jail or hanged. It was dis[Pg 195] way: I's in town and dat man, Ross, says to me, 'I unnerstan' you's a good cowhand,' and he hires me and takes me way out. No house for miles 'fore we comes to de ranch with cattle and I goes to work. After I's workin' a while, I wonders how come dey brings in sich fine steers so often and I says to myself, 'Marster Ross mus' have heaps of money for to buy all dem steers.' Dey pays no 'tention to de raisin' of cattle, jus' brings 'em in and drives dem 'way.
I'm free after the war and go back to Texas, to Gonzales County, and get a job doing cowboy work for Master Ross herding cattle. And that's where I'm fortunate for not ending up in jail or getting hanged. It happened like this: I’m in town, and that man, Ross, says to me, 'I understand you’re a good cowhand,' and he hires me and takes me way out. There's no house for miles before we reach the ranch with cattle, and I get to work. After I've been working for a while, I wonder why they bring in such fine steers so often and I think to myself, 'Master Ross must have a lot of money to buy all those steers.' They pay no attention to raising cattle, just bring them in and drive them away.
"One time Marster Ross and six mens was gone a week and when dey comes back, one of 'em was missin'. Dey had no steers dat time and dey talks 'bout gittin' frusterated and how one man gits shot. I says to myself, 'What for was dey chased and shot at?' Den I 'members Marster Bob Houston done tol' me 'bout rustlers and how dey's hanged when dey's caught, and I knows den dat's how come all dem fine steers is driv in and out all de time. But how to git 'way, dere's de puzzlement. I not know which way to go and dere's no houses anywhere near. I keeps gittin' scarter, and ever' time somebody comes, I thinks its de law. But Marster Ross drives de cattle north and I says to him, 'I's good hand at de drive. Kin I go with you nex' time you goes north?' And not long after dat we starts and we gits to Kansas City. After Marster Ross gets shut of de critters, he says. 'We'll res' for couple days, den starts back.' I says to me, 'Not dis nigger.'
"One time, Master Ross and six men were gone for a week, and when they came back, one of them was missing. They didn’t have any cattle that time, and they talked about getting frustrated and how one man got shot. I thought to myself, 'Why were they chased and shot at?' Then I remembered Master Bob Houston told me about rustlers and how they get hanged when caught, and I realized that’s why all those nice cattle are driven in and out all the time. But figuring out how to get away is the real puzzle. I didn’t know which way to go, and there were no houses anywhere nearby. I kept getting scattered, and every time someone came along, I thought it was law enforcement. But Master Ross drove the cattle north, and I said to him, 'I’m good at driving cattle. Can I go with you the next time you go north?' And not long after that, we started our journey, and we got to Kansas City. After Master Ross sold off the critters, he said, 'We’ll rest for a couple of days, then start back.' I thought to myself, 'Not this black.'"
"I sneaks 'way and was settin' on a bench when 'long comes a white man and he's tall, had dark hair and was fine lookin'. He says to me, 'Is you a cowhand?' So I tells him I is, and he says he wants a hand on his farm in Missouri and he says, 'Come with me.' He tells me his name was[Pg 196] James and takes me to his farm whar I tends cattle and hosses for three years and he pays me well. He gives me more'n I earns. After three years I leaves, but not 'cause I larned he was outlaw, 'cause I larned dat long time afterwa'ds. I's lonesome for Texas and dat's how I comes to Fort Worth and here's whar I's stayed ever' since.
"I snuck away and was sitting on a bench when a tall white man came along. He had dark hair and was good-looking. He asked me, 'Are you a cowhand?' I told him I was, and he said he needed help on his farm in Missouri and said, 'Come with me.' He introduced himself as[Pg 196] James and took me to his farm where I tended cattle and horses for three years, and he paid me well. He gave me more than I earned. After three years, I left, but not because I learned he was an outlaw; I found that out much later. I was lonely for Texas, and that’s how I ended up in Fort Worth, and that's where I've stayed ever since."
"I's married 'bout 40 years ago to a woman dat had eight chillens. We sep'rated 'cause dem chillens cause arg'ments. I can fight one, but not de army.[Pg 197]
"I got married about 40 years ago to a woman who had eight kids. We separated because those kids caused arguments. I can handle one, but not the whole army.[Pg 197]
RICHARD CARRUTHERS, 100 year old ex-slave, was born in Memphis, Tennessee. Mr. Billy Coats bought him and his mother and brought them to Bastrop Co., Texas. He came to Houston 20 years ago and lives in a negro settlement known as Acres Home, about 8 miles northeast of Houston. It is a wooded section, with a clearing here and there for a Negro shack and plots of ground for growing "victuals and co'n."
RICHARD CARRUTHERS, a 100-year-old former slave, was born in Memphis, Tennessee. Mr. Billy Coats purchased him and his mother and brought them to Bastrop County, Texas. He moved to Houston 20 years ago and resides in a black community called Acres Home, which is about 8 miles northeast of Houston. It's a wooded area, with clearings here and there for a shack and plots of land for growing food and corn.
"I wants to tell the Gospel truf. My mammy's name was Melia Carruthers and my papa's name was Max. My papa's papa's name was Carruthers, too. My brothers names was Charlie and Frank and Willie and John and Tom and Adam.
"I want to share the truth of the Gospel. My mom's name was Melia Carruthers and my dad's name was Max. My dad's dad was also named Carruthers. My brothers' names were Charlie, Frank, Willie, John, Tom, and Adam."
"When I was still little Mr. Billy Coats bought my mama and us and with about 500 of his slaves we set out to come to Texas. We goes to Bastrop County and starts to work. My old missy—her name was Missy Myra—was 99 year old and her head was bald as a egg and had wens on it as big as eggs, too.
"When I was still young, Mr. Billy Coats bought my mom and us, and with about 500 of his slaves, we set out for Texas. We went to Bastrop County to start working. My old missy—her name was Missy Myra—was 99 years old, and her head was as bald as an egg and had growths on it as big as eggs, too."
"In them days the boss men had good houses but the niggers had log cabins and they burned down oftentimes. The chimney would cotch fire, 'cause it was made out of sticks and clay and moss. Many the time we have to git up at midnight and push the chimney 'way from the house to keep the house from burnin' up.
"In those days, the bosses had nice houses, but the Black folks lived in log cabins that often burned down. The chimneys would catch fire because they were made of sticks, clay, and moss. Many times, we had to get up at midnight and push the chimney away from the house to prevent it from burning down."
"The chairs was mostly chunks of cordwood put on end, or slabs, just rough, and the beds was built like scaffoldin'. We made a sort of mattress out of corn shucks or moss.
"The chairs were mainly pieces of firewood set upright, or slabs, just rough, and the beds were constructed like scaffolding. We made a kind of mattress out of corn husks or moss."
"My missy, she was good, but the overseer, he rough. His temper born of the debbil, himse'f. His name was Tom Hill, but us called him 'Debbil Hill.'[Pg 198]
"My girl, she was sweet, but the overseer was tough. His temper was really bad, like it came from the devil himself. His name was Tom Hill, but we called him 'Devil Hill.'[Pg 198]
Old Debbil Hill, he used to whup me and the other niggers if we don't jump quick enough when he holler and he stake us out like you stake out a hide and whup till we bleed. Many the time I set down and made a eight-plait whup, so he could whup from the heels to the back of the head 'til he figger he get the proper ret'ibution. Sometime he take salt and rub on the nigger so he smart and burn proper and suffer mis'ry. They was a caliboose right on the plantation, what look like a ice-house, and it was sho' bad to git locked up in it.
Old Debbil Hill used to beat me and the other Black folks if we didn't jump quickly when he yelled. He would tie us up like you tie down a hide and whip us until we bled. Many times, I sat down and made an eight-plait whip so he could hit from our heels to the back of our heads until he thought he had given the right punishment. Sometimes, he would take salt and rub it into our wounds so it would sting and burn, making us suffer even more. There was a jail right on the plantation that looked like an ice house, and it was really bad to get locked up in there.
"Us got provisions 'lowanced to us every Saturday night. If you had two in the family, they 'lowanced you one-half gallon 'lasses and 12 to 15 pounds bacon and a peck of meal. We have to take the meal and parch it and make coffee out of it. We had our flours. One of them we called biscuit flour and we called it 'shorts.' We had rye and wheat and buck grain.
"We got our supplies given to us every Saturday night. If there were two people in the family, they gave you half a gallon of molasses, 12 to 15 pounds of bacon, and a peck of cornmeal. We had to take the cornmeal, roast it, and make coffee from it. We also had our different types of flour. One was biscuit flour, which we called 'shorts.' We had rye, wheat, and buckwheat."
"If they didn't provision you 'nough, you jus' had to slip 'round and git a chicken. That easy 'nough, but grabbin' a pig a sho' 'nough problem. You have to cotch him by the snoot so he won't squeal, and clomp him tight while you knife him. That ain't stealin', is it? You has to keep right on workin' in the field, if you ain't 'lowanced 'nough, and no nigger like to work with his belly groanin'.
"If they didn't give you enough supplies, you just had to sneak around and get a chicken. It's that simple, but catching a pig is definitely a challenge. You have to grab him by the snout so he won't squeal and hold him tight while you stab him. That isn't stealing, is it? You have to keep working in the field if you don't have enough, and no one likes to work with their stomach growling."
"When the white preacher come he preach and pick up his Bible and claim he gittin the text right out from the good Book and he preach: 'The Lord say, don't you niggers steal chickens from your missus. Don't you steal YOUR MARSTER'S hawgs.' That would be all he preach.[Pg 199]
"When the white preacher comes, he preaches and picks up his Bible, claiming he’s getting the text straight from the good Book and he preaches: 'The Lord says, don’t you black people steal chickens from your mistress. Don’t you steal YOUR MASTER'S hogs.' That’s all he preaches.[Pg 199]
"Us niggers used to have a prayin' ground down in the hollow and sometime we come out of the field, between 11 and 12 at night, scorchin' and burnin' up with nothin' to eat, and we wants to ask the good Lawd to have mercy. We puts grease in a snuff pan or bottle and make a lamp. We takes a pine torch, too, and goes down in the hollow to pray. Some gits so joyous they starts to holler loud and we has to stop up they mouth. I see niggers git so full of the Lawd and so happy they draps unconscious.
"Us black folks used to have a prayer spot down in the hollow, and sometimes we’d come out of the fields, between 11 and 12 at night, exhausted and hungry, wanting to ask the good Lord for mercy. We’d put grease in a snuff pan or bottle to make a lamp. We’d also take a pine torch and head down to the hollow to pray. Some get so joyful they start to shout loudly, and we have to cover their mouths. I’ve seen black people get so filled with the Lord and so happy that they faint."
"I kep' a eye on the niggers down in the cotton patch. Sometime they lazy 'round and if I see the overseer comin' from the big house I sings a song to warn 'em, so they not git whupped, and it go like this:
"I kept an eye on the people working in the cotton field. Sometimes they were lazy, and if I saw the overseer coming from the big house, I sang a song to warn them, so they wouldn’t get beaten, and it went like this:"
"'Hold up, hold up, American Spirit!
Hold up, hold up, H-O-O-O-O-O-O-O!'
"'Wait, wait, American Spirit!
Wait, wait, H-O-O-O-O-O-O-O!'
"We used to go huntin' and they was lots of game, bears and panthers and coons. We have bear dawgs, fox dawg and rabbit dawg that mostly jus' go by the name of houn' dawg. Then they have a dawg to run niggers.
"We used to go hunting and there was a lot of game, bears, panthers, and raccoons. We had bear dogs, fox dogs, and rabbit dogs that mostly just went by the name of hound dogs. Then they had a dog to chase boars."
"I never tried the conjure, but they would take hair and brass nails and thimbles and needles and mix them up in a conjure bag. But I knows one thing. They was a old gin between Wilbarger and Colorado and it was hanted with spirits of kilt niggers. Us used to hear that old mill hummin' when dark come and we slip up easy, but it stop, then when you slip away it start up.
"I never tried any of that magic stuff, but they would take hair, brass nails, thimbles, and needles and mix them up in a magic bag. But I know one thing. There was an old gin between Wilbarger and Colorado, and it was haunted by the spirits of the dead Black people. We used to hear that old mill humming when it got dark, and we'd sneak up to it, but it would stop. Then, when you backed away, it would start up again."
"I 'member when the stars fell. We runs and prays, 'cause we thinks it jedgment day. It sure dumb old Debbil Hill, them stars was over his power.
"I remember when the stars fell. We ran and prayed, because we thought it was Judgment Day. It really was dumb old Devil Hill; those stars were beyond its power."
"On Sundays we put shoes on our feet and they was brass toed. They was so hard and stiff they go 'tump, tump, tump,' when we walk. That's the only day we got 'cept Christmas and we jus' got somethin'[Pg 200] extry to eat. All them women sho' knowed how to cook! I often tell my wife how glad I was one mornin' when my missy give me a hot, butter biscuit. I goes down and shows it to all the other boys. We didn't git them hot, butter biscuits in them days.
"On Sundays we put shoes on our feet, and they had brass toes. They were so hard and stiff they went 'tump, tump, tump' when we walked. That's the only day we had besides Christmas, and we just had something extra to eat. All those women really knew how to cook! I often tell my wife how happy I was one morning when my lady gave me a hot, buttered biscuit. I went down and showed it to all the other boys. We didn't get those hot, buttered biscuits in those days."
"I used to dance the pigeon wing and swing my partners 'round. Was them womenfolks knock-kneed? You sho' couldn't tell, even when you swung 'em 'round, 'cause they dresses was so long.
"I used to dance the pigeon wing and swing my partners around. Were those women knock-kneed? You definitely couldn't tell, even when you swung them around, because their dresses were so long."
"I's been all 'round the mountain and up on top of it in my day. Durin' slave time I been so cold I mos' turn white and they sot me 'fore the fire and poultice me with sliced turnips. Come a norther and it blow with snow and sleet and I didn't have 'nough clothes to keep me warm.
"I've been all around the mountain and even up on top of it in my day. During slavery, I was so cold I almost turned white, and they sat me in front of the fire and treated me with sliced turnips. When a cold front came through, it blew snow and sleet, and I didn't have enough clothes to keep me warm."
"When a nigger marry, he slick up his lowers and put on his brass-toed shoes, then the preacher marry him out of the Bible. My pappy have a pass to visit my mammy and if he don't have one, the paddle roller conk him on the head. My grandma and grandpa come here in a steamboat. The man come to Africa and say, 'Man and woman, does you want a job?' So they gits on the boat and then he has the 'vantage.
"When a black man gets married, he dresses up nicely and puts on his polished shoes, then the preacher marries him according to the Bible. My dad has a pass to see my mom, and if he doesn't have one, the paddle roller hits him on the head. My grandparents came here on a steamboat. This man came to Africa and asked, 'Man and woman, do you want a job?' So they got on the boat and then he had the advantage."
"When I was 21 and some more, I don't know jus' how old, I was a free man. That the day I shouted. We niggers scattered like partridges. I had a fiddle and I'd play for the white folks wherever I went, when they has the balls. I marries after 'while, but I don't know what year, 'cause we never done paid no 'tention to years. My first wife died after a long[Pg 201] time, I think 'bout 34 year and I married another and she died this very year. Jus' three months later I marries my housekeeper, named Luvena Dixon, cause I allus lived a upright life and I knowed the Lawd wouldn't like it if I went on livin' in the same house with Luvena without we was married. She is 52 year old, and we is happy.[Pg 202]
"When I was 21 and a bit older, I can't remember exactly how old, I was a free man. That was the day I shouted. We Black people scattered like partridges. I had a fiddle and I’d play for the white folks wherever I went, whenever they had parties. I got married eventually, but I don't remember what year it was because we never really paid attention to the years. My first wife passed away after a long time, I think about 34 years, and I remarried, but she died this very year. Just three months later, I married my housekeeper, named Luvena Dixon, because I always lived a decent life and I knew the Lord wouldn't approve if I kept living in the same house with Luvena without us being married. She is 52 years old, and we are happy.[Pg 202]

Cato Carter

Cato Carter
CATO CARTER was born in 1836 or 1837, near Pineapple, Wilcox County, Alabama, a slave of the Carter family. He and his wife live at 3429 Booth St., Dallas, Texas.
Cato Carter was born in 1836 or 1837, near Pineapple, Wilcox County, Alabama, as a slave of the Carter family. He and his wife live at 3429 Booth St., Dallas, Texas.
"I'm home today 'cause my li'l, old dog is lost and I has to stay 'round to hunt for him. I been goin' every day on the truck to the cotton patches. I don't pick no more, 'count my hands git too tired and begin to cramp on me. But I go and set in the field and watch the lunches for the other hands.
"I'm home today because my little old dog is lost and I have to stay around to look for him. I've been going every day in the truck to the cotton fields. I don't pick any more because my hands get too tired and start cramping up on me. But I go and sit in the field and watch the lunches for the other workers."
"I am a hunerd one years old, 'cause I's twenty-eight, goin' on twenty-nine, a man growned, when the breakin' up come. I'm purty old, but my folks live that way. My old, black mammy, Zenie Carter, lived to be a hunerd twenty-five, and Oll Carter, my white massa—which was the brother of my daddy—lived to be a hunerd four. He ain't been so long died. Al Carter, my own daddy, lived to be very ageable, but I don't know when he died.
"I am a hundred one years old, because I was twenty-eight, about to turn twenty-nine, a grown man, when the breakup happened. I'm pretty old, but that's how my family is. My old black mother, Zenie Carter, lived to be a hundred twenty-five, and Oll Carter, my white master, who was my dad's brother, lived to be a hundred four. He hasn't been gone for long. Al Carter, my father, lived to a very old age, but I don't know when he passed away."
"Back in Alabama, Missie Adeline Carter took me when I was past my creepin' days to live in the big house with the white folks. I had a room built on the big house, where I stayed, and they was allus good to me, 'cause I's one of their blood. They never hit me a lick or slapped me once, and told me they'd never sell me away from them. They was the bes' quality white folks and lived in a big, two-story house with a big hall what run all the way through the house. They wasn't rough as some white folks on their niggers.
Back in Alabama, Missie Adeline Carter took me in when I was done with my crawling days to live in the big house with the white folks. I had a room built onto the main house, where I stayed, and they were always good to me because I was one of their own. They never hit or slapped me, and they told me they’d never sell me away from them. They were the best kind of white folks and lived in a large, two-story house with a big hallway that ran all the way through. They weren't as harsh as some white people were to their Black servants.
"My mammy lived in a hewn-oak log cabin in the quarters. There was a long row of cabins, some bigger than t'others, 'count of fam'ly size. My massa had over eighty head of slaves. Them li'l, old cabins was cozy, 'cause[Pg 203] we chinked 'em with mud and they had stick chimneys daubed with mud, mixed with hawg-hair.
"My mom lived in a log cabin made from hewn oak in the quarters. There was a long row of cabins, some bigger than others, depending on family size. My master had over eighty slaves. Those little old cabins were cozy because[Pg 203] we filled the gaps with mud, and they had stick chimneys covered in mud mixed with hog hair."
"The fixin's was jus' plain things. The beds was draw-beds—wooden bedsteads helt together with ropes drawed tight, to hold them. We scalded moss and buried it awhile and stuffed it into tickin' to make mattresses. Them beds slep' good, better'n the ones nowadays.
"The fixin's were just simple things. The beds were draw-beds—wooden bed frames held together with tightly drawn ropes to keep them secure. We scalded moss, let it sit for a while, and then stuffed it into ticking to make mattresses. Those beds were comfortable, better than the ones we have today."
"There was a good fireplace for cookin' and Sundays the Missie give us niggers a pint of flour and a chicken, for to cook a mess of victuals. Then there was plenty game to find. Many a time I've kilt seventy-five or eighty squirrels out of one big beech. There was lots of deer and bears and quails and every other kind of game, but when they ran the Indians out of the country, the game jus' followed the Indians. I've seed the bigges' herds of deer followin' the way the Indians drifted. Whenever the Indians lef', the game all lef' with them, for some reason I dunno.
There was a great fireplace for cooking, and on Sundays, the lady would give us Black folks a pint of flour and a chicken so we could make a meal. There was plenty of game to find. Many times, I've killed seventy-five or eighty squirrels from one big beech tree. There were lots of deer, bears, quails, and all sorts of game, but when they drove the Indians out of the area, the game just followed them. I’ve seen the biggest herds of deer trail where the Indians went. Whenever the Indians left, the game all left with them for some reason I don’t understand.
"Talkin' 'bout victuals, our eatin' was good. Can't say the same for all places. Some of the plantations half starved their niggers and 'lowanced out their eatin' till they wasn't fittin' for work. They had to slip about to niggers on other places to piece out their meals. They had field calls and other kinds of whoops and hollers, what had a meanin' to 'em.
"Talking about food, our meals were good. I can't say the same for all places. Some plantations barely fed their workers and rationed their meals until they weren't fit for work. They had to sneak around to other places to get extra food. They had calls and other kinds of shouts that meant something to them."
"Our place was fifteen hunerd acres in one block, and 'sides the crops of cotton and corn and rice and ribbon cane we raised in the bottoms, we had veg'tables and sheep and beef. We dried the beef on scaffolds we built and I used to tend it. But bes' of anythin' to eat, I liked a big, fat coon, and I allus liked honey. Some the niggers had li'l garden patches they tended for themselves.[Pg 204]
Our property was fifteen hundred acres in one piece, and besides the cotton, corn, rice, and sugarcane we grew in the lowlands, we had vegetables, sheep, and beef. We dried the beef on scaffolds we built, and I used to take care of it. But of everything to eat, I loved a big, fat raccoon, and I always enjoyed honey. Some of the Black folks had little garden plots they looked after for themselves.[Pg 204]
"Everythin' I tell you am the truth, but they's plenty I can't tell you. I heard plenty things from my mammy and grandpappy. He was a fine diver and used to dive in the Alabama river for things what was wrecked out of boats, and the white folks would git him to go down for things they wanted. They'd let him down by a rope to find things on the bottom of the riverbed. He used to git a piece of money for doin' it.
"Everything I tell you is the truth, but there’s a lot I can't share with you. I heard many things from my mom and granddad. He was a great diver and used to dive in the Alabama River for items that had fallen off boats, and the white folks would hire him to go down for things they wanted. They would lower him by a rope to find things on the riverbed. He used to get paid for doing it."
"My grandmammy was a juksie, 'cause her mammy was a nigger and her daddy a Choctaw Indian. That's what makes me so mixed up with Indian and African and white blood. Sometimes it mattered to me, sometimes it didn't. It don't no more, 'cause I'm not too far from the end of my days.
"My grandma was a mix, because her mom was Black and her dad was a Choctaw Indian. That’s what makes me so mixed with Indian, African, and White heritage. Sometimes it mattered to me, sometimes it didn’t. It doesn’t anymore, because I’m not too far from the end of my days."
"I had one brother and one sister I helped raise. They was mostly nigger. The Carters told me never to worry 'bout them, though, 'cause my mammy was of their blood and all of us in our fam'ly would never be sold, and sometime they'd make free man and women of us. My brother and sister lived with the niggers, though.
"I had one brother and one sister I helped raise. They were mostly black. The Carters told me not to worry about them, though, because my mom was of their blood and all of us in our family would never be sold, and sometimes they'd set us free as men and women. My brother and sister lived with the black people, though."
"I was trained for a houseboy and to tend the cows. The bears was so bad then, a 'sponsible pusson who could carry a gun had to look after them.
"I was trained to be a houseboy and take care of the cows. The bears were so bad back then that a responsible person who could handle a gun had to look after them."
"My massa used to give me a li'l money 'long, to buy what I wanted. I allus bought fine clothes. In the summer when I was a li'l one, I wore lowerin's, like the rest of the niggers. That was things made from cotton sackin'. Most the boys wore shirttails till they was big yearlin's. When they bought me red russets from the town, I cried and cried. I didn't want to wear no rawhide shoes. So they took 'em back. They had a weakness for my cryin'. I did have plenty fine clothes, good woolen suits they spinned on the place, and doeskins and fine[Pg 205] linens. I druv in the car'age with the white folks and was 'bout the mos' dudish nigger in them parts.
"My master used to give me a little money to buy what I wanted. I always bought nice clothes. In the summer, when I was little, I wore lower garments like the other black kids. Those were made from cotton sacks. Most of the boys wore shirt tails until they were older. When they bought me red boots from town, I cried and cried. I didn’t want to wear those rawhide shoes. So they took them back. They couldn't resist my crying. I did have plenty of nice clothes, good wool suits that they made on the place, along with doeskin and fine linens. I rode in the carriage with the white folks and was about the best-dressed black person in those parts.[Pg 205]"
"I used to tend the nurslin' thread. The reason they called it that was when the mammies was confined with babies havin' to suck, they had to spin. I'd take them the thread and bring it back to the house when it was spinned. If they didn't spin seven or eight cuts a day, they'd git a whuppin'. It was consid'ble hard on a woman when she had a frettin' baby. But every mornin' them babies had to be took to the big house, so the white folks could see if they's dressed right. They was money tied up in li'l nigger young'uns.
"I used to take care of the spinning thread. They called it that because when mothers were busy with babies that needed to be fed, they had to spin. I'd take them the thread and bring it back home when it was spun. If they didn't spin seven or eight cuts a day, they'd get punished. It was pretty tough on a woman when she had a restless baby. But every morning, those babies had to be taken to the big house so the white folks could check if they were dressed appropriately. There was money invested in little black kids."
"They whupped the women and they whupped the mens. I used to work some in the tan'ry and we made the whips. They'd tie them down to a stob, and give 'em the whuppin'. Some niggers, it taken four men to whup 'em, but they got it. The nigger driver was meaner than the white folks. They'd better not leave a blade of grass in the rows. I seed 'em beat a nigger half a day to make him 'fess up to stealin' a sheep or a shoat. Or they'd whup 'em for runnin' away, but not so hard if they come back of their own 'cordance when they got hungry and sick in the swamps. But when they had to run 'em down with the nigger dogs, they'd git in bad trouble.
They whipped the women and they whipped the men. I used to work in the tannery and we made the whips. They'd tie them down to a post and give them a beating. Some Black people, it took four men to whip them, but they got it. The Black driver was meaner than the white folks. They better not leave a blade of grass out of place in the rows. I saw them beat a Black person for half a day to make him confess to stealing a sheep or a piglet. Or they’d whip them for trying to escape, but not as hard if they came back on their own when they got hungry and sick in the swamps. But when they had to chase them down with the Black dogs, they would get in serious trouble.
"The Carters never did have any real 'corrigible niggers, but I heard of 'em plenty on other places. When they was real 'corrigible, the white folks said they was like mad dogs and didn't mind to kill them so much as killin' a sheep. They'd take 'em to the graveyard and shoot 'em down and bury 'em face downward, with their shoes on. I never seed it done, but they made some the niggers go for a lesson to them that they could git the same.
"The Carters never had any truly 'correctable' Black people, but I heard stories about them from other places. When they were really 'correctable,' the white people said they were like rabid dogs and didn’t hesitate to kill them just as easily as killing a sheep. They’d take them to the graveyard, shoot them, and bury them face down, with their shoes on. I never saw it happen, but they made some Black people go to see it as a warning that they could end up the same way."
"But I didn't even have to carry a pass to leave my own place, like the other niggers. I had a cap with a sign on it: 'Don't bother this nigger,[Pg 206] or there will be Hell to pay.' I went after the mail, in the town. It come in coaches and they put on fresh hosses at Pineapple. The coachman run the hosses into Pineapple with a big to-do and blowin' the bugle to git the fresh hosses ready. I got the mail. I was a trusty all my days and never been 'rested by the law to this day.
"But I didn't even have to carry a pass to leave my own home, like the other Black people. I had a cap with a sign on it: 'Don't bother this Black, [Pg 206] or there will be hell to pay.' I went to get the mail in town. It came in coaches, and they would switch out the horses at Pineapple. The coachman would drive the horses into Pineapple with a lot of fuss, blowing the horn to get the fresh horses ready. I got the mail. I was trustworthy all my life and have never been arrested by the law to this day."
"I never had no complaints for my treatment, but some the niggers hated syrup makin' time, 'cause when they had to work till midnight makin' syrup, its four o'clock up, jus' the same. Sun-up to sundown was for fiel' niggers.
"I never had any complaints about how I was treated, but some of the Black workers hated syrup-making time because when they had to work until midnight making syrup, they still had to get up at four o'clock. Sun-up to sundown was for the field workers."
"Corn shuckin' was fun. Them days no corn was put in the cribs with shucks on it. They shucked it in the fiel' and shocked the fodder. They did it by sides and all hands out. A beef was kilt and they'd have a reg'lar picnic feastin'. They was plenty whiskey for the niggers, jus' like Christmas.
"Corn shucking was a great time. Back then, no corn was stored in the cribs with shucks on it. They shucked it in the field and stacked the fodder. They worked in teams, with everyone joining in. A cow was slaughtered, and they would have a proper picnic feast. There was plenty of whiskey for the Black folks, just like at Christmas."
"Christmas was the big day at the Carter's. Presents for every body, and the bakin' and preparin' went on for days. The li'l ones and the big ones were glad, 'specially the nigger mens, 'count of plenty good whiskey. Mr. Oll Carter got the bes' whiskey for his niggers.
"Christmas was the big day at the Carters'. Gifts for everyone, and the baking and preparing went on for days. The little ones and the grown-ups were happy, especially the Black men, because of plenty of good whiskey. Mr. Oll Carter got the best whiskey for his Black friends."
"We used to have frolics, too. Some niggers had fiddles and played the reels, and niggers love to dance and sing and eat.
"We used to have parties, too. Some Black people had fiddles and played the tunes, and Black people love to dance, sing, and eat."
"Course niggers had their ser'ous side, too. They loved to go to church and had a li'l log chapel for worship. But I went to the white folks church. In the chapel some nigger mens preached from the Bible, but couldn't read a line no more than a sheep could. The Carters didn't mind their niggers prayin' and singin' hymns, but some places wouldn't 'low them to worship a-tall, and they had to put their heads in pots to sing or pray.
"Black people had their serious side, too. They loved going to church and had a little log chapel for worship. But I went to the white people's church. In the chapel, some Black men preached from the Bible, but they couldn't read a line any better than a sheep could. The Carters didn't mind their Black people praying and singing hymns, but in some places, they weren't allowed to worship at all, and they had to hide their heads in pots to sing or pray."
"Mos' the niggers I know, who had their mar'age put in the book, did it after the breakin' up, plenty after they had growned chillen. When they got[Pg 207] married on the places, mostly they jus' jumped over a broom and that made 'em married. Sometimes one the white folks read a li'l out of the Scriptures to 'em and they felt more married.
"Most of the Black people I know who officially got married did it after they had split up, often after they had already had kids. When they got married on the plantations, they mostly just jumped over a broom, and that was their marriage. Sometimes one of the white folks would read a little from the Bible to them, and that made them feel more married."
"Take me, I was never one for sickness. But the slaves used to git sick. There was jaundice in them bottoms. First off they'd give some castor oil, and if that didn't cure they'd give blue mass. Then if he was still sick they'd git a doctor.
"Take me, I was never one for being sick. But the slaves used to get sick. There was jaundice in those areas. First, they'd give some castor oil, and if that didn't work, they'd give blue mass. Then if he was still sick, they'd get a doctor."
"They used to cry the niggers off jus' like so much cattle, and we didn't think no diff'rent of it. I seed them put them on the block and brag on them somethin' big. Everybody liked to hear them cry off niggers. The cryer was a clown and made funny talk and kep' everybody laughin'.
"They used to herd the Black people off just like cattle, and we didn’t think anything of it. I saw them put them on the block and show them off like they were something special. Everyone liked to hear them auction off Black people. The auctioneer was a clown who made jokes and kept everyone laughing."
"When massa and the other mens on the place went off to war, he called me and said, 'Cato, you's allus been a 'sponsible man, and I leave you to look after the women and the place. If I don't come back, I want you to allus stay by Missie Adeline! I said, 'Fore Gawd, I will, Massa Oll.' He said, 'Then I can go away peaceable.'
"When the master and the other men on the estate went off to war, he called me over and said, 'Cato, you've always been a responsible man, and I need you to look after the women and the estate. If I don't come back, I want you to always stay by Missie Adeline!' I said, 'I swear, I will, Master Oll.' He said, 'Then I can go away in peace.'"
"We thought for a long time the sojers had the Fed'rals whupped to pieces, but there was plenty bad times to go through. I carried a gun and guarded the place at nighttime. The paddyrollers was bad. I cotched one and took him to the house more'n once. They wore black caps and put black rags over their faces and was allus skullduggerying 'round at night. We didn't use torches any more when we went 'round at night, 'cause we was afeared. We put out all the fires 'round the house at nighttime.
"We thought for a long time that the soldiers had the Federals completely defeated, but there were still many hard times ahead. I carried a gun and watched the place at night. The patrols were dangerous. I caught one and brought him to the house more than once. They wore black caps and covered their faces with black rags, always sneaking around at night. We stopped using torches when we went out after dark because we were scared. We extinguished all the fires around the house at night."
"The young mens in grey uniforms used to pass so gay and singin', in the big road. Their clothes was good and we used to feed them the best we had on the[Pg 208] place. Missie Adeline would say, 'Cato, they is our boys and give them the best this place 'fords.' We taken out the hams and the wine and kilt chickens for them. That was at first.
"The young men in grey uniforms used to walk by happily singing on the main road. Their clothes were nice, and we would feed them the best we had on the[Pg 208] place. Missie Adeline would say, 'Cato, they are our boys, so give them the best we can afford.' We brought out the hams, wine, and killed chickens for them. That was at first."
"Then the boys and mens in blue got to comin' that way, and they was fine lookin' men, too. Missie Adeline would cry and say, 'Cato, they is just mens and boys and we got to feed them, too.' We had a pavilion built in the yard, like they had at picnics, and we fed the Fed'rals in that. Missie Adeline set in to cryin' and says to the Yankees, 'Don't take Cato. He is the only nigger man I got by me now. If you take Cato, I just don't know what I'll do.' I tells them sojers I got to stay by Missie Adeline so long as I live. The Yankee mens say to her, 'Don't 'sturb youself, we ain't gwine to take Cato or harm nothin' of yours.' The reason they's all right by us, was 'cause we prepared for them, but with some folks they was rough somethin' ter'ble. They taken off their hosses and corn.
"Then the soldiers in blue started coming this way, and they looked really good, too. Missie Adeline would cry and say, 'Cato, they're just men and boys, and we have to feed them, too.' We had a pavilion built in the yard, like the ones they have at picnics, and we fed the Federals there. Missie Adeline started crying and said to the Yankees, 'Don't take Cato. He’s the only black man I have with me now. If you take Cato, I just don’t know what I’ll do.' I told the soldiers I had to stay with Missie Adeline for as long as I lived. The Yankee men told her, 'Don’t worry, we’re not going to take Cato or harm anything of yours.' The reason they were good to us was because we prepared for them, but some folks had a really rough experience. They took their horses and corn."
"I seed the trees bend low and shake all over and heard the roar and poppin' of cannon balls. There was springs not too far from our place and the sojers used to camp there and build a fire and cook a mule, 'cause they'd got down to starvation. When some of the guerillas seed the fire they'd aim to it, and many a time they spoiled that dinner for them sojers. The Yankees did it and our boys did it, too. There was killin' goin' on so ter'ble, like people was dogs.
"I saw the trees bend low and shake all over and heard the roar and popping of cannonballs. There were springs not too far from our place where the soldiers used to camp, build a fire, and cook a mule because they were starving. When some of the guerrillas saw the fire, they aimed for it, and many times they ruined that dinner for the soldiers. The Yankees did it, and our guys did it too. There was killing going on so terribly, like people were dogs."
"Massa Oll come back and he was all wore out and ragged. He soon called all the niggers to the front yard and says, 'Mens and womens, you are today as free as I am. You are free to do as you like, 'cause the damned Yankees done 'creed you are. They ain't a nigger on my place what was born here or ever lived here who can't stay here and work and eat to the end of his days, as long as this old place will raise peas and goobers. Go if you wants, and stay if you wants.'[Pg 209] Some of the niggers stayed and some went, and some what had run away to the North come back. They allus called, real humble like, at the back gate to Missie Adeline, and she allus fixed it up with Massa Oll they could have a place.
"Massa Oll came back and he was completely worn out and ragged. He quickly called all the black people to the front yard and said, 'Men and women, you are as free today as I am. You can do what you want because the damn Yankees have declared you free. There isn’t a single black person on my place who was born here or has ever lived here who can’t stay and work and eat here for the rest of his days, as long as this old place can grow peas and peanuts. Go if you want, and stay if you want.'[Pg 209] Some of the black people stayed, some left, and some who had run away to the North came back. They always called, very humbly, at the back gate to Missie Adeline, and she always arranged with Massa Oll that they could have a place."
"Near the close of the war I seed some folks leavin' for Texas. They said if the Fed'rals won the war they'd have to live in Texas to keep slaves. So plenty started driftin' their slaves to the west. They'd pass with the womens ridin' in the wagons and the mens on foot. Some took slaves to Texas after the Fed'rals done 'creed the breakin' up.
"Near the end of the war, I saw some people leaving for Texas. They said if the Federals won the war, they’d have to live in Texas to keep slaves. So many started moving their slaves to the west. They’d travel with the women riding in the wagons and the men on foot. Some took slaves to Texas after the Federals declared the end of it."
"Long as I lived I minded what my white folks told me, 'cept one time. They was a nigger workin' in the fiel' and he kept jerkin' the mules and Massa Oll got mad, and he give me a gun and said, 'Go out there and kill that man.' I said, 'Massa Oll, please don't tell me that. I ain't never kilt nobody and I don't want to.' He said, 'Cato, you do what I tell you.' He meant it. I went out to the nigger and said, 'You has got to leave this minute, and I is, too, 'cause I is 'spose to kill you, only I ain't and Massa Oll will kill me.' He drops the hanes and we run and crawled through the fence and ran away.
"All my life I listened to what my white people told me, except for one time. There was a black man working in the field, and he kept jerking the mules, and Massa Oll got mad. He gave me a gun and said, 'Go out there and kill that man.' I said, 'Massa Oll, please don’t say that. I’ve never killed anyone, and I don’t want to.' He said, 'Cato, you do what I tell you.' He was serious. I went out to the black man and said, 'You have to leave right now, and I do too, because I’m supposed to kill you, but I won’t, and Massa Oll will kill me.' He dropped the reins, and we crawled through the fence and ran away."
"I hated to go, 'cause things was so bad, and flour sold for $25.00 a barrel, and pickled pork for $15.00 a barrel. You couldn't buy nothin' lessen with gold. I had plenty of 'federate money, only it wouldn't buy nothin'.
"I hated to leave because things were so bad, and flour was selling for $25.00 a barrel, and pickled pork for $15.00 a barrel. You couldn't buy anything unless you had gold. I had plenty of Confederate money, but it wouldn't buy anything."
"But today I is a old man and my hands ain't stained with no blood. I is allus been glad I didn't kill that man.
"But today I am an old man and my hands aren't stained with any blood. I've always been glad I didn't kill that man."
"Mules run to a ter'ble price then. A right puny pair of mules sold for $500.00. But the Yankees give me a mule and I farmed a year for a white man and watched a herd of mules, too. I stayed with them mules till four o'clock even Sundays. So many scoundrels was goin' 'bout, stealin' mules.[Pg 210]
"Mules were really expensive back then. A pretty weak pair of mules sold for $500.00. But the Yankees gave me a mule, and I worked on a farm for a year for a white man while also taking care of a herd of mules. I stayed with those mules until four o'clock, even on Sundays. There were so many crooks around stealing mules.[Pg 210]
"That year I was boun' out by 'greement with the white man, and I made $360.00. The bureau come by that year lookin' at nigger's contracts, to see they didn't git skunt out their rightful wages. Missie Adeline and Massa Oll didn't stay mad at me and every Sunday they come by to see me, and brung me li'l del'cate things to eat.
"That year I was forced out by agreement with the white man, and I made $360.00. The agency came by that year checking on black contracts to ensure they didn’t get cheated out of their rightful wages. Miss Adeline and Mr. Oll didn’t hold a grudge against me, and every Sunday they came by to visit and brought me little treats to eat."
"The Carters said a hunerd times they regretted they never larned me to read or write, and they said my daddy done put up $500.00 for me to go to the New Allison school for cullud folks. Miss Benson, a Yankee, was the teacher. I was twenty-nine years old and jus' startin' in the blueback speller. I went to school a while, but one mornin' at ten o'clock my poor old mammy come by and called me out. She told me she got put out, 'cause she too old to work in the fiel'. I told her not to worry, that I'm the family man now, and she didn't never need to git any more three-quarter hand wages no more.
"The Carters said a hundred times that they regretted never teaching me to read or write, and they mentioned that my dad had set aside $500.00 for me to attend the New Allison school for colored folks. Miss Benson, a Northerner, was the teacher. I was twenty-nine years old and just starting with the blueback speller. I went to school for a while, but one morning at ten o'clock, my poor old mom came by and called me out. She told me she was let go because she was too old to work in the fields. I told her not to worry, that I was the man of the family now, and she didn’t need to accept any more three-quarter hand wages ever again."
"So I left school and turnt my hand to anything I could find for years. I never had no trouble findin' work, 'cause all the white folks knowed Cato was a good nigger. I lef' my mammy with some fine white folks and she raised a whole family of chillen for them. Their name was Bryan and they lived on a li'l bayou. Them young'uns was crazy 'bout mammy and they'd send me word not to worry about her, 'cause she'd have the bes' of care and when she died they'd tend to her buryin'.
"So I left school and tried to do anything I could find for years. I never had any trouble finding work because all the white people knew Cato was a good Black man. I left my mom with some good white folks, and she raised a whole family of kids for them. Their name was Bryan, and they lived on a small bayou. The kids loved my mom, and they would send me messages not to worry about her because she would be well taken care of, and when she died, they would handle her burial."
"Finally I come to Texas, 'cause I thought there was money for the takin' out here. I got a job splittin' rails for two years and from then on I farmed, mostly. I married a woman and lived with her forty-seven years, rain or shine. We had thirteen chillen and eight of them is livin' today.[Pg 211]
"Finally, I made it to Texas because I thought there was money to be made out here. I worked splitting rails for two years, and after that, I mostly farmed. I married a woman and stayed with her for forty-seven years, through thick and thin. We had thirteen kids, and eight of them are still alive today.[Pg 211]
"Endurin' the big war I got worried 'bout my li'l black mammy and I wanted to go back home and see her and the old places. I went, and she was shriveled up to not much of anything. That's the last time I saw her. But for forty-four years I didn't forget to send her things I thought she'd want. I saw Massa Oll and he done married after I left and raised a family of chillen. I saw Missie Adeline and she was a old woman. We went out and looked at the tombstones and the rock markers in the graveyard on the old place, and some of them done near melted away. I looked good at lots of things, 'cause I knowed I wouldn't be that way 'gain. So many had gone on since I'd been there befo'.
"During the big war, I got worried about my little black mom and wanted to go back home to see her and the old places. I went, and she was shriveled up to almost nothing. That was the last time I saw her. But for forty-four years, I didn't forget to send her things I thought she'd want. I saw Massa Oll, and he had married after I left and started a family of kids. I saw Missie Adeline, and she was an old woman. We went out and looked at the tombstones and rock markers in the graveyard on the old place, and some of them were nearly worn away. I looked closely at lots of things because I knew I wouldn't be that way again. So many had passed on since I had been there before."
"After my first wife died I married 'gain and my wife is a good woman but she's old and done lost her voice, and has to be in Terrell most the time. But I git 'long all right, 'cept my hands cramps some.
"After my first wife died, I remarried, and my wife is a good woman, but she's old and has lost her voice, so she has to be in Terrell most of the time. But I get along okay, except my hands cramp a bit."
"You goin' take my picture? I lived through plenty and I lived a long time, but this is the first time I ever had my picture took. If I'd knowed you wanted to do that, I'd have tidied up and put on my best.[Pg 212]
"You going to take my picture? I've been through a lot and I've lived a long time, but this is the first time someone has taken my photo. If I had known you wanted to do that, I would have cleaned up and worn my best clothes.[Pg 212]
JACK CAUTHERN, 85, was born near Austin, Texas. Dick Townes owned Jack and his parents. After they were freed, the family stayed on the plantation, but Jack went to San Angelo, because "times was too dull in Travis County."
JACK CAUTHERN, 85, was born near Austin, Texas. Dick Townes owned Jack and his parents. After they were freed, the family stayed on the plantation, but Jack moved to San Angelo because "things were too boring in Travis County."
"My master was Dick Townes and my folks come with him from Alabama. He owned a big plantation fifteen miles from Austin and worked lots of slaves. We had the best master in the whole county, and everybody called us "Townes' free niggers," he was so good to us, and we worked hard for him, raisin' cotton and corn and wheat and oats.
"My master was Dick Townes, and my family came with him from Alabama. He owned a large plantation fifteen miles from Austin and employed many slaves. We had the best master in the entire county, and everyone called us "Townes' free blacks" because he was so good to us. We worked hard for him, raising cotton, corn, wheat, and oats."
"Most the slaves lived in two-room log cabins with dirt floors, over in the quarters, but I lived in master's yard. That's where I was born. There was a tall fence 'tween the yard and the quarters and the other nigger boys was so jealous of me they wouldn't let me cross that fence into the quarters. They told me I thinked I was white, jes' for livin' in master's yard.
"Most of the slaves lived in two-room log cabins with dirt floors in the quarters, but I lived in the master's yard. That's where I was born. There was a tall fence between the yard and the quarters, and the other black boys were so jealous of me that they wouldn't let me cross that fence into the quarters. They told me I thought I was white just for living in the master's yard."
"Me and young master had the good times. He was nigh my age and we'd steal chickens from Old Miss and go down in the orchard and barbecue 'em. One time she cotched us and sho' wore us out! She'd send us to pick peas, but few peas we picked!
"Me and the young master had a lot of fun together. He was about my age, and we'd sneak out and steal chickens from Old Miss, then head down to the orchard to barbecue them. One time she caught us and really gave us a beating! She’d make us go pick peas, but we hardly picked any!"
"Old Miss was good to her cullud folks. When she'd hear a baby cryin' in the night she'd put on boots and take her lantern and go see about it. If we needed a doctor she'd send for old Dr. Rector and when I had the measles he give me some pills big as the end of my finger.[Pg 213]
"Old Miss was good to her Black folks. When she heard a baby crying at night, she’d put on her boots, grab her lantern, and go check on them. If we needed a doctor, she’d call old Dr. Rector, and when I had the measles, he gave me pills as big as the tip of my finger.[Pg 213]
"We went to church all the time. Young Miss come over Sunday mornin' and fotched all us chillen to the house and read the Bible to us. She was kind of a old maid and that was her pleasure. We had baptisin's, too. One old cullud man was a preacher. Lawd, Lawd, we had shoutin' at them camp meetin's!
"We went to church all the time. Young Miss would come over Sunday morning and take all us kids to the house and read the Bible to us. She was kind of an old maid, and that was her pleasure. We had baptisms, too. One old black man was a preacher. Lord, Lord, we had shouting at those camp meetings!"
"I guess we was glad to be free. Old master done die and Old Miss was managin' the plantation. She had the whole bunch in the yard and read the freedom paper. The old slaves knowed what it meant, but us young ones didn't. She told everybody they could stay and work on shares and most of 'em did, but some went back to they old homes in Alabama.
"I guess we were glad to be free. The old master had died, and the old miss was managing the plantation. She gathered everyone in the yard and read the freedom paper. The older slaves understood what it meant, but us younger ones didn't. She told everybody they could stay and work for shares, and most of them did, but some went back to their old homes in Alabama."
"I stayed a while and married, and came to San Angelo. The reason I come, times was dull in Travis County and I done hear so much talk 'bout this town I said I was comin' and see for myself. That was in 1900 and it was jes' a forest here then. I worked eighteen years in McCloskey's saloon, and he gave me ten dollars every Christmas 'sides my pay and a suit every year. I wish he was livin' now. My wife and I was together fifty-two years and then she died. After a long time I married again, and my wife is out pickin' cotton now.
"I stayed for a while, got married, and moved to San Angelo. The reason I came was that things were dull in Travis County and I heard so much talk about this town that I decided to come and see for myself. That was in 1900, and it was just a forest here back then. I worked for eighteen years at McCloskey's saloon, and he gave me ten dollars every Christmas on top of my pay and a suit every year. I wish he were alive now. My wife and I were together for fifty-two years, and then she passed away. After a long time, I remarried, and my wife is out picking cotton now."
"It seem mighty hard to me now by side of old times, but I don't know if it was any better in slavery days. It seems mighty hard though, since I'm old and can't work.[Pg 214]
"It seems really tough for me now compared to the past, but I don't know if it was any better during slavery days. It feels really hard though, since I'm older and can't work.[Pg 214]
SALLY BANKS CHAMBERS, wife of Ben Chambers of Liberty, does not know her age. She was born a slave of Jim Moore, in Oakland, Louisiana. Sally has been married three times and has had seven children, about 54 grandchildren and 13 great-grandchildren. Heavy gold earrings hang from her ears and she dresses, even in midsummer, in a long-sleeved calico shirt, heavy socks and shoes, and a sweeping skirt many yards wide.
SALLY BANKS CHAMBERS, wife of Ben Chambers from Liberty, doesn’t know her age. She was born a slave to Jim Moore in Oakland, Louisiana. Sally has been married three times and has had seven children, around 54 grandchildren, and 13 great-grandchildren. Heavy gold earrings dangle from her ears, and she dresses, even in the middle of summer, in a long-sleeved calico shirt, thick socks and shoes, and a wide sweeping skirt that is several yards wide.
"Befo' I marry de first time my name am Sally Banks, and I's borned in de old states, over in Louisiana, round Oakland. I ain't 'member nothin' 'bout dat place, 'cause I's so small when dey brung me to Texas.
"Before I married for the first time, my name was Sally Banks, and I was born in the old states, in Louisiana, near Oakland. I don't remember anything about that place because I was too young when they brought me to Texas."
"Old massa name Jim Moore. He a fair old gen'man, with a big bald place on he head, and he am good to de slaves. Not even as stric' as old missus, what was de big, stout woman. She am terrible stric', but she whip de li'l white chillen too, so dey be good.
"Old master is named Jim Moore. He’s a decent old gentleman, with a big bald spot on his head, and he treats the slaves well. He’s not even as strict as old mistress, who was a big, heavy woman. She was really strict, but she would whip the little white children too, so they would be good."
"My daddy name John Moore and mama name Car'line, and dey borned in Louisiana. My grandpa was Lewis Moore and grandma name Polly, but dey wasn't reg'lar Africy people. My grandma, she have right smart good blood in her.
"My dad's name is John Moore and my mom's name is Car'line, and they were born in Louisiana. My grandpa was Lewis Moore and my grandma's name is Polly, but they weren't regular African people. My grandma has some really good blood in her."
"When old massa come to Texas he brung us over first by wagon, a mule wagon with a cover over de top, and he rent de house clost to Liberty. But de nex' year he find a place on de river bottom near Grand Cane and it jes' suit him for de slaves he have, so he brung all de rest over from Louisiana.
"When the old master came to Texas, he brought us over first by wagon, a mule-drawn wagon with a cover over the top, and he rented the house close to Liberty. But the next year he found a place on the river bottom near Grand Cane that suited him for the slaves he had, so he brought all the rest over from Louisiana."
"My mama have four chillen when us come to Texas, but she have eleven more after freedom. When war broke out she have six, but she multiply after dat. She de milker and washwoman and spinner, and make de good, strong clothes.[Pg 215]
"My mom had four kids when we arrived in Texas, but she had eleven more after gaining freedom. When the war started, she had six, but she had more after that. She was a milkmaid, washwoman, and spinner, and she made good, strong clothes.[Pg 215]
"Dey have li'l separate houses make outten logs for us slaves. De white folks house was one dese big, old double-pen house, with de hall down de middle. Dey have right nice things in it.
"They have little separate houses made out of logs for us slaves. The white folks' house was one of those big, old double-pen houses, with the hall down the middle. They have really nice things in it."
"De white folks 'lowance out de food every Saturday night and dat spose last de week. All de cullud folks cook for deyself 'cept'n de single mens, and dey eats up in de big kitchen. Us have syrup and cornbread and lots of sweet 'taters and homecure' meat what dey salt down and hang in de smokehouse.
"White people give out the food every Saturday night, and it’s supposed to last for the week. All the Black people cook for themselves, except for the single men, and they eat in the big kitchen. We have syrup and cornbread and lots of sweet potatoes and cured meat that they salt and hang in the smokehouse."
"De old missus, she ain't 'low no dancin' or huzzawin' round dat place, 'cause she Christian. Dey 'low us Saturday and Sunday off, and de women do dey own washin den'. De menfolks tend to de gardens round dey own house. Dey raise some cotton and sell it to massa and git li'l money dat way. Us don't never have no presents, but dey give eatments mostly.
"Old missus doesn't allow any dancing or hanging around that place because she's Christian. They give us Saturday and Sunday off, and the women do their own laundry then. The men take care of the gardens around their own houses. They grow some cotton and sell it to the master to make a little money that way. We don't ever get any presents, but they mostly give us food."
"De young massas both go to war. Dey John Calhoun Moore and William. De oldes' goes crazy, kind of shellshock like. As far as I knowed, he ain't never git no more better. Young William and de old man comes back without no scratch, but dey ain't serve long. All dey three 'lists by deyselfs, 'cause dey didn't have no truck with dem conscrip'ers. One my uncles, Levy Moore, he go to war to wait on de massas, and he struck with de fever at Sabine Pass and die right dere.
"Both young men went to war: John Calhoun Moore and William. The older man went a bit crazy, kind of like shell shock. As far as I know, he never got better. Young William and the old man came back without a scratch, but they didn't serve for long. All three enlisted by themselves because they didn't want anything to do with the draft. One of my uncles, Levy Moore, went to war to take care of the young men, and he got sick with a fever at Sabine Pass and died right there."
"After freedom riz up, old massa come home. Den he call all de growed folks and tell dem dey's free. A heap left, dey jes' broke ranks and left. My daddy and mama both stay. Dey de fav'rites. Old missus make present to my mama of a heap of things she need. But de white folks was jus' rentin' and when dey have no slaves no more dey give it up and move to Tarkington Prairie. Us lost track of dem and ain't never seed dem no more.
"After freedom came, the old master returned home. Then he called all the grown folks and told them they were free. A lot of people left; they just broke ranks and walked away. Both my dad and mom stayed. They were the favorites. The old mistress gave my mom a bunch of things she needed as gifts. But the white folks were just renting, and when they no longer had slaves, they gave everything up and moved to Tarkington Prairie. We lost track of them and never saw them again."
"My daddy come back to Liberty den and work in de woodyard. Mama, she[Pg 216] larn me to work and cook and sich and hire me out to nuss a white baby. I ain't knowed how much dey pay, 'cause mama she collec' de money.
"My dad came back to Liberty then and worked in the woodyard. Mom taught me how to work and cook and such, and she hired me out to take care of a white baby. I didn’t know how much they paid because Mom collected the money."
"I's 19 year old when I marry de first time. You know I got two dead men, dat Dick Owens and Nero Williams, both of Liberty. I has two gals, Alice and Airy, for Dick, and five chillen for Nero. Dey all dead but Adlowyer and Mamie, and dey lives right here. I been marry some thirty odd year to Ben Chambers but us ain't never have no chillen.
I'm 19 years old when I marry for the first time. You know I've had two men pass away, that Dick Owens and Nero Williams, both from Liberty. I have two daughters, Alice and Airy, with Dick, and five children with Nero. They're all gone except for Adlowyer and Mamie, and they live right here. I've been married to Ben Chambers for about thirty years, but we've never had any children.
"Goodness, I dunno how many grandchillen I has. I jedge 'bout 54 in all and 13 great ones.
"Goodness, I don’t know how many grandkids I have. I guess about 54 in total and 13 great-grandkids."
"I loves to work and I ain't gwineter beg, though I's got too old to do much. I can't take it but a li'l at a time, but I gits by somehow.[Pg 217]
"I love to work, and I'm not going to beg, even though I'm too old to do much. I can only handle a little at a time, but I get by somehow.[Pg 217]
JEPTHA CHOICE, 1117 Brashear St., Houston, Texas, was born in slavery, on the plantation of Jezro Choice, about 6 miles south of Henderson, Texas. Jeptha was sent to school with the white children, and after he was freed, he was sent to school for several years, and became a teacher. He moved to Houston in 1888 and opened a barber shop. Jeptha claims to have been born on Oct. 17, 1835, which would make him 101 years old. He has the appearance of extreme age, but has a retentive memory, and his manner of speaking varies from fairly good English to typical Negro dialect and idiom.
JEPTHA CHOICE, 1117 Brashear St., Houston, Texas, was born into slavery on the plantation of Jezro Choice, about 6 miles south of Henderson, Texas. Jeptha attended school with white children, and after he gained his freedom, he continued his education for several years and became a teacher. He moved to Houston in 1888 and opened a barber shop. Jeptha asserts that he was born on Oct. 17, 1835, which would make him 101 years old. He looks extremely aged, but has a sharp memory, and his way of speaking ranges from fairly good English to typical African American dialect and idiom.
"I'll be 102 years old, come fall, 'cause my mother told me I was born on Oct. 17, 1835, and besides, I was about 30 years old at the end of the Civil War. We belonged to the Choices and I was born on their plantation. My mother's name was Martha and she had been brought here from Serbia. My father's name was John and he was from the East Indies. They was brought to this country in a slave boat owned by Captain Adair and sold to someone at New Orleans before Master Jezro Choice bought them. I had five sisters and one brother but they are all dead, 'cepting one brother who lives near Henderson.
"I'll be 102 years old this fall because my mom said I was born on October 17, 1835, and I was about 30 years old at the end of the Civil War. We were part of the Choices, and I was born on their plantation. My mom's name was Martha, and she was brought here from Serbia. My dad's name was John, and he came from the East Indies. They were brought to this country on a slave ship owned by Captain Adair and sold to someone in New Orleans before Master Jezro Choice bought them. I had five sisters and one brother, but they are all gone except for one brother who lives near Henderson."
"Master Jezro was right kind. He had 50 or 60 slaves and a grist mill and tannery besides the plantation. My white folks sort of picked me out and I went to school with the white children. I went to the fields when I was about 20, but I didn't do much field works, 'cause they was keepin' me good and they didn't want to strain me.
"Master Jezro was really kind. He had around 50 or 60 slaves, along with a grist mill and a tannery in addition to the plantation. My white family sort of chose me, and I went to school with the white kids. I went to the fields when I was about 20, but I didn't do much fieldwork because they were taking good care of me and didn't want to overwork me."
"On Sunday we just put an old Prince Albert coat on some good nigger and made a preacher out of him. We niggers had our band, too, and I was[Pg 218] one of the players.
"On Sunday we just threw an old Prince Albert coat on some good black guy and made a preacher out of him. We Black folks had our band, too, and I was[Pg 218] one of the players."
"The master was mighty careful about raisin' healthy nigger families and used us strong, healthy young bucks to stand the healthy nigger gals. When I was young they took care not to strain me and I was as handsome as a speckled pup and was in demand for breedin'. Later on we niggers was 'lowed to marry and the master and missus would fix the nigger and gal up and have the doin's in the big house. The white folks would gather round in a circle with the nigger and gal in the center and then master laid a broom on the floor and they held hands and jumped over it. That married 'em for good.
"The master was very careful about raising healthy Black families and used strong, healthy young men to pair with the healthy Black women. When I was young, they were careful not to overwork me, and I was as handsome as a speckled puppy and in demand for breeding. Later on, we Black people were allowed to marry, and the master and mistress would set up the Black couple and host the celebration in the big house. The white folks would gather in a circle with the Black couple in the center, and then the master would lay a broom on the floor. They held hands and jumped over it. That made it official."
"When babies was born old nigger grannies handled them cases, but until they was about three years old they wasn't 'lowed round the quarters, but was wet nursed by women who didn't work in the field and kept in separate quarters and in the evenin' their mammies were let to see 'em.
"When babies were born, old black grandmothers took care of them, but until they were about three years old, they weren't allowed around the quarters. Instead, they were wet-nursed by women who didn't work in the fields and kept in separate quarters. In the evening, their mothers were allowed to see them."
"We was fed good and had lots of beef and hawg meat and wild game. Possum and sweet yams is mighty good. You parboil the possum about half done and put him in a skewer pan and put him in a hot oven and just 'fore he is done you puts the yams in the pan and sugar on 'em. That's a feast.
"We were fed well and had plenty of beef, pork, and wild game. Opossum and sweet yams are really delicious. You parboil the opossum until it's about half cooked, then put it in a roasting pan and place it in a hot oven. Just before it's done, you add the yams to the pan and sprinkle sugar on them. That's a feast."
"Sometimes when they's short of bread the old missus would say, 'How 'bout some ash cakes?' Then they'd mix cornmeal and water and sweep ashes out of the open hearth and bake the ash cakes.
"Sometimes when they were short on bread, the old lady would say, 'How about some ash cakes?' Then they would mix cornmeal and water, sweep out the ashes from the open hearth, and bake the ash cakes."
"The master and his boys was all kilt in the war and after freedom I stayed all summer. It was pretty tough on us niggers for a while, 'cause the womenfolks what was left after the war didn't have money. But Colonel Jones, the master's son-in-law, took me to live in Henderson and paid twenty-five cents a week for more schoolin' for me and I learned through fractions.[Pg 219] Then I got me a job teachin' school about six months a year and in off times I'd farm. I did lots of different kinds of work, on the narrow gauge railroad out of Longview and I learned to be a barber, too. But I had to give it up a few years back 'cause I can't stand up so long any more and now I'm tryin' to help my people by divine healing.[Pg 220]
"The master and his boys were all killed in the war, and after gaining freedom, I stayed all summer. It was pretty tough for us Black folks for a while because the women who were left after the war didn’t have money. But Colonel Jones, the master's son-in-law, took me to live in Henderson and paid twenty-five cents a week for me to get more schooling, and I learned about fractions.[Pg 219] Then I got a job teaching school for about six months a year, and during my free time, I’d farm. I did a lot of different kinds of work on the narrow gauge railroad out of Longview, and I learned to be a barber, too. But I had to give that up a few years ago because I can’t stand up for long anymore, and now I’m trying to help my people through divine healing.[Pg 220]

Amos Clark's Sorghum Mill

Amos Clark
AMOS CLARK, 96, was born a slave of Robert Clark, in Washington County, Texas. After Amos was freed, he farmed near Belton, Texas. Amos now lives in Waco.
AMOS CLARK, 96, was born as a slave of Robert Clark in Washington County, Texas. After Amos was freed, he farmed near Belton, Texas. Amos now lives in Waco.
"I was borned on the second of April, in 1841. Mammy say dat de year, 'cause Marse Bob's brother, Tom, done go tradin' and has a lot of trouble with de Indians, and come back with scars all over he arms. It warn't all dey fault, 'cause Marse Tom allus gittin' in trouble with somebody.
"I was born on April 2nd, 1841. Mom says that year was significant because Marse Bob's brother, Tom, went trading and had a lot of trouble with the Indians, coming back with scars all over his arms. It wasn't entirely their fault, because Marse Tom was always getting into trouble with someone."
"When I was still half-growed, Marse Bob traded me to Marse Ed Roseborough, and we come to Belton to live. Us piled ox wagons high with beddin' and clothes and sich, and Old Marse had he books in a special horsehair trunk, what de hide still had hair on. It had brass tacks all trimmin' it up, and it was sho' a fine trunk, and he say, 'Amos, you black rascal, keep you eye on dat trunk, and don't git it wet crossin' de water and don't let no Indian git it.' Us had a sizeable drove of cattle and some sheep and pigs and chickens and ducks.
"When I was still a kid, Marse Bob traded me to Marse Ed Roseborough, and we moved to Belton to live. We loaded up ox wagons with bedding, clothes, and other stuff, and Old Marse had his books in a special horsehair trunk that still had hair on it. It had brass tacks all over it, and it was definitely a fancy trunk. He said, 'Amos, you troublemaker, keep an eye on that trunk, don’t get it wet while crossing the water, and don’t let any Indians take it.' We had a decent herd of cattle and some sheep, pigs, chickens, and ducks."
"Marse and Missis finds where dey wants de house and us gits dem axes out and in a few days dere am a nice log house with two big rooms and a hall 'tween dem, mos' as big as de rooms. Us been on de road 'bout six weeks and Missis sho' proud of her new house. Den us makes logs into houses for us and a big kitchen close to de big house. Den us builds a office for Old Marse and makes chairs and beds and tables for everybody. Old Miss brung her bed and a spindly, li'l table, and us make all de rest.[Pg 221]
"Marse and Missis found the spot they wanted for the house, so we got the axes out, and in just a few days, we had a nice log house with two big rooms and a hall in between them, almost as big as the rooms. We had been on the road for about six weeks, and Missis was really proud of her new house. Then we turned logs into houses for ourselves and built a big kitchen next to the main house. After that, we built an office for Old Marse and made chairs, beds, and tables for everyone. Old Miss brought her bed and a little wobbly table, and we made everything else.[Pg 221]
"For eatin' de good shooters and scouters gits birds and rabbits and wild turkeys and sometimes a lot of wild eggs or honey, when dey chops a bee tree down. A old Indian come to holp us hunt. He'd work a week if Marse Ed give him some red calico or a hatchet. Old Miss done bring a dozen hens and a bag of seeds, and folks come ridin' twenty miles to swap things.
"For eating, the good hunters and scouts get birds, rabbits, wild turkeys, and sometimes a lot of wild eggs or honey when they chop down a bee tree. An old Indian came to help us hunt. He'd work for a week if Mr. Ed gave him some red fabric or a hatchet. Old Miss brought a dozen hens and a bag of seeds, and people came riding twenty miles to trade."
"Dere warn't no mill to grind corn, so de boss carpenter, he hollows out a log and gits some smooth, hard rocks and us grind de corn like it was a morter. Old Man Stubblefield builded a watermill on de creek 'bout eight miles from us, and den us tooken de corn dere.
"Dere wasn't any mill to grind corn, so the boss carpenter hollowed out a log and got some smooth, hard rocks, and we ground the corn like it was a mortar. Old Man Stubblefield built a watermill on the creek about eight miles from us, and then we took the corn there."
"Dere was three hundred acres and more'n fifty slaves, and lots of work, clearin' and buildin' and plantin'. Some de cabins didn't git no floor for two years. Jes' quick as dey could, de men gits out clapboards for de walls and split puncheon slabs for floors and palin's for fences.
"There were three hundred acres and more than fifty slaves, and a lot of work, clearing, building, and planting. Some of the cabins didn't get a floor for two years. Just as quickly as they could, the men got out clapboards for the walls and split puncheon slabs for floors and palings for fences."
"Missis, she takes two de likelies' young slaves and makes a garden, come spring. Somehow she git herself roses and posies and vegetables.
"Missis takes two of the promising young slaves and makes a garden come spring. Somehow she gets herself roses, flowers, and vegetables."
"Dere warn't no overseer. Marse Ed, he jes' ride round on he big hoss and see to things. Us didn't know nothin 'bout de war much, 'cause none us could read or write.
"Dere wasn't any overseer. Marse Ed would just ride around on his big horse and check on things. We didn't know much about the war because none of us could read or write."
"Dere was two fiddlers 'mongst us, Jim Roseborough and Tom. Dey'd have de big barbecue for folks come from miles round, and coffee and chicken and turkey and dancin' and fiddlin' all night. Come daybreak, dey jes' goin' good. Us niggers dance back de quarters, and call
"Dere were two fiddlers among us, Jim Roseborough and Tom. They had the big barbecue for folks coming from miles around, with coffee, chicken, turkey, and dancing and fiddling all night. By daybreak, they were just getting started. We Black folks danced back to the quarters and called...
"'All eight balance and all eight swing,
All left allemond and right hand grand,
Meet your partner and prom'nade, eight,
[Pg 222]Den march till you come straight.
"'First lady out to couple on de right,
Swing Mr. Adam and swing Miss Eve,
Swing Old Adam befo' you leave,
Don't forgit your own—now you're home.'
"'All eight balance and all eight swing,
All left allemande and right hand grand,
Meet your partner and promenade, eight,
[Pg 222]Then march until you come straight.
"'First lady goes out to couple on the right,
Swing Mr. Adam and swing Miss Eve,
Swing Old Adam before you leave,
Don't forget your own—now you're home.'
"Two, three years after dat I marries Liza Smith. Us has four chillen and all dead 'cept John, and he lives out west.
"Two or three years after that, I married Liza Smith. We have four kids, and all are gone except for John, and he lives out west."
"After freedom Old Marse say kill a yearlin' and have de big dinner and dance. De young ones he told to scatter out and hunt work, not to steal and work hard. Some de oldes' ones he give a cabin and a patch of land. He say de niggers what want to stay on and work for him can, iffen he make enough to feed dem. I stays with Marse Ed, but he give me a patch of twenty acres and a sorghum mill to make a livin' on. Dat how I gits on my way after freedom.
"After freedom, Old Marse said to kill a yearling and have a big dinner and dance. He told the younger ones to spread out and find work, not to steal, and to work hard. He gave some of the oldest ones a cabin and a piece of land. He said that the Black folks who wanted to stay and work for him could, as long as he made enough to feed them. I stayed with Marse Ed, but he gave me a piece of twenty acres and a sorghum mill to make a living on. That’s how I got started on my own after freedom."
"I gits dat sorghum mill to workin' good and works de Roseborough land and my patch, and raises corn and cotton and wheat. I was plumb good at farmin'. I allus had a piece or two of money in my pocket since I can 'member, but now de old man's too old. De gov'ment gives me seven or eight dollars a month and I has a few chickens and gits by, and de good white folks nigh by sees dat dis old boy don't git cold.[Pg 223]
"I got that sorghum mill working well and tended the Roseborough land along with my own patch, raising corn, cotton, and wheat. I was really good at farming. I've always had a little money in my pocket as far back as I can remember, but now the old man is too old. The government gives me seven or eight dollars a month, and I have a few chickens to get by, and the kind white folks nearby make sure I don't get cold.[Pg 223]

Anne Clark

Anne Clark
MOTHER ANNE CLARK, 112 years old, lives at 3602 Alameda Ave., El Paso, Texas. She is too crippled to walk, but a smile lights up the tired old eyes that still see to sew without glasses. One tooth of a third set is in her upper gum. She is deaf, but can hear if you speak close to her ear. She says, "Lemma git my ears open, bofe of 'em," wets her finger, then pulls so hard on the ear lobes it seems they would be injured.
MOTHER ANNE CLARK, 112 years old, lives at 3602 Alameda Ave., El Paso, Texas. She’s too disabled to walk, but a smile brightens her tired old eyes that can still sew without glasses. One tooth from a third set is in her upper gum. She’s deaf, but can hear if you speak close to her ear. She says, "Let me get my ears open, both of them," wets her finger, then pulls so hard on her ear lobes it seems they might get hurt.
"I'll be 112 years old, come first day of June (1937). Bo'n in Mississippi. I had two marsters, but I've been free nearly 80 years. I was freed in Memphis.
"I'll be 112 years old on the first of June (1937). Born in Mississippi. I had two masters, but I've been free for nearly 80 years. I was freed in Memphis."
"My marster was a Yankee. He took me to Louisiana and made a slave outta me. But he had to go to war. He got in a quarrel one day and grabbed two six-shooters, but a old white man got him down and nearly kilt him. Our men got him and gave him to the Yankees.
"My master was from the North. He took me to Louisiana and turned me into a slave. But then he had to go to war. One day, he got into an argument and grabbed two pistols, but an elderly white man took him down and nearly killed him. Our men captured him and handed him over to the Yankees."
"Capt. Clark, my second marster, took a shot at him and he couldn' come south no more. You don' know what a time I seen! I don' wanna see no more war. Why, we made the United States rich but the Yankees come and tuk it. They buried money and when you bury money it goes fu'ther down, down, down, and then you cain't fin' it.
"Captain Clark, my second master, shot at him and he couldn't come south anymore. You wouldn't believe the mess I witnessed! I don't want to see any more war. We made the United States wealthy, but the Yankees came and took it. They buried money, and when you bury money, it goes further down, down, down, and then you can't find it."
"You know, the white folks hated to give us up worse thing in the world. I ploughed, hoed, split rails. I done the hardest work ever a man ever did. I was so strong, iffen he needed me I'd pull the men down so the marster could handcuff 'em.[Pg 224] They'd whop us with a bullwhip. We got up at 3 o'clock, at 4 we done et and hitched up the mules and went to the fiel's. We worked all day pullin' fodder and choppin' cotton. Marster'd say, 'I wan' you to lead dat fiel' today, and if you don' do it I'll put you in de stocks.' Then he'd whop me iffen I didn' know he was talkin' to me.
You know, the white folks hated to let us go more than anything in the world. I plowed, hoed, and split rails. I did the hardest work any man ever did. I was so strong that if they needed me, I'd pull the men down so the master could handcuff them.[Pg 224] They would whip us with a bullwhip. We got up at 3 o'clock, ate by 4, hitched up the mules, and went to the fields. We worked all day pulling fodder and chopping cotton. The master would say, "I want you to lead that field today, and if you don’t do it, I’ll put you in the stocks." Then he’d whip me if I didn’t realize he was talking to me.
"My poppa was strong. He never had a lick in his life. He helped the marster, but one day the marster says, 'Si, you got to have a whoppin', and my poppa says, 'I never had a whoppin' and you cain't whop me.' An' the marster says, 'But I kin kill you,' an' he shot my poppa down. My mama tuk him in the cabin and put him on a pallet. He died.
"My dad was strong. He never got in trouble in his life. He helped the master, but one day the master said, 'Si, you need to be punished,' and my dad replied, 'I've never been punished, and you can't punish me.' Then the master said, 'But I can kill you,' and he shot my dad down. My mom took him into the cabin and put him on a mat. He died."
"My mama did the washin' for the big house. She tuk a big tub on her head and a bucket of water in her hand. My mama had two white chillen by marster and they were sold as slaves. I had two chillen, too. I never married. They allus said we'd steal, but I didn' take a thing. Why, they'd put me on a hoss with money to take into town and I'd take it to the store in town, and when I'd git back, marster'd say, 'Anne, you didn' take a thing.'
"My mom did the laundry for the big house. She carried a large tub on her head and a bucket of water in her hand. My mom had two white kids with the master, and they were sold as slaves. I had two kids, too. I never got married. They always said we’d steal, but I didn’t take anything. They’d put me on a horse with money to take into town, and I’d take it to the store, and when I’d get back, the master would say, ‘Anne, you didn’t take anything.’"
"When women was with child they'd dig a hole in the groun' and put their stomach in the hole, and then beat 'em. They'd allus whop us."
"When women were pregnant, they would dig a hole in the ground and put their stomach in the hole, then beat them. They would always hit us."
"Don' gring me anything fine to wear for my birthday. I jus' wan' some candy. I'm lookin' for Him to take me away from here."[Pg 225]
"Don't bring me anything nice to wear for my birthday. I just want some candy. I'm hoping He'll take me away from here."[Pg 225]
THOMAS COLE was born in Jackson Co., Alabama, on the 8th of August, 1845, a slave of Robert Cole. He ran away in 1861 to join the Union Army. He fought at Chickamauga, under Gen. Rosecran and at Chattanooga, Look Out Mt. and Orchard Knob, under Gen. Thomas. After the war he worked as switchman in Chattanooga until his health failed due to old age. He then came to Texas and lives with his daughter, in Corsicana. Thomas is blind.
THOMAS COLE was born in Jackson Co., Alabama, on August 8, 1845, as a slave of Robert Cole. He escaped in 1861 to join the Union Army. He fought at Chickamauga under General Rosecrans and at Chattanooga, Lookout Mountain, and Orchard Knob under General Thomas. After the war, he worked as a switchman in Chattanooga until his health declined due to old age. He then moved to Texas and lives with his daughter in Corsicana. Thomas is blind.
"I might as well begin far back as I remember and tell you all about myself. I was born over in Jackson County, in Alabama, on August 8, 1845. My mother was Elizabeth Cole, her bein' a slave of Robert Cole, and my father was Alex Gerrand, 'cause he was John Gerrand's slave. I was sposed to take my father's name, but he was sech a bad, ornery, no-count sech a human, I jes' taken my old massa's name. My mother was brung from Virginny by Massa Dr. Cole, and she nussed all his six chillen. My sister's name was Sarah and my brother's name was Ben and we lived in one room of the big house, and allus had a good bed to sleep in and good things to eat at the same table, after de white folks gits through.
I might as well start as far back as I can remember and share my story. I was born in Jackson County, Alabama, on August 8, 1845. My mother was Elizabeth Cole, who was a slave of Robert Cole, and my father was Alex Gerrand, since he was John Gerrand's slave. I was supposed to take my father's name, but he was such a bad, unpleasant, worthless person that I just took my old master's name. My mother was brought from Virginia by Dr. Cole, and she took care of all his six children. My sister's name was Sarah and my brother's name was Ben, and we lived in one room of the big house, always having a good bed to sleep in and nice food to eat at the same table after the white folks were done.
"I played with Massa Cole's chillen all de time, and when I got older he started me workin' by totin' wood and sech odd jobs, and feedin' de hawgs. Us chillen had to pick cotton every fall. De big baskets weigh about seventy-five to a hundred pounds, but us chillen put our pickin's in some growed slave's basket. De growed slaves was jes' like a mule. He work for grub and clothes, and some of dem didn't have as easier a time as a mule, for mules was fed good and slaves was sometimes half starved.[Pg 226] But Massa Cole was a smart man and a good man with it. He had 'spect for the slaves' feelin's and didn't treat dem like dumb brutes, and 'lowed dem more privileges dan any other slaveholder round dere. He was one of de best men I ever knows in my whole life and his wife was jes' like him. Dey had a big, four-room log house with a big hall down the center up and down. De logs was all peeled and de chinkin' a diff'rent color from de logs and covered with beads. De kitchen am a one-room house behin' de big house with de big chimney to cook on. Dat where all de meals cooked and carry to de house.
I played with Massa Cole's kids all the time, and when I got older, he started me working by carrying wood and doing odd jobs, and feeding the pigs. We kids had to pick cotton every fall. The big baskets weighed about seventy-five to a hundred pounds, but we kids put our pickings in the grown-ups' baskets. The grown slaves were just like mules. They worked for food and clothes, and some of them didn't have an easier time than a mule, because mules were fed well, and slaves were sometimes half-starved.[Pg 226] But Massa Cole was a smart man, and a good man at that. He respected the slaves' feelings and didn't treat them like dumb animals, and allowed them more privileges than any other slaveholder around there. He was one of the best men I ever knew in my whole life, and his wife was just like him. They had a large, four-room log house with a big hallway running down the center. The logs were all peeled, and the chinking was a different color from the logs and covered with beads. The kitchen was a one-room house behind the big house with a large chimney for cooking. That's where all the meals were prepared and carried to the house.
"In winter massa allus kill from three to four hundred hawgs, de two killin's he done in November and January. Some kill and stick, some scald and scrape, and some dress dem and cut dem up and render de lard. Dey haul plenty hick'ry wood to de smokehouse and de men works in shifts to keep de smoke fire goin' sev'ral days, den hangs de meat in de meathouse. First us eat all de chitlin's, den massa begin issuin' cut-back bones to each fam'ly, and den 'long come de spareribs, den de middlin' or a shoulder, and by dat time he kill de second time and dis was to go all over 'gain. Each fam'ly git de same kind of meat each week. Iffen one git a ham, dey all git a ham. All de ears and feet was pickle and we eats dem, too. If de meat run out 'fore killin' time, us git wild turkeys or kill a beef or a goat, or git a deer.
"In winter, the master always kills about three to four hundred pigs, with two kill sessions happening in November and January. Some people kill and stick them, some scald and scrape them, while others dress them, cut them up, and render the lard. They haul plenty of hickory wood to the smokehouse, and the men work in shifts to keep the smoke fire going for several days, then hang the meat in the meat house. First, we eat all the chitlins, then the master starts distributing cut-back bones to each family, followed by the spareribs, then the middlin' or a shoulder, and by that time, he kills again to start the process all over. Each family gets the same kind of meat each week. If one family gets a ham, they all get a ham. All the ears and feet are pickled, and we eat those too. If the meat runs out before kill time, we hunt wild turkeys, or kill a cow, a goat, or get a deer."
"Massa let us plant pumpkins and have a acre or two for watermelons, iffen us work dem on Saturday evenin's. Dere a orchard of 'bout five or six acres peaches and apples and he 'low us to have biscuits once a week. Yes, we had good eatin' and plenty of it den.
"Massa let us grow pumpkins and have an acre or two for watermelons, if we worked on Saturday evenings. There was an orchard of about five or six acres of peaches and apples, and he allowed us to have biscuits once a week. Yeah, we had good food and plenty of it then."
"Massa had one big, stout, healthy lookin' slave 'bout six foot, four inches tall, what he pay $3,000 for. He bought six slaves I knows of and give[Pg 227] from $400 up for dem. He never sold a slave 'less he git onruly.
"Massa had one big, strong, healthy-looking slave about six feet four inches tall, for whom he paid $3,000. He bought six slaves that I know of and paid from $400 up for them. He never sold a slave unless they got unruly."
"Massa allus give us cotton clothes for summer and wool for winter, 'cause he raised cotton and sheep. Den each fam'ly have some chickens and sell dem and de eggs and maybe go huntin' and sell de hides and git some money. Den us buy what am Sunday clothes with dat money, sech as hats and pants and shoes and dresses.
"Mister gives us cotton clothes for summer and wool for winter because he raised cotton and sheep. Then each family has some chickens and sells them and the eggs, and maybe goes hunting to sell the hides and get some money. Then we buy what are Sunday clothes with that money, like hats, pants, shoes, and dresses."
"We'd git up early every day in de year, rain or shine, hot or cold. A slave blowed de horn and dere no danger of you not wakin' up when dat blowed long and loud. He climb up on a platform 'bout ten feet tall to blow dat bugle. We'd work till noon and eat in de shade and rest 'bout a hour or a little more iffen it hot, but only a hour if it cold. You is allus tired when you makes de day like dat on de plantation and you can't play all night like de young folks does now. But us lucky, 'cause Massa Cole don't whip us. De man what have a place next ours, he sho' whip he slaves. He have de cat-o-nine tails of rawhide leather platted round a piece of wood for a handle. De wood 'bout ten inches long and de leather braided on past de stock quite a piece, and 'bout a foot from dat all de strips tied in a knot and sprangle out, and makes de tassle. Dis am call de cracker and it am what split de hide. Some folks call dem bullwhips, 'stead of cat-o-nine tails. De first thing dat man do when he buy a slave, am give him de whippin'. He call it puttin' de fear of Gawd in him.
We’d get up early every day of the year, rain or shine, hot or cold. A slave would blow the horn, and there was no danger of not waking up when it blew long and loud. He would climb up on a platform about ten feet tall to blow that bugle. We’d work until noon, eat in the shade, and rest for about an hour or a little more if it was hot, but only an hour if it was cold. You’re always tired when you spend the day like that on the plantation, and you can’t play all night like the young folks do now. But we’re lucky because Massa Cole doesn’t whip us. The man who has a place next to ours definitely whips his slaves. He has a cat-o’-nine-tails made of rawhide leather braided around a piece of wood for a handle. The wood is about ten inches long, and the leather is braided along the stock quite a bit, and about a foot from that, all the strips are tied in a knot and spread out to make the tassel. This is called the cracker, and it’s what splits the hide. Some folks call them bullwhips instead of cat-o’-nine-tails. The first thing that man does when he buys a slave is give him a whipping. He calls it putting the fear of God in him.
"Massa Cola 'low us read de Bible. He awful good 'bout dat. Most de slaveowners wouldn't 'low no sech. Uncle Dan he read to us and on Sunday we could go to church. De preacher baptize de slaves in de river. Dat de[Pg 228] good, old-time 'ligion, and us all go to shoutin' and has a good time. Dis gen'ration too dig'fied to have de old-time 'ligion.
"Massa Cola lets us read the Bible. He's really good about that. Most of the slaveowners wouldn't allow any of that. Uncle Dan reads to us, and on Sunday we can go to church. The preacher baptizes the slaves in the river. That's the[Pg 228] good, old-time religion, and we all shout and have a great time. This generation is too dignified for the old-time religion."
"When baptizin' comes off, it almost like goin' to de circus. People come from all over and dey all singin' songs and everybody take dere lunch and have de good time. Massa Cole went one time and den he git sick, and next summer he die. Missy Cole, she moves to Huntsville, in Alabama. But she leave me on de plantation, 'cause I'm big and stout den. She takes my mother to cook and dat de last time I ever seed my mother. Missy Cole buys de fine house in Huntsville my mother tells me to be good and do all de overseer tells me. I told her goodbye and she never did git to come back to see me, and I never seed her and my brother and sister 'gain. I don't know whether dey am sold or not.
"When baptism happens, it’s almost like going to the circus. People come from all over, singing songs, and everyone brings their lunch to have a good time. Master Cole went one time, and then he got sick, and the next summer he died. Missy Cole moved to Huntsville, Alabama, but she left me on the plantation because I was big and strong then. She took my mother to cook, and that was the last time I ever saw my mother. Missy Cole bought a nice house in Huntsville. My mother told me to be good and do everything the overseer said. I said goodbye to her, and she never got to come back and see me, and I never saw her or my brother and sister again. I don’t know if they were sold or not."
"I thinks to myself, dat Mr. Anderson, de overseer, he'll give me dat cat-o-nine tails de first chance he gits, but makes up my mind he won't git de chance, 'cause I's gwine run off de first chance I gits. I didn't know how to git out of dere, but I's gwine north where dere ain't no slaveowners. In a year or so dere am 'nother overseer, Mr. Sandson, and he give me de log house and de gal to do my cookin' and sich. Dere am war talk and we 'gins gwine to de field earlier and stayin' later. Corn am haul off, cotton am haul off, hawgs and cattle am rounded up and haul off and things 'gins lookin' bad. De war am on, but us don't see none of it. But 'stead of eatin' cornbread, us eats bread out of kaffir corn and maize. ""We raises lots of okra and dey say it gwine be parch and grind to make coffee for white folks. Dat didn't look good either. Dat winter, 'stead of killin' three or four hundred hawgs[Pg 229] like we allus done befo', we only done one killin' of a hundred seventy-five, and dey not all big ones, neither. When de meat supply runs low, Mr. Sandson sends some slaves to kill a deer or wild hawgs or jes' any kind of game. He never sends me in any dem bunches but I hoped he would and one day he calls me to go and says not to go off de plantation too far, but be sho' bring home some meat. Dis de chance I been wantin', so when we gits to de huntin' ground de leader says to scatter out, and I tells him me and 'nother man goes north and make de circle round de river and meet 'bout sundown. I crosses de river and goes north. I's gwine to de free country, where dey ain't no slaves. I travels all dat day and night up de river and follows de north star. Sev'ral times I thunk de blood houn's am trailin' me and I gits in de big hurry. I's so tired I couldn't hardly move, but I gits in a trot.
I think to myself that Mr. Anderson, the overseer, will give me the cat-o'-nine-tails at the first chance he gets, but I've made up my mind that he won't get the chance because I'm going to run off at the first opportunity I have. I didn't know how to get out of there, but I'm heading north where there aren't any slave owners. After a year or so, there's another overseer, Mr. Sandson, who gives me the log house and a girl to do my cooking and such. There’s talk of war, and we start going to the fields earlier and staying later. Corn is being taken away, cotton is being taken away, hogs and cattle are rounded up and taken away, and things are starting to look bad. The war is on, but we don't see any of it. Instead of eating cornbread, we eat bread made from kaffir corn and maize. We raise a lot of okra, and they say it's going to be dried and ground to make coffee for white folks. That didn't look good either. That winter, instead of killing three or four hundred hogs like we always did before, we only managed to kill a hundred seventy-five, and they weren't all big ones either. When the meat supply runs low, Mr. Sandson sends some slaves to kill a deer or wild hogs or just any kind of game. He never sends me in any of those groups, but I hoped he would, and one day he calls me to go and says not to go off the plantation too far, but be sure to bring home some meat. This is the chance I've been waiting for, so when we get to the hunting ground, the leader says to scatter out, and I tell him that me and another man will head north and make a circle around the river and meet up around sundown. I cross the river and head north. I'm going to the free country, where there aren't any slaves. I travel all that day and night up the river, following the north star. Several times, I think the bloodhounds are trailing me, and I get in a big hurry. I'm so tired I can hardly move, but I push myself into a trot.
"I's hopin' and prayin' all de time I meets up with dat Harriet Tubman woman. She de cullud women what takes slaves to Canada. She allus travels de underground railroad, dey calls it, travels at night and hides out in de day. She sho' sneaks dem out de South and I thinks she's de brave woman.
"I’m hoping and praying all the time that I run into that Harriet Tubman woman. She’s the Black woman who helps slaves escape to Canada. She always travels the underground railroad, as they call it, moving at night and hiding during the day. She definitely sneaks them out of the South, and I think she’s a really brave woman."
"I eats all de nuts and kills a few swamp rabbits and cotches a few fish. I builds de fire and goes off 'bout half a mile and hides in de thicket till it burns down to de coals, den bakes me some fish and rabbit. I's shakin' all de time, 'fraid I'd git cotched, but I's nearly starve to death. I puts de rest de fish in my cap and travels on dat night by de north star and hides in a big thicket de nex' day and along evenin' I hears guns shootin'. I sho' am scart dis time, sho' 'nough. I's scart to come in and scart to go out, and while I's standin' dere, I hears two men say, 'Stick you hands up, boy. What you doin?' I says, 'Uh-uh-uh, I dunno.[Pg 230] You ain't gwine take me back to de plantation, is you?' Dey says, 'No. Does you want to fight for de North?' I says I will, 'cause dey talks like northern men. Us walk night and day and gits in Gen. Rosecran's camp and dey thunk I's de spy from de South. Dey asks me all sorts of questions and says dey'll whip me if I didn't tell dem what I's spyin' 'bout. Fin'ly dey 'lieves me and puts me to work helpin' with de cannons. I feels 'portant den, but I didn't know what was in front of me, or I 'spects I'd run off 'gain.
"I eat all the nuts and catch a few swamp rabbits and fish. I build a fire and go about half a mile to hide in the thicket until it burns down to coals, then I bake some fish and rabbit. I'm shaking the whole time, scared I'll get caught, but I'm nearly starving to death. I put the rest of the fish in my cap and travel that night by the North Star, hiding in a big thicket the next day. In the evening, I hear gunshots. I'm really scared this time, for sure. I'm scared to come in and scared to go out, and while I'm standing there, I hear two men say, 'Put your hands up, boy. What are you doing?' I say, 'Uh-uh-uh, I don’t know. You’re not going to take me back to the plantation, are you?' They say, 'No. Do you want to fight for the North?' I say I will, because they talk like northern men. We walk night and day and get to General Rosecrans's camp, and they think I'm a spy from the South. They ask me all kinds of questions and say they'll whip me if I don't tell them what I'm spying on. Finally, they believe me and put me to work helping with the cannons. I feel important then, but I don't know what's ahead of me, or I suspect I would run away again."
"I helps sot dem cannons on dis Chickamauga Mountain, in hidin' places. I has to go with a man and wait on him and dat cannon. First thing I knows, bang, bang, boom, things has started, and guns am shootin' faster dan you can think, and I looks round for de way to run. But dem guns am shootin' down de hill in front of me and shootin' at me, and over me and on both sides of me. I tries to dig me a hole and git in it. All dis happen right now, and first thing I knows, de man am kickin' me and wantin' me to holp him keep dat cannon loaded. Man, I didn't want no cannon, but I has to help anyway. We fit till dark and de Rebels got more men dan us, so Gen. Rosecran sends de message to Gen. Woods to come help us out. When de messenger slips off, I sho' wish it am me slippin' off, but I didn't want to see no Gen. Woods. I jes' wants to git back to dat old plantation and pick more cotton. I'd been willin' to do mos' anything to git out that mess, but I done told Gen. Rosecran I wants to fight de Rebels and he sho' was lettin' me do it. He wasn't jes' lettin' me do it, he was makin' me do it. I done got in dere and he wouldn't let me out.
"I helped set up the cannons on Chickamauga Mountain, hiding them in places. I had to go with a man and wait for him and that cannon. The next thing I know, bang, bang, boom—things have started, and the guns are firing faster than you can think, and I look around for a way to run. But those guns are firing down the hill in front of me, shooting at me, above me, and on both sides. I try to dig myself a hole to get into it. All this is happening right now, and the next thing I know, the man is kicking me and wanting me to help him keep that cannon loaded. Man, I didn't want any cannon, but I had to help anyway. We fought until dark, and the Rebels had more men than us, so Gen. Rosecran sent the message to Gen. Woods to come help us out. When the messenger slipped away, I really wished it was me slipping away, but I didn't want to see Gen. Woods. I just wanted to get back to that old plantation and pick more cotton. I'd been willing to do almost anything to get out of that mess, but I told Gen. Rosecran I wanted to fight the Rebels, and he was definitely letting me do it. He wasn't just letting me; he was making me do it. I got in there, and he wouldn't let me out."
"White folks, dere was men layin' wantin' help, wantin' water, with blood runnin' out dem and de top or sides dere heads gone, great big holes in dem. I jes' promises de good Lawd if he jes' let me git out dat mess, I wouldn't run off no more, but I didn't know den he wasn't gwine let me out with jes' dat battle.[Pg 231] He gwine give me plenty more, but dat battle ain't over yet, for nex' mornin' de Rebels 'gins shootin' and killin' lots of our men, and Gen. Woods ain't come, so Gen. Rosecran orders us to 'treat, and didn't have to tell me what he said, neither. De Rebels comes after us, shootin', and we runs off and leaves dat cannon what I was with settin' on de hill, and I didn't want dat thing nohow.
"White folks, there were men lying there, needing help, needing water, with blood pouring out of them and huge gaps in their heads. I just promised the good Lord that if he could get me out of that mess, I wouldn't run off anymore, but I didn't know then that he wasn't going to let me out with just that battle.[Pg 231] He was going to give me plenty more, but that battle isn't over yet, because the next morning the Rebels started shooting and killing a lot of our men, and Gen. Woods hadn't come, so Gen. Rosecran ordered us to retreat, and I didn't need him to tell me twice. The Rebels came after us, shooting, and we ran off and left that cannon I was with sitting on the hill, and I didn't want that thing anyway."
"We kep' hotfootin' till we gits to Chattanooga and dere is where we stops. Here comes one dem Rebel generals with de big bunch of men and gits right on top of Look Out Mountain, right clost to Chattanooga, and wouldn't let us out. I don't know jes' how long, but a long time. Lots our hosses and mules starves to death and we eats some de hosses. We all like to starve to death ourselves. Chattanooga is in de bend de Tennessee River and on Look Out Mountain, on de east, am dem Rebels and could keep up with everything we done. After a long time a Gen. Thomas gits in some way. He finds de rough trail or wagon road round de mountain 'long de river and supplies and men comes by boat up de river to dis place and comes on into Chattanooga. More Union men kep' comin' and I guess maybe six or eight generals and dey gits ready to fight. It am long late in Fall or early winter.
"We kept moving fast until we got to Chattanooga, and that’s where we stopped. Suddenly, one of those Rebel generals shows up with a big group of men and takes position on Lookout Mountain, close to Chattanooga, and wouldn’t let us get out. I don’t know exactly how long it was, but it felt like forever. Many of our horses and mules starved to death, and we ended up eating some of the horses. We were all close to starving ourselves. Chattanooga is located at a bend in the Tennessee River, and on Lookout Mountain to the east, the Rebels were there and could keep track of everything we did. After a long while, General Thomas somehow managed to find a way in. He discovered a rough trail or wagon road around the mountain along the river, and supplies and men started arriving by boat up the river to this point and then made their way into Chattanooga. More Union soldiers kept coming, and I think maybe six or eight generals arrived as they prepared for battle. It was late in the fall or early winter."
"Dey starts climbin' dis steep mountain and when us gits three-fourths de way up it am foggy and you couldn't see no place. Everything wet and de rocks am slick and dey 'gins fightin'. I 'spect some shoots dere own men, 'cause you couldn't see nothin', jes' men runnin' and de guns roarin'. Fin'ly dem Rebels fled and we gits on Look Out Mountain and takes it.
"Dey start climbing this steep mountain, and when we get three-fourths of the way up, it’s foggy and you can’t see anything. Everything is wet, and the rocks are slick, and they start fighting. I expect some shoot their own men, ‘cause you can’t see anything, just men running and the guns roaring. Finally, those Rebels fled, and we reached Lookout Mountain and took it."
"Dere a long range of hills leadin' 'way from Look Out Mountain, nearly to Missionary Ridge. Dis ridge 'longside de Chickamauga River, what am de Indian name, meanin' River of Death. Dey fights de Rebels on Orchard Knob hill and I wasn't in dat, but I's in de Missionary Ridge battle. We has to come out de timber[Pg 232] and run 'cross a strip or openin' up de hill. Dey sho' kilt lots our men when we runs 'cross dat openin'. We runs for all we's worth and uses guns or anything we could. De Rebels turns and runs off and our soldiers turns de cannons round what we's capture, and kilt some de Rebels with dere own guns.
There’s a long range of hills stretching away from Lookout Mountain, almost to Missionary Ridge. This ridge, next to the Chickamauga River—which is the Indian name meaning River of Death—was the site of fighting between us and the Rebels on Orchard Knob Hill. I wasn't involved in that, but I did participate in the battle at Missionary Ridge. We had to come out of the woods and run across a stretch of clearing up the hill. They certainly killed a lot of our men when we crossed that clearing. We ran with everything we had and used our guns or anything we could find. The Rebels turned and ran off, and our soldiers turned the captured cannons around and killed some of the Rebels with their own guns.
"I never did git to where I wasn't scart when we goes into de battle. Dis de last one I's in and I's sho' glad, for I never seed de like of dead and wounded men. We picks dem up, de Rebels like de Unions, and doctors dem de bes' we could. When I seed all dat sufferin', I hopes I never lives to see 'nother war. Dey say de World War am worse but I's too old to go.
"I never got to the point where I wasn't scared when we went into battle. This is the last one I'm in and I'm sure glad, because I've never seen anything like the dead and wounded men. We picked them up, both the Rebels and the Union soldiers, and did our best to treat them. When I saw all that suffering, I hoped I never have to witness another war. They say World War is worse but I'm too old to go."
"I sho' wishes lots of times I never run off from de plantation. I begs de General not to send me on any more battles, and he says I's de coward and sympathizes with de South. But I tells him I jes' couldn't stand to see all dem men layin' dere dyin' and hollerin' and beggin' for help and a drink of water, and blood everywhere you looks. Killin' hawgs back on de plantation didn't bother me none, but dis am diff'rent.
"I really wish many times that I had never run away from the plantation. I begged the General not to send me into any more battles, and he says I'm a coward and sympathizes with the South. But I told him I just couldn't handle seeing all those men lying there dying and screaming and begging for help and a drink of water, with blood everywhere you look. Killing pigs back on the plantation didn't bother me at all, but this is different."
"Fin'ly de General tells me I can go back to Chattanooga and guard de supplies in camp dere and take care de wounded soldiers and prisoners. A bunch of men is with me and we has all we can do. We gits de orders to send supplies to some general and it my job to help load de wagons or box cars or boats. A train of wagons leaves sometimes. We gits all dem supplies by boat, and Chattanooga am de 'stributing center. When winter comes, everybody rests awhile and waits for Spring to open. De Union general sends in some more cullud soldiers. Dere ain't been many cullud men but de las' year de war dere am lots. De North and de South am takin' anything dey can git to win de war.[Pg 233]
"Finally, the General tells me I can go back to Chattanooga to guard the supplies in camp there and take care of the wounded soldiers and prisoners. A group of men is with me, and we have all we can handle. We get orders to send supplies to some general, and it’s my job to help load the wagons, boxcars, or boats. A train of wagons leaves sometimes. We receive all these supplies by boat, and Chattanooga is the distribution center. When winter comes, everyone takes a break and waits for spring to arrive. The Union general sends in more colored soldiers. There haven’t been many colored men, but in the last year of the war, there are lots. The North and the South are taking anything they can get to win the war.[Pg 233]
"When Spring breaks and all de snow am gone, and de trees 'gins puttin' out and everything 'gins to look purty and peaceable-like, makin' you think you ought to be plowin' and plantin' a crop, dat when de fightin' starts all over 'gain, killin' men and burnin' homes and stealin' stock and food. Den dey sends me out to help clear roads and build temp'rary bridges. We walks miles on muddy ground, 'cross rivers, wadin' water up to our chins. We builds rafts and pole bridges to git de mules and hosses and cannons 'cross, and up and down hills, and cuts roads through timber.
"When spring arrives and all the snow is gone, and the trees start to bloom and everything looks beautiful and peaceful, making you think you should be plowing and planting a crop, that's when the fighting starts all over again, with men being killed, homes being burned, and livestock and food being stolen. Then they send me out to help clear roads and build temporary bridges. We walk miles on muddy ground, across rivers, wading through water up to our chins. We build rafts and pole bridges to get the mules, horses, and cannons across, and up and down hills, and clear roads through the woods."
"But when dey wants to battle Gen. Thomas allus leaves me in camp to tend de supplies. He calls me a coward, and I sho' glad he thunk I was. I wasn't no coward, I jes' couldn't stand to see all dem people tore to pieces. I hears 'bout de battle in a thick forest and de trees big as my body jes' shot down. I seed dat in de Missionary Ridge battle, too.
"But when they want to fight, General Thomas always leaves me in camp to take care of the supplies. He calls me a coward, and I'm just glad he thinks that way. I wasn't a coward; I just couldn't bear to watch all those people getting torn apart. I heard about the battle in a dense forest, and the trees as big as me were just being shot down. I saw that in the Missionary Ridge battle, too."
"I shifts from one camp to 'nother and fin'ly gits back to Chattanooga. I bet durin' my time I handles 'nough ammunition to kill everybody in de whole United States. I seed mos' de mainest generals in de Union Army and some in de Rebel Army.
"I move from one camp to another and finally get back to Chattanooga. I bet during my time I handled enough ammunition to kill everyone in the whole United States. I saw most of the top generals in the Union Army and some in the Rebel Army."
"After de war am over we's turned loose, nowhere to go and nobody to help us. I couldn't go South, for dey calls me de traitor and sho' kill me iffen dey knows I fit for de North. I does any little job I can git for 'bout a year and fin'ly gits work on de railroad, in Stevenson, in Alabama. I gits transfer to Chattanooga and works layin' new tracks and turn tables and sich.
"After the war was over, we were set free, with nowhere to go and no one to help us. I couldn't go South because they called me a traitor and would definitely kill me if they found out I belonged in the North. I took any small job I could get for about a year and finally got a job on the railroad in Stevenson, Alabama. I got transferred to Chattanooga and worked laying new tracks and turntables and such."
"In 'bout two weeks I had saw a gal next door, but I's bashful. But after payday I dresses up and takes her to a dance. We sparks 'bout two months and den we's married at her uncles. Her name am Nancy. We buys a piece of land and I has a two-room house built on it. We has two chillen and I's livin' with de baby gal now.[Pg 234]
"In about two weeks, I saw a girl next door, but I was shy. After payday, I dressed up and took her to a dance. We dated for about two months, and then we got married at her uncle's place. Her name is Nancy. We bought a piece of land, and I had a two-room house built on it. We have two kids, and I'm living with the baby girl now.[Pg 234]"
"I 'lieve de slaves I knowed as a whole was happier and better off after 'mancipation dan befo'. Of course, de first few years it was awful hard to git 'justed to de new life. All de slaves knowed how to do hard work, and dat de old slaves life, but dey didn't know nothin' 'bout how to 'pend on demselves for de livin'. My first year was hard, but dere was plenty wild game in dem days. De south was broke and I didn't hear of no slaves gittin' anything but to crop on de halves. Dey too glad to be free and didn't want nothin'.
"I believe the slaves I knew, on the whole, were happier and better off after emancipation than before. Of course, the first few years were really tough to adjust to the new life. All the slaves knew how to do hard work, and that was the old slave life, but they didn't know anything about depending on themselves for a living. My first year was hard, but there was plenty of wild game back then. The South was in rough shape, and I didn't hear of any slaves getting anything except for sharing the crop. They were just so glad to be free and didn't want anything."
"Things 'gin to git bad for me in Chattanooga as de white men finds out I run off from de South and jined de North. Some de brakemen try to git my job. I fin'ly quits when one of dem opens a switch I jus' closed. I seed him and goes back and fixes de switch, but I quits de job. I goes up north but dey ain't int'rested, so I comes back and sells my home and buys me a team and wagon. I loads it with my wife and chillen and a few things and starts for Texas. We's on de road 'bout six weeks or two months. We fishes and hunts every day and de trip didn't cost much. I buys ninety acres in timber in Cass County and cuts logs for a house and builds a two-room house and log crib. My wife built a stomp lot for de team and cow and a rail fence.
"Things started to get tough for me in Chattanooga when the white men found out I had escaped from the South and joined the North. Some of the railroad workers tried to take my job. I finally quit when one of them opened a switch I had just closed. I saw him, went back, and fixed the switch, but I decided to leave the job. I went up north, but they weren't interested, so I came back, sold my home, and bought a team and wagon. I loaded it with my wife, kids, and a few belongings and set off for Texas. We were on the road for about six weeks or two months. We fished and hunted every day, and the trip didn't cost much. I bought ninety acres of timberland in Cass County, cut logs to build a house, and constructed a two-room house and a log crib. My wife made a stomp lot for the team and cow and built a rail fence."
"We got 'nough land cleared for de small crop, 'bout thirty acres, and builds de barn and sheds outselves. We lived there till de chillen am growed. My wife died of chills and fever and den my boy and I built a four-room house of planks from our timber. Den I gits lonesome, 'cause de chillen gone, and sells de place. I bought it for fifty cents de acre and sold it for $12.00 de acre.[Pg 235]
"We cleared enough land for a small crop, about thirty acres, and built the barn and sheds ourselves. We lived there until the kids grew up. My wife died from chills and fever, and then my son and I built a four-room house from planks we got from our timber. After that, I felt lonely because the kids were gone, so I sold the place. I bought it for fifty cents an acre and sold it for $12.00 an acre.[Pg 235]
"I buys sixty acres in Henderson County for $15.00 a acre and marries de second time. I didn't care for her like Nancy. All she think 'bout am raisin' de devil and never wants to work or save anything. She like to have broke me down befo' I gits rid of her. I stayed and farmed sev'ral years.
I bought sixty acres in Henderson County for $15.00 an acre and got married for the second time. I didn't care for her like I did for Nancy. All she thinks about is causing trouble and she never wants to work or save anything. She almost had me worn down before I got rid of her. I stayed and farmed for several years.
"My son-in-law rents land in Chambers Creek bottom, and he usually gits he crop 'fore de flood gits it. We has some hawgs to kill ev'ry winter and we has our cornmeal and milk and eggs and chickens, so de 'pression ain't starved us yit. We all got might' nigh naked durin' de 'pression. I feeds de hawgs and chickens night and mornin'. I can't see dem, but I likes to listen to dem eatin' and cackle. People don't know how dey's blessed with good eyes, till dey loses dem. Everybody ought to be more thankful dan they is.
"My son-in-law rents land in Chambers Creek bottom, and he usually gets his crops before the flood takes them. We have some pigs to butcher every winter and we have our cornmeal, milk, eggs, and chickens, so the depression hasn't starved us yet. We all got pretty much naked during the depression. I feed the pigs and chickens morning and night. I can't see them, but I like to listen to them eating and clucking. People don’t realize how blessed they are with good eyesight until they lose it. Everyone should be more thankful than they are."
"I ain't never voted in my life. I leans to de 'publicans. I don't know much 'bout politics, though.
"I've never voted in my life. I lean towards the Republicans. I don't know much about politics, though."
"Today I is broke, 'cause I spent all my money for med'cine and doctors, but I gits a small pension and I spends it mos' careful.[Pg 236]
"Today I am broke because I spent all my money on medicine and doctors, but I get a small pension and I spend it most carefully.[Pg 236]
ELI COLEMAN, 91, was born a slave of George Brady, in Kentucky. Eli's memory is poor and his story is somewhat sketchy. He now lives in Madisonville, Texas.
ELI COLEMAN, 91, was born a slave of George Brady in Kentucky. Eli's memory is not very good and his story is a bit unclear. He now lives in Madisonville, Texas.
"I has a old bill of sale, and it shows I's born in 1846 and my massa am George Brady. I know my pappy's name was same as mine, and mammy was Ella, and I had one brother named Sam, and my sisters was Sadie and Rosa and Viola. They's all dead now.
"I have an old bill of sale, and it shows I was born in 1846 and my master is George Brady. I know my father's name was the same as mine, and my mother's name was Ella. I had one brother named Sam, and my sisters were Sadie, Rosa, and Viola. They're all dead now."
"Pappy was owned by Massa Coleman, what was brother to Massa Brady. Pappy could only see mammy once a week when he's courtin' for her. I heard pappy tell 'bout his pappy, over in Africy, and he had near a hundred wives and over three hundred chillen.
"Pappy was owned by Massa Coleman, who was the brother of Massa Brady. Pappy could only see Mammy once a week when he was courting her. I heard Pappy talk about his father over in Africa, and he had nearly a hundred wives and over three hundred children."
"Pappy never did work. All he ever did was trade. He'd make one thing and 'nother and trade it for something to eat. He could get lots of fruit and game out of the woods them days, and there was lots of fish.
"Pappy never worked. All he did was trade. He'd make one thing or another and trade it for food. He could get plenty of fruit and game from the woods back then, and there was lots of fish."
"Our log house was built of logs, trimmed, and had six rooms. It was long, like a cowbarn or chicken house, and my room was third. We had one door to each room, covered over with hides. We dug out one corner for the bed and fenced it up and gathered straw and moss and tore-up corn shucks, and put in the corner to sleep on. What I mean, it was a warm bed.
Our log cabin was made of logs and had six rooms. It was long, like a barn or chicken coop, and my room was the third one. Each room had a door that was covered with animal hides. We dug out a corner for the bed, fenced it off, and gathered straw, moss, and torn-up corn husks to use as bedding. In other words, it made for a cozy bed.
"We did all kinds of work, choppin' cotton and split rails and cut rock, and work in the tobacco field. We'd cut that tobacco and hang it in the shed to dry. It had to be hanged by the stubble end.
"We did all sorts of work, chopping cotton, splitting rails, cutting rock, and working in the tobacco field. We’d cut the tobacco and hang it in the shed to dry. It had to be hung by the stubble end."
"We had plenty to eat, sech as corn pones. The corn was grated by hand and cooked in ashes, and no salt or soda or fancy things like they put in bread now.[Pg 237]
"We had plenty to eat, like corn pones. The corn was grated by hand and cooked in ashes, without any salt, soda, or fancy ingredients like they use in bread today.[Pg 237]
"There was possum and rabbit and we cooked them different to now. A great big, old pot hung over the old rock fireplace. Food cooked that way still eats good. Massa Brady allus give us lots out of the garden. He fed us reg'lar on good, 'stantial food, jus' like you'd tend to you hoss, if you had a real good one.
"There were possum and rabbit, and we cooked them differently back then. A big old pot hung over the rocky fireplace. Food cooked like that still tastes good. Massa Brady always gave us plenty from the garden. He regularly fed us good, hearty meals, just like you'd take care of a really good horse."
"Massa Brady, he was one these jolly fellows and a real good man, allus good to his black folks. Missy, she was plumb angel. They lived in a old stone house with four big rooms. It was the best house in the whole county and lots of shade trees by it.
"Massa Brady was one of those cheerful guys and a really good man, always kind to his Black folks. Missy was a total angel. They lived in an old stone house with four big rooms. It was the best house in the whole county, surrounded by lots of shade trees."
"We had 'bout a hundred acres in our plantation and started to the field 'fore daylight and worked long as we could see, and fed ane stock and got to bed 'bout nine o'clock. Massa whopped a slave if he got stubborn or lazy. He whopped one so hard that slave said he'd kill him. So Massa done put a chain round his legs, so he jus' hardly walk, and he has to work in the field that way. At night he put 'nother chain round his neck and fastened it to a tree. After three weeks massa turnt him loose and that the proudes' nigger in the world, and the hardes' workin' nigger massa had after that.
We had about a hundred acres on our plantation and started working in the fields before dawn, and we kept at it until we could hardly see. Then we fed the animals and went to bed around nine o'clock. The master would punish a slave if he got stubborn or lazy. He punished one slave so badly that the slave said he would kill him. So the master put a chain around his legs so he could barely walk, and he had to work in the fields like that. At night, he would put another chain around his neck and fasten it to a tree. After three weeks, the master let him go, and that slave was the proudest black man in the world and the hardest working one the master had after that.
"On Saturday night we could git a pass or have a party on our own place. Through the week we'd fall into our quarters and them patterrollers come walk all over us, and we'd be plumb still, but after they done gone some niggers gits up and out.
"On Saturday night we could get a pass or throw a party at our place. Throughout the week we’d hunker down in our quarters while the patrollers came by and checked on us, and we’d stay completely quiet, but after they left, some folks would get up and sneak out."
"On Christmas Day massa make a great big eggnog and let us have all we wants with a big dinner. He kilt a yearlin' and made plenty barbecue for us.[Pg 238]
"On Christmas Day, the boss makes a huge batch of eggnog and lets us have as much as we want along with a big dinner. He killed a young goat and made plenty of barbecue for us.[Pg 238]
"Massa was a colonel in the war and took me along to care for his hoss and gun. Them guns, you couldn't hear nothin' for them poppin'. Us niggers had to go all over and pick up them what got kilt. Them what was hurt we carried back. Them what was too bad hurt we had to carry to the burying place and the white man'd finish killin' them, so we could roll them in the hole.
"Massa was a colonel in the war and took me along to take care of his horse and gun. Those guns, you couldn't hear anything because they were popping so much. We black folks had to go everywhere and pick up those who got killed. Those who were hurt we carried back. Those who were too badly hurt we had to take to the burial site, and the white man would finish killing them, so we could roll them into the hole."
"When massa say we're free, we all 'gun to take on. We didn't have no place to go and asked massa could we stay, but he say no. But he did let some stay and furnished teams and something to eat and work on the halves. I stayed and was sharecropper, and that was when slavery start, for when we got our cop made it done take every bit of it to pay our debts and we had nothing left to buy winter clothes or pay doctor bills.
"When the boss said we were free, we all started to leave. We didn't have anywhere to go and asked the boss if we could stay, but he said no. However, he did let some people stay and provided teams and some food to work on the share. I stayed and became a sharecropper, and that's when slavery really began, because when we got our crop, we had to use every bit of it to pay off our debts, and we had nothing left to buy winter clothes or pay medical bills."
"'Bout a year after the war I marries Nora Brady, jus' a home weddin'. I asks her to come live with me as my wife and she 'greed and she jus' moved her clothes to my room and we lived together a long time. One mornin' Nora jus' died, and there warn't no chillen, so I sets out for Texas. I done hear the railroad is buildin' in Texas and they hires lots of niggers. I gits a hoss from massa and rolls up a few clothes and gits my gun.
"'About a year after the war, I married Nora Brady, just a home wedding. I asked her to come live with me as my wife and she agreed, so she moved her clothes into my room and we lived together for a long time. One morning, Nora suddenly died, and since we had no children, I decided to head to Texas. I heard the railroad was being built in Texas and they were hiring a lot of Black workers. I got a horse from my master, packed some clothes, and took my gun."
"I never got very far 'fore the Indians takes my hoss away from me. It was 'bout fifty mile to a train and I didn't have no money, but I found a white man what wants wood cut and I works near a month for him and gits $2.00. I gits on a train and comes a hundred mile from where that railroad was goin' 'cross the country, and I has to walk near all that hundred miles. Once and now a white man comin' or goin' lets me ride. But I got there and the job pays me sixty cents a day. That was lots of money them days. Near as I 'member, it[Pg 239] was 1867 or 1868 when I comes to Texas.
"I never got very far before the Indians took my horse from me. It was about fifty miles to a train station, and I didn't have any money, but I found a white man who needed wood cut. I worked for him for nearly a month and made $2.00. I got on a train and traveled a hundred miles from where the railroad was going across the country, and I had to walk almost all of that hundred miles. Occasionally, a white man passing by let me ride with him. But I finally got there, and the job paid me sixty cents a day. That was a lot of money back then. As far as I remember, it[Pg 239] was 1867 or 1868 when I arrived in Texas."
"Then I marries Agnes Frazer, and we has a big weddin' and a preacher and a big supper for two or three weeks. Her pappy kilt game and we et barbecue all the time. We had eleven chillen, one a year for a long time, five boys and six gals. One made a school teacher and I ain't seen her nearly forty-five years, 'cause she done took a notion to go north and they won't let her back in Texas 'cause she married a white man in New York. I don't like that. She don't have no sense or she wouldn't done that, no, sir.
"Then I married Agnes Frazer, and we had a big wedding with a preacher and a huge feast that lasted two or three weeks. Her dad hunted game, and we ate barbecue all the time. We had eleven kids, one a year for quite a while, five boys and six girls. One became a school teacher, and I haven't seen her in nearly forty-five years because she decided to move north, and they won't let her back in Texas because she married a white man in New York. I don't like that. She doesn’t have any sense, or she wouldn’t have done that, no sir."
"Since the nigger been free it been Hell on the poor old nigger. He has advance some ways, but he's still a servant and will be, long as Gawd's curse still stay on the Negro race. We was turnt loose without nothin' and done been under the white man rule so long we couldn't hold no job but labor. I worked most two years on that railroad and the rest my life I farms. Now I gits a little pension from the gov'ment and them white folks am sho' good to give it to me, 'cause I ain't good for work no more.[Pg 240]
"Since Black people have been free, it’s been tough on poor Black folks. They’ve made some progress, but they’re still treated like servants and will be as long as God’s curse remains on the Black race. We were set loose without anything and had been under white rule for so long that we could only get jobs doing labor. I worked nearly two years on that railroad and spent the rest of my life farming. Now I get a small pension from the government, and those white folks are certainly nice to give it to me because I can’t work anymore.[Pg 240]

Preely Coleman
PREELY COLEMAN was born in 1852 on the Souba farm, near New Berry, South Carolina, but he and his mother were sold and brought to Texas when Preely was a month old. They settled near Alto, Texas. Preely now lives in Tyler.
PREELY COLEMAN was born in 1852 on the Souba farm, near New Berry, South Carolina, but he and his mother were sold and taken to Texas when Preely was a month old. They settled near Alto, Texas. Preely now lives in Tyler.
"I'm Preely Coleman and I never gits tired of talking. Yes, ma'am, it am Juneteenth, but I'm home, 'cause I'm too old now to go on them celerabrations. Where was I born? I knows that 'zactly, 'cause my mammy tells me that a thousand times. I was born down on the old Souba place, in South Carolina, 'bout ten mile from New Berry. My mammy belonged to the Souba family, but its a fact one of the Souba boys was my pappy and so the Soubas sells my mammy to Bob and Dan Lewis and they brung us to Texas 'long with a big bunch of other slaves. Mammy tells me it was a full month 'fore they gits to Alto, their new home.
"I'm Preely Coleman, and I never get tired of talking. Yes, ma'am, it's Juneteenth, but I'm home because I'm too old now to go to those celebrations. Where was I born? I know exactly, because my mom tells me that a thousand times. I was born on the old Souba place in South Carolina, about ten miles from Newberry. My mom belonged to the Souba family, but it's a fact that one of the Souba boys was my dad, so the Soubas sold my mom to Bob and Dan Lewis, and they took us to Texas along with a big group of other slaves. Mom tells me it was a full month before they got to Alto, their new home."
"When I was a chile I has a purty good time, 'cause there was plenty chillen on the plantation. We had the big races. Durin' the war the sojers stops by on the way to Mansfield, in Louisiana, to git somethin' to eat and stay all night, and then's when we had the races. There was a mulberry tree we'd run to and we'd line up and the sojers would say, 'Now the first one to slap that tree gits a quarter,' and I nearly allus gits there first. I made plenty quarters slappin' that old mulberry tree!
"When I was a kid, I had a pretty good time because there were lots of kids on the plantation. We had big races. During the war, the soldiers would stop by on their way to Mansfield, Louisiana, to grab something to eat and stay overnight, and that’s when we had the races. There was a mulberry tree we’d run to, and we’d line up, and the soldiers would say, ‘Now the first one to slap that tree gets a quarter,’ and I almost always got there first. I made a lot of quarters slapping that old mulberry tree!"
"So the chillen gits into their heads to fix me, 'cause I wins all the quarters. They throws a rope over my head and started draggin down the road, and down the hill, and I was nigh 'bout choked to[Pg 241] death. My only friend was Billy and he was a-fightin', tryin' to git me loose. They was goin' to throw me in the big spring at the foot of that hill, but we meets Capt. Berryman, a white man, and he took his knife and cut the rope from my neck and took me by the heels and soused me up and down in the spring till I come to. They never tries to kill me any more.
"So the kids got it into their heads to get back at me because I was winning all the quarters. They threw a rope over my head and started dragging me down the road and down the hill, and I was about to choke to[Pg 241]death. My only friend was Billy, and he was fighting, trying to get me free. They were going to throw me in the big spring at the bottom of that hill, but we ran into Capt. Berryman, a white guy, and he took his knife and cut the rope from my neck. He grabbed me by the heels and dunked me up and down in the spring until I came to. They never tried to kill me again."
"My mammy done married John Selman on the way to Texas, no cere'mony, you knows, but with her massa's consent. Now our masters, the Lewises, they loses their place and then the Selman's buy me and mammy. They pays $1,500 for my mammy and I was throwed in.
"My mom married John Selman on the way to Texas, no ceremony, you know, but with her master's consent. Now our owners, the Lewises, lost their property and then the Selmans bought me and my mom. They paid $1,500 for my mom and I was included."
"Massa Selman has five cabins in he backyard and they's built like half circle. I grows big 'nough to hoe and den to plow. We has to be ready for the field by daylight and the conk was blowed, and massa call out, 'All hands ready for the field.' At 11:30 he blows the conk, what am the mussel shell, you knows, 'gain and we eats dinner, and at 12:30 we has to be back at work. But massa wouldn't 'low no kind of work on Sunday.
"Massa Selman has five cabins in his backyard, and they're built in a half-circle. I grow enough to hoe and then to plow. We have to be ready for the field by daylight when the conch is blown, and Massa calls out, 'All hands ready for the field.' At 11:30, he blows the conch, which is a mussel shell, you know, again, and we eat dinner, and at 12:30 we have to be back at work. But Massa wouldn't allow any kind of work on Sunday."
"Massa Tom made us wear the shoes, 'cause they's so many snags and stumps our feets gits sore, and they was red russet shoes. I'll never forgit 'em, they was so stiff at first we could hardly stand 'em. But Massa Tom was a good man, though he did love he dram. He kep' the bottle in the center of the dining table all the time and every meal he'd have the toddy. Us slaves et out under the trees in summer and in the kitchen in winter and most gen'rally we has bread in pot liquor or milk, but sometimes honey.
"Massa Tom made us wear the shoes because there were so many snags and stumps that our feet would get sore, and they were red russet shoes. I'll never forget them; they were so stiff at first that we could hardly stand them. But Massa Tom was a good man, even though he loved his drink. He kept the bottle in the center of the dining table all the time, and at every meal, he'd have his toddy. Us slaves ate outside under the trees in the summer and in the kitchen during the winter, and most of the time we had bread in pot liquor or milk, but sometimes we had honey."
"I well 'members when freedom come. We was in the field and massa comes up and say, 'You all is free as I is.' There was shoutin' and singin' and 'fore night us was all 'way to freedom.[Pg 242]
"I clearly remember when freedom came. We were in the field and the master came up and said, 'You are all as free as I am.' There was shouting and singing, and before nightfall, we were all on our way to freedom.[Pg 242]
HARRIET COLLINS was born in Houston, Texas, in 1870. Her family had been slaves of Richard Coke, and remained with him many years after they were freed. Harriet recalls some incidents of Reconstruction days, and believes in the superstitions handed down to her from slave days.
HARRIET COLLINS was born in Houston, Texas, in 1870. Her family had been slaves of Richard Coke and stayed with him for many years after they were freed. Harriet remembers some events from the Reconstruction era and believes in the superstitions passed down to her from the days of slavery.
"My birthday done come in January, on de tenth. I's birthed in Houston, in 1870, and Gov. Richard Coke allus had owned my daddy and mammy, and dey stayed with him after freedom. Mammy, what was Julia Collins, didn't die till 1910, and she was most a hundred year old.
"My birthday is in January, on the tenth. I was born in Houston in 1870, and Governor Richard Coke always owned my dad and mom, who stayed with him even after they were free. My mom, who was Julia Collins, didn’t die until 1910, and she was almost a hundred years old."
"She done told me many a time 'bout how folkses git all worked up over Marse Coke's 'lection. Mammy took lunch to de Capitol House to Marse Richard, and dere he am on de top floor with all he congressmen and dat Davis man and he men on de bottom floor, tryin' to say Marse Richard ain't got no right to be governor dis here State. Old Miss and de folkses didn't sleep a wink dat night, 'cause dey thunk it sho' be a fight. Dat in 1873, Mammy allus say.
"She told me many times about how people get all worked up over Marse Coke's election. Mom took lunch to the Capitol House for Marse Richard, and there he is on the top floor with all his congressmen, while that Davis guy and his men are on the bottom floor, trying to argue that Marse Richard has no right to be governor of this state. Old Miss and the folks didn't sleep a wink that night because they thought there would definitely be a fight. That was in 1873, Mom always says."
"De old place at Houston was like most all old places. Dere was little, small dormer windows, dey call 'em, in upstairs, and big porches everywhere. Dere was 'hogany furniture and rosewood bedsteads, and big, black walnut dressers with big mirrors and little ones down de side. Old Miss allus have us keep de drapes white as drifted snow, and polish de furniture till it shine. Dere was sofies with dem claw foots, and lots of purty chiny and silver.
The old place in Houston was like most old places. There were small dormer windows upstairs and big porches everywhere. There was mahogany furniture and rosewood bed frames, and big black walnut dressers with large mirrors and smaller ones on the side. Old Miss always had us keep the drapes as white as snow and polish the furniture until it shined. There were sofas with claw feet and lots of pretty china and silver.
"On de farm out from town dere was de log house, with quarters and[Pg 243] de smokehouse and washhouse and big barns and carriage house. De quarters was little, whitewashed, log houses, one for de family, and a fence of de split palin's round most of dem.
On the farm outside of town, there was a log house, along with the quarters and[Pg 243] the smokehouse, washhouse, big barns, and carriage house. The quarters were small, whitewashed log houses—one for the family—and a fence made of split rails surrounded most of them.
"De white and cullud chillen played together, all over de place. Dey went fishin' and rode de plough hosses and run de calves and colts and sech devilment. De little white gals all had to wear sunbonnets, and Old Miss, she sew dem bonnets on every day, so dey not git sunburnt. Us niggers weared de long, duckin' shirts till us git 'bout growed, and den us weared long, dark blue dresses. Dey had spinnin' and weavin' rooms, where de cullud women makes de clothes.
The white and black kids played together everywhere. They went fishing, rode the plow horses, and chased the calves and colts, getting into all sorts of mischief. The little white girls all had to wear sun bonnets, and Old Miss sewed those bonnets on every day so they wouldn't get sunburned. We Black people wore long, ducking shirts until we grew up, and then we wore long, dark blue dresses. There were spinning and weaving rooms where the Black women made the clothes.
"Old Miss, she sho' a powerful manager. She knowed jes' how much meal and meat and sorghum it gwine take to run de plantation a year. She know jes' how much thread it take for spinnin', and she bossed de settin' hens and turkeys and fixin' of 'serves and soap. She was sho' good to you iffen you work and do like she tell you. Many a night she go round to see dat all was right. She a powerful good nuss, too, and so was mammy.
"Old Miss was a really strong manager. She knew exactly how much meal, meat, and sorghum it would take to run the plantation for a year. She knew just how much thread was needed for spinning, and she oversaw the laying hens, turkeys, and the making of preserves and soap. She was definitely good to you if you worked hard and followed her instructions. Many nights, she'd go around to make sure everything was okay. She was also a really good nurse, and so was Mom."
"De white folks had good times. Dey'd go hossback ridin' and on picnics, and fishin' and have big dinners and balls. Come Christmas, dey have us slaves cut a big lot of wood and keep fires all night for a week or two. De house be lit with candles from top to toe, and lots of company come. For dinner us have turkey and beef roast and a big 'ginny ham and big bowls of eggnog and a pitcher of apple cider and apple toddy. All us git somethin' on Christmas and plenty eggnog, but no gittin' drunk.
"White people had a great time. They would go horseback riding, have picnics, fish, and enjoy big dinners and dances. Around Christmas, they would have us slaves chop a lot of wood and keep the fires going all night for a week or two. The house was lit with candles from top to bottom, and a lot of guests would come over. For dinner, we had turkey, roast beef, a big ham, and large bowls of eggnog, along with a pitcher of apple cider and apple toddy. We all got something for Christmas and plenty of eggnog, but no getting drunk."
"I can jes' see Marse Dick, tall and kinder stooped like, with de big flop hat and longtail coat and allus carryin' a big, old walkin' stick. He[Pg 244] was sho' a brave man and de big men say dey likes dat flop hat, 'cause dey done follow it on de battlefield. He had a big voice and dey do tell how, in de war, he'd holler, 'Come on, boys,' and de bullets be like hail and men fallin' all round, but dat don't stop Marse Dick. He'd take off dat flop hat and plunge right on and dey'd foller he bald head where de fight was hottes'. He was sho' a man!
"I can just picture Marse Dick, tall and a bit hunched over, with his big floppy hat and long coat, always carrying a large, old walking stick. He[Pg 244]was definitely a brave man, and the important guys say they liked that floppy hat because they followed it on the battlefield. He had a loud voice, and they say that during the war, he'd shout, 'Come on, boys!' while bullets flew like hail and men were falling all around, but that didn't stop Marse Dick. He'd take off that floppy hat and charge right in, and they'd follow his bald head to where the fight was hottest. He was truly a man!
"When I gits married it was eight folkses dere, I jus' walks off and goes to housekeepin'. I had a calico dress and a Baptist preacher marries us.
"When I got married, there were eight people there. I just walked off and went to start my new home. I had a calico dress and a Baptist preacher married us."
"Dere been some queer things white folks can't understand. Dere am folkses can see de spirits, but I can't. My mammy larned me a lots of doctorin', what she larnt from old folkses from Africy, and some de Indians larnt her. If you has rheumatism, jes' take white sassafras root and bile it and drink de tea. You makes lin'ment by bilin' mullein flowers and poke roots and alum and salt. Put red pepper in you shoes and keep de chills off, or string briars round de neck. Make red or black snakeroot tea to cure fever and malaria, but git de roots in de spring when de sap am high.
"There have been some strange things that white people can't understand. There are people who can see spirits, but I can't. My mom taught me a lot about healing, which she learned from the older generations from Africa, and some of the Native Americans taught her as well. If you have rheumatism, just take white sassafras root, boil it, and drink the tea. You make a liniment by boiling mullein flowers, poke roots, alum, and salt. Put red pepper in your shoes to keep the chills away, or wear briars around your neck. Make red or black snakeroot tea to cure fever and malaria, but gather the roots in the spring when the sap is high."
"When chillen teethin' put rattlesnake rattles round de neck, and alligator teeth am good, too. Show de new moon money and you'll have money all month. Throw her five kisses and show her money and make five wishes and you'll git dem. Eat black-eyed peas on New Year and have luck all dat year:
"When children are teething, putting rattlesnake rattles around their necks helps, and alligator teeth are good too. Show the new moon money, and you'll have money all month. Throw her five kisses, show her money, and make five wishes, and you'll get them. Eat black-eyed peas on New Year's and you'll have luck all year:"
"'Dose black-eyed peas is lucky,
When et on New Year's Day;
You'll allus have sweet 'taters
And possum come you way.'
"'Black-eyed peas bring good luck,
When eaten on New Year's Day;
You'll always have sweet potatoes
And possum coming your way.'
"When anybody git cut I allus burns woolen rags and smokes de wound or burns a piece fat pine and drops tar from it on scorched wool and bind it on de wound. For headache put a horseradish poultice on de head, or wear a nutmeg on[Pg 245] a string round you neck.
"When anyone gets cut, I always burn wool rags and smoke the wound, or burn a piece of fat pine and let the tar drip onto the scorched wool and bind it to the wound. For a headache, put a horseradish poultice on your head, or wear a nutmeg on a string around your neck."
If you kills de first snake you sees in spring, you enemies ain't gwine git de best of you dat year. For a sprain, git a dirt dauber's nest and put de clay with vinegar and bind round de sprain. De dime on de string round my ankle keeps cramps out my leg, and tea from red coon-root good, too. All dese doctorin' things come clear from Africy, and dey allus worked for mammy and for me, too.[Pg 246]
If you kill the first snake you see in spring, your enemies won't get the best of you that year. For a sprain, get a dirt dauber's nest, mix the clay with vinegar, and wrap it around the sprain. The dime on the string around my ankle keeps cramps out of my leg, and tea from red coon-root is good too. All these remedies come straight from Africa, and they always worked for my mom and for me as well.[Pg 246]
ANDREW (Smoky) COLUMBUS was born in 1859 on the John J. Ellington plantation, one mile south of Linden, Texas. He continued in the service of the Ellingtons until about 1878, when he moved to Jefferson, Texas. He carried meals to Abe Rothchild, who was in jail, charged with the murder of Diamond Bessie Moore. Andrew was 37 years a servant of Hon. Tom Armistead, and was a porter in the Capital at Austin when Armistead was a senator. Andrew now lives in Marshall, Texas.
ANDREW (Smoky) COLUMBUS was born in 1859 on the John J. Ellington plantation, about a mile south of Linden, Texas. He worked for the Ellingtons until around 1878, when he moved to Jefferson, Texas. He delivered meals to Abe Rothchild, who was in jail, accused of murdering Diamond Bessie Moore. Andrew spent 37 years as a servant for Hon. Tom Armistead and worked as a porter in the Capitol in Austin when Armistead was a senator. Andrew now lives in Marshall, Texas.
"I was bo'n a slave of Master John Ellington, who lived in Davis County (now Cass Co.), Texas. Master John had a big house and close by was a long, double row of slave quarters. It looked like a town. There was four boys and two girls in Master's fam'ly and one daughter, Miss Lula, married Lon Morris, that run the Lon Morris School.
"I was born a slave of Master John Ellington, who lived in Davis County (now Cass Co.), Texas. Master John had a big house, and nearby was a long double row of slave quarters. It looked like a small town. There were four boys and two girls in Master’s family, and one daughter, Miss Lula, married Lon Morris, who ran the Lon Morris School."
"Master John was one white man that sho' took care of his niggers. He give us plenty warm clothes and good shoes, and come see us and had Dr. Hume doctor us when we was sick. The niggers et ham and middlin' and good eats as anybody. Master John's place joined the Haggard place, where they was lots of wild turkey and the slaves could go huntin' and fishin' when they wanted.
"Master John was one white man who definitely took care of his Black workers. He provided us with plenty of warm clothes and good shoes, and he would come see us and have Dr. Hume treat us when we were sick. The Black workers enjoyed ham and other good food just like anyone else. Master John's place was next to the Haggard place, where there were lots of wild turkeys, and the workers could go hunting and fishing whenever they wanted."
"We had a church and a school for the slaves and the white folks helped us git book learnin'. Mos' of the niggers allus went to preachin' on Sunday.
"We had a church and a school for the slaves, and the white folks helped us get educated. Most of the Black people always went to church on Sunday."
"The hands didn't work Saturday afternoons. That's when we'd wash our clothes and clean up for Sunday. There was parties and[Pg 247] dances on Saturday night for them as wanted them. But there wasn't no whiskey drinkin' and fightin' at the parties. Mammy didn't go to them. She was religious and didn't believe in dancin' and sech like. On Christmas Master John allus give the slaves a big dinner and it didn't seem like slavery time. The niggers had a sight better time than they do now.
"The hands didn’t work on Saturday afternoons. That’s when we’d wash our clothes and get ready for Sunday. There were parties and[Pg 247] dances on Saturday night for those who wanted to go. But there wasn’t any whiskey drinking and fighting at the parties. Mammy didn’t attend them. She was religious and didn't believe in dancing and such. On Christmas, Master John always treated the slaves to a big dinner, and it didn’t feel like slavery time. The Black folks had a way better time than they do now."
"Master John did all the bossin' hisself. None of his niggers ever run off 'cause he was too good for them to do that. I only got one whippin' from him and it was for stealin' eggs from a hen's nest. My pappy was carriage driver for Master. I didn't do much of the work when I was a boy, jes' stayed round the house.
"Master John did all the supervising himself. None of his workers ever ran away because he was too good for them to do that. I only got one spanking from him, and it was for stealing eggs from a hen's nest. My dad was a coach driver for the Master. I didn’t do much of the work when I was a kid, just hung around the house."
"Master John raised lots of cotton and after it was baled he hauled it to Jefferson on ox wagons. I'd allus go with him, ridin' on top of the bales. I'll never forgit how scared I was when we'd cross Black Cypress on Roger's Ferryboat and it'd begin to rock.
"Master John grew a lot of cotton, and after it was packed into bales, he transported it to Jefferson using ox wagons. I always went with him, riding on top of the bales. I'll never forget how scared I was when we crossed Black Cypress on Roger's ferry boat and it started to rock."
"I don't remember much about the War. When it was over Master John calls all his slaves together and says, 'You'se free now and you can go or stay.' He told the men who wanted to leave they could have a wagon and team, but most of them stayed. Pappy took a wagon and team and left but mammy and us children stayed and lived with Master Ellington 'bout 15 years after the war was over.
"I don't remember much about the War. When it ended, Master John gathered all his slaves and said, 'You’re free now, and you can choose to go or stay.' He told the men who wanted to leave they could have a wagon and team, but most of them stayed. Pappy took a wagon and team and left, but Mom and us kids stayed and lived with Master Ellington for about 15 years after the war ended."
"When I left Master John I moved to Jefferson and married Cora Benton and we had three boys and two girls. While I was in Jefferson Sheriff Vine goes to Cincinnati after Abe Rothchild, for killin' 'Diamond Bessie.' Abe shot hisself in the forehead when he heared Sheriff[Pg 248] Vine was after him, but it didn't kill him. There was sho' some stirrin' about when the sheriff fotch Abe back to Jefferson.
"When I left Master John, I moved to Jefferson and married Cora Benton. We had three boys and two girls. While I was in Jefferson, Sheriff Vine went to Cincinnati after Abe Rothchild for killing 'Diamond Bessie.' Abe shot himself in the forehead when he heard Sheriff[Pg 248] Vine was after him, but it didn't kill him. There was definitely some commotion when the sheriff brought Abe back to Jefferson."
"Mr. Sam Brown was the jailer. Abe wouldn't eat the jail food and hired me to bring his meals to him from the hotel. His cell was fixed up like a hotel room, with a fine brussels rug and nice tables and chairs. He kep' plenty of whiskey and beer to drink. He'd allus give me a drink when I took his meals.
"Mr. Sam Brown was the jailer. Abe wouldn't eat the jail food and hired me to bring his meals from the hotel. His cell was set up like a hotel room, with a nice Brussels rug and nice tables and chairs. He kept plenty of whiskey and beer to drink. He would always give me a drink when I took his meals."
"I worked 37 years for Mr. Tom Armistead, who helped W.T. Crawford and his brother defend Rothchild. Mr. Eppenstadt, he was mayor of Jefferson then and acted as a go-between man in the case.
"I worked 37 years for Mr. Tom Armistead, who helped W.T. Crawford and his brother defend Rothchild. Mr. Eppenstadt was the mayor of Jefferson at that time and acted as a go-between in the case."
"Master Tom Armistead never married and I kep' house and cooked for him. He give me lots of fine clothes. I bet I owned more fine shirts than any nigger in Texas. He got me a job as porter in the Capitol at Austin while he was senator. I was workin' there when they moved in the new Capitol in 1888. They was gonna put on a big party and say all the porters had to wear cutaway suits. I didn't have one, so the day 'fore the party I goes over to Mr. Tom's room at the Bristol Hotel and git one of his. I didn't know then it was a right new one he had made for the party. When I goes back to the Capitol all dressed up in that cutaway suit, I meets Mr. Templeton Houston and he recognises the suit and says. 'You sho' look fine in Mr. Tom's new suit,' 'bout that time Mr. Tom walks up and, you know, he give me that suit and had him another one made for the party! I wouldn't live where there wasn't no good white folks.[Pg 249]
Master Tom Armistead never married, and I managed the house and cooked for him. He gave me plenty of nice clothes. I bet I owned more fancy shirts than anyone else in Texas. He got me a job as a porter in the Capitol in Austin while he was a senator. I was working there when they moved to the new Capitol in 1888. They were planning a big party and said all the porters had to wear cutaway suits. I didn't have one, so the day before the party I went over to Mr. Tom's room at the Bristol Hotel and borrowed one of his. I didn't realize it was a brand-new suit he had made for the party. When I returned to the Capitol all dressed up in that cutaway suit, I ran into Mr. Templeton Houston, who recognized the suit and said, "You sure look sharp in Mr. Tom's new suit." Around that time, Mr. Tom walked up, and you know, he gave me that suit and had another one made for the party! I wouldn't live anywhere without good white folks.[Pg 249]

Steve Conally

Steve Conally's home
STEVE CONNALLY, 90, was born a slave of Tom Connally, grandfather of United States Senator Tom Connally, from Texas. The family then lived in Georgia, and Steve's master was a member of the Georgia Legislature.
STEVE CONNALLY, 90, was born a slave of Tom Connally, grandfather of United States Senator Tom Connally from Texas. The family then lived in Georgia, and Steve's master was a member of the Georgia Legislature.
"I was born in Murray County, Georgia, and was a slave of Massa Tom Connally, but they called him Massa "Cushi" Connally. He was a member of de Georgia Legislature. I stayed with Missy Mary Connally till I was sixty-seven and Massa Cushi died when I was sixty-nine.
"I was born in Murray County, Georgia, and was a slave of Massa Tom Connally, but everyone called him Massa 'Cushi' Connally. He was a member of the Georgia Legislature. I lived with Missy Mary Connally until I was sixty-seven, and Massa Cushi passed away when I was sixty-nine."
"My mother, Mandy, weighed two hundred pounds and she was de Connally cook. When I was born, she took de fever and couldn't raise me, so Missy Mary took and kep' me in a li'l cot by her bed. After dat, I'm with her nearly all de time and follows her. When she go to de garden I catches her dresstail and when she go to de doctor, 'bout eighty miles away, I goes with her.
"My mom, Mandy, weighed two hundred pounds and worked as the cook for the de Connally family. When I was born, she got sick and couldn’t take care of me, so Missy Mary took me in and kept me in a little crib next to her bed. After that, I was with her almost all the time and followed her everywhere. When she went to the garden, I grabbed the back of her dress, and when she went to the doctor, about eighty miles away, I went with her."
"I mus' tell you why everybody call Massa Connally Cushi. Dere am allus so many Tom Connallys in de fam'ly, dey have to have de nickname to tell one from de other.
"I must tell you why everyone calls Massa Connally Cushi. There are always so many Tom Connallys in the family that they have to have the nickname to tell one from the other."
"Back dere in Georgia, us have lots and lots of fruit. Come time, de women folks preserves and cans till it ain't no use. My mammy take de prize any day with her jelly and sech, and her cakes jes' nachelly walk off and leave de whole county. Missy Mary sho' de master hand hersef at de fine bakin' and I'd slip round and be handy to lick out de pans.
"Back in Georgia, we have a ton of fruit. When the time comes, the women preserve and can until there's no more left. My mom wins first prize any day with her jelly and stuff, and her cakes just naturally disappear from the whole county. Missy Mary really knows how to bake, and I would sneak around to be there to lick out the bowls."
"Dey didn't have no 'frigerators den, but dey built log houses without a floor over de good, cold spring, and put flat rocks dere to keep de milk and cream and butter cold. Or dey dig out de place so de crock be down in[Pg 250] de wet dirt. Dey sho' have to make de latch up high, so de bad chillen couldn't open dat door!
"Dey didn't have any refrigerators back then, but they built log houses without a floor over the good, cold spring, and put flat rocks there to keep the milk, cream, and butter cold. Or they dug out the place so the crock could be down in[Pg 250] the wet dirt. They definitely had to make the latch high up, so the naughty kids couldn't open that door!"
"De plantation in Georgia was de whopper. I don't know 'zactly how many acres, but it a big one. Us make everything and tan hides and make shoes, jes' like all de big places did. De big house and de weavin' house and de tannin' yard and de sugar mill and slave quarters made a li'l town. Dere used to be some mighty big doin's dere. De Connally men and women am allus good lookers and mighty pop'lar, and folkses come from far and near to visit dem. All de 'portant men come and all de sassiety belles jes' drift to our place. Dere sho' lots of big balls and dinners and de house fix mighty fine dem times. De women wore de hoop skirts and de ribbons and laces. My missy was de bes' lookin' from far and near, and all de gem'mans want to dance with her. She sho' look like de queen you see in de picture books and she have mighty high ways with folks, but she's mighty good to dis here li'l black boy.
"Plantation life in Georgia was impressive. I’m not exactly sure how many acres it was, but it was a big one. We produced everything, tanned hides, and made shoes, just like all the major places did. The big house, weaving house, tanning yard, sugar mill, and slave quarters created a small community. There used to be some really grand events there. The Connally men and women were always attractive and very popular, drawing people from near and far to visit them. All the important men came, and all the society belles flowed to our place. There were certainly plenty of large balls and dinners, and the house was all decked out during those times. The women wore hoop skirts, ribbons, and lace. My missy was the most beautiful one around, and all the gentlemen wanted to dance with her. She truly looked like a queen from the picture books and had a very high way about her, but she was really kind to this little black boy."
"I goes in de buggy with Massa Cushi, up to Tennessee, to git his sons what been kilt or wounded. Massa Ned, he dead, and Massa Charles, he shot in de hip, and die after he git brung home. Massa Dick hurt, too, but he didn't die.
"I went in the buggy with Mr. Cushi, up to Tennessee, to get his sons who were killed or wounded. Mr. Ned is dead, and Mr. Charles was shot in the hip, and he died after being brought home. Mr. Dick was hurt too, but he didn't die."
"Right after de Civil War, when I'm 'bout nineteen, I comes to Texas with de Connallys, all what didn't git kilt in de war. I stays with Missy Mary till she die in Georgia. Her son, Jones Connally, come to Brazos County, near Bryan, and after dat removes to Eddy. I works for him two years and has lived round Eddy ever since. De Connallys give me a house and lot in Eddy. Some de fool niggers 'spected a lot, but I wasn't worryin' none. All I wanted[Pg 251] was to stay near de Connallys. Mos' gen'ly all de slaves what I knowed was found places for and holp git a start at jobs and places to live. All de Connally slaves loved dem. Some de timber land give to Mrs. Rose Staten and when she go up dere a old nigger woman name Lucy sees her. She so happy to see one dem Connally chillen she laugh and cry.
Right after the Civil War, when I was about nineteen, I came to Texas with the Connally family, all the ones who didn’t get killed in the war. I stayed with Missy Mary until she died in Georgia. Her son, Jones Connally, moved to Brazos County, near Bryan, and then later to Eddy. I worked for him for two years and have lived around Eddy ever since. The Connallys gave me a house and a lot in Eddy. Some of the foolish blacks expected a lot from it, but I wasn’t worried at all. All I wanted was to stay close to the Connallys. Most of the slaves I knew were found places to stay and helped to get started with jobs and homes. All the Connally slaves loved them. Some of the timberland was given to Mrs. Rose Staten, and when she went up there, an old black woman named Lucy saw her. She was so happy to see one of those Connally children that she laughed and cried.
"Massa Jones Connally have de twin gals, name Ola and Ella. Olla born with de lef' arm off at de elbow and she allus follow me round. When I go to milk I puts her in de trough. I saved her life lots of times. One time she's on de cone of de two-story house, when she's 'bout two years old. I eases up and knocks de window out and coaxes her to come to me. 'Nother time, I's diggin' de well and some clods falls down and I looks up and dere am dat Missy Ola leanin' over, mos' tumblin' in de well on her head. I gives de loud yell and her brother-in-law come runnin' and grabs her legs.
"Massa Jones Connally has twin girls named Ola and Ella. Olla was born with her left arm missing at the elbow, and she always follows me around. When I go to milk, I put her in the trough. I've saved her life lots of times. One time she was on the roof of the two-story house when she was about two years old. I eased up and knocked the window out and coaxed her to come to me. Another time, I was digging the well and some clods fell down. I looked up and there was Missy Ola leaning over, almost tumbling into the well on her head. I let out a loud yell, and her brother-in-law came running and grabbed her legs."
"Senator Tom Connally, what am a son of Jones Connally, often says he'd like to visit his grandpa's old home in Georgia. I'd like mighty well to go with him and take him all over de old home place and out to de old cemetary."[Pg 252]
"Senator Tom Connally, who is a son of Jones Connally, often mentions that he wants to visit his grandpa's old home in Georgia. I would really like to go with him and show him around the old homestead and out to the old cemetery." [Pg 252]

Valmar Cormier
VALMAR CORMIER was born a slave to Duplissent Dugat, a small slave-holder of Lafayette, Louisiana. He tells his story in a mixture of English and French. As far as he knows, he is nearly 90 years old. He now lives with his sister, Mary Moses, in the Pear Orchard Settlement, in Beaumont, Texas.
VALMAR CORMIER was born a slave to Duplissent Dugat, a small slave owner in Lafayette, Louisiana. He shares his story using a mix of English and French. As far as he knows, he is almost 90 years old. He now lives with his sister, Mary Moses, in the Pear Orchard Settlement in Beaumont, Texas.
"I 'member de day my old marster go to de war. I kin 'member dat jes' like yesterday. He used to like to play de fiddle and make me dance when I was li'l, but he went to de war and got kilt. He name Duplissent Dugat. Mary, my sister, she don't 'member de old marster.
"I remember the day my old master went to war. I can remember it just like it was yesterday. He used to love playing the fiddle and making me dance when I was little, but he went to war and got killed. His name was Duplissent Dugat. Mary, my sister, she doesn't remember the old master."
"De slaves did de work on dat farm. Dey was two growed-ups, my mama, Colaste, and my uncle, and dere was us two chillen. My father was a white man, a white Creole man. I never carry he name till after freedom.
"Slaves did the work on that farm. There were two adults, my mom, Colaste, and my uncle, and then there were the two of us kids. My father was a white man, a white Creole man. I never carried his name until after we were free."
"Marster was jes' a poor man and he have jes' a ordinary house. De slave house was jes' a old plank house 'bout twelve feet by twenty feet and have dirt floor. Us cook in de big fireplace and take a log 'bout four foot long and have a big iron pot with a iron lid. Dey put red hot coals under de pot and on top de lid and dey have a big iron poker with a hook on it what dey took de lid off with.
"Master was just a poor man, and he had just an ordinary house. The slave house was just an old wooden house about twelve feet by twenty feet with a dirt floor. We cooked in the big fireplace and used a log about four feet long with a big iron pot that had an iron lid. They put red-hot coals under the pot and on top of the lid, and they had a big iron poker with a hook on it that they used to take the lid off."
"Befo' dey have coal oil lamp dey used to use homemake candles. Dey'd kill de brutes and keep and save all de tallow and one day was set off to make de candles. All de neighbors come and dey have kind of party and eat and things. Sometime dey make three, four hunnerd candles in one day and lay dem in a big box, so dey won't git break.
"Before they had coal oil lamps, they used homemade candles. They would kill the animals and save all the tallow, and one day they would set off to make the candles. All the neighbors would come, and they would have a kind of party with food and everything. Sometimes they would make three or four hundred candles in one day and lay them in a big box so they wouldn't break."
"Us make soap on de plantation, too. Dey melt de tallow and cracklin's and git lye out de fireplace ash. We have cotton and corn[Pg 253] and potatoes growin', so we has plenty to eat. Us have coosh-coosh, dat cornbread and meat, and some fish to eat. Snails us jes' go through de woods and pick dem up and eat dem jes' like dat. Us eat plenty crawfish. De chillen git string and old piece fat meat and tie on de end, and us go to de bog and drap de string down dat crawfish hole. When de old man grab de meat with he pincher, den us jerk us up a crawfish, and bile him in hot water, or make de gumbo.
"We make soap on the plantation, too. They melt the tallow and cracklings and get lye from the fireplace ash. We have cotton, corn[Pg 253] and potatoes growing, so we have plenty to eat. We have coosh-coosh, that cornbread and meat, and some fish. We just go through the woods and pick up snails and eat them just like that. We eat a lot of crawfish. The kids get string and an old piece of fat meat, tie it to the end, and we go to the bog and drop the string down that crawfish hole. When the old one grabs the meat with his pincers, then we pull up a crawfish and boil him in hot water or make gumbo."
"Us drink French coffee befo' de war, but endurin' de war us couldn't git de good kind. Den us make coffee out of coffee weed. Dey parch dat weed in de iron oven, grind it and put it in de iron pot.
"Before the war, we drank French coffee, but during the war, we couldn't get the good stuff. Then we made coffee out of coffee weed. They roasted that weed in the iron oven, ground it up, and put it in the iron pot."
"I seed de sojers and I run under de house, I was so scared. Mary, she hide under de bed in de house. De Yankees come take de cattle and went 'way with dem. I kin sho' rec'lect when dose sojers come and de road was full goin' day and night. De Yankees find a lot of Confed'rate sojers close to Duson, de other side of Rayne and dey captures lots and brung dem back by dere.
"I saw the soldiers and ran under the house; I was so scared. Mary hid under the bed in the house. The Yankees came and took the cattle away. I can definitely remember when those soldiers came, and the road was busy day and night. The Yankees found a lot of Confederate soldiers near Duson, on the other side of Rayne, and they captured many and brought them back with them."
"After while it all over and dey told us we free, but my mama kep' working for old missus after freedom, 'cause old marster, he kilt in dat war. Den old missus die and left three li'l chillen, but I don't know what happen to them, 'cause us go to another place and I plow and Mary she he'p pick cotton.
"After a while, it was all over and they told us we were free, but my mom kept working for the old mistress after we gained our freedom because the old master had died in that war. Then the old mistress died and left three little children, but I don’t know what happened to them because we went to another place, and I plowed while Mary helped pick cotton."
"I git marry at 20 and my first wife de French gal. We marry by de priest in de church. Us have so many chillen us have to keep a map to account for all dem, dere was 19 in all. We stays in Louisiana long time, den come to Texas.[Pg 254]
"I got married at 20, and my first wife was a French girl. We were married by the priest in the church. We had so many kids that we had to keep a map to keep track of them; there were 19 in total. We stayed in Louisiana for a long time, then moved to Texas.[Pg 254]
LAURA CORNISH was born on the plantation of Isaiah Day, near Dayton, Texas. She "reckons I's 'bout twelve or maybe thirteen years old when all de cullud folks was made free." Laura's memory is poor, but she made an effort to recall slave days. She lives at 2915 Nance St., Houston, Texas.
LAURA CORNISH was born on the plantation of Isaiah Day, near Dayton, Texas. She estimates she was about twelve or maybe thirteen years old when all the Black people were freed. Laura's memory isn't great, but she tries to remember the days of slavery. She lives at 2915 Nance St., Houston, Texas.
"Lawd have mercy 'pon me, when you calls me Aunt Laura it seems jes' like you must be some of my white folks, 'cause dat what dey calls me. I mean Papa Day's chillen and dere younguns, when dey comes to see me. But it been de long time since any of dem come to see old Aunt Laura, and I reckon dey most all gone now.
"Lord have mercy on me, when you call me Aunt Laura it feels just like you must be some of my white folks, because that’s what they call me. I mean Papa Day’s kids and their little ones when they come to see me. But it’s been a long time since any of them have come to see old Aunt Laura, and I guess they're mostly all gone now."
"You know where Dayton is at? Well, dat's where Papa Day's plantation was at and where I's borned. I don't know when dat am, 'zactly, but when all de cullud folks was made free, I reckons I's 'bout twelve or thirteen years old.
"You know where Dayton is? Well, that's where Papa Day's plantation was and where I was born. I’m not sure exactly when that was, but I guess I was about twelve or thirteen years old when all the colored folks were freed."
"Mama's name was Maria Dunlap and daddy's name was Saul. Mamma was de seamstress and don't do nothin' but weave cloth on de spinnin' wheel and make clothes. Daddy from Lake Providence, I heared him say, but I don't know where at dat is. He do all de carpenter work. I has five sisters and two brothers, but dey heaps older dan me and I don't know much 'bout dem.
"Mama's name was Maria Dunlap and Dad's name was Saul. Mom was a seamstress and only wove cloth on the spinning wheel and made clothes. Dad is from Lake Providence, I heard him say, but I don't know where that is. He does all the carpentry work. I have five sisters and two brothers, but they are much older than me and I don't know much about them."
"We 'longs to Papa Day, his name Isaiah, but us all call him Papa Day, 'cause he won't 'low none he cullud folks to call him master. He say us is born free as he is, only de other white folks won't tell us so, and our souls is jes' as white, and de reason us am darker on de outside is 'cause us is sunburnt. I don't reckon dere am anybody as good to dere cullud folks as he was.[Pg 255]
"We call him Papa Day; his real name is Isaiah, but we all refer to him as Papa Day because he won't let any people of color call him master. He says we are born free just like he is, but the other white folks won’t acknowledge that, and our souls are just as pure. The only reason we look darker on the outside is that we’re sunburned. I don’t think anyone is as good to their people of color as he was.[Pg 255]
"Miss Martha, he wife, was mighty good, too. Does any us chillen git hurt or scratched, she fix us up and give us a hug. I knows dey has two boys and a gal, and dey comes to see me long time after I's free and brings dere own chillen. But my mem'ry am sort of foggy-like and I can't 'member dere names now.
"Miss Martha, his wife, was really nice, too. If any of us kids got hurt or scraped, she would take care of us and give us a hug. I know they have two boys and a girl, and they came to visit me a long time after I was free and brought their own kids. But my memory is a bit hazy, and I can't remember their names now."
"De only work Papa Day 'lows us chillen do am pick de boles close to de ground, and dat mostly fun, and us ride to de house on de wagon what takes de pickin' at night. Papa Day don't make he cullud folks work Saturdays and Sundays and dey can visit round on other plantations, and he say nobody better bother us none, either.
" The only work Papa Day lets us kids do is pick the berries that are close to the ground, and that's mostly fun. We ride home in the wagon that collects the picking at night. Papa Day doesn't make his people work on Saturdays and Sundays, and they can visit other plantations. He also says that nobody better bother us, either."
"One time us chillen playin' out in de woods and seed two old men what look like wild men, sho' 'nough. Dey has long hair all over de face and dere shirts all bloody. Us run and tell Papa Day and he makes us take him dere and he goes in de briar patch where dem men hidin'. Dey takes him round de knees and begs him do he not tell dere massa where dey at, 'cause dey maybe git kilt. Dey say dey am old Lodge and Baldo and dey run 'way 'cause dere massa whips dem, 'cause dey so old dey can't work good no more. Papa Day has tears comin' in he eyes. Dey can't hardly walk, so he sends dem to de house and has Aunt Mandy, de cook, fix up somethin' to eat quick. I never seed sech eatin', dey so hongry. He puts dem in a house and tells us not to say nothin'. Den he rides off on he hoss and goes to dere massa and tells him 'bout it, and jes' dares him to come git dem. He pays de man some money and Lodge and Baldo stays with Papa Day and I guess day thunk dey in Heaven.
One time, we were playing out in the woods and saw two old men who looked like wild men, for sure. They had long hair all over their faces and their shirts were all bloody. We ran and told Papa Day, and he made us take him there, and he went into the thorny patch where the men were hiding. They grabbed him around the knees and begged him not to tell their master where they were, because they might get killed. They said they were old Lodge and Baldo and they had run away because their master whipped them, since they were so old they couldn't work well anymore. Papa Day had tears in his eyes. They could hardly walk, so he sent them to the house and had Aunt Mandy, the cook, quickly fix them something to eat. I had never seen such eating; they were so hungry. He put them in a house and told us not to say anything. Then he rode off on his horse and went to their master and told him about it, and just dared him to come get them. He paid the man some money, and Lodge and Baldo stayed with Papa Day, and I guess they thought they were in Heaven.
"One mornin' Papa Day calls all us to de house and reads de freedom papers and say, 'De gov'ment don't need to tell you you is free, 'cause you been free all you days. If you wants to stay you can and if you wants to go, you can. But if you go, lots of white folks ain't gwine treat you like I does.'[Pg 256]
"One morning, Papa Day calls us all to the house and reads the freedom papers. He says, 'The government doesn't need to tell you that you’re free because you've been free all your life. If you want to stay, you can, and if you want to go, you can. But if you leave, many white folks won't treat you the way I do.'[Pg 256]
"For de longest time, maybe two years, dey wasn't none of Papa Day's cullud folks what left, but den first one fam'ly den 'nother gits some land to make a crop on, and den daddy gits some land and us leaves, too. Maybe he gits de land from Papa Day, 'cause it an't far from his plantation. Us sho' work hard on dat place, but I heared mama say lots of times she wishes we stay on Papa Day's place.
"For the longest time, maybe two years, none of Papa Day's Black folks left, but then one family left, and then another got some land to farm, and then dad got some land and we left too. Maybe he got the land from Papa Day, because it isn't far from his plantation. We definitely work hard on that place, but I heard mom say many times she wishes we had stayed on Papa Day's place."
"I 'member one year us don't make no crop hardly and daddy say he gwine git out 'fore us starves to death, and he moves to Houston. He gits a job doin' carpenter work and hires me out for de housegirl. But mama dies and daddy takes sick and dies, too. Lawd have mercy, dat sho' de hard time for me when I loses my mama and daddy, and I has to go to Dayton and stay with my sister, Rachel. Both my husbands what I marries done been dead a long time now, and de only child I ever had died when he jes' a baby. Now I's jes' alone, sittin' and waitin' for de Lawd to call me."[Pg 257]
"I remember one year we hardly grew any crops, and Dad said he was going to leave before we starved to death, so he moved to Houston. He got a job as a carpenter and hired me out as a housegirl. But then Mom died, and Dad got sick and died too. Good Lord, that was such a hard time for me when I lost my mom and dad, and I had to go to Dayton to stay with my sister, Rachel. Both my husbands that I married have been dead a long time now, and the only child I ever had died when he was just a baby. Now I'm just alone, sitting and waiting for the Lord to call me." [Pg 257]

John Crawford
JOHN CRAWFORD, 81, was born a slave on Judge Thompson Rector's plantation at Manor, Texas. After emancipation, John was a share-cropper. He has always lived in Travis County and is now cared for by a daughter at Austin.
JOHN CRAWFORD, 81, was born a slave on Judge Thompson Rector's plantation in Manor, Texas. After he was freed, John worked as a sharecropper. He has always lived in Travis County and is now being looked after by a daughter in Austin.
"John Crawford am me. It am eighty-one years since I's borned and dat's on de old Rector plantation where Manor am now. It wasn't dere den. I knowed the man it was named after.
"John Crawford is me. It's been eighty-one years since I was born, and that's on the old Rector plantation where Manor is now. It wasn't there then. I knew the man it was named after."
"Ma's name was Viney Rector and the old judge brung her from Alabama. She milked all the cows two times a day and I had to turn out all de calves. Sometimes dey'd git purty rough and go right to dere mammies.
"Ma's name was Viney Rector, and the old judge brought her from Alabama. She milked all the cows twice a day, and I had to let out all the calves. Sometimes they would get pretty rough and head straight for their mommas."
"Pap's name was Tom Townes, 'cause he 'longed on de Townes place. He was my step-pap and when I's growed I tooken my own pap's name, what was Crawford. I never seed him, though, and didn't know nothin' much 'bout him. He's sold away 'fore I's borned.
"Pap's name was Tom Townes because he belonged to the Townes place. He was my stepdad, and when I grew up, I took my biological dad's name, which was Crawford. I never saw him, though, and didn't know much about him. He was sold away before I was born."
"Pap Townes could make most everythin'. He made turnin' plows and hossshoe nails and a good lot of furniture. He was purty good to me, 'siderin' he wasn't my own pap. I didn't have no hard time, noway. I had plenty bacon and side-meat and 'lasses. Every Sunday mornin' the jedge give us our rations for de week. He wasn't short with dem, neither.
"Pap Townes could make just about anything. He made turning plows, horseshoe nails, and a lot of furniture. He was really good to me, considering he wasn't my own dad. I didn't have any hard times at all. I had plenty of bacon, side meat, and molasses. Every Sunday morning, the judge gave us our rations for the week. He wasn't stingy with them, either."
"Many was de time Injuns come to Jedge Rector's place. Dem Injuns beg for somethin' and the jedge allus give dem somethin'. They wasn't mean Injuns, jes' allus beggin'.[Pg 258]
"Many times the Indians came to Judge Rector's place. Those Indians asked for something and the judge always gave them something. They weren't mean Indians, just always asking."[Pg 258]
"I can't read and write to this day. Nobody ever larnt me my A B C's and I didn't git no chance at school.
"I can't read or write to this day. Nobody ever taught me my ABCs, and I didn't get a chance to go to school."
"One mornin' the jedge done send word down by de cook for nobody to go to de fields dat day. We all want up to de big house and de jedge git up to make de speech, but am too choke up to talk. He hated to lose he slaves, I reckon. So his son-in-law has to say, 'You folks am now free and can go where you wants to go. You can stay here and pick cotton and git fifty cents de hunerd.' But only two families stayed. De rest pulled out.
"One morning, the judge sent word through the cook that no one should go to the fields that day. We all went up to the big house, and the judge stood up to make a speech, but he was too choked up to talk. He hated to lose his slaves, I guess. So his son-in-law had to say, 'You folks are now free and can go wherever you want. You can stay here and pick cotton and get fifty cents a hundred.' But only two families stayed. The rest left."
"After freedom we rented land on de halves. Some niggers soon got ahead and rented on de third or fourth. When you rent that-a-way you git three bales and de boss git one. But you has to buy you own teams and seed and all on dat plan.
"After gaining our freedom, we rented land on halves. Some black people quickly improved their situation and rented on thirds or fourths. When you rent that way, you get three bales, and the boss gets one. But you have to buy your own teams, seeds, and everything else under that plan."
"Its a fac' we was told we'd git forty acres and a mule. Dat de talk den, but we never did git it.
"It's a fact we were told we'd get forty acres and a mule. That was the talk back then, but we never actually got it."
"De Ku Klux made a lot of devilment round-about dat county. Dey allus chasin' some nigger and beatin' him up. But some dem niggers sho' 'serve it. When dey gits free, dey gits wild. Dey won't work or do nothin' and thinks dey don't have to. We didn't have no trouble, 'cause we stays on de farm and works and don't have no truck with dem wild niggers.[Pg 259]
"Back in that county, the Ku Klux Klan caused a lot of trouble. They were always chasing some Black person and beating them up. But some of those Black folks definitely brought it on themselves. When they get free, they go wild. They don’t want to work or do anything and think they don’t have to. We didn’t have any issues because we stayed on the farm, worked hard, and kept away from those unruly Black folks.[Pg 259]
"In 1877 I marries Fannie Black at de town of Sprinkle. It wasn't sech a town, jes' a li'l place. Me and her stayed married fifty-two years and four months. She died and left me eight year ago. We had seven chillen and they is all livin'. Four is here in Austin and two in California and one in Ohio.
"In 1877, I married Fannie Black in the town of Sprinkle. It wasn't much of a town, just a small place. We stayed married for fifty-two years and four months. She passed away eight years ago, leaving me behind. We had seven children, and they are all alive. Four are here in Austin, two are in California, and one is in Ohio."
"I gits a li'l pension, $9.00 de month, and my gal, Susie, takes care of me. I ain't got long to go now 'fore de Lawd gwine call me.[Pg 260]
"I get a little pension, $9.00 a month, and my girl, Susie, takes care of me. I don’t have long to go now before the Lord is going to call me.[Pg 260]

Green Cumby
GREEN CUMBY, 86, was born a slave of the Robert H. Cumby family, in Henderson, Texas. He was about 14 at the close of the Civil War. He stayed with his old master four years after he was freed, then married and settled in Tyler, Texas, where he worked for the compress 30 years. He lives with his daughter at 749 Mesquite St., Abilene, Texas.
GREEN CUMBY, 86, was born a slave to the Robert H. Cumby family in Henderson, Texas. He was around 14 when the Civil War ended. He stayed with his former master for four years after gaining his freedom, then got married and settled in Tyler, Texas, where he worked at the compress for 30 years. He currently lives with his daughter at 749 Mesquite St., Abilene, Texas.
"Durin' slavery I had purty rough times. My grandfather, Tater Cumby, was cullud overseer for forty slaves and he called us at four in de mornin' and we worked from sun to sun. Most of de time we worked on Sunday, too.
"During slavery, I had pretty tough times. My grandfather, Tater Cumby, was the Black overseer for forty slaves, and he called us at four in the morning, and we worked from dawn to dusk. Most of the time, we worked on Sundays too."
"De white overseers whupped us with straps when we didn't do right. I seed niggers in chains lots of times, 'cause there wasn't no jails and they jus' chained 'em to trees.
"Those white overseers whipped us with straps when we didn’t do right. I saw Black people in chains many times because there were no jails, and they just chained them to trees."
"Spec'lators on hosses drove big bunches of slaves past our place from one place to another, to auction 'em at de market places. De women would be carryin' l'il ones in dere arms and at night dey bed 'em down jus' like cattle right on de ground 'side of de road. Lots of l'il chillun was sold 'way from de mammy when dey seven or eight, or even smaller. Dat's why us cullud folks don't know our kinfolks to dis day.
"Speculators on horses drove large groups of slaves past our place from one location to another, to auction them at the marketplaces. The women would be carrying little ones in their arms, and at night they would bed them down just like cattle right on the ground next to the road. Many little children were sold away from their mothers when they were seven or eight, or even younger. That's why we Black folks don't know our relatives to this day."
"De best times was when de corn shuckin' was at hand. Den you didn't have to bother with no pass to leave de plantation, and de patter rolls didn't bother you. If de patter rolls cotch you without de pass any other time, you better wish you dead, 'cause you would have yourself some trouble.[Pg 261]
"The best times were when the corn shucking was about to happen. Then you didn’t have to worry about a pass to leave the plantation, and the patter rolls didn’t bother you. If the patter rolls caught you without the pass at any other time, you might as well wish you were dead, because you’d be in serious trouble.[Pg 261]
"But de corn shuckin', dat was de gran' times. All de marsters and dere black boys from plantations from miles 'round would be dere. Den when we got de corn pile high as dis house, de table was spread out under de shade. All de boys dat 'long to old marster would take him on de packsaddle 'round de house, den dey bring him to de table and sit by he side; den all de boys dat 'long to Marster Bevan from another plantation take him on de packsaddle 'round and 'round de house, allus singin' and dancin', den dey puts him at de other side de table, and dey all do de same till everybody at de table, den dey have de feast.
"But the corn shucking, that was the great times. All the masters and their black workers from plantations miles around would be there. Then when we got the corn piled as high as this house, the table was set out under the shade. All the boys belonging to the old master would take him on the packsaddle around the house, then they’d bring him to the table and sit by his side; then all the boys belonging to Master Bevan from another plantation would take him on the packsaddle around and around the house, always singing and dancing, then they’d set him at the other side of the table, and they all do the same until everyone was at the table, then they have the feast.
"To see de runaway slaves in de woods scared me to death. They'd try to snatch you and hold you, so you couldn't go tell. Sometimes dey cotched dem runaway niggers and dey be like wild animals and have to be tamed over 'gain. Dere was a white man call Henderson had 60 bloodhounds and rents 'em out to run slaves. I well rec'lect de hounds run through our place one night, chasin' de slave what kilt his wife by runnin' de harness needle through her heart. Dey cotch him and de patter rolls took him to Henderson and hangs him.
"Seeing the runaway slaves in the woods terrified me. They would try to grab you and hold you so you couldn’t go tell anyone. Sometimes they caught those runaway black people, and they acted like wild animals and needed to be tamed again. There was a white man named Henderson who had 60 bloodhounds and rented them out to track down slaves. I vividly remember the hounds running through our place one night, chasing the slave who killed his wife by stabbing her heart with a harness needle. They caught him, and the patrol took him to Henderson and hung him."
"De patter rolls dey chases me plenty times, but I's lucky, 'cause dey never cotched me. I slips off to see de gal on de nex' plantation and I has no pass and they chases me and was I scairt! You should have seed me run through dat bresh, 'cause I didn't dare go out on de road or de path. It near tore de clothes off me, but I goes on and gits home and slides under de house. But I'd go to see dat gal every time, patter rolls or no patter rolls, and I gits trained so's I could run 'most as fast as a rabbit.[Pg 262]
"Those patrols chased me a lot, but I was lucky because they never caught me. I sneaked off to see the girl on the next plantation without a pass, and they were after me, and I was scared! You should've seen me run through that brush because I didn't dare go on the road or the path. It nearly tore my clothes off, but I kept going and got home and slid under the house. But I would go see that girl every time, patrols or no patrols, and I got so that I could run almost as fast as a rabbit.[Pg 262]
"De white chillun larned us to read and write at night, but I never paid much 'tention, but I kin read de testament now. Other times at night de slaves gathers round de cabins in little bunches and talks till bedtime. Sometimes we'd dance and someone would knock out time for us by snappin' de fingers and slappin' de knee. We didn't have nothin' to make de music on.
"the white children taught us to read and write at night, but I never paid much attention, though I can read the Bible now. Other times at night, the slaves would gather around the cabins in small groups and talk until bedtime. Sometimes we’d dance, and someone would keep the rhythm for us by snapping their fingers and slapping their knee. We didn’t have anything to make music with."
"We mos'ly lived on corn pone and salt bacon de marster give us. We didn't have no gardens ourselves, 'cause we wouldn't have time to work in dem. We worked all day in de fields and den was so tired we couldn't do nothin' more.
"We mostly lived on corn bread and salt pork that the master gave us. We didn't have any gardens, because we didn't have time to work in them. We worked all day in the fields and then were so tired that we couldn't do anything more."
"My mammy doctored us when we was feelin' bad and she'd take dog-fenley, a yaller lookin' weed, and brew tea, and it driv de chills and de fever out of us. Sometimes she put horse mint on de pallet with us to make us sweat and driv de fever 'way. For breakfast she'd make us sass' fras tea, to clear our blood.
"My mom would take care of us when we were feeling bad. She'd use dog-fennel, a yellow-looking weed, and make tea that would help get rid of the chills and fever. Sometimes, she'd put horse mint on the pillow with us to make us sweat and drive the fever away. For breakfast, she'd make us sassafras tea to cleanse our blood."
"My marstar and his two step-sons goes to de war. De marster was a big gen'ral on de southern side. I didn't know what dey fightin' 'bout for a long time, den I heered it 'bout freedom and I felt like it be Heaven here on earth to git freedom, 'spite de fac' I allus had de good marster. He sho' was good to us, but you knows dat ain't de same as bein' free.[Pg 263]
"My master and his two stepsons are going to war. My master was a high general on the southern side. I didn’t understand what they were fighting about for a long time, then I heard it was about freedom, and I felt like it would be like heaven on earth to get freedom, despite the fact that I always had a good master. He really was good to us, but you know that’s not the same as being free.[Pg 263]

Tempie Cummins
TEMPIE CUMMINS was born at Brookeland, Texas, sometime before the Civil War, but does not know her exact age. William Neyland owned Tempie and her parents. She now lives alone in a small, weather-beaten shack in the South Quarters, a section of Jasper, Tex.
TEMPIE CUMMINS was born in Brookeland, Texas, sometime before the Civil War, but she doesn’t know her exact age. William Neyland owned Tempie and her parents. She now lives alone in a small, run-down shack in the South Quarters, a part of Jasper, Texas.
"They call me Tempie Cummins and I was born at Brookeland but I don' know jus' the 'xact date. My father's name was Jim Starkins and my mother's name was Charlotte Brooks and both of 'em come from Alabama. I had jus' one brudder, Bill, and four sisters named Margaret and Hannah and Mary and 'Liza. Life was good when I was with them and us play round. Miss Fannie Neyland, she Mis' Phil Scarborough now, she raise me, 'cause I was give to them when I was eight year old.
They call me Tempie Cummins, and I was born in Brookeland, but I don't remember the exact date. My dad's name was Jim Starkins, and my mom's name was Charlotte Brooks, and they both came from Alabama. I only had one brother, Bill, and four sisters named Margaret, Hannah, Mary, and 'Liza. Life was good when I was with them, and we played around. Miss Fannie Neyland, who is now Mrs. Phil Scarborough, raised me because I was given to them when I was eight years old.
"I slep' on a pallet on the floor. They give me a homespun dress onct a year at Christmas time. When company come I had to run and slip on that dress. At other time I wore white chillens' cast-off clothes so wore they was ready to throw away. I had to pin them up with red horse thorns to hide my nakedness. My dress was usually split from hem to neck and I had to wear them till they was strings. Went barefoot summer and winter till the feets crack open.
I slept on a pallet on the floor. They gave me a homespun dress once a year at Christmas time. When company came, I had to run and put that dress on. At other times, I wore white kids' hand-me-downs that were so worn they were almost ready to be thrown away. I had to pin them up with red horse thorns to cover my nakedness. My dress was usually torn from hem to neck, and I had to wear it until it was just strings. Went barefoot summer and winter until my feet cracked open.
"I never seed my grandparents 'cause my mother she sold in Alabama when she's 17 and they brung her to Texas and treat her rough. At mealtime they hand me a piece of cornbread and tell me[Pg 264] 'Run 'long.' Sometime I git little piece of meat and biscuit, 'bout onct a month. I gathered up scraps the white chillens lef'.
"I never saw my grandparents because my mom moved to Alabama when she was 17, and then they brought her to Texas and treated her badly. At mealtime, they gave me a piece of cornbread and told me, 'Go along.' Sometimes I got a little piece of meat and a biscuit about once a month. I picked up scraps that the white kids left behind."
"Marster was rough. He take two beech switches and twist them together and whip 'em to a stub. Many's the time I's bled from them whippin's. Our old mistus, she try to be good to us, I reckon, but she was turrible lazy. She had two of us to wait on her and then she didn' treat us good.
"Master was harsh. He would take two birch switches, twist them together, and whip us until they were worn down. I've bled from those beatings many times. Our old mistress tried to be kind to us, I guess, but she was really lazy. She had two of us waiting on her, and still, she didn’t treat us well."
"Marster had 30 or 40 acres and he raise cotton, and corn and 'tatoes. He used to raise 12 bales cotton a year and then drink it all up. We work from daylight till dark, and after. Marster punish them what didn' work hard enough.
"Master had 30 or 40 acres where he grew cotton, corn, and potatoes. He used to harvest 12 bales of cotton a year and then drink it all away. We worked from dawn until dusk, and even longer. Master punished those who didn't work hard enough."
"The white chillen tries teach me to read and write but I didn' larn much, 'cause I allus workin'. Mother was workin' in the house, and she cooked too. She say she used to hide in the chimney corner and listen to what the white folks say. When freedom was 'clared, marster wouldn' tell 'em, but mother she hear him tellin' mistus that the slaves was free but they didn' know it and he's not gwineter tell 'em till he makes another crop or two. When mother hear that she say she slip out the chimney corner and crack her heels together four times and shouts, 'I's free, I's free.' Then she runs to the field, 'gainst marster's will and tol' all the other slaves and they quit work. Then she run away and in the night she slip into a big ravine near the house and have them bring me to her. Marster, he come out with his gun and shot at mother but she run down the ravine and gits away with me.[Pg 265]
The white kids tried to teach me to read and write, but I didn’t learn much because I was always working. My mom worked in the house and cooked too. She said she used to hide in the chimney corner and listen to what the white people said. When freedom was declared, the master wouldn’t tell them, but my mom heard him telling his wife that the slaves were free, but they didn’t know it, and he wasn’t going to tell them until he harvested another crop or two. When my mom heard that, she said she slipped out of the chimney corner, clicked her heels together four times, and shouted, “I’m free, I’m free.” Then she ran to the field, against the master’s wishes, and told all the other slaves, and they stopped working. Then she ran away, and at night she slipped into a big ravine near the house and had them bring me to her. The master came out with his gun and shot at my mom, but she ran down the ravine and got away with me.[Pg 265]
"I seed lots of ghosties when I's young. I couldn' sleep for them. I's kind of outgrowed them now. But one time me and my younges' chile was comin' over to church and right near the dippin' vat is two big gates and when we git to them, out come a big old white ox, with long legs and horns and when he git 'bout halfway, he turns into a man with a Panama hat on. He follers us to Sandy Creek bridge. Sometimes at night I sees that same spirit sittin' on that bridge now.
"I saw a lot of ghosts when I was young. I couldn't sleep because of them. I've kind of outgrown that now. But one time my youngest child and I were walking to church, and right by the baptismal font there are two big gates. When we got to them, a huge white ox came out, with long legs and horns, and when he got about halfway across, he turned into a man with a Panama hat on. He followed us to Sandy Creek bridge. Sometimes at night, I see that same spirit sitting on that bridge now."
"My old man say, in slavery time, when he's 21, he had to pass a place where patterroles whipped slaves and had kilt some. He was sittin' on a load of fodder and there come a big light wavin' down the road and scarin' the team and the hosses drag him and near kilt him.[Pg 266]
"My dad said that when he was 21 during slavery, he had to pass by a place where patrols whipped slaves and had even killed some. He was sitting on a load of fodder when a big light started waving down the road, scaring the team, and the horses nearly dragged him to death.[Pg 266]

Adeline Cunningham
ADELINE CUNNINGHAM, 1210 Florida St., born 1852, was a slave in Lavaca County, 4-1/2 miles n.e. of Hallettsville. She was a slave of Washington Greenlee Foley and his grandson, John Woods. The Foley plantation consisted of several square leagues, each league containing 4,428.4 acres. Adeline is tall, spare and primly erect, with fiery brown eyes, which snap when she recalls the slave days. The house is somewhat pretentious and well furnished. The day was hot and the granddaughter prepared ice water for her grandmother and the interviewer. House and porch were very clean.
ADELINE CUNNINGHAM, 1210 Florida St., born 1852, was enslaved in Lavaca County, 4.5 miles northeast of Hallettsville. She was owned by Washington Greenlee Foley and his grandson, John Woods. The Foley plantation covered several square leagues, with each league containing 4,428.4 acres. Adeline is tall, lean, and stands upright, with striking brown eyes that flash when she talks about her days as a slave. The house is somewhat impressive and nicely furnished. It was a hot day, and her granddaughter prepared iced water for both her grandmother and the interviewer. The house and porch were very tidy.
"I was bo'n on ole man Foley's plantation in Lavaca County. He's got more'n 100 slaves. He always buy slaves and he never sell. How many acres of lan' he got? Lawd, dat man ain't got acres, he got leagues. Dey raises cotton and co'n, and cattle and hawgs. Ole man Foley's plantation run over Lavaca and Colorado county, he got 1600 acres in one block and some of it on de Navidad River. Ole man Foley live in a big log house wid two double rooms and a hall, and he build a weavin' house agin his own house and dey's anudder house wid de spinnin' wheels. And ole man Foley run his own cotton gin and his own grindin' mill where dey grinds de co'n and dey got a big potato patch.
"I was born on old man Foley's plantation in Lavaca County. He's got over 100 slaves. He always buys slaves and he never sells. How many acres of land does he have? Lord, that man doesn't just have acres, he has leagues. They raise cotton and corn, as well as cattle and pigs. Old man Foley's plantation stretches over Lavaca and Colorado counties; he has 1,600 acres in one block, and some of it is along the Navidad River. Old man Foley lives in a big log house with two double rooms and a hall, and he built a weaving house next to his own house, plus there's another house with the spinning wheels. And old man Foley operates his own cotton gin and his own grinding mill where they grind the corn, and they have a big potato patch."
"Dey was rough people and dey treat ev'ry body rough. We lives in de quarter; de houses all jine close togedder but you kin walk 'tween 'em. All de cabins has one room and mostly two fam'lies bunks togedder in de one room wid dirt floors. De slaves builds de cabins, de slaves got no money, dey got no land.
"Dey were tough people and they treated everybody harshly. We lived in the quarter; the houses were all closely joined together, but you could walk between them. All the cabins had one room and mostly two families shared the one room with dirt floors. The slaves built the cabins, the slaves had no money, they had no land."
"No suh, we never goes to church. Times we sneaks in de woods and prays de Lawd to make us free and times one of de slaves got happy and made a noise dat dey heered at de big house and den de overseer come and whip us[Pg 267] 'cause we prayed de Lawd to set us free.
"No sir, we never go to church. Sometimes we sneak into the woods and pray to the Lord to make us free, and sometimes one of the slaves gets happy and makes a noise that they heard at the big house, and then the overseer comes and whips us because we prayed to the Lord to set us free.[Pg 267]
"You know what a stockman is? He is a man dat buys and sells cattle. Ev'ry year de stockman comes to ole man Foley's and he lines us up in de yard and de stockman got a lotta slaves tied togedder and ole man Foley he buys some slaves but he won't sell none. Yassuh, de stockman buys and sells de slaves jes' de same as cattle.
"You know what a stockman is? He’s a guy who buys and sells cattle. Every year, the stockman comes to old man Foley’s place and he lines us up in the yard, and the stockman has a bunch of slaves tied together. Old man Foley buys some slaves, but he won’t sell any. Yes, the stockman buys and sells slaves just like cattle."
"Dey feeds us well sometimes, if dey warn't mad at us. Dey has a big trough jes' like de trough for de pigs and dey has a big gourd and dey totes de gourd full of milk and dey breaks de bread in de milk. Den my mammy takes a gourd and fills it and gives it to us chillun. How's we eat it? We had oyster shells for spoons and de slaves comes in from de fields and dey hands is all dirty, and dey is hungry. Dey dips de dirty hands right in de trough and we can't eat none of it. De women wuks in de fields until dey has chillun and when de chillun's ole enough to wuk in de fields den de mother goes to ole man Foley's house. Dere she's a house servant and wuks at spinnin' and weavin' de cotton. Dey makes all de clothes for ole man Foley and his fam'ly and for de slaves.
"Dey feeds us well sometimes, if they aren't mad at us. They have a big trough just like the one for the pigs, and they have a large gourd that they carry full of milk, and they break the bread into the milk. Then my mom takes a gourd, fills it, and gives it to us kids. How do we eat it? We had oyster shells for spoons, and the slaves come in from the fields with their hands all dirty and they are hungry. They dip their dirty hands right into the trough, and we can't eat any of it. The women work in the fields until they have children, and when the children are old enough to work in the fields, then the mother goes to old man Foley's house. There, she becomes a house servant and works at spinning and weaving the cotton. They make all the clothes for old man Foley and his family, as well as for the slaves."
"No suh, we ain't got no holidays. Sundays we grinds co'n and de men split rails and hoes wid de grubbin' hoe. Ole man Foley has a blacksmif shop and a slave does de blacksmiffin. De slaves builds cabins wid split logs and dey makes de roof tight wid co'n shucks and grass. One time a month, times one time in two months, dey takes us to de white folks church.
"No sir, we don't have any holidays. On Sundays, we grind corn and the men split rails and hoe with the digging hoe. Old man Foley has a blacksmith shop and a slave does the blacksmithing. The slaves build cabins with split logs and make the roof tight with corn husks and grass. Once a month, or sometimes once every two months, they take us to the white folks' church."
"Dey's four or five preachers and de slaves. Iffen deys a marriage de preacher has a book. He's gotter keep it hid, 'cause dey's afraid iffen de slaves learns to read dey learns how to run away. One of de slaves runs away and dey ketches him and puts his eyes out. Dey catches anudder slave dat run[Pg 268] away and dey hanged him up by de arm. Yassuh, I see dat wid my own eyes; dey holds de slave up by one arm, dey puts a iron on his knee and a iron on his feet and drag 'im down but his feet cain't reach de groun'.
"Dey's four or five preachers and the slaves. If there's a marriage, the preacher has a book. He has to keep it hidden because they're afraid if the slaves learn to read, they'll figure out how to escape. One of the slaves runs away, and they catch him and blind him. They catch another slave who ran away, and they hang him up by the arm. Yeah, I saw that with my own eyes; they hold the slave up by one arm, put a metal clamp on his knee and one on his feet and drag him down, but his feet can't reach the ground."
"Ole man Foley ain't bad, but de overseers is mean. No suh, we never gits no money and we never gits no lan'. Ole man Foley, he wants to give us sumpin for gardens but Mr. John Woods, his gran'son, is agin it.
"Ole man Foley isn't bad, but the overseers are cruel. No sir, we never get any money and we never get any land. Ole man Foley wants to give us something for gardens, but Mr. John Woods, his grandson, is against it."
"Was I glad when dat was over? Wouldn' you be? It's long after we's free dat I gits married. Yassuh, and I live in San Antonio 'bout 20 years."[Pg 269]
"Was I glad when that was over? Wouldn't you be? It's long after we're free that I get married. Yes, and I've lived in San Antonio for about 20 years."[Pg 269]

Will Daily's Home

Daily Will
WILL DAILY, was born in 1858 in Missouri, near the city of St. Louis. He was a slave of the John Daily family and served as chore boy around the house, carried the breakfast to the field and always drove up the horses on the plantation. The latter duty developed a fondness for horses which led to a career as a race horse rider and trainer. He remained with his white folks several years after freedom and in Missouri many years longer in this work. He came to San Angelo, Texas in 1922 and took up hotel work which he followed until his health broke, only a few years ago. He now lives in his small home, in the colored district of the city and depends on his old age pension for a livelihood.
WILL DAILY was born in 1858 in Missouri, near St. Louis. He was a slave for the John Daily family and worked as a chore boy around the house, brought breakfast to the fields, and always took care of the horses on the plantation. This last job sparked a love for horses that led him to a career as a racehorse rider and trainer. He stayed with his white family for several years after gaining freedom and continued in that work in Missouri for many more years. He moved to San Angelo, Texas, in 1922 and took up hotel work, which he did until his health declined just a few years ago. Now, he lives in his small home in the Black neighborhood of the city and relies on his pension for his livelihood.
"Huh! What you say, did you say somethin' 'bout de ole age pension?", questioned Will when approached on the slavery question, but he answered readily, "Sho! sho' I[Pg 270] was a slave an' I aint ashamed to admit dat I was. Some of dese here fellers thinks dey sounds ole when dey says dey was slaves and dey denies it but I's proud enough of de good treatment I's got, to allus tell about it. My marster had a driver but he say his niggers was human, wid human feelin's, so he makes dat driver reports to him fer what little thrashin's we gits. Course we had to do de right thing but jes' some how did, mos' of de time 'cause he was good to us. Soon as I was big enough, about four or five years ole, ole miss, she starts trainin' me fer a house boy. I's a doin' all sorts of chores by de time I was six years old. Den ole marster he starts sendin' me out on de plantation to drive up de hosses. I sho' likes dat job 'cause aint nothin' I loves any better den hosses. Den when I was bigger he starts me to carryin' de breakfast to de field whar de grown niggers had been out workin' since way 'fore day. Dey all done dat. Dey say de days wasn't long enough to put in enough time so dey works part of de night.
"Huh! What did you say, did you mention something about the old age pension?" Will asked when approached about slavery, but he quickly replied, "Sure! Sure, I was a slave and I’m not ashamed to admit it. Some of these guys think they sound old when they say they were slaves and they deny it, but I’m proud enough of the good treatment I received that I’ll always talk about it. My master had a driver, but he said his slaves were human, with human feelings, so he made that driver report to him about the little punishments we got. Of course, we had to do the right thing, but somehow we mostly did because he was good to us. As soon as I was big enough, around four or five years old, the old missus started training me to be a house boy. I was doing all sorts of chores by the time I was six years old. Then the old master started sending me out on the plantation to round up the horses. I really liked that job because there’s nothing I love more than horses. Then when I got bigger, he had me carry breakfast to the field where the grown folks had been out working since before dawn. They all did that. They said the days weren't long enough to put in enough time, so they worked part of the night."
"We had good grub 'cause we raised all de co'n and de hogs and de cows and chickens and plenty of everything. Mos' times we have biscuits and bacon and syrup for breakfast and butter too if we wants it but mos' niggers dey likes dat fat bacon de bes'.
"We had good food because we raised all the corn and the pigs and the cows and chickens and plenty of everything. Most of the time we had biscuits and bacon and syrup for breakfast, and butter too if we wanted it, but most black folks liked that fatty bacon the best."
"Our log cabins was good and comfortable. Dey was all along in a row and built out of de same kind of logs what our marsters house was.[Pg 271]
Our log cabins were nice and cozy. They were all lined up in a row and made from the same type of logs as our master's house.[Pg 271]
"We had good beds and dey was clean.
We had good beds, and they were clean.
"I nev'r had no money when I was a slave 'cause I was jes' a small boy when de slaves was set free.
"I never had any money when I was a slave because I was just a small boy when the slaves were set free."
"We had lots of fish and rabbits, more den we had 'possum but we sho' likes dat 'possum when we could git it.
"We had plenty of fish and rabbits, even more than we had possum, but we sure liked that possum when we could get it."
"My marster had about three hundred slaves and a big plantation.
"My master had about three hundred slaves and a large plantation."
"I seen some slaves sold off dat big auction block and de little chillun sho' would be a cryin' when dey takes dere mothers away from dem.
"I saw some slaves sold off that big auction block and the little kids would definitely be crying when they took their mothers away from them."
"We didn' have no jail 'cause my marster didn' believe dat way, but I's seen other slaves in dem chains and things.
"We didn’t have a jail because my master didn’t believe in that, but I’ve seen other slaves in those chains and stuff."
"We didn' know nothin' 'bout no learnin' nor no church neither and when de slaves die dey was jes' buried without no singin' or nothin'.
"We didn't know anything about learning or church either, and when the slaves died, they were just buried without any singing or anything."
"When de war started, my father, he goes and once I remember he comes home on a furlough and we was all so glad, den when he goes back he gits killed and we nev'r see him no mo'.
"When the war started, my father went off, and I remember one time he came home on leave, and we were all so happy. Then when he went back, he got killed, and we never saw him again."
"We had de doctor and good care when we was sick. I's don't remember much 'bout what kinds of medicine we took but I's know it was mostly home-made.
"We had the doctor and good care when we were sick. I don't remember much about what kinds of medicine we took, but I know it was mostly homemade."
"We all wears dat asafoetida on a string 'round our necks and sometimes we carry a rabbit's foot in our pockets fer good luck.[Pg 272]
"We all wear that asafoetida on a string around our necks, and sometimes we carry a rabbit's foot in our pockets for good luck.[Pg 272]
"When de war was ended and de slaves was free old Uncle Pete, our oldest slave, comes a-walkin' up from de woods whar he always go to keeps from bein' bothered, to read his Bible, and he had dat Bible under his arm an' he say, 'I's know somethin', me an' de Lawd knows somethin'', and den he tells us. He say, 'You all is free people now, you can go when you please and come when you pleases and you can stay here or go some other place'. Well I had to stay 'cause my mother stayed and I's jes' keeps on ridin' dem race hosses 'til long after my marster was dead, den I's gits me some hosses of my own and train other men's hosses too.
"When the war was over and the slaves were free, old Uncle Pete, our oldest slave, came walking up from the woods where he always went to avoid being bothered, to read his Bible, and he had that Bible under his arm and he said, 'I know something, me and the Lord know something,' and then he told us. He said, 'You all are free people now, you can go when you want and come when you want, and you can stay here or go somewhere else.' Well, I had to stay because my mother stayed, and I just kept on riding those race horses until long after my master was dead, then I got some horses of my own and trained other people's horses too."
"I's worked at dat racin' business 'til I's come to Texas and when I went to work in hotels dat killed me up. I's done ev'r thing from makin' soap fer de scrubbin', to cookin' de bes' meals fer de bes' hotels. I aint been no good since, though, and I had to quit several years ago.
"I worked in the racing business until I came to Texas, and when I started working in hotels, that really took a toll on me. I've done everything from making soap for cleaning to cooking the best meals for the finest hotels. I haven't been doing well since then, though, and I had to quit several years ago."
"De first time I was married was to Phillis Reed in Missouri and we jes' jumps over de broom, and after Phillis die and I comes to Texas I's gits married again to Susie, here in San Angelo; we jes' jumps ov'r de broom too. I's nev'r had no chillun of my own so I's jes' a settin' here a-livin' off de ole age pension."[Pg 273]
"The first time I got married was to Phillis Reed in Missouri, and we just jumped over the broom. After Phillis died and I came to Texas, I got married again to Susie, right here in San Angelo; we just jumped over the broom too. I've never had any children of my own, so I'm just sitting here living off the old age pension."[Pg 273]

Julie Francis Daniels
JULIA FRANCIS DANIELS, born in 1848, in Georgia, a slave of the Denman family, who moved to Texas before the Civil War. Julia's memory fails her when she tries to recall names and dates. She still tries to take part in church activities and has recently started to learn reading and writing. She lives with a daughter at 2523 Spring St. Dallas, Texas.
JULIA FRANCIS DANIELS, born in 1848 in Georgia, was a slave of the Denman family, who moved to Texas before the Civil War. Julia struggles to remember names and dates. She still tries to participate in church activities and has recently begun learning to read and write. She lives with a daughter at 2523 Spring St., Dallas, Texas.
"They's lots I disremembers and they's lots I remembers, like the year the war's over and the fightin' all done with, 'cause that the year I larned to plow and that the time I got married. That's the very year they larned me to plow. I larnt all right, 'cause I wasn't one slow to larn anything. Afore to that time, they ain't never had no hoe in the field for me a-tall. I jes' toted water for the ones in the field.
There's a lot I forget and a lot I remember, like the year the war ended and the fighting was all over, because that’s the year I learned to plow and the time I got married. That's the very year they taught me to plow. I learned just fine because I wasn't slow to pick up anything. Before that time, they never had a hoe in the field for me at all. I just carried water for the ones working in the field.
"I had plenty brothers and sisters, 'bout ten of 'em, but I disremembers some they names. There was Tom and George and Marthy and Mandy, and they's all name' Denman, 'cause my mammy and daddy was Lottie and Boyd Denman and they come from Georgia to Cherokee County and then to Houston County, near by to Crockett, with Old Man Denman. He was the one owned all us till he 'vided some with Miss Lizzie when she marries Mr. Cramer.
I had a lot of brothers and sisters, about ten of them, but I can't remember some of their names. There was Tom, George, Marthy, and Mandy, and they were all named Denman because my mom and dad were Lottie and Boyd Denman. They came from Georgia to Cherokee County and then to Houston County, close to Crockett, with Old Man Denman. He was the one who owned all of us until he divided some of us with Miss Lizzie when she married Mr. Cramer.
"My daddy worked in the fields with Uncle Lot and my brothers, and my Uncle Joe, he's driver. But Briscoe am overseer and he a white man. He can't never whup the growed mens like he wants, 'cause they don't let him unless he ask Old Man Denman. I seed him whup 'em, though. He make 'em take off the shirt and whup with the strap.[Pg 274]
"My dad worked in the fields with Uncle Lot and my brothers, and my Uncle Joe is the driver. But Briscoe is the overseer, and he's a white guy. He can’t beat the grown men like he wants to unless he gets permission from Old Man Denman. I’ve seen him beat them, though. He makes them take off their shirts and whips them with a strap.[Pg 274]
"Now, my mammy was cook in the Denman house and for our family and Uncle Joe's family. She didn't have much time for anythin' but cookin' all the time. But she's the bestes' cook. Us had fine greens and hawgs and beef. Us et collard greens and pork till us got skittish of it and then they quit the pork and kilt a beef. When they done that, they's jus' pourin' water on our wheels, 'cause us liked best of anythin' the beef, and I do to this day, only I can't never git it.
"Now, my mom was the cook at the Denman house and for our family and Uncle Joe's family. She didn't have much time for anything except cooking all the time. But she was the best cook. We had great greens and pork and beef. We ate collard greens and pork until we got tired of it, and then they stopped the pork and killed a cow. When they did that, it was like giving us what we really wanted because we liked the beef best of all, and I still do to this day, but I can never get it."
"Old Man Denman had a boy what kilt squirrels and throwed 'em in the kitchen. The white folks et them. You ain't never seen no white folks then would eat rabbit. I had a brother who hunted. Mostly on Sundays. He'd leave for the swamps 'fore daybreak and we'd know when we'd hear him callin', 'O-o-o-o-o-da-da-ske-e-e-e-t,' he had somethin'. That jus' a make-up of he own, but we knowed they's rabbits for the pot.
"Old Man Denman had a boy who killed squirrels and threw them in the kitchen. The white folks ate them. You’ve never seen white folks eat rabbit back then. I had a brother who hunted, mostly on Sundays. He'd leave for the swamps before dawn, and we’d know he had something when we heard him calling, 'O-o-o-o-o-da-da-ske-e-e-e-t.' That was just a sound he made up, but we knew there were rabbits for dinner."
"All the mens don't hunt on Sunday, 'cause Uncle Joe helt meetin' in front he house. Us look out the door and seed Uncle Joe settin' the benches straight and settin' he table out under the trees and sweepin' clean the leaves and us know they's gwine be meetin'. They's the loveliest days that ever they was. Night times, too, they'd make it 'tween 'em whether it'd be at our house or Uncle Joe's. We'd ask niggers from other farms and I used to say, 'I likes meetin' jus' as good as I likes a party.'
"All the men don’t hunt on Sunday because Uncle Joe holds a meeting in front of his house. We look out the door and see Uncle Joe setting the benches straight and putting out the table under the trees and sweeping the leaves clean, and we know they’re going to have a meeting. They’re the loveliest days there ever were. At night, they’d decide whether it would be at our house or Uncle Joe’s. We’d invite Black folks from other farms, and I used to say, ‘I like meetings just as much as I like a party.’"
"When crops is laid by us have the most parties and dence and sing and have play games. The reels is what I used to like but I done quit that foolishness many a year ago. I used to cut a step or two. I remembers one reel call the 'Devil's Dream.' It's a fast song[Pg 275]
"When the crops are laid by, we have the most parties, dance, sing, and play games. The reels were what I used to enjoy, but I've stopped that nonsense many years ago. I used to cut a step or two. I remember one reel called the 'Devil's Dream.' It's a fast song[Pg 275]"
"'Oh, de Devil drempt a dream,
He drempt it on a Friday—
He drempt he cotch a sinner.'
"'Oh, the devil dreamed a dream,
He dreamed it on a Friday—
He dreamed he caught a sinner.'
"Old Man Denman am the great one for 'viding he property and when Miss Lizzie marries with Mr. Creame Cramer, which am her dead sister's husband, Old Man Denman give me and two my sisters to Miss Lizzie and he gives two more my sisters to he son. Us goes with Miss Lizzie to the Cramer place and lives in the back yard in a little room by the back door.
"Old Man Denman is the one who divides up the property, and when Miss Lizzie marries Mr. Creame Cramer, who is her late sister's husband, Old Man Denman gives me and my two sisters to Miss Lizzie, and he gives two more of my sisters to his son. We go with Miss Lizzie to the Cramer place and live in a small room in the backyard by the back door."
"Everything fine and nice there till one day Miss Lizzie say to me, 'Julia, go down to the well and fetch me some water,' and I goes and I seed in the road a heap of men all in gray and ridin' hosses, comin' our way. I runs back to the house and calls Miss Lizzie. She say, 'What you scairt for?' I tells her 'bout them men and she say they ain't gwine hurt me none, they jus' wants some water. I goes back to the well and heared 'em talk 'bout a fight. I goes back to the house and some of the mens comes to the gate and says to Mr. Cramer, 'How're you, Creame?' He say, 'I's all right in my health but I ain't so good in my mind.' They says, 'What the matter, Creame?' He say, 'I want to be in the fight so bad.'
"Everything was fine until one day Miss Lizzie told me, 'Julia, go down to the well and get me some water.' So I went, and I saw a bunch of men all in gray riding horses, coming our way. I ran back to the house and called for Miss Lizzie. She asked, 'What are you scared of?' I told her about the men, and she said they weren't going to hurt me; they just wanted some water. I went back to the well and heard them talking about a fight. I returned to the house, and some of the men came to the gate and said to Mr. Cramer, 'How are you, Creame?' He replied, 'I'm fine in health, but not so good in my mind.' They asked, 'What's wrong, Creame?' He said, 'I really want to be in the fight.'"
"When they goes I asks Miss Lizzie what they fightin' 'bout and she say it am 'bout money. That all I knows. Right after that Mr. Cramer goes and we don't never see him no more. Word come back from the fightin' he makes some the big, high mens mad and they puts chains 'round he ankles and make him dig a stump in the hot sun. He ain't used to that and it give him fever to the brain and he dies.[Pg 276]
"When they leave, I ask Miss Lizzie what they’re fighting about, and she says it’s about money. That’s all I know. Right after that, Mr. Cramer leaves, and we never see him again. Word comes back from the fighting that he made some powerful men angry, and they put chains around his ankles and forced him to dig a stump in the hot sun. He isn’t used to that, and it gives him a fever in the brain, and he dies.[Pg 276]
"When Mr. Cramer goes 'way, Miss Lizzie takes us all and goes back to Old Man Denman's. The sojers used to pass and all the whoopin' and hollerin' and carryin' on, you ain't never heered the likes! They hollers, 'Who-o-o-o, Old Man Denman, how's your chickens?' And they chunks and throws at 'em till they cripples 'em up and puts 'em in they bags, for cookin'. Old Man Denman cusses at 'em somethin' powerful.
"When Mr. Cramer leaves, Miss Lizzie takes us all back to Old Man Denman's place. The soldiers used to pass by making all sorts of noise and carrying on like you’ve never heard before! They shout, 'Whoo, Old Man Denman, how are your chickens?' And they throw things at the chickens until they injure them and put them in their bags for cooking. Old Man Denman curses at them something fierce."
"My sister Mandy and me am down in the woods a good, fur piece from the house and us keeps heerin' a noise. My brother comes down and finds me and say, 'Come git your dinner.' When I gits there dinner am top the gate post and he say they's sojers in the woods and they has been persecutin' a old woman on a mule. She was a nigger woman. I gits so scairt I can't eat my dinner. I ain't got no heart for victuals. My brother say, 'Wait for pa, he comin' with the mule and he'll hide you out.' I gits on the mule front of pa and us pass through the sojers and they grabs at us and says, 'Gimme the gal, gimme the gal.' Pa say I faints plumb 'way.
"My sister Mandy and I are down in the woods a good ways from the house, and we keep hearing a noise. My brother comes down, finds me, and says, 'Come get your dinner.' When I get there, dinner is on top of the gate post, and he says there are soldiers in the woods, and they have been chasing an old woman on a mule. She was a Black woman. I get so scared I can't eat my dinner. I have no appetite. My brother says, 'Wait for Dad; he's coming with the mule, and he'll help you hide.' I get on the mule in front of Dad, and we pass through the soldiers as they reach for us and shout, 'Give me the girl, give me the girl.' Dad says I faint completely away."
"Us heered guns shootin' round and 'bout all the time. Seems like they fit every time they git a chance. Old Man Denman's boy gits kilt and two my sisters he property and they don't know what to do, 'cause they has to be somebody's property and they ain't no one to 'heritance 'em. They has to go to the auction but Old Man Denman say not to fret. At the auction the man say, 'Goin' high, goin' low, goin' mighty slow, a little while to go. Bid 'em in, bid 'em in. The sun am high, the sun am hot, us got to git home tonight.' An old friend of Old Man Denman's hollers out he buys for William Blackstone. Us all come home and my sisters too and Old Man Denman laugh big and say, 'My name allus been William Blackstone Denman.'[Pg 277]
"We heard gunshots all around all the time. It seems like they fire every chance they get. Old Man Denman's son gets killed, and two of my sisters are his property, and they don't know what to do because they have to be someone's property, and there's no one to inherit them. They have to go to the auction, but Old Man Denman says not to worry. At the auction, the man says, 'Going high, going low, going mighty slow, there's a little while to go. Bid them in, bid them in. The sun is high, the sun is hot, we have to get home tonight.' An old friend of Old Man Denman's shouts out that he buys for William Blackstone. We all come home, my sisters too, and Old Man Denman laughs heartily and says, 'My name has always been William Blackstone Denman.'[Pg 277]
"I's a woman growed when the war was to a end. I had my first baby when I's fourteen. One day my sister call me and say, 'They's fit out, and they's been surrenderin' and ain't gwine fight no more.' That dusk Old Man Denman call all us niggers together and stand on he steps and make he speech, 'Mens and womans, you is free as I am. You is free to go where you wants but I is beggin' yous to stay by me till us git the crops laid by.' Then he say, 'Study it over 'fore you gives me you answer. I is always try as my duty to be fair to you.'
"I'm a woman who grew up when the war was ending. I had my first baby when I was fourteen. One day my sister called me and said, 'They've made peace, and they're surrendering and aren’t going to fight anymore.' That evening, Old Man Denman called all of us Black people together and stood on his steps to give his speech, 'Men and women, you are as free as I am. You are free to go wherever you want, but I'm begging you to stay with me until we get the crops harvested.' Then he said, 'Think it over before you give me your answer. I always try to be fair to you as my duty.'"
"The mens talks it over a-twixt theyselves and includes to stay. They says us might as well stay there as go somewhere else, and us got no money and no place to go.
"The men talk it over among themselves and decide to stay. They say we might as well stay here as go somewhere else, and we have no money and no place to go."
"Then Miss Lizzie marries with Mr. Joe McMahon and I goes with her to he house near by and he say he larn me to plow. Miss Lizzie say, 'Now, Julia, you knows how to plow and don't make no fool of yourself and act like you ain't never seed no plow afore.' Us make a corn crop and goes on 'bout same as afore.
"Then Miss Lizzie marries Mr. Joe McMahon, and I go with her to his house nearby. He says he’ll teach me how to plow. Miss Lizzie says, 'Now, Julia, you know how to plow, so don't make a fool of yourself and act like you’ve never seen a plow before.' We make a corn crop and go on about the same as before."
"I gits married that very year and has a little fixin' for the weddin', bakes some cakes and I have a dress with buttons and a preacher marries me. I ain't used to wearin' nothin' but loring (a simple one piece garment made from sacking). Unnerwear? I ain't never wore no unnerwear then.
I got married that very year and had a little preparation for the wedding, baked some cakes, and wore a dress with buttons while a preacher married me. I wasn't used to wearing anything but a simple one-piece garment made from burlap. Underwear? I had never worn any at that time.
"My husband rents a little piece of land and us raise a corn crop and that's the way us do. Us raises our own victuals. I has 17 chillen through the year and they done scatter to the four winds. Some of them is dead. I ain't what I used to be for workin'. I jus' set 'round. I done plenty work in my primer days.[Pg 278]
"My husband rents a small piece of land, and we grow corn on it. That's how we do things. We raise our own food. I've had 17 children over the years, and they’ve spread out all over. Some of them have passed away. I’m not what I used to be when it comes to working. I just sit around now. I did a lot of work in my younger days.[Pg 278]

Katie Love
KATIE DARLING, about 88, was born a slave on the plantation of William McCarty, on the Elysian Fields Road, nine miles south of Marshall, Texas. Katie was a nurse and housegirl in the McCarty household until five years after the end of the Civil War. She then moved to Marshall and married. Her husband and her three children are dead and she is supported by Griffin Williams, a boy she found homeless and reared. They live in a neat three-room shack in Sunny South addition of Marshall, Texas.
KATIE DARLING, about 88, was born a slave on William McCarty's plantation on Elysian Fields Road, nine miles south of Marshall, Texas. Katie worked as a nurse and housekeeper in the McCarty household until five years after the Civil War ended. She then moved to Marshall and got married. Her husband and three children have passed away, and she is now supported by Griffin Williams, a boy she found homeless and raised. They live in a tidy three-room shack in the Sunny South area of Marshall, Texas.
"You is talkin' now to a nigger what nussed seven white chillen in them bullwhip days. Miss Stella, my young missy, got all our ages down in she Bible, and it say I's born in 1849. Massa Bill McCarty my massa and he live east and south of Marshall, clost to the Louisiana line. Me and my three brudders, Peter and Adam and Willie, all lives to be growed and married, but mammy die in slavery and pappy run 'way while he and Massa Bill on they way to the battle of Mansfield. Massa say when he come back from the war, 'That triflin' nigger run 'way and jines up with them damn Yankees.'
You're talking to a Black person who nursed seven white kids back in the days of the bullwhip. Miss Stella, my young lady, has all our ages noted in her Bible, and it says I was born in 1849. Massa Bill McCarty is my master, and he lives east and south of Marshall, close to the Louisiana line. Me and my three brothers, Peter, Adam, and Willie, all grew up and got married, but our mom passed away during slavery and our dad ran away while he and Massa Bill were on their way to the battle of Mansfield. Massa said when he returned from the war, "That worthless Black ran away and joined up with those damn Yankees."
"Massa have six chillen when war come on and I nussed all of 'em. I stays in the house with 'em and slep' on a pallet on the floor, and soon I's big 'nough to tote the milk pail they puts me to milkin', too. Massa have more'n 100 cows and most the time me and Violet do all the milkin'. We better be in that cowpen by five o'clock. One mornin' massa cotched me lettin' one the calves do some milkin' and he let me off without whippin' that time, but that don't mean he allus good, 'cause them cows have more feelin' for than massa and missy.[Pg 279]
"Massa had six kids when the war started, and I took care of all of them. I stayed in the house with them and slept on a pallet on the floor, and soon I was big enough to carry the milk pail, so they put me to milking too. Massa has more than 100 cows, and most of the time, me and Violet do all the milking. We have to be in that cowpen by five o'clock. One morning, massa caught me letting one of the calves do some milking, and he let me off without a whipping that time, but that doesn’t mean he’s always nice, because those cows have more feelings than massa and missy.[Pg 279]
"We et peas and greens and collards and middlin's. Niggers had better let that ham alone! We have meal coffee. They parch meal in the oven and bile it and drink the liquor. Sometime we gits some of the Lincoln coffee what was lef' from the nex' plantation.
"We eat peas, greens, collards, and cornbread. Black folks should stay away from that ham! We have meal coffee. They roast the cornmeal in the oven, boil it, and drink the liquid. Sometimes we get some of the Lincoln coffee that's left over from the next plantation."
"When the niggers done anything massa bullwhip them, but didn't skin them up very often. He'd whip the man for half doin' the plowin' or hoein' but if they done it right he'd find something else to whip them for. At night the men had to shuck corn and the women card and spin. Us got two pieces of clothes for winter and two for summer, but us have no shoes. We had to work Saturday all day and if that grass was in the field we didn't git no Sunday, either.
"When the Black people did anything wrong, the boss would whip them, but he didn't do it too often. He'd punish a man for only doing half the plowing or hoeing, but if they did it right, he'd find something else to whip them for. At night, the men had to shuck corn while the women carded and spun. We got two pieces of clothing for winter and two for summer, but we had no shoes. We had to work all day Saturday, and if there was grass in the field, we didn't get Sunday off either."
"They have dances and parties for the white folks' chillen, but missy say, 'Niggers was made to work for white folks,' and on Christmas Miss Irene bakes two cakes for the nigger families but she darsn't let missy know 'bout it.
"They have dances and parties for the white people's kids, but the lady says, 'Black people were made to work for white folks,' and on Christmas Miss Irene bakes two cakes for the Black families but she can't let the lady know about it."
"When a slave die, massa make the coffin hisself and send a couple niggers to bury the body and say, 'Don't be long,' and no singin' or prayin' 'lowed, jus' put them in the ground and cover 'em up and hurry on back to that field.
"When a slave dies, the master makes the coffin himself and sends a couple of Black people to bury the body and says, 'Don't take too long,' and no singing or praying is allowed, just put them in the ground, cover them up, and hurry back to the field."
"Niggers didn't cou't then like they do now, massa pick out a po'tly man and a po'tly gal and jist put 'em together. What he want am the stock.
"Back then, Black people didn’t count the same way they do now; the master would just pick a strong man and a strong woman and put them together. What he wanted was the lineage."
"I 'member that fight at Mansfield like it yes'day. Massas's field am all tore up with cannon holes and ever' time a cannon fire, missy go off in a rage. One time when a cannon fire, she say to me, 'You li'l[Pg 280] black wench, you niggers ain't gwine be free. You's made to work for white folks.' 'Bout that time she look up and see a Yankee sojer standin' in the door with a pistol. She say, 'Katie, I didn't say anythin', did I?' I say, 'I ain't tellin' no lie, you say niggers ain't gwine git free.'
"I remember that fight at Mansfield like it was yesterday. The field is all torn up with cannon holes, and every time a cannon fires, she goes off in a rage. One time when a cannon fired, she said to me, 'You little black girl, you blacks aren't going to be free. You're made to work for white folks.' About that time, she looked up and saw a Yankee soldier standing in the door with a pistol. She said, 'Katie, I didn't say anything, did I?' I replied, 'I'm not lying, you said blacks aren't going to get free.'"
"That day you couldn't git 'round the place for the Yankees and they stays for weeks at a time.
"That day you couldn't get around the place for the Yankees, and they stay for weeks at a time."
"When massa come home from the war he wants let us loose, but missy wouldn't do it. I stays on and works for them six years after the war and missy whip me after the war jist like she did 'fore. She has a hun'erd lashes laid up for me now, and this how it am. My brudders done lef' massa after the war and move nex' door to the Ware place, and one Saturday some niggers come and tell me my brudder Peter am comin' to git me 'way from old missy Sunday night. That night the cows and calves got together and missy say it my fault. She say, 'I'm gwine give you one hun'erd lashes in the mornin', now go pen them calves.'
"When the master came home from the war, he wanted to set us free, but the mistress wouldn't let him. I stayed on and worked for them for six years after the war, and the mistress whipped me after the war just like she did before. She has a hundred lashes saved up for me now, and that's how it is. My brothers left the master after the war and moved next door to the Ware place, and one Saturday, some Black people came and told me my brother Peter was coming to get me away from the old mistress on Sunday night. That night, the cows and calves got together, and the mistress said it was my fault. She said, 'I'm going to give you a hundred lashes in the morning, now go pen those calves.'"
"I don't know whether them calves was ever penned or not, 'cause Peter was waitin' for me at the lot and takes me to live with him on the Ware place. I's so happy to git away from that old devil missy, I don't know what to do, and I stays there sev'ral years and works out here and there for money. Then I marries and moves here and me and my man farms and nothin' 'citin' done happened."[Pg 281]
"I don’t know if those calves were ever penned or not because Peter was waiting for me at the lot and took me to live with him on the Ware place. I was so happy to get away from that old devil lady; I didn’t know what to do. I stayed there for several years and worked here and there for money. Then I got married and moved here, and my husband and I farmed, but nothing exciting happened." [Pg 281]

Carey Davenport
CAREY DAVENPORT, retired Methodist minister of Anahuac, Texas, appears sturdy despite his 83 years. He was reared a slave of Capt. John Mann, in Walker Co., Texas. His wife, who has been his devoted companion for 60 years, was born in slavery just before emancipation. Carey is very fond of fishing and spends much time with hook and line. He is fairly well educated and is influential among his fellow Negroes.
CAREY DAVENPORT, a retired Methodist minister from Anahuac, Texas, looks strong despite being 83 years old. He was raised as a slave by Capt. John Mann in Walker County, Texas. His wife, who has been his devoted partner for 60 years, was born into slavery just before emancipation. Carey really enjoys fishing and spends a lot of time with his fishing rod. He is reasonably well-educated and holds significant influence among his fellow Black community members.
"If I live till the 13th of August I'll be 82 years old. I was born in 1855 up in Walker County but since then they split the county and the place I was born is just across the line in San Jacinto County now. Jim and Janey Davenport was my father and mother and they come from Richmond, Virginia. I had two sisters, Betty and Harriet, and a half brother, William.
"If I live until August 13th, I'll turn 82 years old. I was born in 1855 in Walker County, but since then they divided the county, and the place I was born is now just across the line in San Jacinto County. Jim and Janey Davenport are my parents, and they came from Richmond, Virginia. I had two sisters, Betty and Harriet, and a half-brother, William."
"Our old master's name was John Mann but they called him Capt. Mann. Old missus' name was Sarah. I'd say old master treated us slaves bad and there was one thing I couldn't understand, 'cause he was 'ligious and every Sunday mornin' everybody had to git ready and go for prayer. I never could understand his 'ligion, 'cause sometimes he git up off his knees and befo' we git out the house he cuss us out.
"Our old master's name was John Mann, but everyone called him Capt. Mann. Old missus's name was Sarah. I'd say old master treated us slaves badly, and there was one thing I couldn't understand—he was religious, and every Sunday morning, everyone had to get ready and go for prayer. I never could understand his religion, because sometimes he'd get up off his knees, and before we could get out of the house, he'd curse us out."
"All my life I been a Methodist and I been a regular preacher 43 years. Since I quit I been livin' here at Anahuac and seems like I do 'bout as much preachin' now as I ever done.
"All my life I’ve been a Methodist and I’ve been a regular preacher for 43 years. Since I quit, I’ve been living here in Anahuac, and it feels like I do about as much preaching now as I ever did."
"I don't member no cullud preachers in slavery times. The white Methodist circuit riders come round on horseback and preach. There was a big box house for a church house and the cullud folks sit off in one corner of the church.[Pg 282]
"I don't remember any Black preachers during the slavery era. The white Methodist circuit riders would come around on horseback and preach. There was a large wooden building for the church, and the Black folks would sit in one corner of the church.[Pg 282]
"Sometimes the cullud folks go down in dugouts and hollows and hold they own service and they used to sing songs what come a-gushin' up from the heart.
"Sometimes the Black folks go down in dugouts and hollows and hold their own service, and they used to sing songs that came bubbling up from the heart."
"They was 'bout 40 slaves on the place, but I never seed no slaves bought or sold and I never was sold, but I seen 'em beat—O, Lawd, yes. I seen 'em make a man put his head through the crack of the rail fence and then they beat him till he was bloody. They give some of 'em 300 or 400 licks.
They were about 40 slaves on the place, but I never saw any slaves bought or sold and I was never sold, but I saw them get beaten—oh, Lord, yes. I saw them make a man put his head through the crack of the rail fence and then they beat him until he was bloody. They gave some of them 300 or 400 lashes.
"Old man Jim, he run away lots and sometimes they git the dogs after him. He run away one time and it was so cold his legs git frozen and they have to cut his legs off. Sometimes they put chains on runaway slaves and chained 'em to the house. I never knowed of 'em puttin' bells on the slaves on our place, but over next to us they did. They had a piece what go round they shoulders and round they necks with pieces up over they heads and hung up the bell on the piece over they head.
"Old man Jim used to run away a lot, and sometimes they would send the dogs after him. One time he ran away and it was so cold that his legs got frozen, and they had to amputate them. Sometimes they would put chains on runaway slaves and chain them to the house. I never heard of them putting bells on the slaves at our place, but they did at the farm next to us. They had a collar that went around their shoulders and necks with pieces that went over their heads, and they hung a bell on the piece that went over their head."
"I was a sheep minder them days. The wolves was bad but they never tackled me, 'cause they'd ruther git the sheep. They like sheep meat better'n man meat. Old Captain wanted me to train he boy to herd sheep and one day young master see a sow with nine pigs and want me to catch them and I wouldn't do it. He tried to beat me up and when we git to the lot we have to go round to the big gate and he had a pine knot, and he catch me in the gate and hit me with that knot. Old Captain sittin' on the gallery and he seed it all. When he heered the story he whipped young master and the old lady, she ain't like it.[Pg 283]
"I was a shepherd back then. The wolves were a problem, but they never went after me because they preferred to get the sheep. They liked sheep meat more than human meat. Old Captain wanted me to train his boy to herd sheep, and one day the young master saw a sow with nine piglets and asked me to catch them, but I refused. He tried to beat me up, and when we got to the pen, we had to go around to the big gate. He had a pine knot, and he caught me in the gate and hit me with it. Old Captain was sitting on the porch and saw everything. When he heard the story, he whipped the young master, and the old lady didn’t like it.[Pg 283]
"One time after that she sittin' in the yard knittin' and she throwed her knittin' needle off and call me to come git it. I done forgot she wanter whip me and when I bring the needle she grab me and I pull away but she hold on my shirt. I run round and round and she call her mother and they catch and whip me. My shirt just had one button on it and I was pullin' and gnawin' on that button and directly it come off and the whole shirt pull off and I didn't have nothin' on but my skin. I run and climb up on the pole at the gate and sot there till master come. He say, 'Carey, why you sittin' up there?' Then I tell him the whole transaction. I say, 'Missus, she whip me 'cause young marse John git whip that time and not me.' He make me git down and git up on his horse behin' him and ride up to the big house. Old missus, she done went to the house and go to bed with her leg, 'cause when she whippin' me she stick my head 'tween her knees and when she do that I bit her.
One time after that, she was sitting in the yard knitting and she dropped her knitting needle and called me to come get it. I forgot that she wanted to whip me, and when I brought the needle, she grabbed me. I tried to pull away, but she held onto my shirt. I ran around in circles, and then she called her mother, and they caught me and whipped me. My shirt only had one button on it, and while I was pulling and gnawing on that button, it finally came off, and the whole shirt came off, leaving me with nothing on but my skin. I ran and climbed up the pole at the gate and sat there until the master came. He said, "Carey, why are you sitting up there?" Then I told him the whole story. I said, "Missus whipped me because young Marse John got whipped that time and not me." He made me get down, got on his horse behind him, and rode up to the big house. Old Missus had already gone inside and gone to bed with her leg up because when she was whipping me, she had my head between her knees, and when she did that, I bit her.
"Old master's house was two-story with galleries. My mother, she work in the big house and she have a purty good house to live in. It was a plank house, too, but all the other houses was make out of hewed logs. Then my father was a carpenter and old master let him have lumber and he make he own furniture out of dressed lumber and make a box to put clothes in. We never did have more'n two changes of clothes.
"Old master's house was two stories with galleries. My mother worked in the big house, and she had a pretty good place to live. It was a plank house, too, but all the other houses were made out of hewed logs. My father was a carpenter, and old master let him have lumber. He made his own furniture out of dressed lumber and built a box to store clothes in. We never had more than two changes of clothes."
"My father used to make them old Carey plows and was good at makin' the mould board out of hardwood. He make the best Carey plows in that part of the country and he make horseshoes and nails and everything out of iron. And he used to make spinning wheels and parts of looms. He was a very valuable man and he make wheels and the hub and put the spokes in.[Pg 284]
"My dad used to make those old Carey plows and was great at crafting the mold board from hardwood. He made the best Carey plows in that area and also made horseshoes, nails, and everything else out of iron. He would make spinning wheels and parts for looms too. He was a really valuable person, making wheels and the hubs and putting in the spokes.[Pg 284]
"Old master had a big farm and he raised cotton and corn and 'taters and peanuts and sorghum cane and some ribbon cane. The bigges' crops was cotton and corn.
"Old master had a large farm where he grew cotton, corn, potatoes, peanuts, sorghum, and some cane sugar. The biggest crops were cotton and corn."
"My father told us when freedom come. He'd been a free man, 'cause he was bodyguard to the old, old master and when he died he give my father he freedom. That was over in Richmond, Virginia. But young master steal him into slavery again. So he was glad when freedom come and he was free again. Old master made arrangement for us to stay with him till after the harvest and then we go to the old Rawls house what 'long to Mr. Chiv Rawls. He and my father and mother run the place and it was a big farm.
"My father told us when freedom came. He had been a free man because he was the bodyguard to the old master, and when he died, he granted my father his freedom. That was in Richmond, Virginia. But the young master forced him back into slavery again. So he was really happy when freedom finally came and he was free once more. The old master arranged for us to stay with him until after the harvest, and then we’d move to the old Rawls house that belonged to Mr. Chiv Rawls. He, along with my father and mother, ran the place, and it was a big farm."
"I git marry when I was 'bout 22 years old and that's her right there now. We's been married more'n 60 years and she was 17 years old then. She was raised in Grant's colony and her father was a blacksmith.
"I got married when I was about 22 years old and that's her right there now. We've been married for over 60 years and she was 17 years old then. She grew up in Grant's colony and her dad was a blacksmith."
"We had it all 'ranged and we stop the preacher one Sunday mornin' when he was on the way to preachin' and he come there to her pa's house and marry us. We's had 11 children and all has deceased but three.
"We had everything arranged, and we stopped the preacher one Sunday morning when he was on his way to preach, and he came to her dad's house and married us. We’ve had 11 children, but only three are still alive."
"I was educated since freedom, 'cause they wasn't no schools in slavery days, but after I was freed I went to public schools. Most my learnin' I got from a German man what was principal of a college and he teach me the biggest part of my education.
"I’ve been educated since I gained my freedom, since there were no schools during slavery, but after I was freed, I went to public schools. Most of my learning came from a German man who was the principal of a college, and he taught me the majority of my education."
"When I was 14 a desperado killed my father and then I had my mother and her eight children to take care of. I worked two months and went to school one month and that way I made money to take care of 'em.[Pg 285]
"When I was 14, a criminal killed my father, and then I had my mother and her eight kids to look after. I worked for two months and went to school for one month, and that’s how I earned money to support them.[Pg 285]

Campbell Davis
CAMPBELL DAVIS, 85, was born in Harrison Co., Texas, a slave of Henry Hood. He remained on the Hood place about three years after he was freed, then farmed in Louisiana. In 1873 he married and moved back to Harrison Co., where he farmed until old age forced him to stop. He now lives with his nephew, Billie Jenkins, near Karnack. Campbell receives a $12.00 per month old age pension.
CAMPBELL DAVIS, 85, was born in Harrison County, Texas, as a slave of Henry Hood. He stayed on the Hood property for about three years after he was freed, then farmed in Louisiana. In 1873, he got married and moved back to Harrison County, where he farmed until old age made him stop. He currently lives with his nephew, Billie Jenkins, near Karnack. Campbell receives a $12.00 monthly pension for the elderly.
"I's big 'nough in slavery time to hear dem tell de darkies to get up and go in the mornin', and to hear the whistlin' of dem whips and howlin' of de dogs. I's birthed up in the northeast part of this county right on the line of Louisiana and Texas, and 'longed to old man Henry Hood. My mammy and daddy was Campbell and Judy Davis and dey both come from Alabama, and was brung here by de traders and sold to Massa Hood. They was nine of us chillen, name Ellis and Hildaman and Henderson and Henrietta and Georgia and Harriet and Patsy.
"I was old enough during slavery to hear them tell the Black people to get up and go in the morning, and to hear the whistling of the whips and the howling of the dogs. I was born in the northeast part of this county right on the border of Louisiana and Texas, and belonged to old man Henry Hood. My mom and dad were Campbell and Judy Davis; they both came from Alabama and were brought here by the traders and sold to Massa Hood. There were nine of us kids: Ellis, Hildaman, Henderson, Henrietta, Georgia, Harriet, and Patsy."
"Massa Henry didn't have de fine house but it a big one. Us quarters sot off 'cross de field in de edge of a skit of woods. Dey have dirt floors and a fireplace and old pole and plank bunks nail to de walls.
"Massa Henry didn’t have a fancy house, but it was a big one. Our quarters were set off across the field at the edge of a patch of woods. They had dirt floors and a fireplace, and old pole and plank bunks nailed to the walls."
"Dey fed us beef and veg'tables—any kind, jus' name it—and 'low us sop bread in potlicker till de world look level. Dat good eatin' and all my life I ain't have no better.
"They fed us beef and vegetables—any type, just name it—and let us soak bread in pot liquor until everything looked even. That was good eating, and I’ve never had anything better in my life."
"Massa didn't 'low no overseer on he place. One my uncles de driver, and massa blow de old conk shell long 'fore day, and if de darkies didn't git goin' you'd hear dem whips crackin'.[Pg 286]
"Massa didn't allow any overseer on his place. One of my uncles was the driver, and massa would blow the old conch shell long before dawn, and if the workers didn't get moving, you'd hear those whips cracking.[Pg 286]
"I seed one my sisters whip 'cause she didn't spin 'nough. Dey pull de clothes down to her waist and laid her down on de stomach and lash her with de rawhide quirt. I's in de field when dey whips my Uncle Lewis for not pickin' 'nough cotton. De driver pull he clothes down and make him lay on de groun'. He wasn't tied down, but he say he scart to move.
"I saw one of my sisters get whipped because she didn’t spin enough. They pulled her clothes down to her waist and laid her down on her stomach and whipped her with a rawhide quirt. I was in the field when they whipped my Uncle Lewis for not picking enough cotton. The driver pulled his clothes down and made him lay on the ground. He wasn’t tied down, but he said he was scared to move."
"De women am off Friday afternoon to wash clothes and all de hands git Saturday afternoon and mos' de man go huntin' or fishin'. Sometimes dey have parties Saturday night and couples git on de floor and have music of de fiddle and banjo. I only 'members one ring play:
"Women head out Friday afternoon to wash clothes, and everyone else pitches in Saturday afternoon, while most men go hunting or fishing. Sometimes they throw parties Saturday night, and couples hit the dance floor with music from the fiddle and banjo. I only remember one ring play:
"Hop light, li'l lady,
The cakes all dough,
Don't mind de weather,
Jus' so de wind don't blow.
"Skip lightly, little lady,
The cakes are all dough,
Don't worry about the weather,
Just as long as the wind doesn't blow.
"De bigges' day to blacks and whites was fourth of July. De hands was off all day and massa give de big dinner out under de trees. He allus barbecue de sheep or beef and have cakes and pies and fancy cookin'. He's one de bes' bosses round dat country. He 'lieve in makin' dem work and when dey need whippin' he done it, but when it come to feedin' he done dat right, too. And on Christmas he give us clothes and shoes and nuts and things and 'nother big dinner, and on Christmas night de darkies sing songs for de white folks.
"The biggest day for both blacks and whites was the Fourth of July. The workers had the day off, and the master provided a big dinner under the trees. He always barbecued sheep or beef and had cakes, pies, and special dishes. He was one of the best bosses in the area. He believed in making them work, and when they needed punishment, he gave it, but when it came to feeding them, he did that right, too. On Christmas, he gave us clothes, shoes, nuts, and another big dinner, and on Christmas night, the black folks sang songs for the white folks."
"Us git some book larnin' 'mongst ourselves, round de quarters, and have our own preacher. Mos' de time us chillen play, makin' frog holes in de sand and mud people and things.
"Us got some book learning among ourselves, around the quarters, and have our own preacher. Most of the time we kids play, making frog holes in the sand and mud for people and things."
"I done hear lots of talk 'bout ghosts and hants and think I seed[Pg 287] one onct. I's comin' home from de neighbors at night, in de moonlight, and 'rectly I seed something white by side de road. De closer I gits de bigger it gits. I's scart but I walks up to it and it nothin' but de big spiderweb on de bush. Den I says to myself, 'Dere ain't nothin' to dis ghost business.'
"I've heard a lot of talk about ghosts and spirits, and I think I saw one once. I was coming home from the neighbors at night, in the moonlight, and suddenly I saw something white by the side of the road. The closer I got, the bigger it seemed. I was scared, but I walked up to it, and it turned out to be just a big spiderweb on a bush. Then I told myself, 'There's nothing to this ghost business.'"
"Massa have one son go to war and he taken a old cullud man with him. I seed soldiers on hosses comin' and goin' de big road, and lots of dem come to Port Caddo in boats. De pretties' sight I ever seed am a soldier band all dress in de uniforms with brass buttons. When de soldiers come back from de war dey throwed cannon balls 'long de road and us chillen play with dem.
"Mister had one son go to war and he took an old Black man with him. I saw soldiers on horses coming and going down the big road, and lots of them came to Port Caddo in boats. The prettiest sight I ever saw was a soldier band all dressed in uniforms with shiny brass buttons. When the soldiers returned from the war, they threw cannonballs along the road and we kids played with them."
"When de war am over, massa call us all and say we's free, but can stay on and work for de victuals and clothes. A bunch leaves and go to de Progoe Marshal at Shreveport and ask him what to do. He tell dem to go back and wait till dey find work some place. My mammy and me stays at de Hood place 'bout three years. When I's twenty-one I marries and come back to Harrison County. Mammy and me done farm in Louisiana up to dat. My wife and me marries under de big oak tree front of de Leigh Church. Us jus' common folks and doesn't have no infair or big to-do when us marry.
"When the war is over, the master calls us all together and says we're free, but we can stay and work for food and clothes. A group leaves and goes to the Progoe Marshal in Shreveport to ask what to do. He tells them to go back and wait until they find work somewhere. My mom and I stay at the Hood place for about three years. When I'm twenty-one, I get married and come back to Harrison County. My mom and I had been farming in Louisiana until then. My wife and I get married under the big oak tree in front of the Leigh Church. We're just regular folks and don’t have any fancy ceremony or big celebration when we get married."
"I's voted but our people won't pull together. I votes de 'publican ticket de long time, but last time I pulls over and votes de Democrat ticket. I 'cides I jus' as well go with de braves as stay with de scart.
"I've voted but our people won't unite. I've been voting for the Republican ticket for a long time, but last time I switched and voted for the Democrat ticket. I decided I might as well go with the brave ones instead of staying with the scared ones."
"If de young gen'ration would study dey could make something out deyselves, but dey wont do it. Dey am too wild. Jus' last week, I hears de young cullud preacher at Karnack say, 'Brudders and sisters, style and brightness[Pg 288] am what we needs today.' I looks at him and says to myself, 'Thank de Lawd I knows better'n dat.' When I's comin' up it am dark, but I knows better things am ahead for us people and us trusts in de Lawd and was hones' with our white folks and profits by what dey tells us. Dey wasn't no niggers sent to jail when I's comin' up. It dis 'style and brightness' what gits de young niggers in trouble. Dey got de dark way 'head of dem, less dey stops and studies and make somethin' out deyselves."[Pg 289]
"If the young generation would study, they could make something of themselves, but they won't do it. They're too wild. Just last week, I heard the young Black preacher at Karnack say, 'Brothers and sisters, style and brightness[Pg 288] are what we need today.' I looked at him and thought to myself, 'Thank the Lord I know better than that.' When I was growing up, it was tough, but I know better things are ahead for us and we trust in the Lord and are honest with our white folks and benefit from what they tell us. There weren't any Black people sent to jail when I was growing up. It's this 'style and brightness' that gets the young Black people in trouble. They've got a dark path ahead of them unless they stop, study, and make something of themselves."[Pg 289]
WILLIAM DAVIS was born near Kingston, Tennessee, on the first of April, 1845. His family were the only slaves owned by Jonathan Draper, Baptist minister. In 1869 William joined the army and was stationed at Fort Stockton, Texas. He has lived in Houston since 1870. William is active and takes a long, daily walk.
WILLIAM DAVIS was born near Kingston, Tennessee, on April 1, 1845. His family were the only enslaved people owned by Jonathan Draper, a Baptist minister. In 1869, William joined the army and was stationed at Fort Stockton, Texas. He has lived in Houston since 1870. William is active and takes a long walk every day.
"Well, suh, jes' sit down in de chair yonder and I'll tell you what I can 'bout times back yonder. Let's see, now. I was born on de first day of April in 1845. De reason I knows was 'cause Miss Lizzie, our missy, told me so when we was sot free. Mammy done told me I was born den, on de Tennessee river, near Kingston. I heared her say de turnpike what run past Massa John's house dere goes over de mountain to Bristol, over in Virginny. Mammy and pappy and all us chillen 'long to de Drapers, Massa Jonathan what us call Massa John, and he wife, Miss Lizzie, and we is de only cullud folks what dey owns.
"Well, sir, just sit down in that chair over there and I'll tell you what I can about the old days. Let's see now. I was born on the first day of April in 1845. I know this because Miss Lizzie, our lady, told me so when we were freed. Momma told me I was born then, on the Tennessee River, near Kingston. I heard her say the turnpike that goes past Massa John's house there goes over the mountain to Bristol, over in Virginia. Momma and daddy and all of us kids belong to the Drapers, Massa Jonathan whom we call Massa John, and his wife, Miss Lizzie, and we are the only colored folks that they own."
"Massa John am de Baptist preacher, and while I'm sho' glad to see my folks sot free, I'll tell de truth and say Massa John and Miss Lizzie was mighty good to us. Dey have four chillen; Massa Milton, what am oldes' and kill in de first battle; Massa Bob and Massa George and Massa Canero. Oh, yes, dey have one gal, Missy Ann.
"Mister John is a Baptist preacher, and while I'm really glad to see my people set free, I have to be honest and say Mister John and Miss Lizzie were really good to us. They have four kids: Mister Milton, who was the oldest and died in the first battle; Mister Bob, Mister George, and Mister Canero. Oh, yes, they have one girl, Missy Ann."
"Course us didn't have no last names like now. Mammy named Sophie and pappy named Billy. Sometimes de owners give de slaves last names 'cordin' to what dey do, like pappy was meat cook and mammy cook pies and cakes and bread, so dey might have Cook for de last name.[Pg 290]
"Back then, we didn’t use last names like people do now. Mom's name was Sophie and Dad's name was Billy. Sometimes the owners gave the slaves last names based on what they did, like Dad was a meat cook and Mom baked pies, cakes, and bread, so they might have had Cook as their last name.[Pg 290]
"We has a bigger family dan Massa John, 'cause dey eight of us chillen. I ain't seen none of dem since I lef' Virginny in 1869, but I 'member all de names. Dere was Jane and Lucy and Ellen and Bob and Solomon and Albert and John, and I'm de younges' de whole lot.
"We have a bigger family than Massa John because there are eight of us kids. I haven’t seen any of them since I left Virginia in 1869, but I remember all their names. There were Jane and Lucy and Ellen and Bob and Solomon and Albert and John, and I’m the youngest of the whole group."
"I heared Miss Lizzie tell some white folks dat my mammy and pappy give to her by her pappy in Alabama when she get married. Dat de custom with rich folks den, and mammy 'long to de Ames, what was Miss Lizzie's name 'fore she marry. I heared her say when de stars falls, I think she say in 1832, she was 'bout eighteen, and dey think de world am endin'.
"I heard Miss Lizzie tell some white people that my mom and dad gave her to her dad in Alabama when she got married. That was the custom with rich people back then, and my mom belonged to the Ames family, which was Miss Lizzie's name before she married. I heard her say when the stars fell, I think she said in 1832, she was about eighteen, and they thought the world was ending."
"Pappy was a Indian. I knows dat. He came from Congo, over in Africa, and I heared him say a big storm druv de ship somewhere on de Ca'lina coast. I 'member he mighty 'spectful to Massa and Missy, but he proud, too, and walk straighter'n anybody I ever seen. He had scars on de right side he head and cheek what he say am tribe marks, but what dey means I don't know.
"Pappy was an Indian. I know that. He came from Congo, over in Africa, and I heard him say a big storm drove the ship somewhere on the Carolina coast. I remember he was very respectful to Mr. and Mrs., but he was proud, too, and walked straighter than anyone I’ve ever seen. He had scars on the right side of his head and cheek that he said were tribe marks, but I don't know what they mean."
"'Bout de first I 'members real good am where we am in Virginny and Massa John runs de Washington College, in Washington County. I 'member all de pupils eats at massa's house and dat de first job I ever had. 'Scuse me for laughin', but I don't reckon I thunk of dat since de Lawd know when. Dat my first job. Dey has a string fasten to de wall on one side de room, with pea fowl tail feathers strung 'long it, and it runs most de length de room, above de dinin' table, and round a pulley-like piece in de ceilin' with one end de string hangin' down. When mealtime come, I am put where de string hang down and I pulls it easy like, and de feathers swishes back and forth sideways, and keeps de flies from lightin' while folks am eatin'. 'Ceptin' dat, all I does[Pg 291] is play round with Massa George and Missy Ann.
"'Bout the first I remember really well is where we are in Virginia and Massa John runs Washington College in Washington County. I remember all the students eat at Massa's house, and that was the first job I ever had. Excuse me for laughing, but I don't reckon I thought about that since the Lord knows when. That was my first job. They have a string fastened to the wall on one side of the room, with peafowl tail feathers strung along it, and it runs most of the length of the room above the dining table and around a pulley-like piece in the ceiling with one end of the string hanging down. When mealtime comes, I'm put where the string hangs down, and I pull it gently, and the feathers swish back and forth sideways, keeping the flies from landing while folks are eating. Other than that, all I do[Pg 291] is play around with Massa George and Missy Ann.
"Dey ain't no whuppin' on our place and on Sunday us all go to church, and Massa John do de preachin'. Dey rides in de buggy and us follow in de wagon. De white folks sets in front de church and us in back.
"Dey don't whip us at our place, and on Sunday we all go to church, where Massa John does the preaching. They ride in the buggy, and we follow in the wagon. The white folks sit in front of the church, and we sit in back."
"I can't tell you how long us stay at de college, 'zactly, but us moves to Warm Springs to take de baths and drink de water, in Scott County. Dat two, three years befo' de war, and Massa John run de hotel and preach on Sunday. I think dere am three springs, one sulphur water and one lime water and one a warm spring. I does a little bit of everything round de hotel, helps folks off de stage when it druv up, wait on table and sich. When I hears de horn blow—you know, de stage driver blow it when dey top de hill 'bout two miles 'way, to let you know dey comin'—I sho' hustle round and git ready to meet it, 'cause most times folks what I totes de grips for gives me something. Dat de first money I ever seed. Some de folks gives me de picayune—dat what us call a nickel, now, and some gives me two shillin's, what same as two-bits now. A penny was big den, jes' like a two-bit piece, now.
"I can't tell you exactly how long we stayed at the college, but we moved to Warm Springs to take the baths and drink the water in Scott County. That was two or three years before the war, and Mr. John ran the hotel and preached on Sundays. I think there are three springs: one with sulfur water, one with lime water, and one warm spring. I did a little bit of everything around the hotel, helping people when the stagecoach arrived, waiting on tables, and such. When I heard the horn blow—you know, the stage driver blows it when they reach the top of the hill about two miles away to let you know they're coming—I would hustle around and get ready to meet it because most of the time, the people I helped with their bags would give me something. That was the first money I ever saw. Some people gave me a picayune—that's what we call a nickel now—and some gave me two shillings, which is like two bits now. A penny was big back then, just like a two-bit piece is now."
"But when war begin 'tween de Yankees and de South, it sho' change everything up, 'cause folks quit comin' to de Springs and de soldiers takes over de place. Massa Milton go to jine de South Army and gits kill. Morgan and he men make de Springs headquarters most de war, till de Yankees come marchin' through toward de last part. I know pappy say dem Yankees gwine win, 'cause dey allus marchin' to de South, but none de South soldiers marches to de North. He didn't say dat to de white folks, but he sho' say it to us. When de Yankees come marchin' through, de Morgan soldiers jes' hide out till dey gone. Dey never done no fightin' round Warm Springs. Lots of times dey goes way for couple weeks and[Pg 292] den comes back and rests awhile.
"But when the war started between the Yankees and the South, it really changed everything because people stopped coming to the Springs and the soldiers took over the place. Master Milton joined the Southern Army and got killed. Morgan and his men made the Springs their headquarters for most of the war, until the Yankees marched through toward the end. I remember my dad saying that the Yankees were going to win because they were always marching South, but none of the Southern soldiers marched North. He didn’t say that to the white folks, but he definitely said it to us. When the Yankees marched through, the Morgan soldiers just hid out until they were gone. They never did any fighting around Warm Springs. A lot of times they would leave for a couple of weeks and then come back and rest for a while.[Pg 292]"
"Den one mornin'—I 'members it jes' like it yestiddy, it de fourth of July in 1865—Miss Lizzie say to me, 'Willie, I wants you to git you papa and de rest de family and have dem come to de porch right away.' I scurries round quick like and tells dem and she comes out of de house and says, 'Now, de Yankees done sot you free and you can do what you wants, but you gwineter see more carpet baggers and liars dan you ever has seed, and you'll be worse off den you ever has been, if you has anythin' to do with dem. Den she opens de book and tells us all when us born and how old us am, so us have some record 'bout ourselves. She tells me I'm jes' nineteen and one fourth years old when I'm sot free.
"One morning—I remember it just like it was yesterday, it's the fourth of July in 1865—Miss Lizzie says to me, 'Willie, I want you to get your dad and the rest of the family and have them come to the porch right away.' I scurry around quickly and tell them, and she comes out of the house and says, 'Now, the Yankees have set you free and you can do what you want, but you’re going to see more carpetbaggers and liars than you’ve ever seen, and you’ll be worse off than you ever have been if you have anything to do with them.' Then she opens the book and tells us all when we were born and how old we are, so we have some record about ourselves. She tells me I'm just nineteen and a quarter years old when I'm set free."
"She tell pappy Massa John want to see him in de house and when he comes out he tells us Massa John done told him to take a couple wagons and de family and go to de farm 'bout ten miles 'way on Possum Creek and work it and stay long as he wants. Massa has us load up one wagon with 'visions. Pappy made de first crop with jes' hoes, 'cause us didn't have no hosses or mules to plow with. Us raise jes' corn and some wheat, but dey am fruit trees, peaches and apples and pears and cherries. Massa John pay pappy $120 de year, 'sides us 'visions, and us stays dere till pappy dies in 1868.
"She tells Dad that Mr. John wants to see him in the house, and when he comes out, he tells us that Mr. John told him to take a couple of wagons and the family and go to the farm about ten miles away on Possum Creek to work it and stay as long as he wants. Mr. John has us load one wagon with provisions. Dad made the first crop with just hoes because we didn't have any horses or mules to plow with. We only grew corn and some wheat, but there are fruit trees: peaches, apples, pears, and cherries. Mr. John pays Dad $120 a year, in addition to the provisions, and we stay there until Dad dies in 1868."
"Den I heared 'bout de railroad what dey buildin' at Knoxville and I leaves de folks and gits me de job totin' water. Dey asks my name and I says William Davis, 'cause I knows Mr. Jefferson Davis am President of de South durin' de war, and I figgers it a good name. In 1869 I goes to Nashville and 'lists in de army. I'm in de 24th Infantry, Company G, and us sent to Fort Stockton to guard de line of Texas, but all us do am build 'dobe houses. Col. Wade was de[Pg 293] commander de fort and Cap'n Johnson was captain of G. Co. Out dere I votes for de first time, for Gen. Grant, when Greeley and him run for president. But I gits sick at de Fort and am muster out in 1870 and comes to Houston.
"Then I heard about the railroad they were building in Knoxville, so I left the people and got a job hauling water. They asked for my name, and I said William Davis, because I knew Mr. Jefferson Davis was the President of the South during the war, and I figured it was a good name. In 1869, I went to Nashville and enlisted in the army. I'm in the 24th Infantry, Company G, and we were sent to Fort Stockton to guard the Texas line, but all we did was build adobe houses. Colonel Wade was the commander of the fort, and Captain Johnson was the captain of Company G. Out there, I voted for the first time for General Grant when Greeley and he ran for president. But I got sick at the Fort and was mustered out in 1870, then came to Houston."
"I gits me de deckhand job on de Dinah, de steamboat what haul freight and passengers 'tween Galveston and Houston. Den I works on de Lizzie, what am a bigger boat. Course, Houston jes' a little bit of place to what it am now—dey wasn't no git buildin's like dey is now, and mud, I tell you de streets was jes' like de swamp when it rain.
"I got a deckhand job on the Dinah, the steamboat that carries freight and passengers between Galveston and Houston. Then I worked on the Lizzie, which is a bigger boat. Of course, Houston was just a small place compared to what it is now—there weren't any big buildings like there are now, and the streets were just like a swamp when it rained."
"Long 'bout 1875 I gits marry to Mary Jones, but she died in 1883 and I gits marry 'gain in 1885 to Arabelle Wilson and has four girls and one boy from her. She died 'bout ten years back. Course, us cullud folks marry jes' like white folks do now, but I seen cullud folks marry 'fore de war and massa marry dem dis way: dey goes in de parlor and each carry de broom. Dey lays de brooms on de floor and de woman put her broom front de man and he put he broom front de woman. Dey face one 'nother and step 'cross de brooms at de same time to each other and takes hold of hands and dat marry dem. Dat's de way dey done, sho', 'cause I seed my own sister marry dat way.
"Back around 1875, I married Mary Jones, but she passed away in 1883. Then in 1885, I married Arabelle Wilson, and we had four girls and one boy together. She died about ten years ago. Of course, we Black folks get married just like white folks do now, but I saw Black folks get married before the war, and the master married them this way: they would go into the parlor each carrying a broom. They would lay the brooms on the floor, with the woman placing her broom in front of the man and the man placing his broom in front of the woman. They would face each other, step across the brooms at the same time, hold hands, and that would marry them. That’s how it was done, for sure, because I saw my own sister get married that way."
"I has wished lots of times to go back and see my folks, but I never has been back and never seed dem since I left, and I guess dey am all gone 'long 'fore now. I has jobbed at first one thing and 'nother and like pappy tells me, I has trials and tribulations and I has good chillen what ain't never got in no trouble and what all helps take care dere old pappy so I guess I ain't got no complainin' 'bout things.[Pg 294]
"I've wished many times to go back and see my family, but I haven't gone back, and I haven't seen them since I left, and I guess they’re all probably gone by now. I've worked at a lot of different jobs, and like my dad tells me, I've had my ups and downs, but I've got good kids who’ve never gotten into any trouble and who all help take care of their old dad, so I guess I can't really complain about things.[Pg 294]
"I dreams sometimes 'bout de peach trees and de pear trees and de cherry trees and I'd give lots to see de mountains 'gain, 'cause when de frost come, 'bout now, de leaves on de trees put on pretty colors and de persimmons and nuts is ready for pickin' and a little later on us kill de hawgs and put by de meat for de winter.
"I sometimes dream about the peach trees, pear trees, and cherry trees, and I'd give a lot to see the mountains again because when the frost comes, around now, the leaves on the trees change into beautiful colors, and the persimmons and nuts are ready for picking. A little later, we kill the hogs and preserve the meat for winter."
"De Lawd forgive me for dis foolishness, 'cause I got a good home, and has all I need, but I gits to thinkin' 'bout Virginny sometimes and my folks what I ain't seed since I left, and it sho' make me want to see it once more 'fore I die.[Pg 295]
"God forgive me for this foolishness, because I have a good home and everything I need, but I find myself thinking about Virginia sometimes and my family that I haven't seen since I left, and it really makes me want to see it once more before I die.[Pg 295]
ELI DAVISON was born in Dunbar, West Virginia, a slave of Will Davison. Eli has a bill of sale that states he was born in 1844. His master moved to Texas in 1858, and settled in Madison County. Eli lives in Madisonville, with one of his sons.
ELI DAVISON was born in Dunbar, West Virginia, as a slave of Will Davison. Eli has a bill of sale that says he was born in 1844. His master moved to Texas in 1858 and settled in Madison County. Eli lives in Madisonville with one of his sons.
"My first Old Marse was Will Davison. My father's name was Everett Lee and mama was Susan, and he come to see her twict a month, 'cause he was owned by 'nother master.
"My first Old Marse was Will Davison. My father's name was Everett Lee and my mom was Susan, and he came to see her twice a month, because he was owned by another master."
"Marse Davison had a good home in West Virginia, where I's born, in Dunbar, but most of it 'longed to he wife and she was the boss of him. He had a great many slaves, and one mornin' he got up and 'vided all he had and told his wife she could have half the slaves. Then we loaded two wagons and he turned to his oldest son and the next son and said, 'You's gwine with me. Crawl on.' Then he said to he wife, 'Elsie, you can have everything here, but I'm takin' Eli and Alex and these here two chillen.' The other two gals and two boys he left, and pulled out for Texas. It taken us mos' two years to git here, and Marse Will never sot eyes on the rest of his family no more, long as he lived.
"Marse Davison had a nice home in West Virginia, where I was born, in Dunbar, but most of it belonged to his wife, and she was in charge. He owned a lot of slaves, and one morning he got up, divided all he had, and told his wife she could have half the slaves. Then we loaded two wagons, and he turned to his oldest son and the next son and said, 'You guys are coming with me. Get moving.' Then he said to his wife, 'Elsie, you can keep everything here, but I'm taking Eli, Alex, and these two children.' He left the other two girls and two boys and set off for Texas. It took us almost two years to get here, and Marse Will never saw the rest of his family again for as long as he lived."
"Marse never married any more. He'd say, 'They ain't 'nother woman under the sun I'd let wear my name.' He never said his wife's name no more, but was allus talkin' of them chillun he done left behind.
"Marse never married again. He’d say, ‘There’s no other woman in the world I’d let wear my name.’ He never mentioned his wife’s name anymore, but was always talking about those kids he left behind."
"We gits here and starts to build a one room log house for Marse Will and his two boys. My quarters was one them covered wagons, till he trades me off. He cried like a baby, but he said, 'I hate to do this, but its the only way I'll have anything to leave for my two boys.' Looks like everything done go 'gainst him when he come to Texas, and he took sick and died. The boys[Pg 296] put him away nice and loaded up and went back to Virginia, but the home was nailed up and farm lying out, and it took them mos' a year to find they folks. The mother and one gal was dead, so they come back and lived and died here in Texas.
"We get here and start to build a one-room log house for Marse Will and his two boys. My place was one of those covered wagons until he traded me away. He cried like a baby, but he said, 'I hate to do this, but it's the only way I'll have anything to leave for my two boys.' Everything seemed to go against him when he came to Texas, and he got sick and died. The boys[Pg 296] buried him nicely and packed up to go back to Virginia, but the house was boarded up and the farm was empty, and it took them almost a year to find their family. Their mother and one sister were dead, so they came back and lived and died here in Texas."
"Marse Will was one more good man back in Virginia. He never got mad or whipped a slave. He allus had plenty to eat, with 1,200 acres, but after we come here all we had to eat was what we kilt in the woods and cornbread. He planted seven acres in corn, but all he did was hunt deer and squirrels. They was never a nigger what tried to run off in Texas, 'cause this was a good country, plenty to eat by huntin' and not so cold like in Virginia.
"Marse Will was just a good man back in Virginia. He never got angry or whipped a slave. He always had plenty to eat, with 1,200 acres, but after we came here, all we had to eat was what we killed in the woods and cornbread. He planted seven acres of corn, but all he did was hunt deer and squirrels. There was never a black person who tried to run off in Texas because this was a good place, with plenty to eat by hunting and not as cold as Virginia."
"After I was traded off, my new master wasn't so good to me. He thunk all the time the South would win that war and he treated us mean. His name was Thomas Greer. He kept tellin' us a black nigger never would be free. When it come, he said to us, 'Well, you black ——, you are just as free as I am.' He turnt us loose with nothin' to eat and mos' no clothes. He said if he got up nex' mornin' and found a nigger on his place, he'd horsewhip him.
"After I was sold, my new owner wasn't very good to me. He thought all the time that the South would win that war and he treated us poorly. His name was Thomas Greer. He kept telling us that a black person would never be free. When it happened, he said to us, 'Well, you black folks, you're just as free as I am.' He let us go with nothing to eat and almost no clothes. He said if he woke up the next morning and found a black person on his property, he'd whip him."
"I don't know what I'd done, but one my old Marse Will's chillun done settle close by and they let me work for them, and built me a log house and I farmed on halves. They stood good for all the groceries I buyed that year. It took all I made that year to pay my debts and that's the way its been ever since.
"I don't know what I did, but one of my old friend Will's kids settled nearby and let me work for them. They built me a log house, and I farmed on half of the crops. They covered all the groceries I bought that year. It took everything I made that year to pay off my debts, and that's how it's been ever since."
"I married Sarah Keys. We had a home weddin' and 'greed to live together as man and wife. I jus' goes by her home one day and captures her like. I puts her on my saddle behind me and tells her she's my wife then.[Pg 297] That's all they was to my weddin'. We had six chillun and they's all farmin' round here. Sarah, she dies seventeen years ago and I jus' lives round with my chillen, 'cause I's too old to do any work.
"I married Sarah Keys. We had a home wedding and agreed to live together as husband and wife. One day, I just went by her house and swept her away. I put her on my saddle behind me and told her she was my wife then.[Pg 297] That’s all there was to my wedding. We had six children, and they’re all farming around here. Sarah passed away seventeen years ago, and I just live with my kids because I’m too old to do any work."
"All I ever done was to farm. That's all this here nigger knew what to do. O, I's seed the time when I never had nothin' to eat and my big bunch of chillun cryin' for bread. I could go to the woods then, but you can't git wild game no more. In them days it was five or ten mile to your nearest neighbor, but now they's so close you can stand in your yard and talk to them.
"All I've ever done is farm. That's all I knew how to do. Oh, I've seen times when I didn’t have anything to eat and my kids were crying for bread. I could go to the woods back then, but you can’t find wild game anymore. Back in those days, it was five or ten miles to the nearest neighbor, but now they’re so close you can stand in your yard and talk to them."
"I never done no votin', 'cause them Klu Kluxers was allus at the votin' places for a long time after the niggers was freed. The niggers has got on since them old days. They has gone from nothin' to a fair educated folks. We has been kind of slow, 'cause we was turnt loose without nothin', and couldn't read and write.
"I’ve never voted because the Klu Kluxers were always at the polling places for a long time after the blacks were freed. Black people have come a long way since those old days. They’ve gone from nothing to being fairly educated. We’ve been a bit slow since we were set free without anything and couldn’t read or write."
"I's worked for fifteen and thirty cents a day, but Lawd, blessed to our president, we gits a li'l pension now and that's kep' me from plumb starvin' to death. Times is hard and folks had to do away with everything when they had that Hoover for president, but they will be straightened out by and by if they'll listen to the president now. 'Course, some wants to kill him, 'cause he helps the poor, but it do look like we ought to have a li'l bread and salt bacon without upsettin' 'em, when they has so much.[Pg 298]
"I worked for fifteen and thirty cents a day, but thank God for our president, we get a little pension now and that’s kept me from starving to death. Times are tough and people had to get rid of everything when they had Hoover as president, but things will get better eventually if they'll listen to the current president. Of course, some want to harm him because he helps the poor, but it seems like we should be able to have a little bread and salt pork without upsetting them, especially when they have so much.[Pg 298]
ELIGE DAVISON was born in Richmond, Virginia, a slave of George Davison. Elige worked in the field for some time before he was freed, but does not know his age. He lives with one of his grandsons, in Madisonville, Texas.
ELIGE DAVISON was born in Richmond, Virginia, a slave of George Davison. Elige worked in the fields for a while before he was freed, but he doesn’t know his age. He lives with one of his grandsons in Madisonville, Texas.
"My birth was in Richmond. That's over in old Virginny, and George Davison owned me and my pappy and mammy. I 'member one sister, named Felina Tucker.
My birth was in Richmond. That's in Virginia, and George Davison owned me, my dad, and my mom. I remember one sister named Felina Tucker.
"Massa and Missus were very good white folks and was good to the black folks. They had a great big rock house with pretty trees all round it, but the plantation was small, not more'n a hunerd acres. Massa growed tobaccy on 'bout 30 of them acres, and he had a big bunch of hawgs. He waked us up 'bout four in the mornin' to milk the cows and feed them hawgs.
"Massa and Missus were really good white people and treated the Black folks well. They lived in a large stone house with beautiful trees all around, but the plantation was small, no more than a hundred acres. Massa grew tobacco on about 30 of those acres, and he had a large number of pigs. He would wake us up around four in the morning to milk the cows and feed the pigs."
"Our quarters was good, builded out of pine logs with a bed in one corner, no floors and windows. Us wore old loyal clothes and our shirt, it open all down the front. In winter massa gave us woolen clothes to wear. Us didn't know what shoes was, though.
"Our living space was decent, built out of pine logs with a bed in one corner, no floors, and no windows. We wore old, ragged clothes and our shirts were open all the way down the front. In winter, the master gave us wool clothes to wear. We didn't even know what shoes were, though."
"Massa, he look after us slaves when us sick, 'cause us worth too much money to let die jus' like you do a mule. He git doctor or nigger mammy. She make tea out of weeds, better'n quinine. She put string round our neck for chills and fever, with camphor on it. That sho' keep off diseases.
"Massa takes care of us slaves when we're sick because we're too valuable to just let die like a mule. He gets a doctor or a black woman who makes tea from herbs, which is better than quinine. She ties a string around our necks for chills and fever, with camphor on it. That really keeps the diseases away."
"Us work all day till jus' 'fore dark. Sometimes us got whippin's. We didn't mind so much. Boss, you know how stubborn a mule am, he have to be whipped. That the way slaves is.[Pg 299]
" We work all day until just before dark. Sometimes we get whipped. We didn't mind it much. Boss, you know how stubborn a mule is; he has to be whipped. That's how slaves are.[Pg 299]
"When you gather a bunch of cattle to sell they calves, how the calves and cows will bawl, that the way the slaves was then. They didn't know nothin' 'bout they kinfolks. Mos' chillen didn't know who they pappy was and some they mammy 'cause they taken 'way from the mammy when she wean them, and sell or trade the chillen to someone else, so they wouldn't git 'tached to they mammy or pappy.
"When you round up a bunch of cattle to sell their calves, just listen to how the calves and cows cry. That’s how the slaves were back then. They didn't know anything about their family. Most kids didn’t even know who their dad was, and some didn’t know their mom either because they were taken away from their mom when she weaned them and sold or traded to someone else so they wouldn’t get attached to their mom or dad."
"Massa larn us to read and us read the Bible. He larn us to write, too. They a big church on he plantation and us go to church and larn to tell the truth.
"Mister taught us to read, and we read the Bible. He taught us to write, too. There’s a big church on his plantation, and we go to church and learn to tell the truth."
"I seed some few run away to the north and massa sometime cotch 'em and put 'em in jail. Us couldn't go to nowhere without a pass. The patterrollers would git us and they do plenty for nigger slave. I's went to my quarters and be so tired I jus' fall in the door, on the ground, and a patterroller come by and hit me several licks with a cat-o-nine-tails, to see if I's tired 'nough to not run 'way. Sometimes them patterrollers hit us jus' to hear us holler.
"I saw a few people run away to the north, and sometimes the master would catch them and throw them in jail. We couldn’t go anywhere without a pass. The patrollers would come after us, and they were really tough on black slaves. I would go to my quarters and be so tired I’d just fall through the door, right on the ground, and then a patroller would come by and whip me several times with a cat-o’-nine-tails, just to check if I was too tired to run away. Sometimes those patrollers hit us just to hear us scream."
"When a slave die, he jus' 'nother dead nigger. Massa, he builded a wooden box and put the nigger in and carry him to the hole in the ground. Us march round the grave three times and that all.
"When a slave dies, he's just another dead black. The master built a wooden box, put the body in it, and took it to the hole in the ground. We march around the grave three times and that's it."
"I been marry once 'fore freedom, with home weddin'. Massa, he bring some more women to see me. He wouldn't let me have jus' one woman. I have 'bout fifteen and I don't know how many chillen. Some over a hunerd, I's sho'.
"I was married once before freedom, in a home wedding. The master brought more women to see me. He wouldn't let me have just one woman. I had about fifteen and I don't know how many children. Some over a hundred, I'm sure."
"I 'member plenty 'bout the war, 'cause the Yankees they march on to Richmond. They kill everything what in the way. I heared them big guns and I's scart. Everybody scart. I didn't see no fightin', 'cause I gits out the way and keeps out till it all over.[Pg 300]
"I remember a lot about the war because the Yankees marched on to Richmond. They destroyed everything in their path. I heard those big guns, and I was scared. Everyone was scared. I didn't see any fighting because I got out of the way and stayed out until it was all over.[Pg 300]
But when they marches right on the town I's tendin' hosses for massa. He have two hosses kilt right under him. Then the Yankees, they capture that town. Massa, he send me to git the buggy and hoss and carry missus to the mountain, but them Yankees they capture me and say they gwine hang that nigger. But, glory be, massa he saves me 'fore they hangs me. He send he wife and my wife to 'nother place then, 'cause they burn massa's house and tear down all he fences.
But when they marched straight into the town, I was taking care of the horses for my master. He had two horses killed right under him. Then the Yankees captured that town. My master sent me to get the buggy and the horse to take his wife to the mountains, but the Yankees captured me and said they were going to hang me. But, thank goodness, my master saved me before they hung me. He then sent his wife and my wife to another place because they burned my master's house and tore down all his fences.
"When the war over massa call me and tells me I's free as he was, 'cause them Yankees win the war. He give me $5.00 and say he'll give me that much a month iffen I stays with him, but I starts to Texas. I heared I wouldn't have to work in Texas, 'cause everything growed on trees and the Texans wore animal hides for clothes. I didn't git no land or mule or cow. They warn't no plantations divided what I knowed 'bout. Mos' niggers jus' got turn loose with a cuss, and not 'nough clothes to cover they bodies.
"When the war ended, the boss called me and told me I was free, just like he was, because the Yankees won. He gave me $5.00 and said he'd pay me that much a month if I stayed with him, but I decided to head to Texas. I heard I wouldn't have to work in Texas because everything grew on trees and the Texans wore animal hides for clothes. I didn’t get any land or a mule or a cow. There weren't any plantations divided, as far as I knew. Most Black people just got set free with a curse and not enough clothes to cover their bodies."
"It 'bout a year 'fore I gits to Texas. I walks nearly all the way. Sometimes I git a li'l ride with farmer. Sometimes I work for folks 'long the way and git fifty cents and start 'gain.
"It’s about a year before I get to Texas. I walk almost the entire way. Sometimes I get a little ride with a farmer. Sometimes I work for people along the way and earn fifty cents and then start again."
"I got to Texas and try to work for white folks and try to farm. I couldn't make anything at any work. I made $5.00 a month for I don't know how many year after the war. Iffen the woods wasn't full of wild game us niggers all starve to death them days.
"I arrived in Texas and tried to work for white people and farm. I couldn't make anything from any job. I earned $5.00 a month for I don't know how many years after the war. If the woods weren't full of wild game, we Black people would have all starved to death back then."
"I been marry three time. First wife Eve Shelton. She run off with 'nother man. Then I marries Fay Elly. Us sep'rate in a year. Then I marry Parlee Breyle. No, I done forgot. 'Fore that I marries Sue Wilford, and us have seven gals and six boys. They all in New York but one. He stays here. Then I marries Parlee and us have two gals. Parlee die three year ago.[Pg 301]
"I've been married three times. My first wife was Eve Shelton. She ran off with another man. Then I married Fay Elly. We separated within a year. After that, I married Parlee Breyle. No, I forgot; before that, I married Sue Wilford, and we had seven girls and six boys. They all live in New York except for one. He stays here. Then I married Parlee, and we had two girls. Parlee died three years ago.[Pg 301]
"The gov'ment give me a pension and I gits li'l odd jobs round, to get by. But times been hard and I ain't had much to eat the las' few years. Not near so good as what old massa done give me. But I gits by somehow.
"The government gives me a pension and I do a few odd jobs here and there to get by. But times have been tough and I haven't had much to eat the last few years. It's not anywhere near as good as what my old master used to give me. But I manage somehow."
"I done the bes' I could, 'sidering I's turned out with nothin' when I's growed and didn't know much, neither. The young folks, they knows more, 'cause they got the chance for schoolin'.[Pg 302]
"I did the best I could, considering I was raised with nothing and didn't know much either. The young people know more because they have the opportunity for education.[Pg 302]
JOHN DAY, 81, was born near Dayton, Tennessee, a slave of Major John Day. John lives in McLennan Co., Texas.
JOHN DAY, 81, was born near Dayton, Tennessee, as a slave of Major John Day. John lives in McLennan County, Texas.
"I was born near three mile from Dayton. That's over in Tennessee, and it was the sixteenth of February, in 1856. Master's name was Major John Day and my father's name was Alfred Day, and he was a first-class blacksmith. Blacksmithin' was a real trade them days, and my father made axes and hoes and plow shares and knives and even Jew's harps.
"I was born about three miles from Dayton, over in Tennessee, on February 16, 1856. My master's name was Major John Day, and my father's name was Alfred Day. He was a skilled blacksmith. Blacksmithing was a respected trade back then, and my father made axes, hoes, plowshares, knives, and even Jew's harps."
"Master was good to my father and when he done done de day's work he could work and keep the money he made. He'd work till midnight, sometimes, and at de end that war he had fifteen hundred dollars in Confederate money. I never seen such a worker.
"Master was good to my father, and when he finished his day's work, he could work and keep the money he earned. Sometimes he would work until midnight, and by the end of the war, he had fifteen hundred dollars in Confederate money. I've never seen such a hard worker."
"Master John thunk lots of father but he took de notion to sell him one time, 'cause why, he could git a lot of money for him. He sold him, but my mama and even Old Missy, cried and took on so dat Master John went after de men what bought him, to git him back. Dey already done crossed de river, but master calls and dey brung my father back and he give dem de money back. Dat de only time master sold one of us.
"Master John thought a lot about his father but decided to sell him one time because he could get a lot of money for him. He sold him, but my mama and even Old Missy cried and were so upset that Master John went after the men who bought him to get him back. They had already crossed the river, but the master called and they brought my father back, and he gave them the money back. That was the only time the master sold one of us."
"He was a preacher and good to us, never beat none of us. He didn't have no overseer, but saw to all de work heself. He had twenty-five slaves and raised wheat and corn and oats and vegetables and fruit. He had four hundred acres and a house with twelve rooms.
"He was a preacher and treated us well, never laid a hand on any of us. He didn't have an overseer but managed all the work himself. He had twenty-five slaves and grew wheat, corn, oats, vegetables, and fruit. He owned four hundred acres and had a house with twelve rooms."
"A man what owned a farm jinin' ourn, de houses half a mile apart. He had two slaves, Taylor and Jennie, and he whip dem every day, even if dey hadn't done nothin'. He allus beatin' on dem, seemed like. One awful cold[Pg 303] day in February, Taylor done go to Denton for somethin', and when he come back his master starts beatin' on him, and cursed him somethin' awful. He kep' it up till my mama, her name was Mariah, gits a butcher knife and runs out dere and say, 'Iffen you hits him 'nother lick, I'll use this on you.' Old Missy was watchin' and backed her up. So he quit beatin' on Taylor dat time. But one day dat white man's own son say to him, 'Iffen you don't quit beatin' on dem niggers, I'll knock you in de head.' Den he quit.
A man who owned a farm next to ours had his house half a mile away. He had two slaves, Taylor and Jennie, and he would whip them every day, even if they hadn’t done anything wrong. It seemed like he was always beating on them. One brutally cold day in February, Taylor went to Denton for something, and when he came back, his master started beating him and cursing him horribly. He kept it up until my mom, whose name was Mariah, grabbed a butcher knife and went out there, saying, "If you hit him one more time, I’ll use this on you." Old Missy was watching and supported her. So, he stopped beating Taylor that time. But one day, that white man's own son said to him, "If you don't stop beating those black people, I'm going to knock you in the head." Then he quit.
"Master was in de Confederate army. He gits to be a major and after he done come out dat war he sho' hated anythin' what was blue color. I got hold a old Yankee cap and coat and is wearin' dem and master yanks dem off and burns dem.
"Master was in the Confederate army. He became a major, and after the war, he really hated anything that was blue. I found an old Yankee cap and coat and put them on, but Master yanked them off and burned them."
"We heared dem guns in de Lookout Mountain battle. Dey sounded like thunder, rumblin' low. One day de Feds done take Dayton and de soldiers goes by our place to drive dem Feds out. Dere a valley 'bout two miles wide 'twixt our place and Dayton and we could see de Confederate soldiers till dey go up de hill on de other side. Long in evenin' de Confederates come back through dat valley and they was travelin' with dem Yankees right after dem. Dey come by our house and we was gittin' out de way, all right. Old Missy took all us chillen, black and white, and puts us under half a big hogshead, down in de stormhouse.
"We heard the guns in the Lookout Mountain battle. They sounded like thunder, rumbling low. One day the Federals took Dayton, and the soldiers went by our place to drive them out. There’s a valley about two miles wide between our place and Dayton, and we could see the Confederate soldiers until they went up the hill on the other side. Later in the evening, the Confederates came back through that valley, and they were right behind the Yankees. They passed by our house, and we were getting out of their way, for sure. Old Missy gathered all the kids, both black and white, and put us under a large hogshead, down in the storm shelter."
"De Yankees got to de place and 'gin ransack it. Old Missy done lock dat stormhouse door and sot down on it and she wouldn't git up when dey done tell her to. So dey takes her by de arms and lifts her off it. Dey didn't hurt her any. Den dey brekks de lock and comes down in dere. I didn't see whay dey hadn't found us kids, 'cause my heart beatin' like de hammer. Dey turned dat hogshead over and all us kids skinned out dere like de Devil after us. One de Yanks hollers, 'Look what we done hatch out!'[Pg 304]
"De Yankees arrived at the place and started to search it. Old Missy had locked that stormhouse door and sat down on it, refusing to get up when they told her to. So they grabbed her by the arms and lifted her off. They didn't hurt her at all. Then they broke the lock and came inside. I didn't understand why they hadn't found us kids, because my heart was pounding like a hammer. They flipped that hogshead over, and all of us kids bolted out of there like the Devil was after us. One of the Yankees shouted, 'Look what we just uncovered!'[Pg 304]
"I tore out past de barn, thinkin' I'd go to mama, in de field, but it look like all de Yanks in de world jumpin' dere hosses over dat fence, so I whirls round and run in dat barn and dives in a stack of hay and buries myself so deep de folks like to never found me. Dey hunted all over de place befo' dey done found me. Us kids scart 'cause we done see dem Yanks' bayonets and thunk dey was dere horns.
"I ran out past the barn, thinking I'd go to Mom in the field, but it looked like all the Yankees in the world were jumping their horses over that fence, so I turned around and ran into the barn and dove into a pile of hay and buried myself so deep that people could barely find me. They searched all over before they finally found me. We kids were scared because we saw the Yankees' bayonets and thought they were their horns."
"Dem Yanks done take all de flour and meal and wheat and corn and smoked meat. After dat master fixes up a place in de ceilin' to store stuff, and a trap door so when it closed you couldn't tell its dere.
"Those Yankees took all the flour, meal, wheat, corn, and smoked meat. After that, the master set up a place in the ceiling to store things, and a trapdoor so that when it was closed, you couldn't tell it was there."
"I lives in and round de old place till 1910, den comes to Texas. I jist works round and farms and gits by, but I ain't never done nothin' worth tellin'.[Pg 305]
"I lived in and around the old place until 1910, then I moved to Texas. I just worked and farmed to get by, but I've never done anything worth mentioning.[Pg 305]

Nelsen Denson
NELSEN DENSON, 90, was born near Hambirg, Arkansas, a slave of Jim Nelson, who sold Nelsen and his family to Felix Grundy. Nelsen's memory is poor, but he managed to recall a few incidents. He now lives in Waco, Texas.
NELSEN DENSON, 90, was born near Hamburg, Arkansas, as a slave of Jim Nelson, who sold Nelsen and his family to Felix Grundy. Nelsen's memory isn't great, but he was able to remember a few events. He now lives in Waco, Texas.
"I'll be ninety years old this December, (1937). I was born in Arkansas, up in Ashley County, and it was the twenty-second day of December in 1847. My mammy was from Virginny and pappy was from old Kentucky, and I was one of they eight chillen. Our owner, Marse Jim Densen, brung us to Texas and settled near Marlin, but got in debt and sold as all to Marse Felix Grundy, and he kep' us till freedom, and most of us worked for him after that.
I'll be ninety years old this December, (1937). I was born in Arkansas, up in Ashley County, on December 22, 1847. My mom was from Virginia and my dad was from old Kentucky, and I was one of eight kids. Our owner, Marse Jim Densen, brought us to Texas and settled near Marlin, but got into debt and sold us all to Marse Felix Grundy, and he kept us until we were free, and most of us worked for him after that.
"Marse Jim Densen had a easy livin' in Arkansas, but folks everywhere was comin' to Texas and he 'cides to throw in his fortunes. It wasn't so long after that war with Mexico and folks come in a crowd to 'tect theyselves 'gainst Indians and wild animals. The wolves was the worst to smell cookin' and sneak into camp, but Indians come up and makes the peace sign and has a pow wow with the white folks. Marse git beads or cloth and trade for leather breeches and things.
"Marse Jim Densen had an easy life in Arkansas, but people were heading to Texas, so he decided to try his luck there. It wasn't long after the war with Mexico, and many people came together to protect themselves against Indians and wild animals. The wolves were the worst when it came to sniffing out food and sneaking into camp, but the Indians would come by, make the peace sign, and have a pow wow with the white folks. Marse would get beads or cloth and trade for leather pants and other items."
"I want to tell how we crosses the Red River on de Red River Raft. Back in them days the Red River was near closed up by dis timber raft and de big boats couldn't git up de river at all. We gits a li'l boat, and a Caddo Indian to guide us. Dis Red River raft dey say was centuries old. De driftwood floatin' down de river stops in de still waters and makes a bunch of trees and de dirt 'cumulates, and broomstraws and willows and brush grows out dis rich dirt what cover de driftwood. Dis raft growed 'bout a mile a year and de oldes' timber rots and breaks away, but dis not fast[Pg 306] 'nough to keep de river clear. We found bee trees on de raft and had honey.
"I want to share how we crossed the Red River on the Red River Raft. Back in those days, the Red River was almost blocked by this timber raft, and the big boats couldn’t get up the river at all. We got a little boat and a Caddo Indian to guide us. This Red River raft is said to be centuries old. The driftwood floating down the river settles in the still waters and creates a bunch of trees, and the dirt accumulates, allowing broomstraws and willows and brush to grow out of this rich dirt that covers the driftwood. This raft grows about a mile a year, and the oldest timber rots and breaks away, but that doesn’t happen fast enough to keep the river clear. We found bee trees on the raft and had honey.[Pg 306]"
"It was long time after us come to Texas when de gov'ment opens up de channel. Dat am in 1873. 'Fore dat, a survey done been made and dey found de raft am a hundred and twenty-eight miles long. When we was on dat raft it am like a big swamp, with trees and thick brush and de driftwood and logs all wedge up tight 'tween everything.
"It was a long time after we came to Texas when the government opened up the channel. That was in 1873. Before that, a survey had been done and they found the raft was one hundred and twenty-eight miles long. When we were on that raft, it was like a big swamp, with trees, thick brush, and driftwood and logs all wedged tightly between everything."
"'Fore Texas secedes, Marse Jensen done sell us all to Marse Felix Grundy, and he goes to war in General Hardeman's Brigade and is with him for bodyguard. When de battle of Mansfield come I'm sixteen years old. We was camped on the Sabine River, on the Texas side, and the Yanks on the other side a li'l ways. I 'member the night 'fore the battle, how the campfires looked, and a quiet night and the whippoorwills callin' in the weeds. We was 'spectin' a 'tack and sings to keep cheerful. The Yanks sings the 'Battle Cry of Freedom' when they charges us. They come on and on and, Lawd, how they fit! I stays clost to Marse Grundy and the rebels wins and takes 'bout a thousand Yanks.
"'Before Texas secedes, Marse Jensen sold us all to Marse Felix Grundy, and he goes to war in General Hardeman's Brigade, serving as his bodyguard. When the battle of Mansfield comes, I'm sixteen years old. We were camped on the Sabine River, on the Texas side, with the Yankees just a little ways across the river. I remember the night before the battle, how the campfires glowed, a quiet night with the whip-poor-wills calling in the weeds. We were expecting an attack and sang to keep our spirits up. The Yankees sang the 'Battle Cry of Freedom' as they charged us. They kept coming and, Lord, how they fought! I stayed close to Marse Grundy, and the rebels won and captured about a thousand Yankees.
"Most the slaves was happy, the ones I knowed. They figgers the white men fightin' for some principal, but lots of them didn't care nothin' 'bout bein' free. I s'pose some was with bad white folks, but not round us. We had more to eat and now I'm so old I wouldn't feel bad if I had old marse to look after me 'gain.[Pg 307]
"Most of the slaves I knew were happy. They figured the white men were fighting for some principle, but a lot of them didn’t really care about being free. I guess some were with bad white folks, but not around us. We had more to eat, and now that I’m so old, I wouldn’t feel bad if I had old master to take care of me again.[Pg 307]
VICTOR DUHON was born 97 years ago in Lafayette Parish, La., a slave of the Duhon family. His blue eyes and almost white skin are evidence of the white strain in his blood. Even after many years of association with English speaking persons, he speaks a French patois, and his story was interpreted by a Beaumont French teacher.
VICTOR DUHON was born 97 years ago in Lafayette Parish, La., as a slave of the Duhon family. His blue eyes and almost white skin show the white ancestry in his blood. Even after many years interacting with English-speaking people, he speaks a French patois, and his story was interpreted by a French teacher from Beaumont.
"My papa was Lucien Duhon and my mama Euripe Dupuis. I was born over in Louisiana in Lafayette Parish, between Broussard and Warville. I'm 97 years old now.
"My dad was Lucien Duhon and my mom was Euripe Dupuis. I was born in Louisiana in Lafayette Parish, between Broussard and Warville. I'm 97 years old now."
"I didn't have brothers or sisters, except half ones. It is like this, my mama was a house servant in the Duhon family. She was the hairdresser. One day she barbered master's son, who was Lucien. He says that he'll shave her head if she won't do what he likes. After that she his woman till he marries a white lady.
"I didn't have any brothers or sisters, just half-siblings. Here's the story: my mom worked as a house servant for the Duhon family. She was the hairdresser. One day, she cut the hair of the master's son, Lucien. He told her he'd shave her head if she didn't do what he wanted. After that, she became his woman until he married a white lady."
"My grandmama was stolen from Africa and she lived to be 125 years old. She died last year in April. I think I'll live long as she did. There were fifteen slaves on the land what Duhon's had but I never ran around with them. I had room at the back of the big house. You know, Madame Duhon was my grandmama. She was good to me. The only thing I did was look to my master's horse and be coachman for Madame. Master had four sons. They were Ragant and Jaques and Lucien and Desire. Desire was shot at the dance.
"My grandmother was taken from Africa and lived to be 125 years old. She passed away last year in April. I think I’ll live as long as she did. There were fifteen slaves on Duhon’s land, but I never hung out with them. I had a room at the back of the big house. You know, Madame Duhon was my grandmother. She treated me well. The only thing I did was take care of my master’s horse and serve as the coachman for Madame. Master had four sons: Ragant, Jaques, Lucien, and Desire. Desire was shot at the dance."
"Master had about 100 acres in cotton and the corn. He had a slave for to hunt all the time. He didn't do other things. The[Pg 308] partridge and the rice birds he killed were cooked for the white folks. The owls and the rabbits and the coons and the possums were cooked for us. They had a big room for us to eat in. Where they cook they had a long oven with a piece down the middle. They cooked the white folks things on one side. They cooked their own things on the other. They had each ones pots and skillets.
"Master had about 100 acres of cotton and corn. He had a slave whose job was to hunt all the time. He didn't do anything else. The partridges and rice birds he caught were cooked for the white folks. The owls, rabbits, raccoons, and possums were cooked for us. They had a big dining room for us. In the kitchen, there was a long oven split down the middle. They cooked the white folks' food on one side and their own food on the other. Each group had their own pots and skillets."
"I didn't play much with the black children. My time went waiting on my white folks.
"I didn't spend much time playing with the Black kids. My time was mostly spent serving my white folks."
"Sometimes the priest came to say Mass. The slaves went to Mass. The priest married and baptized the slaves. They gave a feast of baptizing. We all had real beef meat that day.
"Sometimes the priest came to say Mass. The slaves went to Mass. The priest married and baptized the slaves. They held a feast for the baptisms. We all had real beef that day."
"When my mama had 22 years she married a Polite Landry slave. Then she went to the Landry plantation. There was often marrying between the two plantations. When they married the wife went to her man's plantation. That made no difference. It wouldn't be long before a girl from the other place marry into the man's plantation. That kept things in balance.
"When my mom was 22, she married a slave from the Polite Landry plantation. Then she moved to the Landry plantation. There was often intermarriage between the two plantations. When they got married, the wife would move to her husband's plantation. That didn’t change much. It wouldn’t be long before a girl from the other place would marry into the man’s plantation. That kept things in balance."
"My mama married Fairjuste Williams. They had two sons and a daughter. I didn't know them so much. They were half brothers and sister.
"My mom married Fairjuste Williams. They had two sons and a daughter. I didn't know them very well. They were my half-brothers and sister."
"I had 22 years when war came. You know what war I mean. The war when the slaves were set free. I wasn't bothered about freedom. Didn't leave master till he died. Then I went to work for Mr. Polite Landry.
"I was 22 when the war started. You know which war I'm talking about. The war that freed the slaves. I didn't really care about freedom. I didn't leave my master until he died. After that, I went to work for Mr. Polite Landry."
"I was always in good hands. Some slaves ware treated bad. Mr. Natale Vallean beat up a slave for stealing. He beat him so hard he lay in front of the gate a whole day and the night.
"I was always in good hands. Some slaves were treated badly. Mr. Natale Vallean beat a slave for stealing. He hit him so hard that he lay in front of the gate all day and all night."
"I worked on farms all my life. Then I came to Beaumont. About 23 years ago, it was. I worked at anything. Now I'm too old. I live with my daughter.
"I’ve worked on farms my whole life. Then I arrived in Beaumont, about 23 years ago. I took on any job I could find. Now I'm too old for that. I live with my daughter."
Transcriber's Corrections:
Page 3: Then (and weepin' when they sot us free. Lots of them didn't want to be free, 'cause they knowed nothin' and had nowhere to go. Them what had good massas stayed right on.)
Page 3: Then (and crying when they set us free. Many of them didn’t want to be free because they didn’t know anything and had nowhere to go. Those who had good masters stayed right where they were.)
Page 14: too (niggers. There am 'bout 30 old and young niggers and 'bout 20 piccaninnies too little to work, and de nuss cares for dem while dey mammies works.)
Page 14: too (Black people. There are about 30 older and younger Black people and about 20 little kids too young to work, and the nurse takes care of them while their moms work.)
Page 28: way ("I stays with Miss Olivia till '63 when Mr. Will set us all free. I was 'bout 17 year old then or more. I say I goin' find my mamma. Mr. Will fixes me up two papers, one 'bout a yard long and the other some smaller, but both)
Page 28: way ("I stayed with Miss Olivia until '63 when Mr. Will set us all free. I was about 17 years old then or more. I said I was going to find my mom. Mr. Will got me two papers, one about a yard long and the other a bit smaller, but both)
Page 52: Mockbateman ("My pappy was Ike Bateman, 'cause his massa's name am Mock Bateman, and mammy's name was Francis. They come from Tennessee and I had four brothers and six sisters. We jes' left de last part)
Page 52: Mockbateman ("My dad was Ike Bateman because his master's name was Mock Bateman, and my mom's name was Francis. They came from Tennessee and I had four brothers and six sisters. We just left the last part)
Page 67: home-make ("Marster have de plank house and all de things in it was home-made. De cook was a old cullud woman and I eat at de kitchen table and)
Page 67: home-make ("Master had the wooden house and everything in it was home-made. The cook was an older Black woman and I ate at the kitchen table and)
Page 85: bit ("Every year they have big Christmas dinner and ham and turkey and allus feed us good. Us have Christmas party and sing songs. That)
Page 85: bit ("Every year they have big Christmas dinner with ham and turkey and always feed us well. We have a Christmas party and sing songs. That)
Page 90: LaSan (slave born. My papa was Olivier Blanchard and he white man carpenter on old plantation. We belong to Clairville La San and all live on that place. My papa just plain carpenter but could draw patterns for)
Page 90: LaSan (I was born a slave. My dad was Olivier Blanchard, a white carpenter on the old plantation. We lived on Clairville La San and all stayed there. My dad was just a regular carpenter but could create patterns for)
Page 114: chilen (School. Dem was good times. De mistus cook dinner and send it down for de old folks and chillen to have plenty.)
Page 114: kids (School. Those were good times. The adults cooked dinner and sent it down for the old folks and kids to have plenty.)
Page 147: bit ("Old massa's name was William Lyons. I didn't have no old missus, 'cause he was a bachelor. He had a big plantation. I don't know how big but dey somethin' like twenty fam'lies of slaves and some dem fam'lies)
Page 147: bit ("Old master’s name was William Lyons. I didn’t have an old mistress because he was a bachelor. He owned a large plantation. I’m not sure exactly how large it was, but there were about twenty families of slaves, and some of those families...")
Page 164: nyself ("I seed some bad sight in slavery, but ain' never been 'bused myself. I seed chillun too lil' to walk from dey mammies sol' right off de block)
Page 164: myself ("I saw some terrible things in slavery, but I've never been abused myself. I saw children too small to walk sold away from their mothers right off the block)
Page 195: tim (Ross drives de cattle north and I says to him, 'I's good hand at de drive. Kin I go with you nex' time you goes north?' And not long after dat we starts and we gits to Kansas City. After Marster Ross gets shut of)
Page 195: Tim (Ross drives the cattle north and I say to him, 'I'm good at the drive. Can I go with you next time you go north?' And not long after that we start and we get to Kansas City. After Master Ross gets rid of)
Page 211: women (I saw Massa Oll and he done married after I left and raised a family of chillen. I saw Missie Adeline and she was a old woman. We went out and looked at the tombstones and the rock markers in the graveyard on the old place, and some of)
Page 211: women (I saw Massa Oll and he got married after I left and started a family. I saw Missie Adeline and she was an old woman. We went out and looked at the tombstones and the rock markers in the graveyard on the old place, and some of)
Page 212: woned ("My master was Dick Townes and my folks come with him from Alabama. He owneda big plantation fifteen miles from Austin and worked lots of slaves. We had the best master in the whole county, and everybody called)
Page 212: lived ("My master was Dick Townes and my family came with him from Alabama. He owned a large plantation fifteen miles from Austin and had many slaves working for him. We had the best master in the whole county, and everyone called)
Page 214: gen'zen ("Old massa name Jim Moore. He a fair old gen'man, with a big bald place on he head, and he am good to de slaves. Not even as stric' as old)
Page 214: gen'zen ("Old master named Jim Moore. He's a decent old gentleman, with a large bald spot on his head, and he treats the slaves well. Not even as strict as the old)
Page 226: bit (best men I ever knows in my whole life and his wife was jes' like him. Dey had a big, four-room log house with a big hall down the center up and down. De logs was all peeled and de chinkin' a diff'rent color from de logs and)
Page 226: bit (the best people I've ever known in my entire life, and his wife was just like him. They had a big, four-room log house with a large hallway running through the center. The logs were all peeled, and the chinking was a different color from the logs and)
Page 228: "e" (De war am on, but us don't see none of it. But 'stead of eatin' cornbread, us eats bread out of kaffir corn and maize. "We raises lots of okra and dey say it gwine be parch and grind to make coffee for white folks. Dat didn't)
Page 228: "e" (The war was on, but we didn't see any of it. Instead of eating cornbread, we ate bread made from kaffir corn and maize. "We grow a lot of okra, and they say it's going to be dried and ground to make coffee for white folks. That didn't)
Page 251: conb (I go to milk I puts her in de trough. I saved her life lots of times. One time she's on de cone of de two-story house, when she's 'bout two years old. I eases up and knocks de window out and coaxes her to come to me. 'Nother)
Page 251: conb (I go to get the milk and I put her in the trough. I’ve saved her life many times. Once, she was on the roof of the two-story house when she was about two years old. I went up and knocked the window out and coaxed her to come to me. 'Another)
Page 258: Day (woman a big, red pocket handkerchief and a bottle of liquor. He buyed dat liquor by de barrel and liked it hisself. Dat why he allus had it on de place.)
Page 258: Day (a woman with a big red handkerchief and a bottle of liquor. He bought that liquor by the barrel and enjoyed it himself. That is why he always had it around.)
Page 262: outselves ("We mos'ly lived on corn pone and salt bacon de marster give us. We didn't have no gardens ourselves, 'cause we wouldn't have time to work in dem. We worked all day in de fields and den was so tired we couldn't)
Page 262: ourselves ("We mostly lived on corn bread and the salt pork the master gave us. We didn’t have any gardens ourselves because we wouldn’t have the time to work in them. We worked all day in the fields and then were so tired we couldn’t)
Page 263: Weht (usually split from hem to neck and I had to wear them till they was strings. Went barefoot summer and winter till the feets crack open.)
Page 263: Weht (usually split from hem to neck and I had to wear them until they were just strings. Went barefoot in summer and winter until my feet cracked open.)
Page 267: bit ("Dey feeds us well sometimes, if dey warn't mad at us. Dey has a big trough jes' like de trough for de pigs and dey has a big gourd and dey totes de gourd full of milk and dey breaks de bread in de milk. Den my mammy)
Page 267: bit ("They feed us well sometimes, if they aren't mad at us. They have a big trough just like the one for the pigs, and they have a big gourd, and they carry the gourd full of milk and break the bread into the milk. Then my mama)
Page 289: whay (us call Massa John, and he wife, Miss Lizzie, and we is de only cullud folks what dey owns.)
Page 289: why (we call Massa John, and his wife, Miss Lizzie, and we are the only Black people that they own.)
Page 292: everhas (more carpet baggers and liars dan you ever has seed, and you'll be worse off den you ever has been, if you has anythin' to do with dem. Den she opens de book and tells us all when us born and how old us am, so us have some record 'bout)
Page 292: you have more con artists and liars than you've ever seen, and you'll be worse off than you ever were if you get involved with them. Then she opens the book and tells us when we were born and how old we are, so we have some record about it.
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