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THE ENCYCLOPÆDIA BRITANNICA

A DICTIONARY OF ARTS, SCIENCES, LITERATURE AND GENERAL INFORMATION

ELEVENTH EDITION

 

VOLUME VII SLICE IV

Coquelin to Costume


 

Articles in This Slice

Articles in This Section

COQUELIN, BENOÎT CONSTANT CORNWALL (city of England)
COQUEREL, ATHANASE JOSUÉ CORNWALLIS, CHARLES CORNWALLIS
COQUEREL, ATHANASE LAURENT CHARLES CORNWALLIS, SIR WILLIAM
COQUES, GONZALEZ CORO
COQUET (river of Northumberland) COROMANDEL COAST
COQUET (simulate love-making) CORONA
COQUIMBO CORONACH
CORACLE CORONADO, FRANCISCO VASQUEZ DE
CORAËS, ADAMANTIOS CORONATION
CORAL CORONER
CORALLIAN CORONIUM
CORAL-REEFS COROT, JEAN-BAPTISTE CAMILLE
CORAM, THOMAS CORPORAL
COR ANGLAIS CORPORAL PUNISHMENT
CORATO CORPORATION
CORBAN CORPS
CORBEIL, WILLIAM OF CORPSE
CORBEIL (town of northern France) CORPULENCE
CORBEL CORPUS CHRISTI
CORBET, RICHARD CORPUS CHRISTI, FEAST OF
CORBIE CORRAL
CORBRIDGE CORREA
CORBULO, GNAEUS DOMITIUS CORREA DA SERRA, JOSÉ FRANCISCO
CORD CORREGGIO
CORDAY D'ARMONT CORRENTI, CESARE
CORDELIERS, CLUB OF THE CORRESPONDENCE
CORDERIUS CORRÈZE
CORDES CORRIB, LOUGH
CORDILLERA CORRIDOR
CORDITE CORRIE
CÓRDOBA, GONZALO FERNANDEZ DE CORRIENTES (province of Argentine)
CÓRDOBA (province of Argentine) CORRIENTES (city of Argentine)
CÓRDOBA (city of Argentine) CORRIGAN, MICHAEL AUGUSTINE
CÓRDOBA (town of Mexico) CORROSIVE SUBLIMATE
CORDON CORRUPT PRACTICES
CORDOVA (province of Spain) CORRY
CORDOVA (city of Spain) CORSAIR
CORDUROY CORSICA
CORDUS, AULUS CREMUTIUS CORSICANA
CORELLI, ARCANGELO CORSINI
CORELLI, MARIE CORSON, HIRAM
CORENZIO, BELISARIO CORSSEN, WILHELM PAUL
CO-RESPONDENT CORT, CORNELIS
CORFE CASTLE CORTE
CORFINIUM CORTE-REAL, JERONYMO
CORFU CORTES, HERNAN
CORI CORTES
CORIANDER CORTI, LODOVICO
CORINGA CORTLAND
CORINNA CORTONA
CORINTH (city of Greece) CORUMBÁ
CORINTH (city of Mississippi) CORUNDUM
CORINTH, ISTHMUS OF CORUNNA (province of Spain)
CORINTHIANS, EPISTLES TO THE CORUNNA (city of Spain)
CORINTO CORVÉE
CORIOLANUS, GAIUS MARCIUS CORVEY
CORIOLI CORVINUS, JÁNOS
CORIPPUS, FLAVIUS CRESCONIUS CORVUS, MARCUS VALERIUS
CORISCO CORWEN
CORK, RICHARD BOYLE CORWIN, THOMAS
CORK (county of Ireland) CORY, WILLIAM JOHNSON
CORK (city of Ireland) CORYATE, THOMAS
CORK (bark) CORYBANTES
CORK AND ORRERY, MARY CORYDON
CORLEONE CORYPHAEUS
CORMENIN, LOUIS MARIE DE LA HAYE COS
CORMON, FERNAND COSA
CORMONTAINGNE, LOUIS DE COSEL
CORMORANT COSENZ, ENRICO
CORN (grain) COSENZA
CORN (outgrowth of the skin) COSHOCTON
CORNARO, CATERINA COSIN, JOHN
CORNARO, LUIGI COSMAS (of Alexandria)
CORNBRASH COSMAS (of Prague)
CORNEILLE, PIERRE COSMATI
CORNEILLE, THOMAS COSMIC
CORNELIA COSMOGONY
CORNELIUS COSMOPOLITAN
CORNELIUS, CARL AUGUST PETER COSNE
CORNELIUS, PETER VON COSSA, LUIGI
CORNELL UNIVERSITY COSSA, PIETRO
CORNET COSSACKS
CORNETO TARQUINIA COSSIMBAZAR
CORNICE COSTA, GIOVANNI
CORNIFICIUS COSTA, LORENZO
CORNING, ERASTUS COSTA, SIR MICHAEL ANDREW AGNUS
CORNING COSTAKI, ANTHOPOULOS
CORN LAWS COSTANZO, ANGELO DI
CORN-SALAD COSTA RICA
CORNU, MARIE ALFRED COSTELLO, DUDLEY
CORNU COPIAE COSTER-MONGER
CORNUS COSTS
CORNUTUS, LUCIUS ANNAEUS COSTUME
CORNWALL (city of Canada)  
 

129

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COQUELIN, BENOÎT CONSTANT (1841-1909), French actor, known as Coquelin aîné, was born at Boulogne on the 23rd of January 1841. He was originally intended to follow his father’s trade of baker (he was once called un boulanger manqué by a hostile critic), but his love of acting led him to the Conservatoire, where he entered Regnier’s class in 1859. He won the first prize for comedy within a year, and made his début on the 7th of December 1860 at the Comédie Française as the comic valet, Gros-René, in Molière’s Dépit amoureux, but his first great success was as Figaro, in the following year. He was made sociétaire in 1864, and during the next twenty-two years he created at the Français the leading parts in forty-four new plays, including Théodore de Banville’s Gringoire (1867), Paul Ferrier’s Tabarin (1871), Émile Augier’s Paul Forestier (1871), L’Étrangère (1876) by the younger Dumas, Charles Lomon’s Jean Dacier (1877), Edward Pailleron’s Le Monde où l’on s’ennuie (1881), Erckmann and Chatrian’s Les Rantzau (1884). In consequence of a dispute with the authorities over the question of his right to make provincial tours in France he resigned in 1886. Three years later, however, the breach was healed; and after a successful series of tours in Europe and the United States he rejoined the Comédie Française as pensionnaire in 1890. It was during this period that he took the part of Labussière, in the production of Sardou’s’ Thermidor, which was interdicted by the government after three performances. In 1892 he broke definitely with the Comédie Française, and toured for some time through the capitals of Europe with a company of his own. In 1895 he joined the Renaissance theatre in Paris, and played there until he became director of the Porte Saint Martin in 1897. Here he won successes in Edmond Rostand’s Cyrano de Bergerac (1897), Émile Bergerat’s Plus que reine (1899), Catulle Mendès’ Scarron (1905), and Alfred Capus and Lucien Descaves’ L’Attentat (1906). In 1900 he toured in America with Sarah Bernhardt, and on their return continued with his old colleague to appear in L’Aiglon, at the Théâtre Sarah Bernhardt. He was rehearsing for the creation of the leading part in Rostand’s Chantecler, which he was to produce, when he died suddenly in Paris, on the 27th of January 1909. Coquelin was an Officier de l’Instruction Publique and of the Legion of Honour. He published L’Art et le comédien (1880), Molière et le misanthrope (1881), essays on Eugène Manuel (1881) and Sully-Prudhomme (1882), L’Arnolphe de Molière (1882), Les Comédiens (1882), L’Art de dire le monologue (with his brother, 1884), Tartuffe (1884), L’Art du comédien (1894).

COQUELIN, BENOÎT CONSTANT (1841-1909), a French actor known as Coquelin aîné, was born in Boulogne on January 23, 1841. He was originally meant to follow in his father’s footsteps as a baker (a hostile critic once referred to him as un boulanger manqué), but his passion for acting led him to the Conservatoire, where he joined Regnier’s class in 1859. Within a year, he won the first prize for comedy and made his debut on December 7, 1860, at the Comédie Française as the comedic servant, Gros-René, in Molière’s Dépit amoureux; however, his first major success came the following year as Figaro. He became a sociétaire in 1864, and over the next twenty-two years, he created leading roles in forty-four new plays at the Français, including Théodore de Banville’s Gringoire (1867), Paul Ferrier’s Tabarin (1871), Émile Augier’s Paul Forestier (1871), L’Étrangère (1876) by the younger Dumas, Charles Lomon’s Jean Dacier (1877), Edward Pailleron’s Le Monde où l’on s’ennuie (1881), and Erckmann and Chatrian’s Les Rantzau (1884). Due to a disagreement with the authorities over his right to tour in provincial France, he resigned in 1886. However, three years later, the issue was resolved, and after a successful series of tours in Europe and the United States, he rejoined the Comédie Française as a pensionnaire in 1890. During this time, he played Labussière in the production of Sardou’s Thermidor, which was banned by the government after three performances. In 1892, he permanently left the Comédie Française and toured various European capitals with his own company. In 1895, he joined the Renaissance theatre in Paris, performing there until he became the director of the Porte Saint Martin in 1897. There, he found success in Edmond Rostand’s Cyrano de Bergerac (1897), Émile Bergerat’s Plus que reine (1899), Catulle Mendès’ Scarron (1905), and Alfred Capus and Lucien Descaves’ L’Attentat (1906). In 1900, he toured America with Sarah Bernhardt, and upon their return, he continued to work with her in L’Aiglon at the Théâtre Sarah Bernhardt. He was in rehearsals for the lead role in Rostand’s Chantecler, which he was set to produce, when he passed away suddenly in Paris on January 27, 1909. Coquelin was an Officier de l’Instruction Publique and of the Legion of Honour. He published L’Art et le comédien (1880), Molière et le misanthrope (1881), essays on Eugène Manuel (1881) and Sully-Prudhomme (1882), L’Arnolphe de Molière (1882), Les Comédiens (1882), L’Art de dire le monologue (with his brother, 1884), Tartuffe (1884), and L’Art du comédien (1894).

His brother, Ernest Alexandre Honoré Coquelin (1848-1909), called Coquelin cadet, was born on the 16th of May 1848 at Boulogne, and entered the Conservatoire in 1864. He graduated with the first prize in comedy and made his début in 1867 at the Odéon. The next year he appeared with his brother at the Théâtre Francais and became a sociétaire in 1879. He played a great many parts, in both the classic and the modern répertoire, and also had much success in reciting monologues of his own composition. He wrote Le Livre des convalescents (1880), Le Monologue moderne (1881), Fairiboles (1882), Le Rire (1887), Pirouettes (1888). He died on the 8th of February 1909.

His brother, Ernest Coquelin (1848-1909), known as Coquelin cadet, was born on May 16, 1848, in Boulogne and joined the Conservatoire in 1864. He graduated with the top prize in comedy and made his debut in 1867 at the Odéon. The following year, he performed with his brother at the Théâtre Français and became a sociétaire in 1879. He took on many roles in both classic and modern repertoire and also enjoyed significant success reciting monologues he composed himself. He wrote Le Livre des convalescents (1880), Le Monologue moderne (1881), Fairiboles (1882), Le Rire (1887), and Pirouettes (1888). He passed away on February 8, 1909.

Jean Coquelin (1865-  ), son of Coquelin aîné, was also an actor, first at the Théâtre Francais (début, 1890), later at the Renaissance, and then at the Porte Saint Martin, where he created the part of Raigoné in Cyrano de Bergerac.

Jean Coquelin (1865-  ), son of Coquelin aîné, was also an actor, starting at the Théâtre Français (debut, 1890), then at the Renaissance, and later at the Porte Saint Martin, where he played the role of Raigoné in Cyrano de Bergerac.


COQUEREL, ATHANASE JOSUÉ (1820-1875), French Protestant divine, son of A. L. C. Coquerel (q.v.), was born at Amsterdam on the 16th of June 1820. He studied theology at Geneva and at Strassburg, and at an early age succeeded his uncle, C. A. Coquerel, as editor of Le Lien, a post which he held till 1870. In 1852 he took part in establishing the Nouvelle Revue de théologie, the first periodical of scientific theology published in France, and in the same year helped to found the “Historical Society of French Protestantism.” Meanwhile he had gained a high reputation as a preacher, and especially as the advocate of religious freedom; but his teaching became more and more offensive to the orthodox party, and on the appearance (1864) of his article on Renan’s Vie de Jésus in the Nouvelle Revue de théologie he was forbidden by the Paris consistory to continue his ministerial functions. He received an address of sympathy from the consistory of Anduze, and a provision was voted for him by the Union Protestante Libérale, to enable him to continue his preaching. He received the cross of the Legion of Honour in 1862. He died at Fismes (Marne), on the 24th of July 1875. His chief works were Jean Calas et sa famille (1858); Des Beaux-Arts en Italie (Eng. trans. 1859); La Saint Barthélemy (1860); Précis de l’église réformée (1862); 130 Le Catholicisme et le protestantisme considérés dans leur origine et leur développement (1864); Libres études, and La Conscience et la foi (1867).

COQUEREL, ATHANASE JOSUÉ (1820-1875), French Protestant leader, son of A. L. C. Coquerel (q.v.), was born in Amsterdam on June 16, 1820. He studied theology in Geneva and Strasbourg, and at a young age took over his uncle, C. A. Coquerel's role as editor of Le Lien, a position he held until 1870. In 1852, he helped establish the Nouvelle Revue de théologie, the first scientific theology journal published in France, and also co-founded the “Historical Society of French Protestantism” that same year. During this time, he gained a strong reputation as a preacher and a champion of religious freedom; however, his teachings increasingly clashed with the orthodox faction. Following the publication of his article on Renan’s Vie de Jésus in the Nouvelle Revue de théologie (1864), the Paris consistory barred him from continuing his ministerial duties. He received a message of support from the consistory of Anduze, and the Union Protestante Libérale allocated funds to allow him to keep preaching. He was awarded the cross of the Legion of Honour in 1862. He died in Fismes (Marne) on July 24, 1875. His major works included Jean Calas et sa famille (1858); Des Beaux-Arts en Italie (Eng. trans. 1859); La Saint Barthélemy (1860); Précis de l’église réformée (1862); 130 Le Catholicisme et le protestantisme considérés dans leur origine et leur développement (1864); Libres études, and La Conscience et la foi (1867).


COQUEREL, ATHANASE LAURENT CHARLES (1795-1868), French Protestant divine, was born in Paris on the 17th of August 1795. He received his early education from his aunt, Helen Maria Williams, an Englishwoman, who at the close of the 18th century gained a reputation by various translations and by her Letters from France. He completed his theological studies at the Protestant seminary of Montauban, and in 1816 was ordained minister. In 1817 he was invited to become pastor of the chapel of St Paul at Jersey, but he declined, being unwilling to subscribe to the Thirty-nine Articles of the Church of England. During the following twelve years he resided in Holland, and preached before Calvinistic congregations at Amsterdam, Leiden and Utrecht. In 1830, at the suggestion of Baron Georges de Cuvier, then minister of Protestant worship, Coquerel was called to Paris as pastor of the Reformed Church. In the course of 1833 he was chosen a member of the consistory, and rapidly acquired the reputation of a great pulpit orator, but his liberal views brought him into antagonism with the rigid Calvinists. He took a warm interest in all matters of education, and distinguished himself so much by his defence of the university of Paris against a sharp attack, that in 1835 he was chosen a member of the consistory of the Legion of Honour. In 1841 appeared his Réponse to the Leben Jesu of Strauss. After the revolution of February 1848, Coquerel was elected a member of the National Assembly, where he sat as a moderate republican, subsequently becoming a member of the Legislative Assembly. He supported the first ministry of Louis Napoleon, and gave his vote in favour of the expedition to Rome and the restoration of the temporal power of the pope. After the coup d’état of the 2nd of December 1851, he confined himself to the duties of his pastorate. He was a prolific writer, as well as a popular and eloquent speaker. He died at Paris on the 10th of January 1868. A large collection of his sermons was published in 8 vols. between 1819 and 1852. Other works were Biographie sacrée (1825-1826); Histoire sainte et analyse de la Bible (1839); Orthodoxie moderne (1842); Christologie (1858), &c.

COQUEREL, ATHANASE LAURENT CHARLES (1795-1868), French Protestant minister, was born in Paris on August 17, 1795. He received his early education from his aunt, Helen Maria Williams, an Englishwoman who gained recognition at the end of the 18th century through various translations and her Letters from France. He completed his theological studies at the Protestant seminary in Montauban and was ordained as a minister in 1816. In 1817, he was invited to become the pastor of the chapel of St. Paul in Jersey, but he declined because he was unwilling to subscribe to the Thirty-nine Articles of the Church of England. For the next twelve years, he lived in Holland and preached to Calvinist congregations in Amsterdam, Leiden, and Utrecht. In 1830, at the suggestion of Baron Georges de Cuvier, then the minister of Protestant worship, Coquerel was called to Paris as the pastor of the Reformed Church. In 1833, he was elected a member of the consistory and quickly gained a reputation as a great pulpit orator, but his liberal views put him at odds with the strict Calvinists. He was deeply interested in educational issues and made a notable defense of the University of Paris against a serious attack, which led to his election as a member of the consistory of the Legion of Honour in 1835. In 1841, he published his Réponse to Strauss's Leben Jesu. After the revolution in February 1848, Coquerel was elected to the National Assembly, where he served as a moderate republican before becoming a member of the Legislative Assembly. He supported Louis Napoleon’s first ministry and voted in favor of the expedition to Rome and the restoration of the Pope's temporal power. After the coup d’état on December 2, 1851, he focused on his pastoral duties. He was a prolific writer as well as a popular and eloquent speaker. He died in Paris on January 10, 1868. A large collection of his sermons was published in eight volumes between 1819 and 1852. Other works included Biographie sacrée (1825-1826); Histoire sainte et analyse de la Bible (1839); Orthodoxie moderne (1842); Christologie (1858), etc.

His brother, Charles Augustin Coquerel (1797-1851), was the author of a work on English literature (1828), an Essai sur l’histoire générale du christianisme (1828) and a Histoire des églises du désert, depuis la revocation de l’édit de Nantes (1841). A liberal in his views, he was the founder and editor of the Annales protestantes, Le Lien, and the Revue protestante.

His brother, Charles Augustin Coquerel (1797-1851), wrote a book on English literature (1828), an Essay on the General History of Christianity (1828), and a History of the Desert Churches since the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes (1841). A liberal thinker, he founded and edited the Protestant Annals, The Link, and the Protestant Review.


COQUES (or Cocx), GONZALEZ (1614-1684), Flemish painter, son of Pieter Willemsen Cocx, a respectable Flemish citizen, and not, as his name might imply, a Spaniard, was born at Antwerp. At the age of twelve he entered the house of Pieter, the son of “Hell” Breughel, an obscure portrait painter, and at the expiration of his time as an apprentice became a journeyman in the workshop of David Ryckaert the second, under whom he made accurate studies of still life. At twenty-six he matriculated in the gild of St Luke; he then married Ryckaert’s daughter, and in 1653 joined the literary and dramatic club known as the “Retorijkerkamer.” After having been made president of his gild in 1665, and in 1671 painter in ordinary to Count Monterey, governor-general of the Low Countries, he married again in 1674, and died full of honours in his native place. One of his canvases in the gallery at the Hague represents a suite of rooms hung with pictures, in which the artist himself may be seen at a table with his wife and two children, surrounded by masterpieces composed and signed by several contemporaries. Partnership in painting was common amongst the small masters of the Antwerp school; and it has been truly said of Coques that he employed Jacob von Arthois for landscapes, Ghering and van Ehrenberg for architectural backgrounds, Steenwijck the younger for rooms, and Pieter Gysels for still life and flowers; but the model upon which Coques formed himself was Van Dyck, whose sparkling touch and refined manner he imitated with great success. He never ventured beyond the “cabinet,” but in this limited field the family groups of his middle time are full of life, brilliant from the sheen of costly dress and sparkling play of light and shade, combined with finished execution and enamelled surface.

COQUES (or Cocx), Gonzalez (1614-1684), was a Flemish painter, son of Pieter Willemsen Cocx, a respected Flemish citizen, and not, as his name might suggest, a Spaniard. He was born in Antwerp. At twelve, he started an apprenticeship with Pieter, the son of “Hell” Breughel, an unknown portrait painter, and after completing his training, he became a journeyman in David Ryckaert II's workshop, where he focused on still life studies. At twenty-six, he joined the guild of St Luke; he later married Ryckaert’s daughter and in 1653 became a member of the literary and dramatic club known as the “Retorijkerkamer.” After serving as president of his guild in 1665 and becoming the official painter for Count Monterey, the governor-general of the Low Countries, he remarried in 1674 and passed away with numerous honors in his hometown. One of his paintings in the Hague gallery depicts a set of rooms filled with artwork, where the artist is seen at a table with his wife and two children, surrounded by masterpieces created and signed by several of his contemporaries. Collaborating on paintings was common among the lesser-known masters of the Antwerp school, and it's been accurately noted that Coques worked with Jacob von Arthois for landscapes, Ghering and van Ehrenberg for architectural backgrounds, Steenwijck the younger for interior scenes, and Pieter Gysels for still life and floral subjects; however, Coques modeled himself primarily on Van Dyck, whose lively style and elegant manner he successfully emulated. He never expanded beyond the “cabinet” style, but within this limited scope, his family groups from his middle period are vibrant, characterized by the shine of luxurious clothing and the dynamic interplay of light and shadow, combined with meticulous execution and a glossy finish.


COQUET (pronounced Cócket), a river of Northumberland, draining a beautiful valley about 40 m. in length. It rises in the Cheviot Hills. Following a course generally easterly, but greatly winding, it passes Harbottle, near which relics of the Stone Age are seen, and Holystone, where it is recorded that Bishop Paulinus baptized a great body of Northumbrians in the year 627. Several earthworks crown hills above this part of the valley, and at Cartington, Fosson and Whitton are relics of medieval border fortifications. The small town of Rothbury is beautifully situated beneath the ragged Simonside Hills. The river dashes through a narrow gully called the Thrum, and then passes Brinkburn priory, of which the fine Transitional Norman church was restored to use in 1858, while there are fragments of the monastic buildings. This was an Augustinian foundation of the time of Henry I. The dale continues well wooded and very beautiful until Warkworth is reached, with its fine castle and remarkable hermitage. A short distance below this the Coquet has its mouth in Alnwick Bay (North Sea), with the small port of Amble on the south bank, and Coquet Island a mile out to sea. The river is frequented by sportsmen for salmon and trout fishing. No important tributary is received, and the drainage area does not exceed 240 sq. m.

COQUET (pronounced Cócket) is a river in Northumberland that flows through a beautiful valley about 40 miles long. It starts in the Cheviot Hills. It generally flows eastward but has many twists and turns, passing by Harbottle, where you can find relics from the Stone Age, and Holystone, where it's said that Bishop Paulinus baptized many Northumbrians in 627. Several earthworks can be seen on the hills above this part of the valley, and at Cartington, Fosson, and Whitton, there are remnants of medieval border fortifications. The small town of Rothbury is beautifully located beneath the rugged Simonside Hills. The river rushes through a narrow gorge known as the Thrum and then flows past Brinkburn Priory, where the stunning Transitional Norman church was restored in 1858, along with some remains of the monastic buildings. This was an Augustinian foundation from the time of Henry I. The valley remains well-wooded and very picturesque until it reaches Warkworth, featuring its impressive castle and unique hermitage. A short distance downstream, the Coquet flows into Alnwick Bay (North Sea), with the small port of Amble on the south bank and Coquet Island a mile offshore. The river is popular among anglers for salmon and trout fishing. No significant tributaries join it, and its drainage area does not exceed 240 square miles.


COQUET (pronounced co-kétte), to simulate the arts of love-making, generally from motives of personal vanity, to flirt; in a figurative sense, to trifle or dilly-dally with anything. The word is derived from the French coqueter, which originally means, “to strut about like a cock-bird,” i.e. when it desires to attract the hens. The French substantive coquet, in the sense of “beau” or “lady-killer,” was formerly commonly used in English; but the feminine form, coquette, now practically alone survives, in the sense of a woman who gratifies her vanity by using her powers of attraction in a frivolous or inconstant fashion. Hence “to coquet,” the original and more correct form, has come frequently to be written “to coquette.” Coquetry (Fr. coquetterie), primarily the art of the coquette, is used figuratively of any dilly-dallying or “coquetting” and, by transference of idea, of any superficial qualities of attraction in persons or things. “Coquet” is still also occasionally used adjectivally, but the more usual form is “coquettish”; e.g. we speak of a “coquettish manner,” or a “coquettish hat.” The crested humming-birds of the genus Lophornis are known as coquettes (Fr. coquets).

COQUET (pronounced co-kétte) means to mimic the art of flirting, often due to personal vanity. In a broader sense, it implies wasting time or being indecisive about anything. The word comes from the French coqueter, which originally meant “to strut around like a rooster,” specifically when trying to attract hens. The French noun coquet, meaning “handsome man” or “lady-killer,” was once commonly used in English, but now the feminine form, coquette, mostly remains, referring to a woman who indulges her vanity by using her charm in a frivolous or fickle way. Thus, “to coquet,” which is the original and more accurate form, is often written as “to coquette.” Coquetry (Fr. coquetterie), originally the art of the coquette, is also used to refer to any sort of indecisiveness or “coquetting” and extends to any superficial qualities of attraction in people or things. “Coquet” is still sometimes used as an adjective, but the more common term is “coquettish”; for example, we say “coquettish manner” or “coquettish hat.” The crested hummingbirds from the genus Lophornis are known as coquettes (Fr. coquets).


COQUIMBO, an important city and port of the province and department of Coquimbo, Chile, in 29° 57′ 4″ S., 71° 21′ 12″ W. Pop. (1895) 7322. The railway connexions are with Ovalle to the S., and Vicuña (or Elqui) to the E., but the proposed extension northward of Chile’s longitudinal system would bring Coquimbo into direct communication with Santiago. The city has a good well-sheltered harbour, reputed the best in northern Chile, and is the port of La Serena, the provincial capital, 9 m. distant, with which it is connected by rail. There are large copper-smelting establishments in the city, which exports a very large amount of copper, some gold and silver, and cattle and hay to the more northern provinces.

COQUIMBO, is an important city and port in the province of Coquimbo, Chile, located at 29° 57′ 4″ S., 71° 21′ 12″ W. The population was 7,322 in 1895. It has rail connections to Ovalle to the south and Vicuña (or Elqui) to the east, and the planned northern expansion of Chile’s longitudinal railway system would directly link Coquimbo to Santiago. The city has a well-protected harbor, considered the best in northern Chile, and serves as the port for La Serena, the provincial capital, which is 9 miles away and connected by rail. There are large copper-smelting facilities in the city that export a significant amount of copper, along with gold, silver, cattle, and hay to the northern provinces.

The province of Coquimbo, which lies between those of Aconcagua and Atacama and extends from the Pacific inland to the Argentine frontier, has an area of 13,461 sq. m. (official estimate) and a population (1895) of 160,898. It is less arid than the province of Atacama, the surface near the coast being broken by well-watered river valleys, which produce alfalfa, and pasture cattle for export. Near the mountains grapes are grown, from which wine of a good quality is made. The mineral resources include extensive deposits of copper, and some less important mines of gold and silver. The climate is dry and healthy, and there are occasional rains. Several rivers, the largest of which is the Coquimbo (or Elqui) with a length of 125 m., cross the province from the mountains. The capital is La Serena, and the principal cities are Coquimbo, Ovalle (pop. 5565), and Illapel (3170).

The province of Coquimbo, located between Aconcagua and Atacama, stretches from the Pacific Ocean inland to the Argentine border, covering an area of 13,461 sq. km. (official estimate) and had a population of 160,898 in 1895. It is less dry than Atacama, with the coastal area featuring well-watered river valleys that produce alfalfa and pasture cattle for export. Near the mountains, grapes are grown, producing good quality wine. The mineral resources include large deposits of copper and some smaller gold and silver mines. The climate is dry and healthy, with occasional rain. Several rivers, the largest being the Coquimbo (or Elqui) at 125 km long, flow through the province from the mountains. The capital is La Serena, and the main cities include Coquimbo, Ovalle (pop. 5,565), and Illapel (3,170).

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CORACLE (Welsh corwg-l, from corwg, cf. Irish and mod. Gaelic curach, boat), a species of ancient British fishing-boat which is still extensively used on the Severn and other rivers of Wales, notably on the Towy and Teifi. It is a light boat, oval in shape, and formed of canvas stretched on a framework of split and interwoven rods, and well-coated with tar and pitch to render it water-tight. According to early writers the framework was covered with horse or bullock hide (corium). So light and portable are these boats that they can easily be carried on the fisherman’s shoulders when proceeding to and from his work. Coracle-fishing is performed by two men, each seated in his coracle and with one hand holding the net while with the other he plies his paddle. When a fish is caught, each hauls up his end of the net until the two coracles are brought to touch and the fish is then secured. The coracle forms a unique link between the modern life of Wales and its remote past; for this primitive type of boat was in existence amongst the Britons at the time of the invasion of Julius Caesar, who has left a description of it, and even employed it in his Spanish campaign.

CORACLE (Welsh corwg-l, from corwg, see Irish and modern Gaelic curach, boat) is a type of ancient British fishing boat that's still widely used on the Severn and other rivers in Wales, especially on the Towy and Teifi. It's a lightweight, oval-shaped boat made of canvas stretched over a frame of split and woven rods, well-coated with tar and pitch to make it waterproof. Early writers noted that the frame was covered with horse or bullock hide (corium). These boats are so light and portable that fishermen can easily carry them on their shoulders when going to and from their work. Coracle fishing involves two men, each seated in their own coracle, with one hand holding the net while the other paddles. When a fish is caught, they both pull up their ends of the net until the two coracles touch, allowing them to secure the fish. The coracle serves as a unique connection between modern life in Wales and its distant past; this simple type of boat existed among the Britons during the time of Julius Caesar's invasion, who described it and even used it in his campaign in Spain.


CORAËS (Koraïs), ADAMANTIOS [in French, Diamant Coray] (1748-1833), Greek scholar and patriot, was born at Smyrna, the son of a merchant. As a schoolboy he distinguished himself in the study of ancient Greek, but from 1772 to 1779 he was occupied with the management of his father’s business affairs in Amsterdam. In 1782, on the collapse of his father’s business, he went to Montpellier, where for six years he studied medicine, supporting himself by translating German and English medical works into French. He then settled in Paris, where he lived until his death on the 10th of April 1833. Inspired by the ideals of the French Revolution, he devoted himself to furthering the cause of Greek independence both among the Greeks themselves and by awakening the interest of the chief European Powers against the Turkish rule. His great object was to rouse the enthusiasm of the Greeks for the idea that they were the true descendants of the ancient Hellenes by teaching them to regard as their own inheritance the great works of antiquity. He sought to purify the ordinary written language by eliminating the more obvious barbarisms, and by enriching it with classical words and others invented in strict accordance with classical tradition (see further Greek Language: modern). Under his influence, though the common patois was practically untouched, the language of literature and intellectual intercourse was made to approximate to the pure Attic of the 5th and 4th centuries B.C. His chief works are his editions of Greek authors contained in his Έλληνικὴ Βιβλιοθήκη and his Πάρεργα; his editions of the Characters of Theophrastus, of the De aëre, aquis, et locis of Hippocrates, and of the Aethiopica of Heliodorus, elaborately annotated.

CORAËS (Koraïs), ADAMANTIOS [in French, Diamant Coray] (1748-1833), was a Greek scholar and patriot born in Smyrna, the son of a merchant. As a schoolboy, he excelled in ancient Greek studies, but from 1772 to 1779, he managed his father’s business in Amsterdam. After his father's business failed in 1782, he moved to Montpellier, where he studied medicine for six years while supporting himself by translating German and English medical texts into French. He then settled in Paris, where he lived until his death on April 10, 1833. Inspired by the ideals of the French Revolution, he dedicated himself to advancing the cause of Greek independence, both amongst the Greeks and by raising awareness among the major European Powers against Turkish rule. His main goal was to inspire the Greeks to see themselves as the true descendants of the ancient Hellenes by helping them recognize the great works of antiquity as their heritage. He aimed to refine the everyday written language by removing blatant barbarisms and enriching it with classical vocabulary and words created in line with classical tradition (see further Greek Language: modern). Under his influence, although the common vernacular remained largely unchanged, the language of literature and intellectual discussion began to resemble the pure Attic of the 5th and 4th centuries B.C. His main works include editions of Greek authors found in his Greek Library and his Side hustles; he also produced annotated editions of Theophrastus's Characters, Hippocrates's De aëre, aquis, et locis, and Heliodorus's Aethiopica.

His literary remains have been edited by Mamoukas and Damalas (1881-1887); collections of letters written from Paris at the time of the French Revolution have been published (in English, by P. Ralli, 1898; in French, by the Marquis de Queux de Saint-Hilaire, 1880). His autobiography appeared at Paris (1829; Athens, 1891), and his life has been written by D. Thereianos (1889-1890); see also A. R. Rhangabé, Histoire littéraire de la Grèce moderne (1877).

His literary remains have been edited by Mamoukas and Damalas (1881-1887); collections of letters written from Paris during the French Revolution have been published (in English, by P. Ralli, 1898; in French, by the Marquis de Queux de Saint-Hilaire, 1880). His autobiography was released in Paris (1829; Athens, 1891), and his life has been documented by D. Thereianos (1889-1890); see also A. R. Rhangabé, Histoire littéraire de la Grèce moderne (1877).


CORAL, the hard skeletons of various marine organisms. It is chiefly carbonate of lime, and is secreted from sea-water and deposited in the tissues of Anthozoan polyps, the principal source of the coral-reefs of the world (see Anthozoa), of Hydroids (see Hydromedusae), less important in modern reef-building, but extremely abundant in Palaeozoic times, and of certain Algae. The skeletons of many other organisms, such as Polyzoa and Mollusca, contribute to coral masses but cannot be included in the term “coral.” The structure of coral animals (sometimes erroneously termed “coral insects”) is dealt within the articles cited above; for the distribution and formation of reefs see Coral-reefs.

CORAL, the hard skeletons of various marine organisms. It is primarily made up of calcium carbonate, secreted from seawater and deposited in the tissues of Anthozoan polyps, which are the main source of coral reefs around the world (see Anthozoa), as well as Hydroids (see Hydromedusae), which are less significant in modern reef-building but were very common in Palaeozoic times, and certain Algae. The skeletons of many other organisms, like Polyzoa and Mollusca, also contribute to coral structures but aren’t referred to as “coral.” The structure of coral animals (sometimes incorrectly called “coral insects”) is discussed in the articles mentioned above; for information on the distribution and formation of reefs, see Coral-reefs.

Beyond their general utility and value as sources of lime, few of the corals present any special feature of industrial importance, excepting the red or precious coral (Corallium rubrum) of the Mediterranean Sea. It, however, is and has been from remote times very highly prized for jewelry, personal ornamentation and decorative purposes generally. About the beginning of the Christian era a great trade was carried on in coral between the Mediterranean and India, where it was highly esteemed as a substance endowed with mysterious sacred properties. It is remarked by Pliny that, previous to the existence of the Indian demand, the Gauls were in the habit of using it for the ornamentation of their weapons of war and helmets; but in his day, so great was the Eastern demand, that it was very rarely seen even in the regions which produced it. Among the Romans branches of coral were hung around children’s necks to preserve them from danger, and the substance had many medicinal virtues attributed to it. A belief in its potency as a charm continued to be entertained throughout medieval times; and even to the present day in Italy it is worn as a preservative from the evil eye, and by females as a cure for sterility.

Beyond their general usefulness and value as sources of lime, few corals have any particular industrial significance, except for the red or precious coral (Corallium rubrum) found in the Mediterranean Sea. This coral has been highly valued for jewelry, personal adornments, and decorative purposes for a long time. Around the start of the Christian era, there was a significant trade in coral between the Mediterranean and India, where it was regarded as a material with mysterious sacred properties. Pliny notes that before the Indian demand emerged, the Gauls commonly used coral to decorate their weapons and helmets; however, by his time, the Eastern demand was so high that it was rarely found even in the areas that produced it. Among the Romans, coral branches were worn around children's necks to protect them from harm, and many medicinal qualities were attributed to it. The belief in its power as a charm continued through medieval times; even today in Italy, it is worn to protect against the evil eye and by women as a remedy for sterility.

The precious coral is found widespread on the borders and around the islands of the Mediterranean Sea. It ranges in depth from shallow water (25 to 50 ft.) to water over 1000 ft., but the most abundant beds are in the shallower areas. The most important fisheries extend along the coasts of Tunisia, Algeria and Morocco; but red coral is also obtained in the vicinity of Naples, near Leghorn and Genoa, and on the coasts of Sardinia, Corsica, Catalonia and Provence. It occurs also in the Atlantic off the north-west of Africa, and recently it has been dredged in deep water off the west of Ireland. Allied species of small commercial value have been obtained off Mauritius and near Japan. The black coral (Antipathes abies), formerly abundant in the Persian Gulf, and for which India is the chief market, has a wide distribution and grows to a considerable height and thickness in the tropical waters of the Great Barrier Reef of Australia.

The valuable coral is found widely on the shores and around the islands of the Mediterranean Sea. It ranges in depth from shallow waters (25 to 50 ft.) to depths over 1000 ft., but the most plentiful beds are in the shallower areas. The most important fisheries run along the coasts of Tunisia, Algeria, and Morocco; however, red coral is also harvested near Naples, close to Livorno and Genoa, and along the coasts of Sardinia, Corsica, Catalonia, and Provence. It also appears in the Atlantic off the northwest coast of Africa, and recently it has been dredged in deep waters off the west coast of Ireland. Related species with limited commercial value have been found off Mauritius and near Japan. The black coral (Antipathes abies), which was once abundant in the Persian Gulf, and for which India is the main market, has a wide distribution and grows to considerable heights and thicknesses in the tropical waters of the Great Barrier Reef of Australia.

From the middle ages downwards the securing of the right to the coral fisheries on the African coasts was an object of considerable rivalry among the Mediterranean communities of Europe. Previous to the 16th century they were controlled by the Italian republics. For a short period the Tunisian fisheries were secured by Charles V. to Spain; but the monopoly soon fell into the hands of the French, who held the right till the Revolutionary government in 1793 threw the trade open. For a short period (about 1806) the British government controlled the fisheries, and now they are again in the hands of the French authorities. Previous to the French Revolution much of the coral trade centred in Marseilles; but since that period, both the procuring of the raw material and the working of it up into the various forms in which it is used have become peculiarly Italian industries, centring largely in Naples, Rome and Genoa. On the Algerian coast, however, boats not flying the French flag have to pay heavy dues for the right to fish, and in the early years of the 20th century the once flourishing fisheries at La Calle were almost entirely neglected. Two classes of boats engage in the pursuit—a large size of from 12 to 14 tons, manned by ten or twelve hands, and a small size of 3 or 4 tons, with a crew of five or six. The large boats, dredging from March to October, collect from 650 to 850 ℔ of coral, and the small, working throughout the year, collect from 390 to 500 ℔. The Algerian reefs are divided into ten portions, of which only one is fished annually—ten years being considered sufficient for the proper growth of the coral.

From the Middle Ages onward, securing rights to the coral fisheries along the African coasts became a major point of competition among Mediterranean communities in Europe. Before the 16th century, these fisheries were controlled by the Italian republics. For a brief time, Charles V secured the Tunisian fisheries for Spain, but the monopoly quickly fell to the French, who maintained control until the Revolutionary government opened up the trade in 1793. For a short time around 1806, the British government managed the fisheries, but they are now back under French control. Before the French Revolution, much of the coral trade was centered in Marseilles; however, since then, both the collection of raw materials and their processing into various forms have become predominantly Italian industries, primarily based in Naples, Rome, and Genoa. On the Algerian coast, boats not flying the French flag must pay high fees for fishing rights, and in the early 20th century, the once-thriving fisheries at La Calle were largely ignored. Two types of boats are involved in fishing: larger ones weighing from 12 to 14 tons with ten to twelve crew members, and smaller ones weighing 3 to 4 tons with five or six crew members. The larger boats, operating from March to October, gather between 650 and 850 pounds of coral, while the smaller boats, working year-round, collect between 390 and 500 pounds. The Algerian reefs are divided into ten sections, with only one fished each year, as ten years is deemed sufficient for proper coral growth.

The range of value of the various qualities of coral, according to colour and size, is exceedingly wide, and notwithstanding the steady Oriental demand its price is considerably affected by the fluctuations of fashion. While the price of the finest tints of rose pink may range from £80 to £120 per oz., ordinary red-coloured small pieces sell for about £2 per oz., and the small fragments called collette, used for children’s necklaces, cost about 5s. per oz. In China large spheres of good coloured coral command high prices, being in great requisition for the button of office worn by the mandarins. It also finds a ready market throughout India and in Central Asia; and with the negroes of Central Africa and of America it is a favourite ornamental substance.

The value of different qualities of coral, based on color and size, varies greatly, and even though there's a consistent demand from the East, its price is significantly influenced by changing trends. While the finest shades of rose pink can sell for £80 to £120 per ounce, ordinary small pieces of red coral go for around £2 per ounce, and the small fragments known as collette, used for children's necklaces, cost about 5 shillings per ounce. In China, large, well-colored coral spheres fetch high prices because they are in high demand for the buttons worn by government officials. Coral also has a strong market in India and Central Asia, and it is a popular decorative material among the Black communities in Central Africa and America.


CORALLIAN (Fr. Corallien), in geology, the name of one of the divisions of the Jurassic rocks. The rocks forming this division 132 are mainly calcareous grits with oolites, and rubbly coral rock—often called “Coral Rag”; ferruginous beds are fairly common, and occasionally there are beds of clay. In England the Corallian strata are usually divided into an upper series, characterized by the ammonite Perisphinctes plicatilis, and a lower series with Aspidoceras perarmatus as the zonal fossil. When well developed these beds are seen to lie above the Oxford Clay and below the Kimeridge Clay; but it will save a good deal of confusion if it is recognized that the Corallian rocks of England are nothing more than a variable, local lithological phase of the two clays which come respectively above and below them. This caution is particularly necessary when any attempt is being made to co-ordinate the English with the continental Corallian.

CORALLIAN (Fr. Corallien), in geology, refers to one of the divisions of the Jurassic rocks. The rocks in this division 132 are primarily composed of calcareous grits with oolites, along with rubbly coral rock—often known as “Coral Rag.” Ferruginous beds are fairly common, and sometimes there are beds of clay. In England, the Corallian strata are typically split into an upper series, identified by the ammonite Perisphinctes plicatilis, and a lower series featuring Aspidoceras perarmatus as the zonal fossil. When well-developed, these beds are observed to lie above the Oxford Clay and beneath the Kimeridge Clay; however, it’s important to note that the Corallian rocks of England are essentially just a variable, local lithological phase of the two clays that sit respectively above and below them. This caution is particularly important when trying to correlate the English Corallian with the continental Corallian.

The Corallian rocks are nowhere better displayed than in the cliffs at Weymouth. Here Messrs Blake and Huddleston recognized the following beds:—

The Corallian rocks are most prominently showcased in the cliffs at Weymouth. Here, Messrs Blake and Huddleston identified the following layers:—

Upper Corallian { Upper Coral Rag and Abbotsbury Iron Ore.
Sandsfoot Grits.
Sandsfoot Clay.
Sandsfoot Clay.
Trigonia Beds.
Osmington Oolite (quarried at Marnhull and Todbere).
Lower Corallian { Bencliff Grits.
Nothe Clay.
Nothe Clay.
Nothe Grit.

In Dorsetshire the Corallian rocks are 200 ft. thick, in Wiltshire 100 ft., but N.E. of Oxford they are represented mainly by clays, and the series is much thinner. (At Upware, the “Upware limestone” is the only known occurrence of beds that correspond in character with the Coralline oolite between Wiltshire and Yorkshire). In Yorkshire, however, the hard rocky beds come on again in full force. They appear once more at Brora in Sutherlandshire. Corallian strata have been proved by boring in Sussex (241 ft.). In Huntingdon, Bedfordshire, parts of Buckinghamshire, Cambridgeshire and Lincolnshire the Corallian series is represented by the “Ampthill Clay,” which has also been called “Bluntesham” or “Tetworth” Clay. Here and there in this district hard calcareous inconstant beds appear, such as the Elsworth rock, St Ives rock and Boxworth rock.

In Dorset, the Corallian rocks are 200 feet thick, in Wiltshire they're 100 feet, but northeast of Oxford, they're mostly found as clays, and the series is much thinner. (At Upware, the "Upware limestone" is the only known place where the beds match the Coralline oolite found between Wiltshire and Yorkshire.) In Yorkshire, though, the solid rocky layers reappear strongly. They show up again at Brora in Sutherland. Corallian layers have been confirmed by drilling in Sussex (241 feet). In Huntingdon, Bedfordshire, parts of Buckinghamshire, Cambridgeshire, and Lincolnshire, the Corallian series is represented by the "Ampthill Clay," which has also been referred to as "Bluntesham" or "Tetworth" Clay. Occasionally in this area, hard calcareous inconsistent beds appear, like the Elsworth rock, St Ives rock, and Boxworth rock.

In Yorkshire the Corallian rocks differ in many respects from their southern equivalents. They are subdivided as follows:—

In Yorkshire, the Corallian rocks are different in several ways from those in the south. They are divided as follows:—

Kimeridge
Clay
Corallian
Rock
Please provide the text you would like modernized. “Coralline
Oolite”
{ Upper Calcareous Grit
Coral Rag and Upper Limestone
Middle Calcareous Grit
}} A. plicatilis.
Oxford
Clay
Lower Limestone
Passage Beds
Lower Calcareous Grit
I'm sorry, but there seems to be a misunderstanding, as there is no text provided for me to modernize. Please provide the phrase you would like me to work on. A. perarmatus.

These rocks play an important part in the formation of the Vale of Pickering, and the Hambleton and Howardian Hills; they are well exposed in Gristhorpe Bay.

These rocks are crucial to the formation of the Vale of Pickering and the Hambleton and Howardian Hills; they are clearly visible in Gristhorpe Bay.

The passage beds, highly siliceous, flaggy limestones, are known locally as “Greystone” or “Wall stones”; some portions of these beds have resisted the weathering agencies and stand up prominently on the moors—such are the “Bridestones.” Cement stone beds occur in the upper calcareous grit at North Grimstone; and in the middle and lower calcareous grits good building stones are found.

The passage beds, which are mostly made of siliceous, flat limestones, are locally referred to as “Greystone” or “Wall stones.” Some parts of these beds have endured weathering and stand out prominently on the moors—these are the “Bridestones.” Cement stone beds can be found in the upper calcareous grit at North Grimstone, and in the middle and lower calcareous grits, quality building stones are available.

Among the fossils in the English Corallian rocks corals play an important part, frequently forming large calcareous masses or “doggers”; Thamnastrea, Thecosmilia and Isastrea are prominent genera. Ammonites and belemnites are abundant and gasteropods are very common (Nerinea, Chemnitzia, Bourgetia, &c.). Trigonias are very numerous in certain beds (T. perlata and T. mariani). Astarte ovata, Lucina aliena and other pelecypods are also abundant. The echinoderms Echinobrissus scutatus and Cidaris florigemma are characteristic of these beds.

Among the fossils in the English Corallian rocks, corals play an important role, often forming large calcareous masses or "doggers"; Thamnastrea, Thecosmilia, and Isastrea are prominent genera. Ammonites and belemnites are plentiful, and gastropods are very common (Nerinea, Chemnitzia, Bourgetia, &c.). Trigonias are very numerous in certain beds (T. perlata and T. mariani). Astarte ovata, Lucina aliena, and other pelecypods are also abundant. The echinoderms Echinobrissus scutatus and Cidaris florigemma are characteristic of these beds.

Rocks of the same age as the English Corallian are widely spread over Europe, but owing to the absence of clearly-marked stratigraphical and palaeontological boundaries, the nomenclature has become greatly involved, and there is now a tendency amongst continental geologists to omit the term Corallian altogether. According to A. de Lapparent’s classification the English Corallian rocks are represented by the Séquanien stage, with two substages, an upper Astartien and lower Rauracien; but this does not include the whole Corallian stage as defined above, the lower part being placed by the French author in his Oxfordien stage. For the table showing the relative position of these stages see the article Jurassic.

Rocks that are the same age as the English Corallian are widely distributed across Europe, but because there are no clear stratigraphic and paleontological boundaries, the naming has become quite complicated, and continental geologists are increasingly likely to drop the term Corallian entirely. According to A. de Lapparent's classification, the English Corallian rocks are represented by the Séquanien stage, which has two substages: an upper Astartien and a lower Rauracien; however, this does not cover the entire Corallian stage as defined above, with the lower portion categorized by the French author in his Oxfordien stage. For the table showing the relative position of these stages, see the article Jurassic.

See also “The Jurassic Rocks of Great Britain,” vol. i. (1892) and vol. v. (1895) (Memoirs of the Geological Survey); Blake and Huddleston, “On the Corallian Rocks of England,” Q.J.G.S. vol. xxxiii. (1877).

See also “The Jurassic Rocks of Great Britain,” vol. i. (1892) and vol. v. (1895) (Memoirs of the Geological Survey); Blake and Huddleston, “On the Corallian Rocks of England,” Q.J.G.S. vol. xxxiii. (1877).

(J. A. H.)

CORAL-REEFS. Many species of coral (q.v.) are widely distributed, and are found at all depths both in warmer and colder seas. Lophohelia prolifera and Dendrophyllia ramea form dense beds at a depth of from 100 to 200 fathoms off the coasts of Norway, Scotland and Portugal, and the “Challenger” and other deep-sea dredging expeditions have brought up corals from great depths in the Pacific and Atlantic oceans. But the larger number of species, particularly the more massive kinds, occur only in tropical seas in shallow waters, whose mean temperature does not fall below 68° Fahr., and they do not flourish unless the temperature is considerably higher. These conditions of temperature are found in a belt of ocean which may roughly be indicated as lying between the 28th N. and S. parallels. Within these limits there are numerous reefs and islands formed of coral intermixed with the calcareous skeletons of other animals, and their formation has long been a matter of dispute among naturalists and geologists.

CORAL REEFS. Many species of coral (see also) are found all over the world, at all depths in both warm and cold seas. Lophohelia prolifera and Dendrophyllia ramea create dense beds at depths of 100 to 200 fathoms off the coasts of Norway, Scotland, and Portugal, and deep-sea exploration expeditions like the “Challenger” have collected corals from great depths in the Pacific and Atlantic oceans. However, most species, especially the larger, more solid types, are found only in tropical seas in shallow waters where the average temperature doesn’t drop below 68°F, and they thrive best at even higher temperatures. These temperature conditions are typically found in an ocean belt roughly located between the 28th parallels north and south. Within these boundaries, there are many reefs and islands made of coral mixed with the calcareous skeletons of other animals, and the process of their formation has been a subject of debate among naturalists and geologists for a long time.

Coral formations may be classed as fringing or shore reefs, barrier reefs and atolls. Fringing reefs are platforms of coral rock extending no great distance from the shores of a continent or island. The seaward edge of the platform is usually somewhat higher than the inner part, and is often awash at low water. It is intersected by numerous creeks and channels, especially opposite those places where streams of fresh water flow down from the land, and there is usually a channel deep enough to be navigable by small boats between the edge of the reef and the land. The outer wall of the reef is rather steep, but descends into a comparatively shallow sea. Since corals are killed by fresh water or by deposition of mud or sand, it is obvious that the outer edge of the reef is the region of most active coral growth, and the boat channel and the passages leading into it from the open sea have been formed by the suppression of coral growth by one of the above-mentioned causes, assisted by the scour of the tides and the solvent action of sea-water. Barrier reefs may be regarded as fringing reefs on a large scale. The great Australian barrier reef extends for no less a distance than 1250 m. from Torres Strait in 9.5° S. lat. to Lady Elliot island in 24° S. lat. The outer edge of a barrier reef is much farther from the shore than that of a fringing reef, and the channel between it and the land is much deeper. Opposite Cape York the seaward edge of the great Australian barrier reef is nearly 90 m. distant from the coast, and the maximum depth of the channel at this point is nearly 20 fathoms. As is the case in a fringing reef, the outer edge of a barrier reef is in many places awash at low tides, and masses of dead coral and sand may be piled up on it by the action of the waves, so that islets are formed which in time are covered with vegetation. These islets may coalesce and form a strip of dry land lying some hundred yards or less from the extreme outer edge of the reef, and separated by a wide channel from the mainland. Where the barrier reef is not far from the land there are always gaps in it opposite the mouths of rivers or considerable streams. The outer wall of a barrier reef is steep, and frequently, though not always, descends abruptly into great depths. In many cases in the Pacific Ocean a barrier reef surrounds one or more island peaks, and the strips of land on the edge of the reef may encircle the peaks with a nearly complete ring. An atoll is a ring-shaped reef, either awash at low tide or surmounted by several islets, or more rarely by a complete strip of dry land surrounding a central lagoon. The outer wall of an atoll generally descends with a very steep but irregular slope to a depth of 500 fathoms or more, but the lagoon is seldom more than 20 fathoms deep, and may be much less. Frequently, especially to the 133 leeward side of an atoll, there may be one or more navigable passages leading from the lagoon to the open sea.

Coral formations can be categorized as fringing or shore reefs, barrier reefs, and atolls. Fringing reefs are areas of coral rock that extend not very far from the shores of a continent or island. The seaward edge of the reef is usually higher than the inner section and is often underwater at low tide. It's cut through by many creeks and channels, especially where fresh water streams flow from land, and there's usually a channel deep enough for small boats to navigate between the reef and the shore. The outer wall of the reef is quite steep but drops into relatively shallow water. Since corals are harmed by fresh water or the deposition of mud or sand, it's clear that the outer edge of the reef is where coral growth is most active, and the boat channel and entrances from the open sea have been created by reduced coral growth due to one of these factors, aided by tidal scouring and sea-water erosion. Barrier reefs can be seen as large-scale fringing reefs. The great Australian barrier reef stretches for an impressive distance of 1250 kilometers from Torres Strait at 9.5° S to Lady Elliot Island at 24° S. The outer edge of a barrier reef is much farther from shore than that of a fringing reef, and the channel between it and the land is significantly deeper. Off Cape York, for instance, the outer edge of the Australian barrier reef is nearly 90 meters from the coast, and the maximum depth of the channel here is about 20 fathoms. As with fringing reefs, the outer edge of a barrier reef is often underwater at low tide, and waves can pile up dead coral and sand on it, forming small islets that eventually get covered in vegetation. These islets can merge to create a stretch of dry land lying a few hundred yards or less from the outer edge of the reef, separated by a wide channel from the mainland. When a barrier reef is close to the land, there are often gaps opposite the mouths of rivers or significant streams. The outer wall of a barrier reef is steep and frequently, though not always, drops suddenly into deep water. Often in the Pacific Ocean, a barrier reef surrounds one or more island peaks, and the land strips on the edges of the reef can encircle the peaks almost completely. An atoll is a ring-shaped reef, either underwater at low tide or topped by a few islets, or in rarer cases, a full strip of dry land surrounding a central lagoon. The outer wall of an atoll typically drops off steeply but irregularly to depths of 500 fathoms or more, while the lagoon is usually no deeper than 20 fathoms, and often much less. Frequently, especially on the 133 leeward side of an atoll, there may be one or more navigable passages leading from the lagoon to the open sea.

Though corals flourish everywhere under suitable conditions in tropical seas, coral reefs and atolls are by no means universal in the torrid zone. The Atlantic Ocean is remarkably free from coral formations, though there are numerous reefs in the West Indian islands, off the south coast of Florida, and on the coast of Brazil. The Bermudas also are coral formations, their high land being formed by sand accumulated by the wind and cemented into rock, and are remarkable for being the farthest removed from the equator of any recent reefs, being situated in 32° N. lat. In the Pacific Ocean there is a vast area thickly dotted with coral formations, extending from 5° N. lat. to 25° S. lat., and from 130° E. long, to 145° W. long. There are also extensive reefs in the westernmost islands of the Hawaiian group in about 25° N. lat. In the Indian Ocean, the Laccadive and Maldive islands are large groups of atolls off the west and south-west of India. Still farther south is the Chagos group of atolls, and there are numerous reefs off the north coast of Madagascar, at Mauritius, Bourbon and the Seychelles. The Cocos-Keeling Islands, in 12° S. lat. and 96° E. long., are typical atolls in the eastern part of the Indian Ocean.

Though corals thrive in suitable conditions throughout tropical seas, coral reefs and atolls aren’t found everywhere in the tropics. The Atlantic Ocean has very few coral formations, although there are many reefs in the West Indian islands, along the south coast of Florida, and on the coast of Brazil. The Bermudas are also coral formations, with their high land made from sand blown by the wind and cemented into rock, and they are notable for being the farthest from the equator of any recent reefs, located at 32° N. lat. In the Pacific Ocean, there’s a vast area densely covered with coral formations, stretching from 5° N. lat. to 25° S. lat., and from 130° E. long. to 145° W. long. There are also large reefs in the westernmost islands of the Hawaiian group at about 25° N. lat. In the Indian Ocean, the Laccadive and Maldive islands are significant groups of atolls located to the west and southwest of India. Further south is the Chagos group of atolls, alongside numerous reefs off the northern coast of Madagascar, at Mauritius, Bourbon, and the Seychelles. The Cocos-Keeling Islands, positioned at 12° S. lat. and 96° E. long., are typical atolls in the eastern part of the Indian Ocean.

Diagram showing the formation of an atoll during subsidence. (After C. Darwin.) The lower part of the figure represents a barrier reef surrounding a central peak.

Diagram showing the formation of an atoll during subsidence. (After C. Darwin.) The lower part of the figure shows a barrier reef surrounding a central peak.

A, A, outer edges of the barrier reef at the sea-level; the coco-nut trees indicate dry land formed on the edges of the reef.

A, A, outer edges of the barrier reef at sea level; the coconut trees show that dry land has formed at the edges of the reef.

L, L, lagoon channel.

L, L, lagoon channel.

A’, A’, outer edges of the atoll formed by upgrowth of the coral during the subsidence of the peak.

A’, A’, the outer edges of the atoll created by the coral growth as the peak sank.

L’, lagoon of the atoll.

L’, atoll lagoon.

The vertical scale is considerably exaggerated as compared with the horizontal scale.

The vertical scale is much more exaggerated compared to the horizontal scale.

The remarkable characters of barrier reefs and atolls, their isolated position in the midst of the great oceans the seemingly unfathomable depths from which they rise their peaceful and shallow lagoons and inner channels, their narrow strips of land covered with coco-nut palms and other vegetation, and rising but a few feet above the level of the ocean, naturally attracted the attention of the earlier navigators, who formed sundry speculations as to their origin. The poet-naturalist, A. von Chamisso, was the first to propound a definite theory of the origin of atolls and encircling reefs, attributing their peculiar features to the natural growth of corals and the action of the waves. He pointed out that the larger and more massive species of corals flourish best on the outer sides of a reef, whilst the more interior corals are killed or stunted in growth by the accumulation of coral and other debris. Thus the outer edge of a submerged reef is the first to reach the surface, and a ring of land being formed by materials piled up by the waves, an atoll with a central lagoon is produced. Chamisso’s theory necessarily assumed the existence of a great number of submerged banks reaching nearly, but not quite, to the surface of the sea in the Pacific and Indian oceans, and the difficulty of accounting for the existence of so many of these led C. Darwin to reject his views and bring forward an explanation which may be called the theory of subsidence. Starting from the well-known premise that reef-building species of corals do not flourish in a greater depth of water than 20 fathoms, Darwin argued that all coral islands must have a rocky base, and that it was inconceivable that, in such large tracts of sea as occur in the Pacific and Indian oceans, there should be a vast number of submarine peaks or banks all rising to within 20 or 30 fathoms of the surface and none emerging above it. But on the supposition that the atolls and encircling reefs were formed round land which was undergoing a slow movement of subsidence, their structure could easily be explained. Take the case of an island consisting of a single high peak. At first the coral growth would form a fringing reef clinging to its shores. As the island slowly subsided into the ocean the upward growth of coral would keep the outer rim of the reef level with or within a few fathoms of the surface, so that, as subsidence proceeded, the distance between the outer rim of the reef and the sinking land would continually increase, with the result that a barrier-reef would be formed separated by a wide channel from the central peak. As corals and other organisms with calcareous skeletons live in the channel, their remains, as well as the accumulation of coral and other debris thrown over the outer edge of the reef, would maintain the channel at a shallower depth than that of the ocean outside. Finally, if the subsidence continued, the central peak would disappear beneath the surface, and an atoll would be left consisting of a raised margin of reef surrounding a central lagoon, and any pause during the movement of subsidence would result in the formation of raised islets or a strip of dry land along the margin of the reef. Darwin’s theory was published in 1842, and found almost universal acceptance, both because of its simplicity and its applicability to every known type of coral-reef formation, including such difficult cases as the Great Chagos Bank, a huge submerged atoll in the Indian Ocean.

The amazing features of barrier reefs and atolls, their remote location in the middle of vast oceans, the seemingly endless depths from which they rise, their calm and shallow lagoons and inner channels, and the narrow strips of land covered with coconut palms and other plants, which only rise a few feet above sea level, naturally caught the attention of early navigators who speculated about their origins. The poet-naturalist A. von Chamisso was the first to propose a clear theory about how atolls and surrounding reefs formed, linking their unique characteristics to the natural growth of corals and the influence of waves. He pointed out that larger, more robust coral species thrive best on the outer edges of a reef, while the interior corals are often damaged or stunted by accumulated coral and other debris. Thus, the outer edge of a submerged reef is the first part to rise above the surface, and as materials are piled up by the waves, a ring of land forms, creating an atoll with a central lagoon. Chamisso's theory assumed many submerged banks existed just below the ocean's surface in the Pacific and Indian Oceans, and the challenge of explaining the presence of so many led C. Darwin to reject his ideas and offer an explanation known as the theory of subsidence. Starting with the widely accepted idea that reef-building corals don't thrive in water deeper than 20 fathoms, Darwin argued that all coral islands must have a rocky base and that it was hard to believe that, in such vast areas of sea in the Pacific and Indian oceans, there would be numerous underwater peaks or banks rising to just 20 or 30 fathoms below sea level without any reaching the surface. However, if the atolls and surrounding reefs formed around land that was slowly sinking, their structure could be easily understood. Consider an island with a single tall peak. Initially, coral growth would create a fringing reef hugging its shores. As the island gradually sank into the ocean, the coral would continue to grow upward, keeping the outer edge of the reef level with or just a few fathoms below the surface. Therefore, as the sinking continued, the distance between the outer edge of the reef and the sinking land would continually increase, leading to the formation of a barrier reef separated by a wide channel from the central peak. As corals and other organisms with calcium-based skeletons live in the channel, their remains and the buildup of coral and other debris pushed over the reef's outer edge would keep the channel shallower than the surrounding ocean. Eventually, if the sinking continued, the central peak would disappear beneath the surface, leaving an atoll with a raised reef surrounding a central lagoon, and any pause in the subsidence would create raised islets or dry land along the reef's edge. Darwin published his theory in 1842, and it gained almost universal acceptance due to its simplicity and its applicability to every known type of coral reef formation, including complex cases like the Great Chagos Bank, a massive submerged atoll in the Indian Ocean.

Darwin’s theory was adopted and strengthened by J. D. Dana, who had made extensive observations among the Pacific coral reefs between 1838 and 1842, but it was not long before it was attacked by other observers. In 1851 Louis Agassiz produced evidence to show that the reefs off the south coast of Florida were not formed during subsidence, and in 1863 Karl Semper showed that in the Pelew islands there is abundant evidence of recent upheaval in a region where both atolls and barrier-reefs exist. Latterly, many instances of recently upraised coral formations have been described by H. B. Guppy, J. S. Gardiner and others, and Alexander Agassiz and Sir J. Murray have brought forward a mass of evidence tending to shake the subsidence theory to its foundations. Murray has pointed out that the deep-sea soundings of the “Tuscarora” and “Challenger” have proved the existence of a large number of submarine elevations rising out of a depth of 2000 fathoms or more to within a few hundred fathoms of the surface. The existence of such banks was unknown to Darwin, and removes his objections to Chamisso’s theory. For although they may at first be too far below the surface for reef-building corals, they afford a habitat for numerous echinoderms, molluscs, crustacea and deep-sea corals, whose skeletons accumulate on their summits, and they further receive a constant rain of the calcareous and silicious skeletons of minute organisms which teem in the waters above. By these agencies the banks are gradually raised to the lowest depth at which reef-building corals can flourish, and once these establish themselves they will grow more rapidly on the periphery of the bank, because they are more favourably situated as regards food-supply. Thus the reef will rise to the surface as an atoll, and the nearer it approaches the surface the more will the corals on the exterior faces be favoured, and the more will those in the centre of the reef decrease, for experiment has shown that the minute pelagic organisms on which corals feed are far less abundant in a lagoon than in the sea outside. Eventually, as the margin of the reef rises to the surface and material is accumulated upon it to form islets or continuous land, the coral growth in the lagoon will be feeble, and the solvent action of sea-water and the scour of the tide will tend to deepen the lagoon. Thus the considerable depth of some lagoons, amounting to 40 or 50 fathoms, may be accounted for. The observations of Guppy in the Solomon islands have gone far to confirm Murray’s conclusions, since he found in the islands of Ugi, Santa Anna and Treasury and Stirling islands unmistakable evidences of a nucleus of volcanic rock, covered with soft earthy bedded deposits several hundred feet thick. These deposits are highly fossiliferous in parts, and contain the remains of pteropods, lamellibranchs and echinoderms, embedded in a foraminiferous deposit mixed with volcanic debris, like the deep-sea muds brought up by 134 the “Challenger.” The flanks of these elevated beds are covered with coralline limestone rocks varying from 100 to 16 ft. in thickness. One of the islands, Santa Anna, has the form of an upraised atoll, with a mass of coral limestone 80 ft. in vertical thickness, resting on a friable and sparingly argillaceous rock resembling a deep-sea deposit. A. Agassiz, in a number of important researches on the Florida reefs, the Bahamas, the Bermudas, the Fiji islands and the Great Barrier Reef of Australia, has further shown that many of the peculiar features of these coral formations cannot be explained on the theory of subsidence, but are rather attributable to the natural growth of corals on banks formed by prevailing currents, or on extensive shore platforms or submarine flats formed by the erosion of pre-existing land surfaces.

Darwin's theory was adopted and expanded by J. D. Dana, who made detailed observations among the Pacific coral reefs from 1838 to 1842, but it wasn’t long before it faced criticism from other researchers. In 1851, Louis Agassiz provided evidence that the reefs off the south coast of Florida were not created during subsidence. Then in 1863, Karl Semper demonstrated that there is clear evidence of recent uplift in the Pelew Islands, where both atolls and barrier reefs exist. More recently, many cases of newly raised coral formations have been described by H. B. Guppy, J. S. Gardiner, and others, while Alexander Agassiz and Sir J. Murray have presented a wealth of evidence that challenges the subsidence theory at its core. Murray pointed out that deep-sea soundings from the “Tuscarora” and “Challenger” have confirmed the existence of numerous underwater elevations rising from depths of over 2000 fathoms to just a few hundred fathoms below the surface. These banks were unknown to Darwin and address his criticisms of Chamisso's theory. Although these features may initially be too deep for coral-building organisms, they provide habitats for many echinoderms, mollusks, crustaceans, and deep-sea corals, whose skeletons accumulate on these summits. Additionally, they receive a steady influx of calcareous and siliceous skeletons from tiny organisms that populate the waters above. Through these processes, the banks are gradually raised to the minimum depth at which reef-building corals can thrive. Once these corals establish themselves, they will grow faster on the edges of the bank, as they are better situated in terms of food supply. Therefore, the reef will rise to the surface as an atoll, and as it approaches the surface, the corals on the outer edges will flourish while those in the reef's center will diminish. Experiments have shown that the small pelagic organisms that corals feed on are much less abundant in a lagoon than in the surrounding sea. Eventually, as the edge of the reef rises to the surface and material accumulates to form islets or continuous land, coral growth in the lagoon will be weak, and the dissolving action of seawater along with tidal currents will tend to deepen the lagoon. This accounts for the significant depth of some lagoons, reaching 40 to 50 fathoms. Guppy's observations in the Solomon Islands have largely supported Murray’s conclusions, as he found clear signs of a nucleus of volcanic rock in the islands of Ugi, Santa Anna, and Treasury, as well as Stirling islands, covered with soft, layered deposits several hundred feet thick. These deposits are highly fossiliferous in parts and contain the remains of pteropods, lamellibranchs, and echinoderms, embedded in foraminiferous deposits mixed with volcanic debris, similar to the deep-sea muds retrieved by the “Challenger.” The sides of these elevated beds are covered with coralline limestone rocks ranging from 100 to 16 feet thick. One of the islands, Santa Anna, has the shape of an uplifted atoll, featuring a mass of coral limestone 80 feet thick resting on a loose, slightly clay-like rock resembling a deep-sea deposit. A. Agassiz, through a series of significant studies on the Florida reefs, the Bahamas, the Bermudas, the Fiji Islands, and the Great Barrier Reef of Australia, has further demonstrated that many unique characteristics of these coral formations cannot be explained by the subsidence theory, but are instead the result of the natural growth of corals on banks formed by prevailing currents, or on large shore platforms or underwater flats created through the erosion of pre-existing land surfaces.

In face of this accumulated evidence, it must be admitted that the subsidence theory of Darwin is inapplicable to a large number of coral reefs and islands, but it is hardly possible to assert, as Murray does, that no atolls or barrier reefs have ever been developed after the manner indicated by Darwin. The most recent research on the structure of coral reefs has also been the most thorough and most convincing. It is obvious that, if Murray’s theory were correct, a bore hole sunk deep into an atoll would pass through some 100 ft. of coral rock, then through a greater or less thickness of argillaceous rock, and finally would penetrate the volcanic rock on which the other materials were deposited. If Darwin’s theory is correct, the boring would pass through a great thickness of coral rock, and finally, if it went deep enough, would pass into the original rock which subsided below the waters. An expedition sent out by the Royal Society of London started in 1896 for the island of Funafuti, a typical atoll of the Ellice group in the Pacific Ocean, with the purpose of making a deep boring to test this question. The first attempt was not successful, for at a depth of 105 ft. the refractory nature of the rock stopped further progress. But a second attempt, under the management of Professor Edgeworth David of Sydney, proved a complete success. With improved apparatus, the boring was carried down to a depth of 697 ft. (116 fathoms), and a third attempt carried it down to 1114 ft. (185 fathoms). The boring proves the existence of a mass of pure limestone of organic origin to the depth of 1114 ft., and there is no trace of any other rock. The organic remains found in the core brought up by the drill consist of corals, foraminifera, calcareous algae and other organisms. A boring was also made from the deck of a ship into the floor of the lagoon, which shows that under 100 ft. of water there exists at the bottom of the lagoon a deposit more than 100 ft. thick, consisting of the remains of a calcareous alga, Halimeda opuntia, mixed with abundant foraminifera. At greater depths, down to 245 ft., the same materials, mixed with the remains of branching madrepores, were met with, and further progress was stopped by the existence of solid masses of coral, fragments of porites, madrepora and heliopora having been brought up in the core. These are shallow-water corals, and their existence at a depth of nearly 46 fathoms, buried beneath a mass of Halimeda and foraminifera, is clear evidence of recent subsidence. Halimeda grows abundantly over the floor of the lagoon of Funafuti, and has been observed in many other lagoons. The writer collected a quantity of it in the lagoon of Diego Garcia in the Chagos group. The boring demonstrates that the lagoon of Funafuti has been filled up to an extent of at least 245 ft. (nearly 41 fathoms), and this fact accords well with Darwin’s theory, but is incompatible with that of Murray. In the present state of our knowledge it seems reasonable to conclude that coral reefs are formed wherever the conditions suitable for growth exist, whether in areas of subsidence, elevation or rest. A considerable number of reefs, at all events, have not been formed in areas of subsidence, and of these the Florida reefs, the Bermudas, the Solomon islands, and possibly the Great Barrier Reef of Australia are examples. Funafuti would appear to have been formed in an area of subsidence, and it is quite probable that the large groups of low-lying islands in the Pacific and Indian oceans have been formed under the same conditions. At the same time, it must be remembered that the atoll or barrier reef shape is not necessarily evidence of formation during subsidence, for the observations of Karl Semper, A. Agassiz, and Guppy are sufficient to prove that these forms of reefs may be produced by the natural growth of coral, modified by the action of waves and currents in regions in which subsidence has certainly not taken place.

In light of this accumulated evidence, we have to acknowledge that Darwin's subsidence theory doesn't apply to many coral reefs and islands. However, it’s quite a stretch to claim, as Murray does, that no atolls or barrier reefs have ever formed as Darwin suggested. The latest research on coral reef structures has been the most comprehensive and compelling so far. It’s clear that if Murray’s theory were true, a borehole drilled deep into an atoll would go through about 100 feet of coral rock, then various thicknesses of clay-like rock, and finally hit the volcanic rock underneath. But if Darwin’s theory is accurate, drilling would encounter a significant thickness of coral rock and, if deep enough, would eventually reach the original rock that sank beneath the water. In 1896, an expedition sponsored by the Royal Society of London traveled to Funafuti, a typical atoll in the Ellice group of the Pacific Ocean, aiming to drill deep to investigate this issue. The first attempt failed because at a depth of 105 feet, the hard rock halted progress. However, a second attempt, led by Professor Edgeworth David of Sydney, was completely successful. With improved equipment, they drilled down to 697 feet (116 fathoms), and a third attempt reached 1114 feet (185 fathoms). The drilling revealed a solid mass of pure limestone of organic origin down to 1114 feet, with no sign of any other kind of rock. The organic materials brought up by the drill included corals, foraminifera, calcareous algae, and other organisms. They also drilled from a ship into the lagoon floor, showing that beneath 100 feet of water, there is a deposit over 100 feet thick made up of remains of a calcareous alga, Halimeda opuntia, mixed with many foraminifera. At greater depths, down to 245 feet, the same materials were found along with remains of branching madrepores, and further drilling was stopped by solid masses of coral, bringing up fragments of porites, madrepora, and heliopora. These are shallow-water corals, and their presence at nearly 46 fathoms deep, buried under a layer of Halimeda and foraminifera, clearly indicates recent subsidence. Halimeda grows abundantly on the lagoon floor of Funafuti and has been seen in many other lagoons. The writer also collected some from the lagoon of Diego Garcia in the Chagos group. The drilling shows that the lagoon of Funafuti has filled up to at least 245 feet (almost 41 fathoms), which aligns well with Darwin’s theory but contradicts Murray's. Given our current understanding, it seems reasonable to conclude that coral reefs can develop wherever the right growth conditions exist, regardless of whether the area is sinking, rising, or stable. Many reefs, such as those in Florida, Bermuda, the Solomon Islands, and possibly the Great Barrier Reef in Australia, weren’t formed in sinking areas. Funafuti appears to have formed in a sinking region, and it’s likely that the large groups of low-lying islands in the Pacific and Indian oceans originated under similar conditions. However, it’s important to note that the shape of atolls or barrier reefs doesn’t necessarily indicate they formed during subsidence, as observations by Karl Semper, A. Agassiz, and Guppy have shown that these types of reefs can also grow naturally, influenced by waves and currents in areas where subsidence definitely hasn't occurred.

See A. Agassiz, many publications in the Mem. Amer. Acad. (1883) and Bull. Mus. Comp. Zool. (Harvard, 1889-1899); J. D. Dana, Corals and Coral Islands (1853; 2nd ed., 1872; 3rd ed., 1890); C. Darwin, The Structure and Distribution of Coral Reefs (3rd ed., 1889); H. B. Guppy, “The Recent Calcareous Formations of the Solomon Group,” Trans. Roy. Soc. Edinb. xxxii. (1885); R. Langenbeck, “Die neueren Forschungen über die Korallenriffe,” Hettner geogr. Zeitsch. iii. (1897); J. Murray, “On the Structure and Origin of Coral Reefs and Islands,” Proc. Roy. Soc. Edinb. x. (1879-1880); J. Murray and Irvine, “On Coral Reefs and other Carbonate of Lime Formations in Modern Seas,” Proc. Roy. Soc. Edinb. (1889); W. Savile Kent, The Great Barrier Reef of Australia (London, W. H. Allen & Co., 1893); Karl Semper, Animal Life, “Internat. Sci. Series,” vol. xxxi. (1881); J. S. Gardiner, Nature, lxix. 371.

See A. Agassiz, many publications in the Mem. Amer. Acad. (1883) and Bull. Mus. Comp. Zool. (Harvard, 1889-1899); J. D. Dana, Corals and Coral Islands (1853; 2nd ed., 1872; 3rd ed., 1890); C. Darwin, The Structure and Distribution of Coral Reefs (3rd ed., 1889); H. B. Guppy, “The Recent Calcareous Formations of the Solomon Group,” Trans. Roy. Soc. Edinb. xxxii. (1885); R. Langenbeck, “Die neueren Forschungen über die Korallenriffe,” Hettner geogr. Zeitsch. iii. (1897); J. Murray, “On the Structure and Origin of Coral Reefs and Islands,” Proc. Roy. Soc. Edinb. x. (1879-1880); J. Murray and Irvine, “On Coral Reefs and other Carbonate of Lime Formations in Modern Seas,” Proc. Roy. Soc. Edinb. (1889); W. Savile Kent, The Great Barrier Reef of Australia (London, W. H. Allen & Co., 1893); Karl Semper, Animal Life, “Internat. Sci. Series,” vol. xxxi. (1881); J. S. Gardiner, Nature, lxix. 371.

(G. C. B.)

CORAM, THOMAS (1668-1751), English philanthropist, was born at Lyme Regis, Dorset. He began life as a seaman, and rose to the position of merchant captain. He settled at Taunton, Massachusetts, for several years engaging there in farming and boat-building, and in 1703 returned to England. His acquaintance with the destitute East End of London, and the miserable condition of the children there, inspired him with the idea of providing a refuge for such of them as had no legal protector; and after seventeen years of unwearied exertion, he obtained in 1739 a royal charter authorizing the establishment of his hospital for foundling infants (see Foundling Hospitals). It was opened in Hatton Garden, on the 17th of October 1740, with twenty inmates. For fifteen years it was supported by voluntary contributions; but in 1756 it was endowed with a parliamentary grant of £10,000 for the support of all that might be sent to it. Children were brought, however, in such numbers, and so few (not one-third, it is said) survived infancy, that the grant was stopped, and the charity, which had been removed to Guilford Street, was from that time only administered under careful restrictions. Coram’s later years were spent in watching over the interests of the hospital; he was also one of the promoters of the settlement of Georgia and Nova Scotia; and his name is honourably connected with various other charities. In carrying out his philanthropic schemes he spent nearly all his private means; and an annuity of £170 was raised for him by public subscription. He died on the 29th of March 1751.

CORAM, THOMAS (1668-1751), English philanthropist, was born in Lyme Regis, Dorset. He started his career as a seaman and eventually became a merchant captain. He lived in Taunton, Massachusetts, for several years, where he worked in farming and boat-building, before returning to England in 1703. His awareness of the struggling East End of London and the terrible conditions of the children there inspired him to create a refuge for those without legal protection. After seventeen years of tireless effort, he received a royal charter in 1739, allowing him to establish a hospital for abandoned infants (see Foundling Hospitals). The hospital opened in Hatton Garden on October 17, 1740, with twenty residents. For fifteen years, it was funded by public donations; however, in 1756, it was granted £10,000 by Parliament to support all children who came to it. Unfortunately, the number of children admitted was so high, and so few (reportedly less than one-third) survived infancy, that the funding was stopped. The charity, which had since moved to Guilford Street, then operated under strict regulations. In his later years, Coram focused on the hospital's welfare; he also played a role in promoting the settlement of Georgia and Nova Scotia, and his name is respected in connection with various other charities. He spent nearly all his personal finances on his philanthropic efforts, and an annuity of £170 was raised for him through public donations. He passed away on March 29, 1751.


COR ANGLAIS, or English Horn (Ger. englisches Horn or alt Hoboe; Ital. corno inglese), a wood-wind double-reed instrument of the oboe family, of which it is the tenor. It is not a horn, but bears the same relation to the oboe as the basset horn does to the clarinet. The cor anglais differs slightly in construction from the oboe; the conical bore of the wooden tube is wider and slightly longer, and there is a larger globular bell and a bent metal crook to which the double reed mouthpiece is attached. The fingering and method of producing the sound are so similar in both instruments that the player of the one can in a short time master the other, but as the cor anglais is pitched a fifth lower, the music must be transposed for it into a key a fifth higher than the real sounds produced. The compass of the cor anglais extends over two octaves and a fifth:

COR ANGLAIS, or English Horn (Ger. englisches Horn or alt Hoboe; Ital. corno inglese), is a woodwind double-reed instrument from the oboe family, serving as its tenor. It’s not a horn, but it relates to the oboe in the same way the basset horn does to the clarinet. The cor anglais has a slightly different construction compared to the oboe; the wooden tube's conical bore is wider and a bit longer, featuring a larger rounded bell and a bent metal crook where the double reed mouthpiece is attached. The fingering and sound production methods are so similar in both instruments that a player can quickly learn to play the other, but since the cor anglais is pitched a fifth lower, the music needs to be transposed into a key a fifth higher than the actual sounds played. The range of the cor anglais spans over two octaves and a fifth:

The true quality of the cor anglais is penetrating like that of the oboe, but mellower and more melancholy.

The true quality of the cor anglais is striking like that of the oboe, but softer and more wistful.

The cor anglais is the alto Pommer (q.v.) or haute-contre de hautbois (see Oboe), gradually developed, improved and provided with key-work. It is not known exactly when the change took place, but it was probably during the 17th century, after the Schalmey or Shawm had been transformed into the oboe. In a 17th century MS. (Add. 30,342, f. 145) in the British Museum, written in French, giving pen and ink sketches of many instruments, is an “accord de hautbois” which comprises a pédalle 135 (bass oboe or Pommer), a sacquebute (sackbut) as basse-contre, a taille (tenor) with a note that the haute-contre (the cor anglais) est de mesme sinon plus petite. The tubes of all the members of the hautbois family are straight in this drawing. Before 1688 the French hoboy, made in four parts and having two keys, was known in England.1 It is probable that in France, where the hautbois played such an important part in court music, the cor anglais, under the name of haute-contre de hautbois, was also provided with keys. At the end of the 17th century there were two players of the haute-contre de hautbois among the musicians of the Grande Écurie du Roi.2

The cor anglais is the alto Pommer (q.v.) or haute-contre de hautbois (see Oboe), which was gradually developed, improved, and equipped with key work. It's not clear exactly when this change happened, but it likely took place during the 17th century, after the Schalmey or Shawm had been transformed into the oboe. In a 17th-century manuscript (Add. 30,342, f. 145) in the British Museum, written in French and featuring pen and ink sketches of many instruments, there is an “accord de hautbois” that includes a pédalle (bass oboe or Pommer), a sacquebute (sackbut) as basse-contre, and a taille (tenor) with a note stating that the haute-contre (the cor anglais) est de mesme sinon plus petite. In this drawing, the tubes of all the instruments in the hautbois family are straight. Before 1688, the French hoboy, made in four parts and having two keys, was known in England.1 It is likely that in France, where the hautbois was very important in court music, the cor anglais, under the name haute-contre de hautbois, was also equipped with keys. By the end of the 17th century, there were two players of the haute-contre de hautbois among the musicians of the Grande Écurie du Roi.2

Fig. 1.—Modern Cor anglais. (Besson & Co.)
From Richard Hofmann’s Handbook of Musical Instruments.
Fig. 2.—Cor anglé, 18th century.

The origin of the name of the instrument is also a matter of conjecture. Two theories exist—one that cor anglais is a corruption of cor anglé, a name given on account of the angular bend of the early specimens. In that case the name, but not necessarily the instrument, probably originated in France early in the 18th century, for Gluck scored for two cors anglais in his Italian version of Alceste played in Vienna in 1767. When a French version of this opera was given in Paris two years later, the cor anglais, not being known or available there, was replaced by oboes. It was not until 1808 that the cor anglais was heard at the Paris Opera, when it was played by the oboist Vogt in Catel’s Alexandre chez Apelle. This, however, proves only that the name was not familiar in France, where the oboe of the same pitch was called haute-contre de hautbois. The bending of the tube and the development of the cor anglais as solo instrument originated in Germany, unless the oboe da caccia was identical with the cor anglais, in which case Italy would be the country of origin. Thomas Stanesby, junior, made an oboe da caccia in 1740 of straight pattern in four pieces, having a bent metal crook for the insertion of the reed and two saddle keys; but the bell was like the bell of the oboe, not globular like that of the cor anglais, a form to which the veiled quality of its timbre is due. It is interesting in this connexion to recall some experiments in bending the cor anglais, which do not appear to have led to any practical result. A French broadside (c. 1650), “La Musique,” preserved in the British Museum, contains drawings of many musical instruments in use in the 17th century; among them are an oboe with keys in a perforated case, and two other wood wind instruments of the same family, which may be taken to represent attempts to dispose of the inconvenient length of the haute-contre (1) by bending the tube at right angles for about one quarter of its length from the mouthpiece, which contains a large double reed, (2) by bending the tube in the elongated “S” shape of the corno torto or bass Zinke, for which the drawing in question might be mistaken but for the bent crook inserted in the end for the reception of the reed, which, however, is missing. The other hypothesis is that when the cor anglais was given a bend in order to facilitate the handling, the name was adopted to mark its resemblance to a kind of hunting-horn said to be in use in England at the time. This suggestion does not seem to be a happy one; for if the reference be to the crescent-shaped horn, that instrument was in use in all countries at various periods before the 17th century, while if it be to the angular form, then a reproduction of such a horn should be forthcoming to support the statement.

The origin of the name of the instrument is still uncertain. There are two theories—one is that "cor anglais" is a distorted version of cor anglé, named for the angular bend of early models. If that's the case, the name likely originated in France in the early 18th century, as Gluck scored for two cors anglais in his Italian version of Alceste, performed in Vienna in 1767. When a French version of this opera was staged in Paris two years later, the cor anglais, being unknown or unavailable there, was replaced by oboes. It wasn't until 1808 that the cor anglais was heard at the Paris Opera, played by oboist Vogt in Catel’s Alexandre chez Apelle. However, this only proves that the name wasn't familiar in France, where the oboe of the same pitch was called haute-contre de hautbois. The bending of the tube and the development of the cor anglais as a solo instrument began in Germany, unless the oboe da caccia was the same as the cor anglais, in which case Italy would be the birthplace. Thomas Stanesby, junior, made a straight-pattern oboe da caccia in 1740, consisting of four pieces with a bent metal crook for inserting the reed and two saddle keys; however, its bell resembled that of the oboe, not being globular like that of the cor anglais, which contributes to its unique timbre. It's interesting to note some experiments with bending the cor anglais that didn't lead to practical outcomes. A French broadside (circa 1650), “La Musique,” preserved in the British Museum, includes drawings of various musical instruments used in the 17th century; among them is an oboe with keys in a perforated case, and two other woodwind instruments from the same family, which may represent attempts to solve the issue of the inconvenient length of the haute-contre (1) by bending the tube at right angles for about a quarter of its length from the mouthpiece, which has a large double reed, (2) by bending the tube into the elongated “S” shape of the corno torto or bass Zinke, although this drawing might easily be confused without the bent crook at the end for the reed, which is unfortunately missing. The other theory is that when the cor anglais was bent for easier handling, the name was adopted to reflect its similarity to a form of hunting horn said to be used in England at the time. This suggestion seems unconvincing; if it refers to the crescent-shaped horn, that instrument was prevalent in many countries long before the 17th century, and if it refers to the angular shape, then there should be a reproduction of such a horn to support the claim.

The idea of bending the instrument is attributed to Giovanni or Giuseppe Ferlendis of Bergamo,3 brothers and virtuosi on the oboe. One of these had settled in Salzburg, and both were equally renowned as performers on the English horn. They visited Venice, Brescia, Trieste, Vienna, London (in 1795) and Lisbon, where Giuseppe died. In this case we might expect the name to have been given in Italian, corno inglese; yet Gluck in his Italian edition used the French name already in 1767, when Giuseppe was but twelve years old. We must await some more conclusive explanation, but we may suppose that the new name was bestowed when the instrument assumed a form entirely new to the family of hautbois or oboes. The cor anglais was well known in England before 1774, for in a quaint book of travels through England, published in that year, we read that Signor Sougelder,4 “an eminent surgeon of Bristol,” was a performer “on the English horn.”

The idea of bending the instrument is attributed to Giovanni or Giuseppe Ferlendis of Bergamo, 3 brothers and masters of the oboe. One of them had settled in Salzburg, and both were equally famous as players of the English horn. They traveled to Venice, Brescia, Trieste, Vienna, London (in 1795), and Lisbon, where Giuseppe passed away. In this case, we might expect the name to be in Italian, corno inglese; however, Gluck used the French name in his Italian edition as early as 1767, when Giuseppe was only twelve years old. We need to find a more definitive explanation, but we can assume that the new name was given when the instrument took on a completely new form within the family of hautbois or oboes. The cor anglais was already well-known in England before 1774, as noted in a charming travel book published that year, which mentions that Signor Sougelder, 4 "an eminent surgeon of Bristol," was a performer "on the English horn."

The experiment of bending the cor anglais did not prove satisfactory, for the tube instead of being bored had to be cut out of two pieces of wood which were then glued together and covered with leather. Even the most skilful craftsman did not succeed in making the inside of the tube quite smooth; the roughness of the wood was detrimental to the tone and gave the cor anglais a veiled, somewhat hoarse quality, and makers before long reverted to the direct or vertical form.

The attempt to create a bent cor anglais didn't turn out well. Instead of boring out a single tube, they had to cut it from two pieces of wood, which were then glued together and covered with leather. Even the most skilled craftsmen couldn't make the inside of the tube completely smooth; the roughness of the wood affected the sound, resulting in a muted, somewhat raspy tone. Eventually, makers went back to the straight or vertical design.

(K. S.)

1 See Harleian MS. 2034, f. 207b, British Museum, in the third part of Randle Holme’s Academy of Armoury, written before 1688, where an outline sketch in ink is also given.

1 See Harleian MS. 2034, f. 207b, British Museum, in the third part of Randle Holme’s Academy of Armoury, written before 1688, where an outline sketch in ink is also provided.

2 See J. Écorcheville, “Quelques documents sur la musique de la Grande Écurie du Roi,” Sammelband intern. Musikges. ii. 4, pp. 609 and 625. Deeds exist creating charges for four hautbois and musettes de Poitou in the hand of King John, middle of 14th century, see p. 633.

2 See J. Écorcheville, “Some Documents on the Music of the King's Grand Stable,” Sammelband intern. Musikges. ii. 4, pp. 609 and 625. Records exist showing expenses for four oboes and musettes from Poitou in the possession of King John, mid-14th century, see p. 633.

3 See Henri Lavoix, Histoire de l’instrumentation, p. 111; Gerber, Lexikon, “Giuseppe Ferlendis”; Robert Eitner, Quellen-Lexikon der Tonkünstler, “Gioseffo Ferlendis.” Fétis and Pohl also refer to him.

3 See Henri Lavoix, Histoire de l’instrumentation, p. 111; Gerber, Lexikon, “Giuseppe Ferlendis”; Robert Eitner, Quellen-Lexikon der Tonkünstler, “Gioseffo Ferlendis.” Fétis and Pohl also refer to him.

4 See Musical Travels thro’ England (London, 1774), p. 56.

4 See Musical Travels through England (London, 1774), p. 56.


CORATO, a city of Apulia, Italy, in the province of Bari, 26 m. W. of Bari by steam tramway. Pop. (1901) 41,573. It is situated in the centre of an agricultural district. It contains no buildings of great interest, but is a clean and well-kept town.

CORATO, a city in Apulia, Italy, located in the province of Bari, 26 miles west of Bari by steam tramway. Population (1901) 41,573. It's positioned in the heart of an agricultural region. There are no significant buildings of interest, but it's a tidy and well-maintained town.


CORBAN (ןברק), an Aramaic word meaning “a consecrated gift.” Josephus uses the word of Nazirites and of the temple treasure of Jerusalem. Such a votive offering lay under a curse if it were diverted to ordinary purposes, like the spoil of Jericho which Achan appropriated (Josh. vii.), or the temple treasure of Delphi which was seized by the Phocians, 356 B.C. The word is found in Mark vii. 11, the usual interpretation of which is that Jesus refers to an abuse—a man might declare that any part of his property which came into his parents’ hands was corban, consecrated, i.e. that a curse rested on any benefit they might get from it. The Jewish scribes thus fenced the law of vows with a traditional interpretation which made men break the most binding injunctions of the Mosaic Law, in this case the fifth commandment. A totally different explanation of the passage is put forward by J. H. A. Hart in The Jewish Quarterly Review for July 1907, the gist of which is that Jesus commends the Pharisees for insisting that when a man has vowed a vow to God he should pay it even though his parents should suffer.

CORBAN (ןברק), an Aramaic term that means “a dedicated gift.” Josephus uses this term in reference to Nazirites and the temple treasure of Jerusalem. Such a votive offering was considered cursed if it was redirected for everyday uses, similar to the spoils of Jericho that Achan took (Josh. vii.) or the temple treasure of Delphi that was captured by the Phocians in 356 BCE The term appears in Mark vii. 11, where it's commonly interpreted that Jesus is addressing an abuse—where a man might claim that any part of his property that his parents received was corban, meaning it was dedicated and thus subject to a curse if his parents benefited from it. The Jewish scribes therefore interpreted the law of vows in a way that led people to ignore the most important commands of the Mosaic Law, in this case, the fifth commandment. A completely different interpretation of this passage is presented by J. H. A. Hart in The Jewish Quarterly Review for July 1907, which suggests that Jesus actually praises the Pharisees for insisting that when someone makes a vow to God, they should keep it, even if it causes hardship for their parents.


CORBEIL, WILLIAM OF (d. 1136), archbishop of Canterbury, was born probably at Corbeil on the Seine, and was educated at Laon. He was soon in the service of Ranulf Flambard, bishop of Durham; then, having entered the order of St Augustine, he became prior of the Augustinian foundation at St Osyth in Essex. At the beginning of 1123 he was chosen from among several candidates to be archbishop of Canterbury, and as he refused to admit that Thurstan, archbishop of York, was independent of the see of Canterbury, this prelate refused to consecrate him, and the ceremony was performed by his own suffragan bishops. Proceeding to Rome the new archbishop found that Thurstan had anticipated his arrival in that city and had made out a strong case against him to Pope Calixtus II.; however, the exertions of the English king Henry I. and of the emperor Henry V. prevailed, and the pope gave William the pallium. The archbishop’s next dispute was with the papal 136 legate. Cardinal John of Crema, who had arrived in England and was acting in an autocratic manner. Again travelling to Rome, William gained another victory, and was himself appointed papal legate (legatus natus) in England and Scotland, a precedent of considerable importance in the history of the English Church. The archbishop had sworn to Henry I. that he would support the claim of his daughter Matilda to the English crown, but nevertheless he crowned Stephen in December 1135. He died at Canterbury on the 21st of November 1136. William built the keep of Rochester Castle, and finished the building of the cathedral at Canterbury, which was dedicated with great pomp in May 1130.

CORBEIL, WILLIAM OF (d. 1136), archbishop of Canterbury, was probably born in Corbeil on the Seine and was educated at Laon. He quickly became part of Ranulf Flambard's service, the bishop of Durham. Later, after joining the order of St. Augustine, he became prior of the Augustinian foundation at St. Osyth in Essex. In early 1123, he was selected from a group of candidates to be archbishop of Canterbury. When he refused to acknowledge that Thurstan, the archbishop of York, was independent of the Canterbury see, Thurstan declined to consecrate him, so the ceremony was conducted by his own suffragan bishops. When he arrived in Rome, the new archbishop discovered that Thurstan had reached the city before him and had presented a strong case against him to Pope Calixtus II.; however, the efforts of King Henry I of England and Emperor Henry V were successful, and the pope granted William the pallium. The archbishop's next conflict involved the papal 136 legate, Cardinal John of Crema, who had come to England and was acting in an autocratic manner. Returning to Rome, William achieved another victory and was appointed papal legate (legatus natus) in England and Scotland, setting an important precedent in the history of the English Church. The archbishop had promised Henry I that he would support his daughter Matilda's claim to the English crown, yet he still crowned Stephen in December 1135. He died in Canterbury on November 21, 1136. William constructed the keep of Rochester Castle and completed the building of the cathedral at Canterbury, which was dedicated with great ceremony in May 1130.

See W. F. Hook, Lives of the Archbishops of Canterbury (1860-1884); and W. R. W. Stephens, History of the English Church (1901).

See W. F. Hook, Lives of the Archbishops of Canterbury (1860-1884); and W. R. W. Stephens, History of the English Church (1901).


CORBEIL, a town of northern France, capital of an arrondissement in the department of Seine-et-Oise, at the confluence of the Essonne with the Seine, 21 m. S. by E. of Paris on the Orléans railway to Nevers. Pop. (1906) 9756. A bridge across the Seine unites the main part of the town on the left bank with a suburb on the other side; handsome boulevards lead to the village of Essonnes (pop. 7255), about a mile to the south-west. St Spire, the only survivor of the formerly numerous churches of Corbeil, dates from the 12th to the 15th centuries. Behind the church there is a Gothic gateway. A monument has been erected to the brothers Galignani, publishers of Paris, who gave a hospital and orphanage to the town. Corbeil is the seat of a sub-prefect, and has tribunals of first instance and commerce and a chamber of commerce. It has important flour-mills, tallow-works, printing-works, large paper-works at Essonnes, and carries on boat and carriage-building, and the manufacture of plaster. The Decauville engineering works are in the vicinity. There is trade in grain and flour.

CORBEIL, is a town in northern France, serving as the capital of an arrondissement in the department of Seine-et-Oise, located at the point where the Essonne meets the Seine, 21 miles southeast of Paris along the Orléans railway to Nevers. The population was 9,756 in 1906. A bridge over the Seine connects the main part of the town on the left bank with a suburb on the right side; beautiful boulevards lead to the village of Essonnes (population 7,255), about a mile to the southwest. St. Spire, the only remaining church from the many that once existed in Corbeil, dates from the 12th to the 15th centuries. Behind the church, there is a Gothic gateway. A monument has been erected to the Galignani brothers, publishers from Paris, who contributed a hospital and orphanage to the town. Corbeil is home to a sub-prefect and has local courts for civil and commercial matters as well as a chamber of commerce. The town features significant flour mills, tallow works, printing companies, large paper mills at Essonnes, and engages in boat and carriage building and plaster manufacturing. The Decauville engineering works are nearby. The town also engages in trading grain and flour.

From the 10th to the 12th century Corbeil was the chief town of a powerful countship, but it was united to the crown by Louis VI.; it continued for a long time to be an important military post in connexion with the commissariat of Paris. In 1258 St Louis concluded a treaty here with James I. of Aragon. Of the numerous sieges to which it has been exposed the most important were those by the Huguenots in 1562, and by Alexander Farnese, prince of Parma, in 1590.

From the 10th to the 12th century, Corbeil was the main town of a powerful countship, but it was brought under the crown by Louis VI. It remained an important military post linked to the supply lines for Paris for a long time. In 1258, St. Louis signed a treaty here with James I of Aragon. Among the many sieges it faced, the most significant were those by the Huguenots in 1562 and by Alexander Farnese, the prince of Parma, in 1590.


CORBEL (Lat. corbellus, a diminutive of corvus, a raven, on account of the beak-like appearance; Ital. mensola, Fr. corbeau, cul-de-lampe, Ger. Kragstein), the name in medieval architecture for a piece of stone jutting out of a wall to carry any super-incumbent weight. A piece of timber projecting in the same way was called a tassel or a bragger. Thus the carved ornaments from which the vaulting shafts spring at Lincoln are corbels. Norman corbels are generally plain. In the Early English period they are sometimes elaborately carved, as at Lincoln above cited, and sometimes more simply so, as at Stone. They sometimes end with a point apparently growing into the wall, or forming a knot, as at Winchester, and often are supported by angels and other figures. In the later periods the foliage or ornaments resemble those in the capitals. The corbels carrying the arches of the corbel tables in Italy and France were often elaborately moulded, and sometimes in two or three courses projecting over one another; those carrying the machicolations of English and French castles had four courses. The corbels carrying balconies in Italy and France were sometimes of great size and richly carved, and some of the finest examples of the Italian Cinquecento style are found in them. Throughout England, in half-timber work, wood corbels abound, carrying window-sills or oriels in wood, which also are often carved. A “corbel table” is a projecting moulded string course supported by a range of corbels. Sometimes these corbels carry a small arcade under the string course, the arches of which are pointed and trefoiled. As a rule the corbel table carries the gutter, but in Lombard work the arcaded corbel table was utilized as a decoration to subdivide the storeys and break up the wall surface. In Italy sometimes over the corbels will be a moulding, and above a plain piece of projecting wall forming a parapet (see also Masonry).

CORBEL (Lat. corbellus, a diminutive of corvus, meaning raven, due to its beak-like shape; Ital. mensola, Fr. corbeau, cul-de-lampe, Ger. Kragstein), refers to a stone piece that extends from a wall to support any weight above it in medieval architecture. A wooden piece that projects in the same way was known as a tassel or a bragger. For example, the carved ornaments that support the vaulting shafts at Lincoln are corbels. Norman corbels are usually quite simple. During the Early English period, they can be intricately carved, like those at Lincoln mentioned earlier, or more straightforward, like those at Stone. They sometimes have a point that seems to grow into the wall or form a knot, like at Winchester, and are often supported by angels and other figures. In later periods, the foliage or decorations resemble those found in capitals. The corbels that support the arches of corbel tables in Italy and France were often elaborately shaped and sometimes feature two or three layers projecting over each other; those supporting the machicolations of English and French castles typically had four layers. The corbels supporting balconies in Italy and France were often large and richly carved, with some of the finest examples of the Italian Cinquecento style present in them. Across England, wood corbels are common in half-timber work, supporting window sills or wooden oriels which are often carved as well. A “corbel table” is a projecting molded string course supported by a row of corbels. Sometimes these corbels support a small arcade beneath the string course, with pointed and trefoiled arches. Generally, the corbel table holds the gutter, but in Lombard work, the arcaded corbel table was used decoratively to separate the stories and break up the wall surface. In Italy, there may be a molding above the corbels, and a flat projecting wall forming a parapet above that (see also Masonry).


CORBET, RICHARD (1582-1635), English bishop and poet, was born in 1582, the son of a nurseryman at Ewell, Surrey. At Oxford, to which he proceeded from Westminster school in 1597, he was noted as a wit. On taking orders he continued to display this talent from the pulpit, and James I., in consideration of his “fine fancy and preaching,” made him one of the royal chaplains. In 1620 he became vicar of Stewkley, Berkshire, and in the same year was made dean of Christchurch, Oxford. In 1628 he was made bishop of Oxford, and in 1632 translated thence to the see of Norwich. Corbet was the author of many poems, for the most part of a lively, satirical order, his most serious production being the Fairies’ Farewell. His verses were first collected and published in 1647. His conviviality was famous, and many stories are told of his youthful merrymaking in London taverns in company with Ben Jonson, who always remained his close friend, and other dramatists. He died at Norwich on the 28th of July 1635.

CORBET, RICHARD (1582-1635), English bishop and poet, was born in 1582, the son of a nurseryman in Ewell, Surrey. He went to Oxford in 1597 from Westminster School, where he was recognized for his wit. After being ordained, he kept showcasing this talent from the pulpit, and James I, impressed by his “great imagination and preaching,” appointed him one of the royal chaplains. In 1620, he became vicar of Stewkley, Berkshire, and in the same year was appointed dean of Christchurch, Oxford. In 1628, he became the bishop of Oxford, and in 1632, he was transferred to the see of Norwich. Corbet wrote many poems, mostly lively and satirical, with his most serious work being Fairies’ Farewell. His poems were first collected and published in 1647. He was known for his love of good company, and many stories recount his youthful adventures in London taverns with Ben Jonson, who remained a close friend, and other playwrights. He passed away in Norwich on July 28, 1635.


CORBIE (Lat. corvus), a crow or raven. In architecture, “corbie steps” is a Scottish term (cf. Corbel) for the steps formed up the sides of the gable by breaking the coping into short horizontal beds.

CORBIE (Lat. corvus), a crow or raven. In architecture, “corbie steps” is a Scottish term (cf. Corbel) for the steps along the sides of the gable created by cutting the coping into short horizontal sections.


CORBRIDGE, a small market town in the Hexham parliamentary division of Northumberland, England; 3½ m. E. of Hexham, on the north bank of the river Tyne, which is here crossed by a fine seven-arched bridge dating from 1674. Pop. (1901) 1647. Corbridge was formerly of greater importance than at present. Its name, derived from the small river Cor, a tributary of the Tyne, is said to be associated with the Brigantian tribe of Corionototai. About 760 it became the capital of Northumbria; later it was a borough and was long represented in parliament. In 1138 David of Scotland made it a centre of military operations, and it was ravaged by Wallace in 1296, by Bruce in 1312, and by David II. in 1346. Its chief remains of antiquity are a square peel-tower and the cruciform church of St Andrew, of which part of the fabric is of pre-Conquest date, though the building is mainly Early English. Extensive use is made of building materials from the Roman station of Corstopitum (also called Corchester), which lay half a mile west of Corbridge at the junction of the Cor with the Tyne. This site has from time to time yielded many valuable relics, notably a silver dish, discovered in 1734, 148 oz. in weight and ornamented with figures of deities; but the first-rate importance of the station was only revealed by careful excavations undertaken in 1907 seq. There were then unearthed remains of several buildings fronting a broad thoroughfare, one of which is the largest Roman building, except the baths at Bath, yet discovered in England. Two of these buildings were granaries, and indicate the importance of Corstopitum as a base of the northward operations of Antoninus Pius. After his conquests had been lost, and Corstopitum ceased to be a military centre, its military buildings passed into civilian occupation, of which many evidences have been found. A fine hoard of gold coins, wrapped in lead-foil and hidden in a wall, was discovered in 1908. Corstopitum ceased to exist early in the 5th century, and the site was never again occupied.

CORBRIDGE, is a small market town in the Hexham parliamentary division of Northumberland, England; 3½ miles east of Hexham, on the north bank of the River Tyne, which is here crossed by a beautiful seven-arched bridge dating from 1674. Population (1901) was 1,647. Corbridge was once more significant than it is today. Its name comes from the small River Cor, a tributary of the Tyne, and is said to be linked to the Brigantian tribe of Corionototai. Around 760, it became the capital of Northumbria; later, it was a borough and was represented in parliament for a long time. In 1138, David of Scotland made it a military center, and it was attacked by Wallace in 1296, Bruce in 1312, and David II in 1346. Its main historical remains include a square peel tower and the cruciform church of St. Andrew, part of which dates to before the Conquest, although the building is primarily Early English. There is extensive use of building materials from the Roman station of Corstopitum (also known as Corchester), which was located half a mile west of Corbridge at the junction of the Cor with the Tyne. This site has occasionally yielded many valuable artifacts, notably a silver dish discovered in 1734, weighing 148 oz. and decorated with images of deities; however, the site’s true significance was only uncovered through careful excavations that started in 1907 and continued afterward. During this excavation, remains of several buildings facing a wide street were unearthed, one of which is the largest Roman structure, aside from the baths in Bath, yet discovered in England. Two of these buildings were granaries, indicating the importance of Corstopitum as a base for the northward campaigns of Antoninus Pius. After his conquests were lost and Corstopitum stopped being a military center, its military buildings were taken over for civilian use, evidence of which has been found in many instances. A significant hoard of gold coins, wrapped in lead foil and hidden in a wall, was discovered in 1908. Corstopitum ceased to exist in the early 5th century, and the site was never occupied again.


CORBULO, GNAEUS DOMITIUS (1st century A.D.), Roman general, was the half-brother of Caesonia, one of the wives of the emperor Caligula. In the reign of Tiberius he held the office of praetor, and was appointed to the superintendence of the roads and bridges. Under Claudius he was governor of lower Germany (A.D. 47). He punished the Frisii who refused to pay the tribute, and was on the point of advancing against the Chauci, but was recalled by the emperor and ordered to withdraw behind the Rhine. In order to provide employment for his soldiers, Corbulo made them cut a canal from the Mosa (Meuse) to the northern branch of the Rhine, which still forms one of the chief drains between Leiden and Sluys, and before the introduction of railways was the ordinary traffic road between Leiden and Rotterdam. Soon after the accession of Nero, Vologaeses (Vologasus), king of Parthia, overran Armenia, drove out Rhadamistus, who was under the protection of the Romans, and set his own brother Tiridates on the throne. Corbulo was thereupon sent out to the East with full military powers. After some delay, he took 137 the offensive in 58, and, reinforced by troops from Germany, attacked Tiridates. Artaxata and Tigranocerta were captured, and Tigranes, who had been brought up in Rome and was the obedient servant of the government, was installed king of Armenia. In 61 Tigranes invaded Adiabene, an integral portion of the Parthian kingdom, and a conflict between Rome and Parthia seemed unavoidable. Vologaeses, however, thought it better to come to terms. It was agreed that both the Roman and Parthian troops should evacuate Armenia, that Tigranes should be dethroned, and the position of Tiridates recognized. The Roman government declined to accede to these arrangements, and L. Caesennius Paetus, governor of Cappadocia, was ordered to settle the question by bringing Armenia under direct Roman administration. The protection of Syria in the meantime claimed all Corbulo’s attention. Paetus, a weak and incapable man, suffered a severe defeat at Rhandea (62), where he was surrounded and forced to capitulate and to evacuate Armenia. The command of the troops was again entrusted to Corbulo. In 63, with a strong army, he crossed the Euphrates, but Tiridates declined to give battle and concluded peace. At Rhandea he laid down his diadem at the foot of the emperor’s statue, promising not to resume it until he received it from the hand of Nero himself in Rome. In 67 disturbances broke out in Judaea, but Nero, jealous of Corbulo’s success and popularity, ordered Vespasian to take command of the forces and summoned Corbulo to Greece. On his arrival at Cenchreae, the port of Corinth, messengers from Nero met Corbulo, and ordered him to commit suicide. Without hesitation he obeyed, exclaiming, “I have deserved it.” Whether he had really given any grounds for suspicion is unknown; but there is no doubt, so great was his popularity with the soldiers and such the hatred felt for Nero, that he could easily have seized the throne. Corbulo wrote an account of his Asiatic experiences, which is lost.

CORBULO, GNAEUS DOMITIUS (1st century A.D.), a Roman general, was the half-brother of Caesonia, one of Caligula's wives. During Tiberius's reign, he served as praetor and was in charge of roads and bridges. Under Claudius, he became governor of lower Germany (A.D. 47). He punished the Frisii for refusing to pay tribute and was about to advance against the Chauci when the emperor recalled him and ordered him to pull back behind the Rhine. To keep his soldiers occupied, Corbulo had them dig a canal from the Mosa (Meuse) to the northern branch of the Rhine, which still serves as a major drainage system between Leiden and Sluys, and was the main route for trade between Leiden and Rotterdam before railways. Shortly after Nero came to power, Vologaeses (Vologasus), the king of Parthia, invaded Armenia, expelled Rhadamistus, who was under Roman protection, and placed his brother Tiridates on the throne. Corbulo was then dispatched to the East with full military authority. After a brief pause, he took the initiative in 58, reinforced by troops from Germany, and attacked Tiridates. He captured Artaxata and Tigranocerta, and installed Tigranes, who had been raised in Rome and was loyal to the government, as king of Armenia. In 61, Tigranes invaded Adiabene, a part of the Parthian kingdom, making conflict between Rome and Parthia seem inevitable. However, Vologaeses opted for diplomacy. It was agreed that both Roman and Parthian forces would leave Armenia, Tigranes would be dethroned, and Tiridates's position recognized. The Roman government refused these terms, leading to L. Caesennius Paetus, governor of Cappadocia, being ordered to place Armenia under Roman control. Corbulo’s focus then shifted entirely to protecting Syria. Paetus, being weak and ineffective, suffered a major defeat at Rhandea (62), where he was surrounded, forced to surrender, and had to evacuate Armenia. Command was reassigned to Corbulo. In 63, he crossed the Euphrates with a strong army, but Tiridates avoided battle and made peace. At Rhandea, he laid down his crown at the feet of the emperor’s statue, vowing not to take it up again until Nero handed it to him in Rome. In 67, unrest broke out in Judaea, but out of jealousy for Corbulo's success and popularity, Nero ordered Vespasian to lead the forces and called Corbulo to Greece. When Corbulo arrived at Cenchreae, the port of Corinth, he was met by messengers from Nero, who ordered him to commit suicide. Without hesitation, he complied, saying, “I have deserved it.” It’s unclear if he had truly given any reason for suspicion; however, given his immense popularity among the soldiers and the animosity towards Nero, he could have easily claimed the throne. Corbulo wrote an account of his experiences in Asia, which has been lost.

See Tacitus, Annals, xii.-xv.; Dio Cassius lix. 15, lx. 30, lxii. 19-23, lxiii. 6, 17, lxvi. 3; H. Schiller, Geschichte des römischen Kaiserreichs unter der Regierung des Nero (1872); E. Egli, “Feldzüge in Armenien von 41-63,” in M. Büdinger’s Untersuchungen zur römischen Kaisergeschichte, i. (1868); Mommsen, Hist. of the Roman Provinces, ii. (1886); for the Armenian campaigns see B. W. Henderson in Classical Review (April, May, June, 1901); in general D. T. Schoonover, A Study of Cn. Domitius Corbulo (Chicago, 1909).

See Tacitus, Annals, xii.-xv.; Dio Cassius lix. 15, lx. 30, lxii. 19-23, lxiii. 6, 17, lxvi. 3; H. Schiller, Geschichte des römischen Kaiserreichs unter der Regierung des Nero (1872); E. Egli, “Feldzüge in Armenien von 41-63,” in M. Büdinger’s Untersuchungen zur römischen Kaisergeschichte, i. (1868); Mommsen, Hist. of the Roman Provinces, ii. (1886); for the Armenian campaigns see B. W. Henderson in Classical Review (April, May, June, 1901); in general D. T. Schoonover, A Study of Cn. Domitius Corbulo (Chicago, 1909).


CORD (derived through the Fr. corde, from the Lat. chorda, Gr. χορδή, the string of a musical instrument), a length of twisted or woven strands, in thickness coming between a rope and a string, a smaller kind of rope (q.v.). From the use of such a cord for measuring, the word is applied to a quantity of cut wood, differing according to locality. The variant “chord,” which, in spelling, reverts to the original Latin, is used in particular senses, as, in physiology, for such cord-like structures as the vocal chords; in the case of the “umbilical cord,” the other spelling is usually retained. In mathematics a “chord” is a straight line joining any two points on the same curve, and, in music, the word is used of several musical notes sounded simultaneously and in harmony (q.v.). In this last sense, “chord” is properly a shortened form of “accord,” agreement, from Late Lat. accordare, and the spelling with h is due to a confusion.

CORD (originating from the French corde, and the Latin chorda, Gr. string, meaning a string of a musical instrument), is a length of twisted or woven strands, thicker than a string but thinner than a rope, essentially a smaller type of rope (see entry). Because cords are used for measuring, the term is also applied to a quantity of cut wood, which varies by region. The alternate spelling “chord,” which aligns with the original Latin, is used in specific contexts, such as in physiology for structures like vocal chords; regarding the “umbilical cord,” the other spelling is more commonly used. In mathematics, a “chord” refers to a straight line that connects any two points on the same curve, and in music, it describes several musical notes played together in harmony (see entry). In this musical context, “chord” is a shortened form of “accord,” meaning agreement, borrowed from Late Latin accordare, with the inclusion of h being a result of confusion.


CORDAY D’ARMONT, MARIE ANNE CHARLOTTE (1768-1793), French revolutionary heroine, the murderess of Marat, born at St Saturnin des Lignerets, near Séez in Normandy, was descended from a noble but poor family, and numbered among her ancestors the dramatist Corneille. Charlotte Corday was educated in the convent of the Holy Trinity at Caen, and then sent to live with an aunt. Here she saw hardly any one but her relative, and passed her lonely hours in reading the works of the philosophes, especially Voltaire and the Abbé Raynal. Another of her favourite authors was Plutarch, from whose pages she doubtless imbibed the idea of classic heroism and civic virtue which prompted the act that has made her name famous. On the outbreak of the Revolution she began to study current politics, chiefly in the papers issued by the party afterwards known as the Girondins. On the downfall of this party, on May 31, 1793, many of the leaders took refuge in Normandy, and proposed to make Caen the headquarters of an army of volunteers, at the head of whom Félix de Wimpffen, who commanded the army assembled for the defence of the coasts at Cherbourg, was to have marched upon Paris. Charlotte attended their meetings, and heard them speak; but we have no reason to believe that she saw any of them privately, till the day when she went to ask for introductions to friends of theirs in Paris. She saw that their efforts in Normandy were doomed to fail. She had heard of Marat as a tyrant and the chief agent in their overthrow, and she had conceived the idea of going alone to Paris and assassinating him,—doubtless thinking that this would break up the party of the Terrorists and be the signal of a counter-revolution, and ignorant of the fact that Marat was ill almost to the point of death, and that others were more influential than he.

CORDAY D’ARMONT, MARIE ANNE CHARLOTTE (1768-1793), French revolutionary heroine, the murderer of Marat, born in St Saturnin des Lignerets, near Séez in Normandy, was from a noble but poor family and counted the dramatist Corneille among her ancestors. Charlotte Corday was educated at the convent of the Holy Trinity in Caen and then sent to live with an aunt. There, she hardly interacted with anyone except her relative and spent her lonely hours reading the works of the philosophes, especially Voltaire and the Abbé Raynal. One of her favorite authors was Plutarch, from whose pages she certainly absorbed the idea of classic heroism and civic virtue that inspired the act that made her famous. When the Revolution broke out, she started to study current politics, mainly through the papers released by the party that later became known as the Girondins. After this party's downfall on May 31, 1793, many of the leaders sought refuge in Normandy and aimed to make Caen the base for a volunteer army, led by Félix de Wimpffen, who commanded the army assembled to defend the coasts at Cherbourg, and was supposed to march on Paris. Charlotte attended their meetings and listened to their discussions; however, there's no evidence that she ever met any of them privately until the day she went to ask for introductions to their friends in Paris. She realized their efforts in Normandy were likely to fail. She had heard of Marat as a tyrant and the main force behind their downfall, and she developed the idea of going to Paris alone and assassinating him, likely believing this would dismantle the party of the Terrorists and signal a counter-revolution, unaware that Marat was seriously ill and that others held more influence than he did.

Apparently she had thought of going to Paris in April, before the fall of the Girondins, for she had then procured a passport which she used in July. It contained the usual description of the bearer, and ran thus: Laissez passer la citoyenne Marie, &c., Corday, âgée de 24 ans, taille de 5 pieds 1 pouce, cheveux et sourcils châtains, yeux gris, front élevé, nez long, bouche moyenne, menton rond fourchu, visage ovale. Arrived in Paris she first attended to some business for a friend at Caen, and then she wrote to Marat: “Citizen, I have just arrived from Caen. Your love for your native place doubtless makes you desirous of learning the events which have occurred in that part of the republic. I shall call at your residence in about an hour; have the goodness to receive me and to give me a brief interview. I will put you in a condition to render great service to France.” On calling she was refused admittance, and wrote again, promising to reveal important secrets, and appealing to Marat’s sympathy on the ground that she herself was persecuted by the enemies of the republic. She was again refused an audience, and it was only when she called a third time (July 13) that Marat, hearing her voice in the antechamber, consented to see her. He lay in a bathing tub, wrapped in towels, for he was suffering from a horrible disease which had almost reduced him to a state of putrefaction. Our only source of information as to what followed is Charlotte’s own confession. She spoke to Marat of what was passing at Caen, and his only comment on her narrative was that all the men she had mentioned should be guillotined in a few days. As he spoke she drew from her bosom a dinner-knife (which she had bought the day before for two francs) and plunged it into his left side. It pierced the lung and the aorta. He cried out, “À moi, ma chère amie!” and expired. Two women rushed in, and prevented Charlotte from escaping. A crowd collected round the house, and it was with difficulty that she was escorted to the prison of the Abbaye. On being brought before the Revolutionary Tribunal she gloried in her act, and when the indictment against her was read, and the president asked her what she had to say in reply, her answer was, “Nothing, except that I have succeeded.” Her advocate, Claude François Chauveau Lagarde, put forward in vain the plea of insanity. She was sentenced to death, and calmly thanked her counsel for his efforts on her behalf, adding that the only defence worthy of her was an avowal of the act. She was then conducted to the Conciergerie, where at her own desire her portrait (now in the museum of Versailles) was painted by the artist Jean Jacques Hauer. She preserved her perfect calmness to the last. When she saw the guillotine, she placed herself in position under the fatal blade without assistance from any one. The knife fell, and one of the executioners held up her head by the hair, and had the brutality to strike it with his fist. Many believed they saw the dead face blush,—probably an effect of the red stormy sunset. It was the 17th of July 1793. It is difficult to analyse the character of Charlotte Corday; but there was in it much that was noble and exalted. Her mind had been formed by her studies on a pagan type. To C. J. M. Barbaroux and the Girondins of Caen she wrote from her prison, anticipating happiness “with Brutus in the Elysian Fields” after her death, and with this letter she sent a simple loving farewell to her father, revealing a tender side to her character that otherwise we would hardly have looked for in such a woman. Lamartine called her 138 l’ange de l’assassinat, and Vergniaud said, “Elle nous perd, mais elle nous apprend à mourir.

Apparently, she had considered going to Paris in April, before the fall of the Girondins, because she had obtained a passport that she used in July. It had the usual personal details and read: Laissez passer la citoyenne Marie, &c., Corday, âgée de 24 ans, taille de 5 pieds 1 pouce, cheveux et sourcils châtains, yeux gris, front élevé, nez long, bouche moyenne, menton rond fourchu, visage ovale. Once she arrived in Paris, she first took care of some business for a friend in Caen, and then she wrote to Marat: “Citizen, I have just arrived from Caen. Your love for your hometown likely makes you interested in the events that have taken place in that part of the republic. I will visit your residence in about an hour; please be kind enough to see me and give me a brief meeting. I will inform you in a way that will allow you to provide great service to France.” When she went to see him, she was denied entry and wrote again, promising to share important secrets and appealing to Marat’s sympathy by stating that she was herself being persecuted by the enemies of the republic. She was once more denied an audience, and it wasn’t until her third visit (July 13) that Marat, hearing her voice in the waiting area, agreed to meet her. He was lying in a bathtub, wrapped in towels, suffering from a terrible illness that had nearly left him in a state of decay. Our only source of information about what happened next is Charlotte’s own confession. She talked to Marat about what was happening in Caen, and his only comment on her account was that all the men she mentioned should be guillotined in a few days. As he spoke, she pulled a dinner knife (which she had purchased the day before for two francs) from her bosom and stabbed it into his left side. It pierced his lung and aorta. He cried out, “À moi, ma chère amie!” and died. Two women rushed in and stopped Charlotte from escaping. A crowd gathered around the house, and it was difficult for her to be escorted to the Abbaye prison. When she was brought before the Revolutionary Tribunal, she took pride in her act, and when the indictment against her was read, and the president asked her what she had to say in response, her answer was, “Nothing, except that I succeeded.” Her lawyer, Claude François Chauveau Lagarde, unsuccessfully argued that she was insane. She was sentenced to death and calmly thanked her lawyer for his efforts, adding that the only defense worthy of her was an acknowledgment of her act. She was then taken to the Conciergerie, where at her request, the artist Jean Jacques Hauer painted her portrait (now in the museum of Versailles). She remained perfectly calm until the end. When she saw the guillotine, she positioned herself under the deadly blade without any help. The blade fell, and one of the executioners held up her head by the hair and even had the cruelty to strike it with his fist. Many claimed they saw her dead face turn red—probably a result of the fiery sunset. It was July 17, 1793. It’s hard to analyze Charlotte Corday’s character, but there was much that was noble and elevated about her. Her mind had been shaped by studies of a pagan ideal. From her prison, she wrote to C. J. M. Barbaroux and the Girondins of Caen, anticipating happiness “with Brutus in the Elysian Fields” after her death, and with this letter, she sent a simple loving farewell to her father, revealing a tender side to her character that we might not have expected from such a woman. Lamartine called her 138 l’ange de l’assassinat, and Vergniaud said, “Elle nous perd, mais elle nous apprend à mourir.

See Œuvres politiques de Charlotte Corday (Caen, 1863; some letters and an Adresse aux Français amis des lois el de la paix), with a supplement printed in the same year; Louvet de Couvrai, Mémoires (ed. Aulard, Paris, 1889); Alphonse Esquiros, Charlotte Corday (2nd ed., 2 vols., Paris, 1841); Cheron de Villiers, Marie Anne Charlotte Corday (Paris, 1865); Casimir Périer, “La Jeunesse de Charlotte Corday” (Revue des deux mondes, 1862); C. Vatel, Dossiers du procès criminel de Charlotte de Corday ... extraits des archives impériales (Paris, 1861), and Dossier historique de Charlotte Corday (Paris, 1872); Austin Dobson, Four Frenchwomen (London, 1890); A. Ducos, Les Trois Girondines, Mme Roland, Charlotte Corday ... (Paris, 1896); Dr Cabanès, “La vraie Charlotte Corday,” in Le Cabinet secret de l’histoire (4 vols., 1897-1900). Her tragic history was the subject of two anonymous tragedies, Charlotte Corday (1795), said to be by the Conventional F. J. Gamon, and Charlotte Corday (Caen, 1797), neither of which have any merit; another by J. B. Salles is published by C. Vatel in Charlotte de Corday et les Girondins (1864-1872). See further bibliographical articles in M. Tourneux, Bibl. de l’hist. de Paris ... (vol. iv., 1906), and in the Bibliographie des femmes célèbres (3 vols., Turin and Rome, 1892-1905); and also E. Defrance, Charlotte Corday et la mort de Marat (1909).

See Œuvres politiques de Charlotte Corday (Caen, 1863; some letters and an Adresse aux Français amis des lois el de la paix), with a supplement printed in the same year; Louvet de Couvrai, Mémoires (ed. Aulard, Paris, 1889); Alphonse Esquiros, Charlotte Corday (2nd ed., 2 vols., Paris, 1841); Cheron de Villiers, Marie Anne Charlotte Corday (Paris, 1865); Casimir Périer, “La Jeunesse de Charlotte Corday” (Revue des deux mondes, 1862); C. Vatel, Dossiers du procès criminel de Charlotte de Corday ... extraits des archives impériales (Paris, 1861), and Dossier historique de Charlotte Corday (Paris, 1872); Austin Dobson, Four Frenchwomen (London, 1890); A. Ducos, Les Trois Girondines, Mme Roland, Charlotte Corday ... (Paris, 1896); Dr Cabanès, “La vraie Charlotte Corday,” in Le Cabinet secret de l’histoire (4 vols., 1897-1900). Her tragic story inspired two anonymous plays, Charlotte Corday (1795), thought to be by the Convention member F. J. Gamon, and Charlotte Corday (Caen, 1797), neither of which are noteworthy; another by J. B. Salles was published by C. Vatel in Charlotte de Corday et les Girondins (1864-1872). See also additional bibliographical articles in M. Tourneux, Bibl. de l’hist. de Paris ... (vol. iv., 1906), and in the Bibliographie des femmes célèbres (3 vols., Turin and Rome, 1892-1905); and also E. Defrance, Charlotte Corday et la mort de Marat (1909).


CORDELIERS, CLUB OF THE, or Society of the Friends of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen, a popular society of the French Revolution. It was formed by the members of the district of the Cordeliers, when the Constituent Assembly suppressed the 60 districts of Paris to replace them with 48 sections (21st of May 1790). It held its meetings at first in the church of the monastery of the Cordeliers,—the name given in France to the Franciscan Observantists,—now the Dupuytren museum of anatomy in connexion with the school of medicine. From 1791, however, the Cordeliers met in a hall in the rue Dauphine. The aim of the society was to keep an eye on the government; its emblem on its papers was simply an open eye. It sought as well to encourage revolutionary measures against the monarchy and the old régime, and it was it especially which popularized the motto “Liberty, Equality, Fraternity.” It took an active part in the movement against the monarchy of the 20th of June and the 10th of August 1792; but after that date the more moderate leaders of the club, Danton, Fabre d’Eglantine, Camille Desmoulins, seem to have ceased attending, and the “enragés” obtained control, such as J. R. Hébert, F. N. Vincent, C. P. H. Ronsin and A. F. Momoro. Its influence was especially seen in the creation of the revolutionary army destined to assure provisions for Paris, and in the establishment of the worship of Reason. The Cordeliers were combated by those revolutionists who wished to end the Terror, especially by Danton, and by Camille Desmoulins in his journal Le Vieux Cordelier. The club disowned Danton and Desmoulins and attacked Robespierre for his “moderation,” but the new insurrection which it attempted failed, and its leaders were guillotined on the 24th of March 1794, from which date nothing is known of the club. We know little of its composition.

CORDÉLIERS, CLUB OF THE, or Society of the Friends of Human Rights and Citizenship, was a popular society during the French Revolution. It was created by the members from the district of the Cordeliers when the Constituent Assembly reduced the 60 districts of Paris to 48 sections (May 21, 1790). Initially, they held their meetings in the church of the Cordeliers monastery—the name given in France to the Franciscan Observantists—which is now the Dupuytren Museum of Anatomy associated with the school of medicine. However, from 1791 onward, the Cordeliers met in a hall on Rue Dauphine. The society aimed to monitor the government, and its emblem on their papers was simply an open eye. They also sought to promote revolutionary actions against the monarchy and the old regime, notably popularizing the motto “Liberty, Equality, Fraternity.” They played an active role in the movements against the monarchy on June 20 and August 10, 1792; however, after these events, the more moderate leaders of the club, such as Danton, Fabre d’Eglantine, and Camille Desmoulins, seemed to stop attending, and the “enragés” took control, including figures like J. R. Hébert, F. N. Vincent, C. P. H. Ronsin, and A. F. Momoro. Its influence was particularly evident in creating the revolutionary army, which was meant to secure provisions for Paris, and in establishing the worship of Reason. The Cordeliers faced opposition from revolutionaries who wanted to end the Terror, particularly from Danton and Camille Desmoulins in his journal Le Vieux Cordelier. The club disavowed Danton and Desmoulins and criticized Robespierre for his “moderation.” However, their attempt at a new insurrection failed, and their leaders were guillotined on March 24, 1794, after which little is known about the club. We have limited knowledge about its membership.

The papers emanating from the Cordeliers are enumerated in M. Tourneux, Bibliographie de l’histoire de Paris pendant la Révolution (1894), i. (on the trial of the Hebertists) Nos. 4204-4210, ii. Nos. 9795-9834 and 11,813. See also A. Bougeart, Les Cordeliers, documents pour servir à l’histoire de la Révolution (Caen, 1891); G. Lenotre, Paris révolutionnaire (Paris, 1895); G. Tridon, Les Hébertists, plainte contre une calomnie de l’histoire (Paris, 1864). The last-named author was condemned to four months’ prison; his work was reprinted in 1871. The inventory of the pictures found in 1790 in the monastery of the Cordeliers was published by J. Guiffrey in Nouvelles archives de l’art français, viii., 2nd series, iii. (1880).

The documents from the Cordeliers are listed in M. Tourneux, Bibliographie de l’histoire de Paris pendant la Révolution (1894), i. (on the trial of the Hebertists) Nos. 4204-4210, ii. Nos. 9795-9834 and 11,813. Also check out A. Bougeart, Les Cordeliers, documents pour servir à l’histoire de la Révolution (Caen, 1891); G. Lenotre, Paris révolutionnaire (Paris, 1895); G. Tridon, Les Hébertists, plainte contre une calomnie de l’histoire (Paris, 1864). The last author was sentenced to four months in prison; his work was reprinted in 1871. The catalog of the artworks discovered in 1790 at the Cordeliers monastery was published by J. Guiffrey in Nouvelles archives de l’art français, viii., 2nd series, iii. (1880).

(R. A.*)

CORDERIUS, the Latinized form of name used by Mathurin Cordier (c. 1480-1564), French schoolmaster, a native of Normandy or Perche. He possessed special tact and liking for teaching children, and taught first at Paris, where Calvin was among his pupils, and, after a number of changes, finally at Geneva, where he died on the 8th of September 1564. He wrote several books for children; the most famous is his Colloquia (Colloquiorum scholasticorum libri quatuor), which has passed through innumerable editions, and was used in schools for three centuries after his time. He also wrote: Principia Latine loquendi scribendique, sive selecta quaedam ex Epistolis Ciceronis; De corrupti sermonis apud Gallos emendatione et Latine loquendi Ratione; De syllabarum quantitate; Conciones sacrae viginti sex Galliae; Catonis disticha de moribus (with Latin and French translation); Remontrances et exhortations au roi et aux grands de son royaume.

CORDERIUS, is the Latinized version of the name used by Mathurin Cordier (circa 1480-1564), a French schoolmaster from Normandy or Perche. He had a special talent and passion for teaching children, starting his career in Paris, where Calvin was one of his students, and after several relocations, he ended up in Geneva, where he passed away on September 8, 1564. He wrote several books for children, the most well-known of which is his Colloquia (Colloquiorum scholasticorum libri quatuor), which has gone through countless editions and was used in schools for three centuries after his death. He also authored: Principia Latine loquendi scribendique, sive selecta quaedam ex Epistolis Ciceronis; De corrupti sermonis apud Gallos emendatione et Latine loquendi Ratione; De syllabarum quantitate; Conciones sacrae viginti sex Galliae; Catonis disticha de moribus (with Latin and French translation); Remontrances et exhortations au roi et aux grands de son royaume.

See monograph by E. A. Berthault, De M. Corderio et creatis apud Protestantes litterarum studiis (1875).

See monograph by E. A. Berthault, De M. Corderio et creatis apud Protestantes litterarum studiis (1875).


CORDES, a town of southern France, in the department of Tarn, 15 m. N.W. of Albi by road. Pop. (1906) 1619. Cordes, which covers the summit and slopes of an isolated hill, was a bastide founded by Raymond VII., count of Toulouse, in the first half of the 13th century. It preserves its medieval aspect to a remarkable degree, a large number of houses of the 13th and 14th centuries, with decorated fronts, forming its chief attraction. A church of the same periods and remains of the original ramparts are also to be seen.

CORDES, is a town in southern France, in the Tarn department, located 15 miles northwest of Albi by road. Population (1906) was 1,619. Cordes, which is situated on the top and slopes of an isolated hill, was a bastide established by Raymond VII, count of Toulouse, in the early 13th century. It remarkably retains its medieval appearance, featuring many houses from the 13th and 14th centuries with decorative facades, which are its main attraction. There is also a church from the same period and remnants of the original fortifications.


CORDILLERA, a Spanish term for a range or chain of mountains, derived from the Old Spanish cordilla, the diminutive of cuerda, a cord or rope. The name was first given to the Andes ranges of South America, Las Cordilleras de los Andes, and applied to the extension of the system into Mexico. In North America the parallel ranges of mountains running between and including the Rocky Mountains and the Sierra Nevada are known as the “Cordilleras,” and that part of the western continent crossed by them has been termed the “Cordilleran region.” Although the name has been applied to the eastern mountain system of Australia, the word is not, outside America, used as a generic term for parallel ranges of mountains.

CORDILLERA, is a Spanish word for a range or chain of mountains, coming from the Old Spanish cordilla, which is a diminutive form of cuerda, meaning cord or rope. The term was originally used for the Andes mountain ranges in South America, Las Cordilleras de los Andes, and was later applied to the continuation of this system into Mexico. In North America, the mountain ranges that run parallel to each other, including the Rocky Mountains and the Sierra Nevada, are referred to as the “Cordilleras,” and the area of the western continent that they traverse has been called the “Cordilleran region.” While the term has also been used for the eastern mountain system of Australia, it is not commonly used outside of America as a general term for parallel mountain ranges.


CORDITE, the name given to the smokeless propellant in use in the British army and navy. The material is produced in the form of cylindrical rods or strings of varying thicknesses by pressing the material, whilst in a soft and pasty state, through dies or perforations in a steel plate by hydraulic or screw pressure, hence the name cordite. The thickness or size of the rods varies from about 1 mm. diameter to 5 or more mm. according to the nature of the charge for which it is intended. The smallest diameter is used for revolver cartridge and the largest for heavy guns. When first devised by the Ordnance Committee, presided over by Sir Frederick Abel, in 1891, this explosive consisted of 58% of nitro-glycerin, 37% of gun-cotton, and 5% of mineral jelly. This variety is now known as Cordite Mark 1. At the present time a modification is made which contains gun-cotton 65%, nitro-glycerin 30%, and mineral jelly 5%. This is known as Cordite M.D. The advantages of Cordite M.D. over Mark 1 are slightly reduced rate of burning, higher velocities and more regular pressure in the gun, and lower temperature.

CORDITE, is the name for the smokeless propellant used by the British army and navy. This material is made in the form of cylindrical rods or strings with varying thicknesses by pressing it, while it's still soft and pasty, through dies or holes in a steel plate using hydraulic or screw pressure, which is how it got the name cordite. The thickness or size of the rods ranges from about 1 mm in diameter to 5 mm or more, depending on the type of charge it's meant for. The smallest diameter is used for revolver cartridges, and the largest is for heavy guns. When it was first created by the Ordnance Committee, led by Sir Frederick Abel, in 1891, this explosive was made up of 58% nitro-glycerin, 37% gun-cotton, and 5% mineral jelly. This version is now called Cordite Mark 1. Currently, a modified version is made, which contains 65% gun-cotton, 30% nitro-glycerin, and 5% mineral jelly. This is known as Cordite M.D. The benefits of Cordite M.D. compared to Mark 1 include a slightly reduced burning rate, higher velocities, more consistent pressure in the gun, and lower temperature.

Cordite of either mark is a perfectly waterproof substance, containing only traces of water remaining from the manufacturing processes. It has a density of about 1.56 at the ordinary temperature (15° C.), and, as its coefficient of expansion is small, this density does not change to any serious extent under climatic temperature variations. A rod may be bent to a moderate extent without breaking, and Cordite M.D. especially shows considerable elasticity. It can be impressed by the nail and cut with a knife, but is not in the least sticky, nor does the nitro-glycerin exude to any appreciable extent. It can be obtained in a finely-divided state by scraping with a sharp knife, or on a new file, or by grinding in a mill, such as a coffee-mill, but can scarcely be pounded in a mortar. Cordite is of a brownish colour in mass, but is much paler when finely ground or scraped. The rods easily become electrified by gentle friction with a dry substance. Like all colloidal substances it is an exceedingly bad conductor of heat. A piece ignited in air burns with a yellowish flame. With the smaller sizes, about 2 mm. diameter or less, this flame may be blown out, and the rod will continue to burn in a suppressed manner without actual flame, fumes containing oxides of nitrogen being emitted. Temperature appears to have an effect on the rate of burning. When much cooled it certainly burns more slowly than when at the ordinary air temperature, and is also more difficult to ignite. Rods of moderate thickness, say from 5 mm. diameter, will continue to burn under water if first ignited in air and the burning portion slowly immersed. The end of a rod of cordite may be struck a moderately heavy blow on an anvil without exploding or igniting. The rod will first flatten out. A sharp blow will then detonate 139 or explode the portion immediately under the hammer, the remainder of the rod remaining quite intact. Bullets may be fired through a bundle or package of cordite without detonating or inflaming it. This is of course a valuable quality. The exact temperature at which substances ignite or take fire is in all cases difficult to determine with any exactness. Cordite is not instantly ignited on contact with a flame such as that of a candle, because, perhaps, of the condensation of some moisture from the products of burning of the candle upon it. A blow-pipe flame or a red-hot wire is more rapid in action. The ignition temperature may be somewhere in the region of 180° C.

Cordite of either type is a completely waterproof material, containing only small traces of water left over from the manufacturing process. It has a density of about 1.56 at room temperature (15° C.), and since its coefficient of expansion is low, this density remains fairly stable despite changes in temperature. A rod can be bent moderately without breaking, and Cordite M.D. especially demonstrates significant elasticity. It can be marked by a nail and cut with a knife, but it isn’t sticky at all, nor does nitroglycerin leak out significantly. It can be finely ground by scraping with a sharp knife, using a new file, or grinding in a mill, like a coffee grinder, but it's hard to break down in a mortar. Cordite appears brown in bulk but looks much lighter when finely ground or scraped. The rods easily become charged with static electricity through gentle friction with a dry material. Like all colloidal substances, it's a very poor conductor of heat. A piece ignited in air burns with a yellowish flame. For smaller sizes, around 2 mm in diameter or less, this flame can be extinguished, and the rod will continue to burn in a subdued manner without an actual flame, releasing fumes that contain nitrogen oxides. Temperature seems to affect the burning rate; when it gets much colder, it definitely burns more slowly than at normal air temperature and is harder to ignite. Rods of moderate thickness, about 5 mm in diameter, will keep burning underwater if they’re lit in air and then slowly submerged. You can strike the end of a Cordite rod with a moderately heavy blow on an anvil without it exploding or igniting. The rod will first flatten. A sharp blow will then cause it to detonate or explode at the point directly under the hammer, while the rest of the rod remains intact. Bullets can be fired through a bundle or package of cordite without causing it to detonate or ignite, which is obviously a valuable property. The exact temperature at which substances ignite is generally difficult to determine precisely. Cordite doesn’t ignite instantly upon contact with a flame, like that of a candle, possibly due to moisture condensing from the candle's combustion products onto it. A blowtorch flame or a red-hot wire works faster. The ignition temperature is likely around 180° C.

All the members of this class of explosive when kept for some time at (for them) moderately high temperatures, such as the boiling-point of water (100° C.), show signs of decomposition; oxides of nitrogen are liberated, and some complex oxidation processes are started. Carefully prepared gun-cotton and nitro-glycerin will, however, withstand this temperature for a long time without serious detriment, excepting that nitro-glycerin is slightly volatilized. When incorporated in cordite, however, the nitro-glycerin appears to be much less volatile than when free at this temperature. Under reduced pressure (3 or 4 in. only of mercury instead of 30) it is possible to distil away a considerable amount of nitro-glycerin from cordite at 100° C. It is very doubtful whether at ordinary temperatures and pressures any nitro-glycerin whatever evaporates.

All the members of this class of explosives, when kept for some time at moderately high temperatures (like the boiling point of water at 100°C), show signs of breaking down; oxides of nitrogen are released, and some complex oxidation processes begin. However, properly prepared gun cotton and nitroglycerin can withstand this temperature for a long time without any serious damage, except that nitroglycerin is slightly vaporized. When mixed in cordite, though, the nitroglycerin seems to be much less volatile than when it is free at this temperature. Under reduced pressure (only 3 or 4 inches of mercury instead of 30), it's possible to distill a significant amount of nitroglycerin from cordite at 100°C. It's quite uncertain whether any nitroglycerin evaporates at normal temperatures and pressures.

Cordite may be kept in contact with clean, dry metals, wood, paper, and a number of ordinary substances without deterioration. In contact with damp and easily oxidizable metals all the substances of the gun-cotton class are liable to a slight local action, but the colloid nature, and probably also the contained mineral jelly, protect cordite considerably in these circumstances. Ammonia has a deleterious action, but even this proceeds but slowly. Cordite does not appear to change when kept under water.

Cordite can be stored alongside clean, dry metals, wood, paper, and a variety of common materials without losing quality. When it comes into contact with damp and easily oxidizable metals, substances in the gun-cotton category may experience minor local reactions, but the colloidal nature, along with the contained mineral jelly, provides significant protection to cordite in these situations. Ammonia can have a harmful effect, but this happens gradually. Cordite seems to remain unchanged when submerged in water.

The manufacturing processes comprise: drying the gun-cotton and nitro-glycerin; melting and filtering the mineral jelly; weighing and mixing the nitro-glycerin with the gun-cotton; moistening this mixture with acetone until it becomes a jelly; and then incorporating in a special mixing mill for about three hours, after which the weighed amount of mineral jelly is added and the incorporation continued for about one hour or until judged complete. The incorporating or mixing machine is covered as closely as possible to prevent too great evaporation of the very volatile acetone. Before complete incorporation the mixture is termed, in the works, “paste,” and, when finally mixed, “dough.”

The manufacturing processes include: drying the gun cotton and nitroglycerin; melting and filtering the mineral jelly; weighing and mixing the nitroglycerin with the gun cotton; moistening this mixture with acetone until it turns into a jelly; and then combining it in a special mixing mill for about three hours. After that, the measured amount of mineral jelly is added, and the mixing continues for about another hour or until it’s considered complete. The mixing machine is covered as tightly as possible to minimize the evaporation of the highly volatile acetone. Before it’s fully mixed, the mixture is referred to as “paste” in the factory, and when it’s finally mixed, it’s called “dough.”

The right consistency having been produced, the material is placed in a steel cylinder provided with an arrangement of dies or holes of regulated size at one end, and a piston or plunger at the other. The plunger is worked either by hydraulic power or by a screw (driven from ordinary shafting). Before reaching and passing through the holes in the die, the material is filtered through a disk of fine wire gauze to retain any foreign substances, such as sand, bits of wood or metal, or unchanged fibres of cellulose, &c., which might choke the dies or be otherwise dangerous. The material issues from the cylinders in the form of cord or string of the diameter of the holes of the die. The thicker sizes are cut off, as they issue, into lengths (of about 3 ft.), it being generally arranged that a certain number of these—say ten—should have, within narrow limits, a definite weight. The small sizes, such as those employed for rifle cartridges, are wound on reels or drums, as the material issues from the press cylinders, in lengths of many yards.

The right consistency being achieved, the material is placed in a steel cylinder that has a set of dies or holes of fixed size at one end and a piston or plunger at the other. The plunger is operated either by hydraulic power or by a screw (driven from a standard shaft). Before the material reaches and passes through the holes in the die, it is filtered through a disk of fine wire mesh to catch any foreign objects, like sand, pieces of wood or metal, or leftover cellulose fibers, which could clog the dies or cause other issues. The material exits the cylinders as a cord or string the same diameter as the holes in the die. The thicker strands are cut into lengths (about 3 ft) as they come out, with a certain number of them—say ten—designed to have a specific weight within narrow limits. The smaller strands, like those used for rifle cartridges, are wound onto reels or drums as they come out of the press cylinders, in lengths of many yards.

Some of the solvent or gelatinizing material (acetone) is lost during the incorporating, and more during the pressing process and the necessary handling, but much still remains in the cordite at this stage. It is now dried in heated rooms, where it is generally spread out on shelves, a current of air passing through carrying the acetone vapour with it. In the more modern works this air current is drawn, finally, through a solution of a substance such as sodium bisulphite; a fixed compound is thus formed with the acetone, which by suitable treatment may be recovered. The time taken in the drying varies with the thickness of the cordite from a few days to several weeks. For several reasons it is desirable that this process should go on gradually and slowly.

Some of the solvent or gelatinizing material (acetone) gets lost during the mixing process and even more during pressing and handling, but a lot still stays in the cordite at this point. It’s then dried in heated rooms, where it’s usually spread out on shelves while air flows through, carrying away the acetone vapor. In more modern facilities, this airflow is passed through a solution of a substance like sodium bisulphite; a fixed compound is formed with the acetone, which can be recovered with the right treatment. The drying time varies based on the thickness of the cordite, ranging from a few days to several weeks. For various reasons, it’s preferable for this process to happen gradually and slowly.

After drying, all the various batches of cordite of the same size are carefully “blended,” so that any slight differences in the manufacture of one batch or one day’s output may be equalized as much as possible. Slight differences may arise from the raw materials, cotton waste or glycerin, or in the making of these into gun-cotton or nitro-glycerin respectively. To help in controlling the blending, each “make” of gun-cotton and nitro-glycerin is “marked” or numbered, and carries its mark to the cordite batch of which it is an ingredient. The history of each box of large-sized or reel of small-sized cordite is therefore known up to the operation of blending and packing. The final testing is by firing proofs, as in the case of the old gunpowders.

After drying, all the different batches of cordite of the same size are carefully “blended” to minimize any slight differences in the manufacturing of one batch or one day’s production. Minor variations can occur due to the raw materials, such as cotton waste or glycerin, or in their conversion into gun-cotton or nitro-glycerin, respectively. To manage the blending process, each “make” of gun-cotton and nitro-glycerin is “marked” or numbered and carries its mark to the cordite batch it contributes to. The history of each box of large-sized or reel of small-sized cordite is therefore tracked up to the blending and packing stage. The final testing is done by firing proofs, similar to the procedure used for old gunpowders.

The gun-cotton employed for cordite is made in the usual way (see Gun-Cotton), with the exception of treating with alkali. It is also after complete washing with water gently pressed into small cylinders (about 3 in. diameter and 4 in. high) whilst wet, and these are carefully dried before the nitro-glycerin is added. The pressure applied is only sufficient to make the gun-cotton just hold together so that it is easily mixed with the nitro-glycerin. The mineral jelly or vaseline is obtained at a certain stage of distillation of petroleum, and is a mixture of hydrocarbons, paraffins, olefines and some other unsaturated hydrocarbons, possibly aromatic, which no doubt play a very important part as preservatives in cordite.

The gun cotton used for cordite is made in the usual way (see Gun-Cotton), except it’s treated with alkali. After being fully washed with water, it’s gently pressed into small cylinders (about 3 inches in diameter and 4 inches tall) while still wet, and these are carefully dried before adding the nitro-glycerin. The pressure used is just enough to make the gun cotton hold together so it can be easily mixed with the nitro-glycerin. The mineral jelly or vaseline is obtained at a certain stage of petroleum distillation, and it’s a mix of hydrocarbons, paraffins, olefins, and some other unsaturated hydrocarbons, possibly aromatic, which definitely play a crucial role as preservatives in cordite.

The stability of cordite, that is, its capability of keeping without chemical or ballistic changes, is judged of by certain “heat tests.” The Abel heat test consists in subjecting a weighed quantity, 2 grams, of the finely divided cordite contained in a test tube, to a temperature of 70° C. maintained constant by a water bath. The test tube is about 6×¾ in., and dips into the water sufficiently to immerse about 2 in., viz. the part containing the cordite. In the upper free portion a piece of filter-paper impregnated with a mixture of potassium iodide and starch paste is suspended by a platinum wire from the stopper of the tube. A portion of the test paper is moistened with a solution of glycerin to render it more sensitive than the dry part. A faint brown colour appearing on the moistened portion indicates that some oxides of nitrogen have been evolved from the cordite. This brown tint is compared with a standard, and the time taken before the standard tint appears is noted. The time fixed upon as a test of relative stability is an arbitrary one determined by examination of well-known specimens. Should the cordite or other explosive contain traces of mercury salts, such as mercuric chloride, which is sometimes added as a preservative, this test is rendered nugatory, and no coloration may appear (or only after a long exposure), although the sample may be of indifferent stability. It is now customary to examine specially for mercury, either by heating the explosive in contact with gold leaf or silver foil, or by burning the substance and examining the flame in the spectroscope.

The stability of cordite, meaning its ability to remain unchanged both chemically and ballistically, is assessed through specific “heat tests.” The Abel heat test involves taking a weighed amount, 2 grams, of finely divided cordite placed in a test tube and heating it to a constant temperature of 70° C using a water bath. The test tube is about 6×¾ in. and dips into the water enough to submerge around 2 in., which is the section containing the cordite. In the upper open part, a piece of filter paper soaked in a mix of potassium iodide and starch paste hangs from the stopper of the tube using a platinum wire. A bit of the test paper is moistened with a glycerin solution to make it more sensitive than the dry area. A faint brown color appearing on the moistened section indicates that some nitrogen oxides have been released from the cordite. This brown tint is compared to a standard, and the time taken for the standard color to appear is recorded. The time set as a measure of relative stability is an arbitrary one established by looking at familiar samples. If the cordite or other explosive contains traces of mercury salts, like mercuric chloride, which is sometimes added for preservation, this test becomes ineffective, and no color might show up (or only after a long time), even if the sample is relatively stable. It is now standard practice to specifically test for mercury, either by heating the explosive with gold leaf or silver foil, or by burning the substance and analyzing the flame with a spectroscope.

The method of examination known as the vacuum silvered vessel process is probably not interfered with by the presence of very small quantities of mercury. It consists in heating 50 grams of the finely divided explosive in a Dewar’s silvered vacuum glass bulb to a rigidly constant temperature of 80° C. for many hours. A sensitive thermometer having its bulb immersed in the centre of the cordite shows when the temperature rises above 80°. Such a rise indicates internal oxidation or decomposition of the explosive; it is accompanied by an evolution of nitrogen dioxide, NO2, the depth of colour of which is noted through a side tube attached to the bulb. As all explosives of this class would in time decompose sufficiently to give these indications, time periods or limits have been fixed at which an appreciable and definite rise in temperature and production of red fumes indicate relative stability or instability.

The vacuum silvered vessel process is likely unaffected by very small amounts of mercury. It involves heating 50 grams of finely divided explosive in a Dewar's silvered vacuum glass bulb to a steady temperature of 80° C. for several hours. A sensitive thermometer, with its bulb placed in the center of the cordite, shows when the temperature exceeds 80°. Such a rise suggests internal oxidation or decomposition of the explosive, which releases nitrogen dioxide, NO2, the intensity of which is observed through a side tube connected to the bulb. Since all explosives in this category would eventually decompose enough to show these signs, specific time limits have been established at which a significant and clear increase in temperature and the formation of red fumes indicate relative stability or instability.

(W. R. E. H.)

CÓRDOBA, GONZALO FERNANDEZ DE (1453-1515), Spanish general and statesman, usually spoken of by the Italianized form of his Christian name as Gonsalvo de Córdoba, or as “the 140 Great Captain,” was the second son of Don Pedro Fernandez de Córdoba, count of Aguilar, and of his wife Elvira de Herrera, who belonged to the family of Enriquez, the hereditary admirals of Castile, a branch of the royal house. Gonzalo was born at Montilla near the city of Córdova (Cordoba) on the 16th of March 1453. The father died when he and his elder brother, Don Alonso, were mere boys. The counts of Aguilar carried on an hereditary feud with the rival house of Cabra, and the children were carried by their vassals into the faction fights of the two families. As a younger son Gonzalo had his fortune to make, but he was generously aided by the affection of his elder brother, who was very wealthy. War and service in the king’s court offered the one acceptable career outside the church to a gentleman of his birth.

Córdoba, Gonzalo Fernández de (1453-1515), Spanish general and statesman, often referred to by the Italianized version of his name as Gonzalo de Córdoba, or as “the 140 Great Captain,” was the second son of Don Pedro Fernandez de Córdoba, count of Aguilar, and his wife Elvira de Herrera, who was part of the Enriquez family, the hereditary admirals of Castile and a branch of the royal house. Gonzalo was born in Montilla near Córdoba on March 16, 1453. His father passed away when he and his older brother, Don Alonso, were still young. The counts of Aguilar had an ongoing feud with the competing house of Cabra, and the children were often caught up in the factional disputes between the two families. As a younger son, Gonzalo had to carve out his own path, but he received generous support from his wealthy older brother. The military and court service were the only suitable careers outside the church for someone of his standing.

He was first attached to the household of Don Alphonso, the king’s brother, and upon his death devoted himself to Isabella, afterwards the queen. During the civil war, and the conflict with Portugal which disturbed the first years of her reign, he fought under the grand master of Santiago, Alonso de Cardenas. After the battle of Albuera, the grand master gave him especial praise, saying that he could always see Gonzalo to the front because he was conspicuous by the splendour of his armour. Indeed the future Great Captain, who, as a general, was above all things astute and patient, could, and habitually did, display the most reckless personal daring, going into a fight as if he loved it, and having a shrewd sense that a reputation for intrepidity, a free-handed profusion, and the personal magnificence which strikes the eye, would secure him the devotion of his soldiers. During the ten years’ war for the conquest of Granada he completed his apprenticeship under his brother, the count of Aguilar, the grand master of Santiago, and the count of Tendilla, of whom he always spoke as his masters. It was a war of surprises and defences of castles or towns, of skirmishes, and of ambuscades in the defiles of the mountains. The military engineer and the “guerrillero” were about equally employed. Gonzalo’s most distinguished single feat was the defence of the advanced post of Illora, but he commanded the queen’s escort when she wished to take a closer view of Granada, and he beat back a sortie of the Moors under her eyes. When Granada surrendered, he was one of the officers chosen to arrange the capitulation, and on the peace he was rewarded by a grant of land.

He was initially assigned to the household of Don Alphonso, the king’s brother, and after his death, he dedicated himself to Isabella, who would later become queen. During the civil war and the conflict with Portugal that troubled the early years of her reign, he fought under the grand master of Santiago, Alonso de Cardenas. After the battle of Albuera, the grand master praised him, noting that Gonzalo always stood out on the battlefield because of the brilliance of his armor. The future Great Captain, known for being strategic and patient as a general, often displayed the most reckless bravery, charging into battle with an enthusiasm that seemed genuine. He understood that having a reputation for fearlessness, generosity, and striking personal presence would earn him the loyalty of his soldiers. Throughout the ten years of the war for the conquest of Granada, he completed his training under his brother, the count of Aguilar, the grand master of Santiago, and the count of Tendilla, whom he always referred to as his mentors. It was a war of surprises and the defense of castles or towns, with skirmishes and ambushes in the mountain passes. Both military engineers and guerrilla fighters were heavily utilized. Gonzalo’s most notable achievement was the defense of the advanced post of Illora, but he also commanded the queen’s escort when she wanted a closer look at Granada, successfully repelling a Moorish sortie in her presence. When Granada surrendered, he was one of the officers selected to handle the terms of surrender, and after the peace was established, he was rewarded with a land grant.

So far he was only known as an able subordinate, but his capacity could not be hidden from such an excellent judge of character as Isabella, to whom as a woman he appealed by a chivalrous union of devotion and respect. When, therefore, the Catholic sovereigns decided to support the Aragonese house of Naples against Charles VIII. of France, Gonzalo was chosen by the influence of the queen, and in preference to older men, to command the Spanish expedition. It was in Italy that he won the title of the Great Captain; Guicciardini says that it was given him by the customary arrogance of the Spaniards, but it was certainly accepted as just by all the soldiers of the time of whatever nationality. A detailed account of his campaigns cannot be given here. He held the command in Italy twice. In 1495 he was sent with a small force of little more than five thousand men to aid Ferdinand of Naples to recover his kingdom, and he returned home after achieving success, in 1498. After a brief interval of service against the conquered Moors who had risen in revolt, he returned to Italy in 1501. Ferdinand of Spain had entered into his iniquitous compact with Louis XII. of France for the spoliation and division of the kingdom of Naples. The Great Captain was chosen to command the Spanish part of this robber coalition. As general and as viceroy of Naples he remained in Italy till 1507. During his first command he was mostly employed in Calabria in mountain warfare which bore much resemblance to his former experience in Granada. There was, however, a material difference in the enemy. The French forces, commanded by the Scotsman Stuart d’Aubigny, consisted largely of Swiss pikemen, and of their own men-at-arms. With his veterans of the Granadine war, foot soldiers armed with sword and buckler, or arquebuses and crossbows, and light cavalry, trained to unsleeping vigilance, capable of long marches, and of an endurance unparalleled among the soldiers of the time, he could carry on a guerrillero warfare which wore down his opponents, who suffered far more than the Spaniards from the heat. But he saw clearly that this was not enough. His experience in Seminara showed him that something more was wanted on the battlefield. The action was lost mainly because King Ferdinand, disregarding the advice of Gonzalo, persisted in fighting a pitched battle with inferior numbers, some of whom were untrustworthy Neapolitans. The Spanish foot behaved excellently, but the result showed that in the open field their loose formation and their swords put them at a disadvantage as against a charge of heavy cavalry or pikemen. Gonzalo therefore introduced a much more strict formation, and adopted the pike as the weapon of a part of his foot. The division of the Spanish infantry into the “battle” or main central body of pikemen, and the wings (alas) of “shot” to be employed in outflanking the enemy, was primarily due to the Great Captain.

So far, he was only recognized as a capable subordinate, but his abilities couldn't be overlooked by such a keen judge of character as Isabella, who appreciated his chivalrous mix of devotion and respect. Therefore, when the Catholic monarchs decided to support the Aragonese house of Naples against Charles VIII of France, Gonzalo was chosen by the queen's influence, despite being younger than other candidates, to lead the Spanish expedition. In Italy, he earned the title of the Great Captain; Guicciardini claims it was a reflection of typical Spanish arrogance, but it was widely accepted as deserved by soldiers of all nationalities at the time. A detailed account of his campaigns can't be provided here. He commanded in Italy twice. In 1495, he was sent with a small force of just over five thousand men to help Ferdinand of Naples regain his kingdom, and he returned home in 1498 after a successful mission. After a brief period serving against the revolting Moors, he returned to Italy in 1501. Ferdinand of Spain had struck a corrupt deal with Louis XII of France to plunder and divide the kingdom of Naples. The Great Captain was chosen to lead the Spanish contingent of this greedy alliance. As both general and viceroy of Naples, he stayed in Italy until 1507. During his first command, he mostly fought in Calabria in mountain warfare that resembled his previous experience in Granada. However, there was a significant difference in the enemy. The French forces, led by the Scotsman Stuart d’Aubigny, mainly consisted of Swiss pikemen and their own men-at-arms. With his veterans from the Granadine war—infantry armed with swords and bucklers or arquebuses and crossbows, along with light cavalry trained for relentless vigilance, capable of long marches and unparalleled endurance—he was able to employ guerrilla tactics that wore down his adversaries, who suffered significantly more than the Spaniards from the heat. But he realized that this alone wasn't enough. His experience in Seminara showed him that more was needed on the battlefield. The battle was primarily lost because King Ferdinand ignored Gonzalo's advice and insisted on fighting a pitched battle with fewer troops, some of whom were unreliable Neapolitans. The Spanish infantry performed excellently, but the outcome revealed that their loose formation and swords were disadvantages against heavy cavalry or pikemen charges. Therefore, Gonzalo implemented a more structured formation and adopted the pike for part of his infantry. The division of the Spanish infantry into a central “battle” body of pikemen and the wings (alas) of “shot” for flanking the enemy was largely due to the Great Captain.

The French were expelled by 1498 without another battle. When the Great Captain reappeared in Italy he had first to perform the congenial task of driving the Turk from Cephalonia, then to aid in robbing the king of Naples, Frederick, brother of his old ally Ferdinand. When the king of Naples had been despoiled, the French and Spaniards quarrelled over the booty. The Great Captain now found himself with a much outnumbered army in the presence of the French. The war was divided into two phases very similar to one another. During the end of 1502 and the early part of 1503 the Spaniards stood at bay in the entrenched camp at Barletta near the Ofanto on the shores of the Adriatic. He resolutely refused to be tempted into battle either by the taunts of the French or the discontent of his own soldiers. Meanwhile he employed the Aragonese partisans in the country, and flying expeditions of his own men, to harass the enemy’s communications. When he was reinforced, and the French committed the mistake of scattering their forces too much to secure supplies, he took the offensive, pounced on the enemy’s depot of provisions at Cerignola, took a strong position, threw up hasty field works, and strengthened them with a species of wire entanglements. The French made a headlong front attack, were repulsed, assailed in flank, and routed. The later operations on the Garigliano were very similar, and led to the total expulsion of the French from Naples. Gonzalo remained as governor of Naples till 1507. But he had become too great not to arouse the jealousy of such a typical king of the Renaissance as Ferdinand the Catholic. The death of the queen in 1504 had deprived him of a friend, and it must be allowed that he was profuse in rewarding his captains and his soldiers out of the public treasury. Ferdinand loaded him with titles and fine words, but recalled him so soon as he could, and left him unemployed till his death on the 2nd of December 1515.

The French were kicked out by 1498 without any further battles. When the Great Captain returned to Italy, he first had to take on the task of driving the Turks out of Cephalonia, then help in robbing the King of Naples, Frederick, who was the brother of his old ally Ferdinand. Once the King of Naples was stripped of his wealth, the French and Spaniards started fighting over the loot. The Great Captain found himself leading an outnumbered army against the French. The war unfolded in two phases that were quite similar to each other. Toward the end of 1502 and the beginning of 1503, the Spaniards held their ground in a fortified camp at Barletta, near the Ofanto on the Adriatic coast. He firmly refused to be lured into battle by the French's taunts or his own soldiers’ dissatisfaction. In the meantime, he utilized Aragonese partisans in the area and sent out quick raids by his own men to disrupt the enemy's supply lines. Once he received reinforcements and noticed that the French had made the mistake of spreading their forces too thin to gather supplies, he went on the offensive, struck at the enemy's supply depot at Cerignola, secured a strong position, quickly built field fortifications, and reinforced them with wire barricades. The French launched a reckless frontal assault, were pushed back, attacked from the side, and defeated. The subsequent operations at the Garigliano were quite alike and resulted in the complete expulsion of the French from Naples. Gonzalo remained as governor of Naples until 1507. However, he had become too significant not to provoke the jealousy of a typical Renaissance king like Ferdinand the Catholic. The queen's death in 1504 had taken away a supporter, and it must be said that he generously rewarded his captains and soldiers from the public treasury. Ferdinand showered him with titles and empty praise but recalled him as soon as he could and left him without a position until his death on December 2, 1515.

The Great Captain is sometimes spoken of as the first of modern generals. The expression is uncritical, for modern generalship arose from many sides, but he was emphatically a general. There is much in his methods which bears a curious likeness to those of the duke of Wellington; Barletta, for instance, has a distinct resemblance to the Torres Vedras campaign, and the battle on the Garigliano to Assaye. As an organizer he founded the Spanish infantry of the 16th and 17th centuries, and he gave the best proof of his influence by forming a school of officers. The best generals of Charles V. were either the pupils of the Great Captain or were trained by them.

The Great Captain is often referred to as the first modern general. This label isn't entirely accurate, as modern generalship developed from various influences, but he was undoubtedly a true general. There are many aspects of his tactics that closely resemble those of the Duke of Wellington; for example, Barletta has a noticeable similarity to the Torres Vedras campaign, and the battle at Garigliano resembles Assaye. As an organizer, he established the Spanish infantry of the 16th and 17th centuries, and he demonstrated his influence by creating a school for officers. The best generals of Charles V were either students of the Great Captain or trained by his students.

There is no life of Gonzalo de Córdoba written by a scholar who was also a good judge of war. The dull Cronica del Gran Capitan gives the bare events of his campaigns rather wearisomely but fully. Paulus Govius, Vitae illustrium virorum, translated by Domenichi (Florence, 1550), is elegant and very readable. Don José Quintana includes him in his Españoles celebres (Rivadeneyra Biblioteca de autores españoles, vol. xix., Madrid, 1846-1880); and Prescott collected the authorities, and made good use of them in his Ferdinand and Isabella. See also P. du Poncet, Histoire de Gonsalve de Cordoue (Paris, 1714). The Gonsalve de Cordoue, ou Grenade reconquise of Florian (Paris, 1791) is a romance.

There isn’t a biography of Gonzalo de Córdoba written by a scholar who was also a good military judge. The dull Cronica del Gran Capitan recounts the basic events of his campaigns in a rather tedious but complete manner. Paulus Govius’s Vitae illustrium virorum, translated by Domenichi (Florence, 1550), is stylish and very easy to read. Don José Quintana features him in his Españoles celebres (Rivadeneyra Biblioteca de autores españoles, vol. xix., Madrid, 1846-1880); and Prescott gathered the sources and utilized them effectively in his Ferdinand and Isabella. Also refer to P. du Poncet's Histoire de Gonsalve de Cordoue (Paris, 1714). The Gonsalve de Cordoue, ou Grenade reconquise by Florian (Paris, 1791) is a romantic story.

(D. H.)

CÓRDOBA, a large central province of the Argentine Republic, bounded N. by Santiago del Estero, E. by Santa Fé, S. by Buenos Aires and La Pampa, W. by San Luis and Rioja, and N.W. by 141 Catamarca. Pop. (1895) 351,223; (1904, estimate) 465,464; area, 62,160 sq. m. The greater part of the province belongs to the pampas, though less fertile and grassy than the plains farther E. and S. It likewise includes large saline and swampy areas. The N.W. part of the province is traversed by an isolated mountain system made up of the Córdoba, Pocho and Ischilin sierras, which extend for a distance of some 200 m. in a N. and S. direction. These ranges intercept the moist winds from the Atlantic, and receive on their eastern slopes an abundant rainfall, which gives them a strikingly verdant appearance in comparison with the surrounding plains. West and N.W. of the sierras are extensive saline basins called Las Salinas Grandes, which extend into the neighbouring provinces and are absolutely barren. In the N.E. the land is low and swampy; here are the large saline lagoons of Mar Chiquita and Los Porongos. The principal rivers, which have their sources in the sierras and flow eastward, are the Primero and Segundo, which flow north-easterly into the lacustrine basin of Mar Chiquita; the Tercero and Quarto, which unite near the Santa Fé frontier to form the Carcaraña, a tributary of the Paraná; and the Quinto, which flows south-easterly into the swamps of the Laguna Amarga in the S. part of the province. Countless small streams also descend the eastern slopes of the sierras and are lost in the great plains. The eastern districts are moderately fertile, and are chiefly devoted to cattle-breeding, though cereals are also produced. In the valleys and well-watered foothills of the sierras, however, cereals, alfalfa and fruit are the principal products. The rainfall is limited throughout the province, and irrigation is employed in but few localities. The mineral resources include gold, silver, copper, lead and iron, but mining is carried on only to a very limited extent. Salt and marble are also produced. Córdoba is traversed by several railway lines—those running westward from Buenos Aires and Rosario to Mendoza and the Chilean frontier, those connecting the city of Córdoba with the same cities, and with Tucuman on the N. and Catamarca and Rioja on the N.W. The chief towns are Córdoba, the capital, Rio Quarto, Villa Maria, an important railway centre 82 m. S.E. of Córdoba, and Cruz del Eje on the W. slopes of the sierras, 110 m. N.W. of Córdoba.

Córdoba, is a large central province of Argentina, bordered to the north by Santiago del Estero, on the east by Santa Fé, to the south by Buenos Aires and La Pampa, and to the west by San Luis and La Rioja, with Catamarca to the northwest. Population (1895) was 351,223; (estimated 1904) 465,464; area, 62,160 sq. miles. Most of the province consists of the pampas, although they are less fertile and grassy than the plains further east and south. It also contains large saline and swampy regions. The northwest part of the province features an isolated mountain range made up of the Córdoba, Pocho, and Ischilin sierras, extending about 200 miles north and south. These mountains block the moist winds from the Atlantic and receive abundant rainfall on their eastern slopes, giving them a lush green look compared to the surrounding plains. To the west and northwest of the sierras are extensive saline basins known as Las Salinas Grandes, which stretch into neighboring provinces and are completely barren. In the northeast, the land is low and swampy, home to the large saline lagoons of Mar Chiquita and Los Porongos. The main rivers, which originate in the sierras and flow eastward, are the Primero and Segundo, which head northeast into the Mar Chiquita lake basin; the Tercero and Quarto, which meet near the Santa Fé border to form the Carcaraña, a tributary of the Paraná; and the Quinto, which flows southeast into the swamps of Laguna Amarga in the southern part of the province. Countless small streams also descend the eastern slopes of the sierras and disappear into the vast plains. The eastern districts are moderately fertile, primarily used for cattle farming, although some crops are also grown. In the valleys and well-watered foothills of the sierras, however, cereals, alfalfa, and fruits are the main products. Rainfall is limited throughout the province, and irrigation is used in only a few areas. Mineral resources include gold, silver, copper, lead, and iron, but mining is carried out only on a small scale. Salt and marble are also produced. Córdoba is served by several railway lines—those heading west from Buenos Aires and Rosario to Mendoza and the Chilean border, those connecting the city of Córdoba with the same cities, and with Tucumán to the north and Catamarca and La Rioja to the northwest. The main towns are Córdoba, the capital; Rio Cuarto; Villa Maria, an important railway hub 82 miles southeast of Córdoba; and Cruz del Eje on the western slopes of the sierras, 110 miles northwest of Córdoba.


CÓRDOBA, a city in the central part of the Argentine Republic, capital of the above province, on the Rio Primero, 435 m. by rail N.W. of Buenos Aires by way of Rosario, 246 m. from the latter. Pop. (1895) 42,783—the suburbs having 11,679 more—(1905, estimate) 60,000. The city is connected by railway with Buenos Aires and Rosario, and with the capitals of all the surrounding provinces. Córdoba stands on a high eastward-sloping plain called the “Altos,” 1240 ft. above sea-level, and is built in a broad river bottom washed out by periodical inundations and the action of the rains on the alluvial banks. The inundations have been brought under control by the construction of barriers and dams, but the banks are constantly broken down. The city is regularly laid out, and contains many fine edifices and dwellings. Several suburban settlements surround the city, the more important of which are served by the urban tramway lines. The streets are lighted by gas and electricity, and an excellent telephone service is maintained. The noteworthy public buildings include the cathedral, a handsome edifice curiously oriental in appearance, a massive old Jesuit church with a ceiling of richly carved and gilded cedar, the old university, founded in 1613, which still occupies the halls built by the Jesuits around a large quadrangle, the fine old cabildo, or government house, of Moorish appearance, and the national observatory on the barranca overlooking the city. There are, also, two national normal schools, a national college, an episcopal seminary, an endowed Carmelite orphanage, a national meteorological station, a national academy of sciences, and a good public library. Among the attractive features of the city is an alameda of about six acres, within which is a square artificial lake of 4 acres, surrounded by shrubbery and shaded walks; the alameda dates from the time when the Jesuits ruled the city, and to them also are due the tiled baths, supplied with running water. A short avenue connects the alameda with the principal plaza, a pretty garden and promenade. The water supply of Córdoba is derived from the Rio Primero, 12 m. above the city, where an immense dam (Dique San Roque), one of the largest of its kind in South America, has been built across the river valley. This dam also serves to irrigate the valley below, and to furnish power for the electric plant which provides Córdoba with light and electric power. In and about the city there are several industrial establishments which have sprung into existence since the opening of the first railway in 1870. The surrounding country is irrigated and well cultivated, and produces an abundance of fruit and vegetables.

Córdoba, is a city in central Argentina, serving as the capital of the province with the same name, located on the Rio Primero, 435 km northwest of Buenos Aires via Rosario, and 246 km from Rosario. The population was 42,783 in 1895, with an additional 11,679 in the suburbs, estimated at 60,000 in 1905. The city is connected by rail to Buenos Aires and Rosario, as well as to the capitals of nearby provinces. Córdoba is situated on a high, eastward-sloping plain known as the “Altos,” at an elevation of 1,240 ft above sea level, and is built on a broad river bottom that has been shaped by periodic flooding and rainfall action on the alluvial banks. Flooding has been managed through barriers and dams, although the banks often break down. The city is well-planned and features many impressive buildings and homes. Several suburban areas surround the city, with the more prominent ones served by urban tram lines. The streets are illuminated by gas and electricity, and there is an excellent telephone service. Notable public buildings include a cathedral, an attractive structure with an unusual oriental style, a massive old Jesuit church with a beautifully carved and gilded cedar ceiling, the old university founded in 1613 that still occupies the halls built by the Jesuits around a large courtyard, the historic cabildo or government house with a Moorish style, and the national observatory located on the barranca overlooking the city. Additionally, there are two national normal schools, a national college, an episcopal seminary, a funded Carmelite orphanage, a national meteorological station, a national academy of sciences, and a good public library. Among the city's appealing features is an alameda of about six acres, which includes a square artificial lake of four acres, surrounded by shrubbery and shaded pathways; this alameda dates back to when the Jesuits governed the city, and they were also responsible for the tiled baths with running water. A short avenue connects the alameda with the main plaza, a lovely garden and promenade. Córdoba's water supply comes from the Rio Primero, 12 km above the city, where an enormous dam (Dique San Roque), one of the largest of its kind in South America, has been built across the river valley. This dam also irrigates the valley below and provides power for the electric plant that supplies Córdoba with light and electricity. There are several industrial establishments in and around the city that have emerged since the first railway opened in 1870. The surrounding region is well-irrigated and cultivated, producing an abundance of fruits and vegetables.

The city was founded in 1573 by Luis Geronimo de Cabrera and was for a long time distinguished for its learning and piety. It was the headquarters of the Jesuits in this part of South America for two centuries, and for a time the capital of the Spanish intendencia of Tucuman. The expulsion of the Jesuits in 1767 proved to be a serious blow to the academic reputation of the city, from which it did not recover until 1870, when President Sarmiento engaged some eminent scientific men from Europe to teach modern science in the university.

The city was founded in 1573 by Luis Geronimo de Cabrera and was known for its education and devotion for a long time. It served as the Jesuits' headquarters in this part of South America for two centuries and was also the capital of the Spanish intendencia of Tucuman for a while. The expulsion of the Jesuits in 1767 was a major setback for the city’s academic reputation, which didn’t bounce back until 1870 when President Sarmiento brought in some notable scientists from Europe to teach modern science at the university.


CÓRDOBA, a town of the state of Vera Cruz, Mexico, 55 m. W.S.W. of the port of Vera Cruz, in a highly fertile valley, near the volcano of Orizaba, and 2880 ft. above sea-level. Pop. (1895) 7974. The surrounding district produces sugar, tobacco and coffee, Córdoba being one of the principal coffee-producing centres of Mexico. It also manufactures cotton and woollen fabrics. The town is regularly laid out and built of stone, and contains several handsome edifices, chief of which is the old cathedral. Córdoba was a town of considerable importance in colonial times, but fell into decay after the revolution. The railway from Vera Cruz to Mexico, which passes through it, and the development of coffee production, have helped the city to recover a part of its lost trade.

Córdoba, a town in the state of Veracruz, Mexico, is located 55 miles west-southwest of the port of Veracruz, in a very fertile valley, near the Orizaba volcano, and is 2,880 feet above sea level. Population (1895) was 7,974. The surrounding area produces sugar, tobacco, and coffee, with Córdoba being one of the main coffee-producing centers in Mexico. It also manufactures cotton and wool fabrics. The town is well organized and built of stone, featuring several impressive buildings, the most notable being the old cathedral. Córdoba was quite significant during colonial times but declined after the revolution. The railway from Veracruz to Mexico that runs through the town, along with the growth of coffee production, has helped the city regain some of its lost trade.


CORDON (a French derivative of corde, cord), a word used in many applications of its meaning of “line” or “cord,” and particularly of a cord of gold or silver lace worn in military and other uniforms. The word is especially used of the sash or ribbon worn by members of an order of knighthood, crossing from one shoulder to the opposite hip. The cordon bleu, the sky-blue ribbon of the knight’s grand cross of the order of the Holy Spirit, the highest order of the Bourbon kings of France, was, like the “blue ribbon” of the English Garter, taken as a type of the highest reward or prize to which any one can attain (see also Cookery). In heraldry, “cordons” are the ornamental cords which, with the hats to which they are attached, ensign the shields of arms of certain ecclesiastical dignitaries; they are interlaced to form a mesh or network and terminate in rows of tassels. A cardinal’s cordon is gules with five rows of fifteen tassels, an archbishop’s vert with four rows of ten, and a bishop’s also vert, with three rows of six. In architecture a “cordon” is a projecting band of stone along the outside of a building, a string-course. The word is frequently used in a transferred sense of a line of posts or stations to guard an enclosed area from unauthorized passage, e.g. a military or police cordon, and especially a sanitary cordon, a line of posts to prevent communication from or with an area infected with disease.

CORDON (a French derivative of corde, meaning "rope"), a term applied in various contexts related to its meaning of “line” or “rope,” particularly referring to a cord of gold or silver lace worn in military and other uniforms. The term is especially associated with the sash or ribbon worn by members of an order of knighthood, crossing from one shoulder to the opposite hip. The cordon bleu, the sky-blue ribbon of the knight’s grand cross of the order of the Holy Spirit, the highest order of the Bourbon kings of France, was, like the “blue ribbon” of the English Garter, seen as a symbol of the highest honor or prize anyone can achieve (see also Cookery). In heraldry, “cordons” are the decorative cords that, along with the hats they are attached to, adorn the shields of arms of certain ecclesiastical dignitaries; they are interwoven to create a mesh or network and end in rows of tassels. A cardinal’s cordon is gules with five rows of fifteen tassels, an archbishop’s is vert with four rows of ten, and a bishop’s is also vert, with three rows of six. In architecture, a “cordon” refers to a projecting band of stone along the exterior of a building, also known as a string-course. The term is often used in a broader sense to describe a line of posts or stations set up to secure an enclosed area from unauthorized entry, such as a military or police cordon, particularly a sanitary cordon, a line of posts to prevent communication with an area affected by disease.


CORDOVA (Span. Córdoba), an inland province of southern Spain, bounded on the N.E. by Ciudad Real, E. by Jaén, S.E. by Granada, S. by Málaga, S.W. and W. by Seville, and N.W. by Badajoz. Pop. (1900) 455,859; area, 5299 sq. m. The river Guadalquivir divides the province into two very dissimilar portions. On the right bank is the mountainous region of the Sierra Morena, less peopled and fertile than the left bank, with its great plains (La Campiña) and slightly undulating country towards the south and south-east, where the surface again becomes mountainous with the outlying ridges of the Sierra Nevada. The Guadalquivir, flowing from E.N.E. to W.S.W., waters the richest districts of Cordova, and has many tributaries, notably the Bembezar, Guadiato and Guadamellato, on the right, and the Genil and Guadajoz on the left. The northern districts (Los Pedroches) are drained by several small tributaries of the Guadiana. The climate is much varied. Snow is to be found 142 for months on the highest peaks of the mountains; mild temperature in the plains, except in the few torrid summer months, when rain seldom falls. The peasantry are chiefly occupied in various branches of husbandry; sheep-farming and the culture of the olive employ large numbers. The agricultural wealth of Cordova is, however, not fully exploited, owing to the conservatism and backward education of the peasantry. There are no great manufacturing towns, but mining is an industry of some importance. In 1903 coal was obtained in considerable quantities in the Belmez district; argentiferous lead and zinc near Pozoblanco and elsewhere; iron ore at Luque, near Baena. A small amount of bismuth is also obtained. Mining is facilitated by a fairly complete and well-kept system of communication by road and railway. The main line Madrid-Lináres-Seville follows the Guadalquivir valley throughout the province, passing through the capital, Cordova. Here it meets the line from Almorchón, on the north, to Málaga, on the south, which has three important branches—Belmez-Fuente del Arco, Cordova-Utrera, and Puente Genil-Jaén. After the capital, the principal towns are Aguilar de la Frontera (13,236), Baena (14,539), Cabra (13,127), Fuente Ovejuna (11,777), Lucena (21,179), Montilla (13,603), Montoro (14,581), Pozoblanco (12,792), Priego de Cordoba (16,904) and Puente Genil (12,956). These are described under separate headings. Other towns of less importance are Adamuz (6974), Belalcázar (7682), Belmez (8978), Bujalance (10,756), Castro del Río (11,821), Hinojosa del Duque (10,673), Palma del Río (7914), Rute (10,740) and Villafranca de Córdoba (9771).

CORDOVA (Span. Córdoba), an inland province in southern Spain, is bordered to the northeast by Ciudad Real, to the east by Jaén, to the southeast by Granada, to the south by Málaga, to the southwest and west by Seville, and to the northwest by Badajoz. Population (1900) was 455,859; area, 5,299 sq. m. The river Guadalquivir splits the province into two very different sections. On the right bank is the mountainous region of the Sierra Morena, which is less populated and fertile than the left bank, featuring large plains (La Campiña) and gently rolling terrain towards the south and southeast, where the landscape again becomes mountainous with the outer ridges of the Sierra Nevada. The Guadalquivir flows from the east-northeast to the west-southwest, watering the richest areas of Cordova and has many tributaries, notably the Bembezar, Guadiato, and Guadamellato on the right, and the Genil and Guadajoz on the left. The northern districts (Los Pedroches) are drained by several small tributaries of the Guadiana. The climate varies widely. Snow can be found for months on the highest peaks of the mountains; the plains have a mild temperature, except during the few scorching summer months when rain is rare. The farming population mainly engages in various types of agriculture; sheep farming and olive cultivation employ many people. However, Cordova's agricultural wealth is not fully utilized due to the conservatism and lack of education among the farmers. There are no major manufacturing towns, but mining is a somewhat important industry. In 1903, coal was found in significant quantities in the Belmez district; argentiferous lead and zinc were discovered near Pozoblanco and elsewhere; iron ore is located at Luque, near Baena. A small amount of bismuth is also extracted. Mining is supported by a fairly complete and well-maintained system of roads and railways. The main line from Madrid to Lináres to Seville runs throughout the province along the Guadalquivir valley, passing through the capital, Cordova. Here, it connects with the line from Almorchón in the north to Málaga in the south, which has three important branches—Belmez-Fuente del Arco, Cordova-Utrera, and Puente Genil-Jaén. After the capital, the main towns include Aguilar de la Frontera (13,236), Baena (14,539), Cabra (13,127), Fuente Ovejuna (11,777), Lucena (21,179), Montilla (13,603), Montoro (14,581), Pozoblanco (12,792), Priego de Cordoba (16,904), and Puente Genil (12,956). These are detailed under separate headings. Other less significant towns include Adamuz (6,974), Belalcázar (7,682), Belmez (8,978), Bujalance (10,756), Castro del Río (11,821), Hinojosa del Duque (10,673), Palma del Río (7,914), Rute (10,740), and Villafranca de Córdoba (9,771).


CORDOVA (Span. Córdoba; Lat. Corduba), the capital of the Spanish province of Cordova, on the southern slopes of the Sierra de Cordova, and the right bank of the river Guadalquivir. Pop. (1900) 58,275. At Cordova the Madrid-Seville railway meets the branch line from Almorchón to Málaga. The city is an episcopal see. Few fragments remain of its Moorish walls, which were erected on Roman foundations and enclosed a very wide area, now largely occupied by garden-ground cleared from the ruins of ancient buildings. On the outskirts are many modern factories in striking contrast with the surrounding orange, lemon and olive plantations, and with the pastures which belong to the celebrated Cordovan school of bull-fighting. Nearer the centre the streets are for the most part narrow and crooked. Almost every building, however, is profusely covered with whitewash, and thus there is little difference on the surface between the oldest and the most modern houses. The southern suburb communicates with the town by means of a bridge of sixteen arches across the river, exhibiting the usual combination of Roman and Moorish masonry and dominated at the one end by an elevated statue of the patron saint, St Raphael, whose effigy is to be seen in various other quarters of the city. The most important of the public buildings are the cathedral, the old monastic establishments, the churches, the bishop’s palace, the city hall, the hospitals and the schools and colleges, including the academy for girls founded in 1590 by Bishop Pacheco of Cordova, which is empowered to grant degrees. The Alcázar, or royal palace, stands on the south-west amid the gardens laid out by its builder, the caliph Abd-ar-Rahman III. (912-961). Its older parts are in ruins, and even the so-called New Alcázar, erected by Alphonso XI. of Castile in 1328, and long used as the offices of the Holy Inquisition, has only one wing in good repair, which serves as a prison.

CORDOVA (Span. Córdoba; Lat. Corduba), the capital of the Spanish province of Cordova, is located on the southern slopes of the Sierra de Cordova, along the right bank of the Guadalquivir River. The population in 1900 was 58,275. In Cordova, the Madrid-Seville railway connects with the branch line from Almorchón to Málaga. The city serves as an episcopal see. Very few fragments of its Moorish walls remain, which were built on Roman foundations and once enclosed a large area, now mostly filled with gardens cleared from the ruins of ancient structures. On the outskirts, there are many modern factories, providing a striking contrast to the surrounding orange, lemon, and olive groves, as well as the pastures associated with the famous Cordovan bullfighting school. Closer to the center, the streets are mostly narrow and winding. However, almost every building is heavily coated in whitewash, making it difficult to distinguish between the oldest and the newest houses. The southern suburb connects to the town via a bridge with sixteen arches spanning the river, showcasing a typical mix of Roman and Moorish stonework, and is crowned at one end by a tall statue of the patron saint, St. Raphael, whose image can also be found in various other parts of the city. The key public buildings include the cathedral, old monasteries, churches, the bishop’s palace, city hall, hospitals, and schools and colleges, notably the girls' academy founded in 1590 by Bishop Pacheco of Cordova, which is authorized to grant degrees. The Alcázar, or royal palace, is located to the southwest amid gardens created by its builder, Caliph Abd-ar-Rahman III (912-961). Its older sections are in ruins, and even the so-called New Alcázar, built by Alphonso XI of Castile in 1328 and previously used for the Holy Inquisition's offices, has only one wing in good condition, which now functions as a prison.

But the glory of Cordova, surpassing all its other Moorish or Christian buildings, is the mezquita, or mosque, now a cathedral, but originally founded on the site of a Roman temple and a Visigothic church by Abd-ar-Rahman I. (756-788), who wished to confirm the power of his caliphate by making its capital a great religious centre. Immigration from all the lands of Islam soon rendered a larger mosque necessary, owing to the greatly increased multitude of worshippers, and, by orders of Abd-ar-Rahman II. (822-852) and Al-Hakim II. (961-976), the original size was doubled. After various minor additions, Al-Mansur, the vizier of the caliph Hisham II. (976-1009), again enlarged the Zeca, or House of Purification, as the mosque was named, to twice its former size, rendering it the largest sacred building of Islam, after the Kaaba at Mecca. The ground plan of the completed mosque forms a rectangle, measuring 570 ft. in length and 425 in breadth, or little less than St Peter’s in Rome. About one-third of this area is occupied by the courtyard, and the cloisters which surround it on the north, west and east. The exterior, with the straight lines of its square buttress towers, has a heavy and somewhat ungainly appearance; but the interior is one of the most beautiful specimens of Moorish architecture. Passing through a grand courtyard about 500 ft. in length, shady with palm and cypress and orange trees and watered by five fountains, the visitor enters on the south a magnificent and bewildering labyrinth of pillars in which porphyry, jasper and many-coloured marbles are boldly combined. Part came from the spoils of Nîmes or Narbonne, part from Seville or Tarragona, some from the older ruins of Carthage, and others as a present to Abd-ar-Rahman I. from the East Roman emperor Leo IV., who sent also from Constantinople his own skilled workmen, with 16 tons of tesserae for the mosaics. Originally of different heights, the pillars have been adjusted to their present standard of 12 ft. either by being sunk into the soil or by the addition of Corinthian capitals. Twelve hundred was the number of the columns in the original building, but many have been destroyed. The pillars divide the area of the building from north to south, longitudinally into nineteen and transversely into twenty-nine aisles—each row supporting a tier of open Moorish arches of the same height (12 ft.) with a third and similar tier superimposed upon the second. The full height of the ceiling is thus about 35 ft. The Moorish character of the building was unfortunately impaired in the 16th century by the formation in the interior of a crucero, or high altar and cruciform choir, by the addition of numerous chapels along the sides of the vast quadrangle, and by the erection of a belfry 300 ft. high in room of the old minaret. The crucero in itself is no disgrace to the architect Hernan Ruiz, but every lover of art must sympathize with the rebuke administered by the emperor Charles V. (1500-1558) to the cathedral authorities: “You have built here what could have been built as well anywhere else; and you have destroyed what was unique in the world.” Magnificent, indeed, as the cathedral still is, it is almost impossible to realize what the mosque must have been when the worshippers thronged through its nineteen gateways of bronze, and its 4700 lamps, fed with perfumed oil, illuminated its brilliant aisles. Of the exquisite elaboration bestowed on the more sacred portions abundant proof is afforded by the third Mihrab, or prayer-recess, a small 10th-century chapel, heptagonal in shape, roofed with a single shell-like block of snow-white marble, and inlaid with Byzantine mosaics of glass and gold.

But the pride of Cordova, outshining all its other Moorish or Christian structures, is the mezquita, or mosque, which is now a cathedral but was originally built on the site of a Roman temple and a Visigothic church by Abd-ar-Rahman I. (756-788). He aimed to strengthen the authority of his caliphate by making the capital a major religious hub. As people from all over the Islamic world began to arrive, a larger mosque became necessary because of the increase in worshippers. Following the directives of Abd-ar-Rahman II. (822-852) and Al-Hakim II. (961-976), the original size of the mosque was doubled. After various smaller additions, Al-Mansur, the vizier of Caliph Hisham II. (976-1009), enlarged the Zeca, or House of Purification, again, making it twice its previous size, thus becoming the largest sacred building in Islam, second only to the Kaaba in Mecca. The final design of the mosque is a rectangle measuring 570 ft. in length and 425 ft. in width, which is just a bit smaller than St. Peter’s in Rome. About a third of this area is taken up by the courtyard and the cloisters surrounding it on the north, west, and east. The exterior, featuring the straight lines of its square buttress towers, appears heavy and somewhat awkward; however, the interior showcases one of the most beautiful examples of Moorish architecture. Upon entering through a grand courtyard that stretches about 500 ft. in length, shaded by palm, cypress, and orange trees, and adorned with five fountains, the visitor encounters a magnificent and confusing maze of pillars where porphyry, jasper, and many-colored marbles come together boldly. Some materials were sourced from the spoils of Nîmes or Narbonne, others from Seville or Tarragona, some from the older ruins of Carthage, and other pieces were a gift to Abd-ar-Rahman I. from the East Roman emperor Leo IV, who also sent skilled workers from Constantinople along with 16 tons of tesserae for the mosaics. Originally, the pillars varied in height, but they have been adjusted to a standard of 12 ft., either by being partially buried in the ground or by adding Corinthian capitals. There were originally 1,200 columns in the building, but many have been destroyed. The pillars divide the interior longitudinally into nineteen aisles and transversely into twenty-nine aisles, with each row supporting a tier of open Moorish arches of the same height (12 ft.) and a similar third tier stacked atop the second, making the total ceiling height about 35 ft. Unfortunately, the Moorish character of the building was compromised in the 16th century with the creation of a crucero, or high altar and cross-shaped choir, along with multiple chapels added along the sides of the vast quadrangle, plus the construction of a 300 ft. high belfry in place of the old minaret. The crucero itself may not reflect poorly on the architect Hernan Ruiz, but every art lover can understand the criticism given by Emperor Charles V. (1500-1558) to the cathedral leaders: “You’ve built something that could have been constructed anywhere else; and you’ve destroyed what was unique in the world.” Indeed, while the cathedral is still magnificent, it's hard to imagine what the mosque must have looked like when worshippers filled its nineteen bronze gateways, and its 4,700 lamps, fed with perfumed oil, illuminated its vibrant aisles. The exquisite detail dedicated to the holiest areas can be seen in the third Mihrab, or prayer recess, a small 10th-century chapel, shaped like a heptagon, topped with a single shell-like piece of snow-white marble, and adorned with Byzantine mosaics made of glass and gold.

Cordova was celebrated in the time of the Moors for its silversmiths, who are said to have come originally from Damascus; and it exported a peculiar kind of leather which took its name from the city, whence is derived the word cordwainer. Fine silver filigree ornaments are still produced; and Moorish work in leather is often skilfully imitated, although this handicraft almost disappeared in the 15th century. The chief modern industries of Cordova are distillation of spirits and the manufacture of woollen, linen and silken goods.

Cordova was famous during the Moorish period for its silversmiths, who are believed to have originated from Damascus. It also exported a unique type of leather that got its name from the city, giving rise to the word cordwainer. Beautiful silver filigree ornaments are still made, and Moorish leatherwork is often skillfully copied, even though this craft nearly vanished in the 15th century. Today, Cordova's main industries include distilling spirits and producing wool, linen, and silk products.

Corduba, probably of Carthaginian origin, was occupied by the Romans under Marcus Marcellus in 152 B.C.. and shortly afterwards became the first Roman colonia in Spain. From the large number of men of noble rank among the colonists, the city obtained the title of Patricia; and to this day the Cordovese pride themselves on the purity and antiquity of their descent. In the 1st century B.C. Cordova aided the sons of Pompey against Caesar; but after the battle of Munda, in 45 B.C., it fell into the hands of Caesar, who avenged the obstinacy of its resistance by massacring 20,000 of the inhabitants. Under Augustus, if not before, it became a municipality, and was the capital of the thoroughly Romanized province of Baetica. In the lifetime of Strabo, however (c. 63 B.C.-A.D. 21), it still ranked as the largest city of Spain. Its prosperity was due partly to its position on the Baetis, and on the Via Augusta, the great commercial road from northern Spain built by Augustus, and partly 143 to its proximity to mines and rich grazing and grain-producing districts. Hosius, its bishop, presided over the first council of Nicaea in 345; and its importance was maintained by the Visigothic kings, whose rule lasted from the 5th to the beginning of the 8th century. Under the Moors, Cordova was at first an appanage of the caliphate of Damascus; but after 756 Abd-ar-Rahman I. made it the capital of Moorish Spain, and the centre of an independent caliphate (see Abd-ar-Rahman). It reached its zenith of prosperity in the middle of the 10th century, under Abd-ar-Rahman III. At his death, it is recorded by native chroniclers, probably with Arabic exaggeration, that Cordova contained within its walls 200,000 houses, 600 mosques, 900 baths, a university, and numerous public libraries; whilst on the bank of the Guadalquivir, under the power of its monarch, there were eight cities, 300 towns and 12,000 populous villages. A period of decadence began in 1016, owing to the claims of the rival dynasties which aimed at succeeding to the line of Abd-ar-Rahman; the caliphate never won back its position, and in 1236 Cordova was easily captured by Ferdinand III. of Castile. The substitution of Spanish for Moorish supremacy rather accelerated than arrested the decline of art, industry and population; and in the 19th century Cordova never recovered from the disaster of 1808, when it was stormed and sacked by the French. Few cities of Spain, however, can boast of so long a list of illustrious natives in the Moorish and Roman periods, and even, to a less extent, in modern times. It was the birthplace of the rhetorician Marcus Annaeus Seneca, and his more famous son Lucius (c. 3 B.C.-A.D. 65); of the poet Lucan (A.D. 39-65); of the philosophers Averroes (1126-1198) and Maimonides (1135-1204); of the Spanish men of letters Juan de Mena (c. 1411-1456), Lorenzo de Sepúlveda (d. 1574) and Luis de Gongora y Argote (1561-1627); and the painters Pablo de Céspedes (1538-1608) and Juan de Valdés Leal (1630-1691). The celebrated captain Gonzalo Fernandez de Córdoba (q.v.), the conqueror of Naples (1495-1498), was born in the neighbouring town of Montilla.

Corduba, likely of Carthaginian origin, was taken over by the Romans under Marcus Marcellus in 152 B.C. and soon became the first Roman colonia in Spain. With many noble colonists, the city earned the title Patricia; even today, the people of Cordova take pride in the purity and history of their lineage. In the 1st century B.C., Cordova supported Pompey's sons against Caesar, but after the battle of Munda in 45 B.C., it fell to Caesar, who punished its resistance by killing 20,000 residents. Under Augustus, or maybe sooner, it became a municipality and was the capital of the fully Romanized province of Baetica. However, in Strabo's time (c. 63 B.C.-A.D. 21), it was still considered the largest city in Spain. Its wealth came from its location on the Baetis and along the Via Augusta, the major trade route from northern Spain built by Augustus, as well as its closeness to rich mining and farming areas. Hosius, its bishop, led the first council of Nicaea in 345, and its significance continued under the Visigothic kings, who ruled from the 5th to early 8th century. During the Moorish period, Cordova was initially under the caliphate of Damascus; however, after 756, Abd-ar-Rahman I made it the capital of Moorish Spain and the center of an independent caliphate (see Abd-ar-Rahman). It reached its peak of prosperity in the mid-10th century under Abd-ar-Rahman III. When he died, local chroniclers, likely with some exaggeration, reported that Cordova had 200,000 houses, 600 mosques, 900 baths, a university, and many public libraries within its walls; along the Guadalquivir River, under the power of its king, were eight cities, 300 towns, and 12,000 bustling villages. A decline began in 1016 due to the competing claims of rival dynasties attempting to inherit Abd-ar-Rahman's line; the caliphate could never regain its previous status, and in 1236, Cordova was easily taken by Ferdinand III of Castile. The shift from Moorish to Spanish rule accelerated rather than halted the decline in art, industry, and population. In the 19th century, Cordova never bounced back from the 1808 disaster when it was attacked and looted by the French. However, few cities in Spain can claim such a remarkable list of notable figures from the Moorish and Roman periods, and even to a lesser extent, in modern times. It was the birthplace of the orator Marcus Annaeus Seneca and his more renowned son Lucius (c. 3 B.C.-A.D. 65), the poet Lucan (A.D. 39-65), philosophers Averroes (1126-1198) and Maimonides (1135-1204), Spanish writers Juan de Mena (c. 1411-1456), Lorenzo de Sepúlveda (d. 1574), and Luis de Gongora y Argote (1561-1627), as well as painters Pablo de Céspedes (1538-1608) and Juan de Valdés Leal (1630-1691). The famous captain Gonzalo Fernandez de Córdoba (q.v.), who conquered Naples (1495-1498), was born in the nearby town of Montilla.

See Estudio descriptivo de los monumentos árabes de Granada y Córdoba, by R. Contreras (Madrid, 1885); Córdoba, a large illustrated volume of the series España, by P. de Madrazo (Barcelona, 1884); Inscripciones árabes de Córdoba, by R. Amador de los Ríos y Villalta (Madrid, 1886).

See Descriptive Study of the Arab Monuments of Granada and Córdoba, by R. Contreras (Madrid, 1885); Córdoba, a large illustrated volume from the series Spain, by P. de Madrazo (Barcelona, 1884); Arab Inscriptions of Córdoba, by R. Amador de los Ríos y Villalta (Madrid, 1886).


CORDUROY, a cotton cloth of the fustian kind, made like a ribbed velvet. It is generally a coarse heavy material and is used largely for workmen’s clothes, but some finer kinds are used for ladies’ dresses, &c. According to the New English Dictionary the word is understood to be of English invention, “either originally intended, or soon after assumed, to represent a supposed French corde du roi.” It is said that a coarse woollen fabric called duroy, made in Somerset during the 18th century, has no apparent connexion with it. From the ribbed appearance of the cloth the name corduroy is applied, particularly in America, to a rough road of logs laid transversely side by side, usually across swampy ground.

CORDUROY, is a type of cotton fabric that resembles ribbed velvet. It’s usually a heavy, coarse material that’s commonly used for work clothes, but some finer versions are made for women’s dresses, etc. According to the New English Dictionary, the term is believed to have originated in England, “either originally intended, or soon after assumed, to represent a supposed French corde du roi.” It’s noted that a coarse wool fabric called duroy, produced in Somerset during the 18th century, doesn’t seem to be related. Because of its ribbed texture, the term corduroy is also used, especially in USA, to describe a rough road made of logs placed side by side, typically across swampy areas.


CORDUS, AULUS CREMUTIUS, Roman historian of the later Augustan age. He was the author of a history (perhaps called Annales) of the events of the civil wars and the reign of Augustus, embracing the period from at least 43-18 B.C. In A.D. 25 he was brought to trial for having eulogized Brutus and spoken of Cassius as the last of the Romans. His real offence was a witticism at the expense of Sejanus, who put up two of his creatures to accuse him in the senate. Seeing that nothing could save him, Cordus starved himself to death. A decree of the senate ordered that his works should be confiscated and burned by the aediles. Some copies, however, were saved by the efforts of Cordus’s daughter Marcia, and after the death of Tiberius the work was published at the express wish of Caligula. It is impossible to form an opinion of it from the scanty fragments (H. Peter, Historicorum Romanorum Fragmenta, 1883). According to ancient authorities, the writer was very outspoken in his denunciations, and his relatives considered it necessary to strike out the most offensive passages of the work before it was widely circulated (Quintilian, Instit. x. 1, 104). Two passages in Pliny (Nat. Hist. x. 74 [37], xvi. 108 [45]) seem to refer to a work of a different nature from the history—perhaps a treatise on Admiranda or remarkable things.

CORDUS, AULUS CREMUTIUS, was a Roman historian from the later Augustan era. He wrote a history (possibly called Annales) detailing the civil wars and the reign of Augustus, covering the period from at least 43-18 B.C. In A.D. 25, he was put on trial for praising Brutus and referring to Cassius as the last of the Romans. His actual wrongdoing was a witty remark targeting Sejanus, who then had two of his followers accuse Cordus in the senate. Realizing he couldn’t escape punishment, Cordus chose to starve himself to death. The senate decreed that his works should be confiscated and burned by the aediles. However, some copies were saved by his daughter Marcia, and after Tiberius's death, Caligula ordered the work to be published. It’s hard to form an opinion about it from the few surviving fragments (H. Peter, Historicorum Romanorum Fragmenta, 1883). According to ancient sources, the author was very direct in his criticisms, prompting his relatives to remove the most controversial sections before it was widely shared (Quintilian, Instit. x. 1, 104). Two passages in Pliny (Nat. Hist. x. 74 [37], xvi. 108 [45]) seem to refer to a different type of work, possibly a treatise on Admiranda or remarkable things.

See Tacitus, Annals, iv. 34, 35; Suetonius, Tiberius, 61, Caligula, 16; Seneca, Suasoriae, vii., esp. the Consolatio to Cordus’s daughter Marcia; Dio Cassius lvii. 24. There are monographs by J. Held (1841) and C. Rathlef (1860). Also H. Peter, Die geschichtliche Literatur über die römische Kaiserzeit (1897); Teuffel-Schwabe, Hist. of Roman Lit., Eng. trans., 277, 1.

See Tacitus, Annals, iv. 34, 35; Suetonius, Tiberius, 61, Caligula, 16; Seneca, Suasoriae, vii., especially the Consolatio to Cordus’s daughter Marcia; Dio Cassius lvii. 24. There are studies by J. Held (1841) and C. Rathlef (1860). Also H. Peter, Die geschichtliche Literatur über die römische Kaiserzeit (1897); Teuffel-Schwabe, Hist. of Roman Lit., Eng. trans., 277, 1.


CORELLI, ARCANGELO (1653-1713), Italian violin-player and composer, was born on the 12th or 13th of February 1653, at Fusignano near Imola, and died in 1713. Of his life little is known. His master on the violin was Bassani. Matteo Simonelli, the well-known singer of the pope’s chapel, taught him composition. His first decided success was gained in Paris at the age of nineteen. To this he owed his European reputation. From Paris Corelli went to Germany. In 1681 he was in the service of the electoral prince of Bavaria; between 1680 and 1685 he spent a considerable time in the house of his friend Farinelli. In 1685 he was certainly in Rome, where he led the festival performances of music for Queen Christine of Sweden and was also a favourite of Cardinal Ottoboni. From 1689 to 1690 he was in Modena, the duke of which city made him handsome presents. In 1708 he went once more to Rome, living in the palace of Cardinal Ottoboni. His visit to Naples, at the invitation of the king, took place in the same year. The style of execution introduced by Corelli and preserved by his pupils, such as Geminiani, Locatelli, and many others, has been of vital importance for the development of violin-playing, but he employed only a limited portion of his instrument’s compass, as may be seen by his writings, wherein the parts for the violin never proceed above D on the first string, the highest note in the third position; it is even said that he refused to play, as impossible, a passage which extended to A in altissimo in the overture to Handel’s Trionfo del Tempo, and took serious offence when the composer played the note in evidence of its practicability. His compositions for the instrument mark an epoch in the history of chamber music; for his influence was not confined to his own country. Even Sebastian Bach submitted to it. Musical society in Rome owed much to Corelli. He was received in the highest circles of the aristocracy, and arranged and for a long time presided at the celebrated Monday concerts in the palace of Cardinal Ottoboni. Corelli died possessed of a sum of 120,000 marks and a valuable collection of pictures, the only luxury in which he had indulged. He left both to his benefactor and friend, who, however, generously made over the money to Corelli’s relations. Corelli’s compositions are distinguished by a beautiful flow of melody and by a masterly treatment of the accompanying parts, which he is justly said to have liberated from the strict rules of counterpoint. Six collections of concerti, sonatas and minor pieces for violin, with accompaniment of other instruments, besides several concerted pieces for strings, are authentically ascribed to this composer. The most important of these is the XII. Suonati a violino e violone o cimbalo (Rome, 1700).

CORELLI, ARCANGELO (1653-1713), Italian violinist and composer, was born on February 12 or 13, 1653, in Fusignano near Imola, and died in 1713. Little is known about his life. He was taught violin by Bassani and composition by Matteo Simonelli, a well-known singer in the pope’s chapel. He achieved his first major success in Paris at the age of nineteen, which established his reputation across Europe. After Paris, Corelli moved to Germany. In 1681, he served the electoral prince of Bavaria and spent a significant amount of time between 1680 and 1685 at the home of his friend Farinelli. By 1685, he was certainly in Rome, where he led musical performances for Queen Christine of Sweden and was also favored by Cardinal Ottoboni. From 1689 to 1690, he was in Modena, where the duke gave him generous gifts. In 1708, he returned to Rome, residing in the palace of Cardinal Ottoboni. That same year, he visited Naples at the king's invitation. The performance style introduced by Corelli and maintained by his students, such as Geminiani, Locatelli, and many others, played a crucial role in the evolution of violin playing. However, he used only a limited range of his instrument, as shown in his works, where the violin parts never go above D on the first string, the highest note in the third position. It’s even said he declined to play a passage that reached A in altissimo in the overture to Handel’s Trionfo del Tempo and was offended when the composer demonstrated its playability. His compositions for the violin marked a significant moment in the history of chamber music, and his influence extended beyond his own country, even affecting Sebastian Bach. The musical society in Rome greatly benefited from Corelli’s contributions. He was welcomed in the highest aristocratic circles and organized and presided over the famous Monday concerts at Cardinal Ottoboni's palace for many years. Corelli died with a fortune of 120,000 marks and a valuable art collection, the only luxury he indulged in. He bequeathed both to his patron and friend, who generously transferred the money to Corelli’s relatives. Corelli’s compositions are known for their beautiful melodic flow and masterful handling of accompanying parts, which he is credited with freeing from strict counterpoint rules. He is authentically credited with six collections of concerti, sonatas, and minor pieces for violin, accompanied by other instruments, along with several concerted pieces for strings. The most significant of these is the XII. Suonati a violino e violone o cimbalo (Rome, 1700).


CORELLI, MARIE (1864-  ), English novelist, was the daughter of an Italian father and a Scottish mother, but in infancy was adopted by Charles Mackay (q.v.), the song-writer and journalist, whose son Eric, at his death, became her guardian. She was sent to be educated in a French convent with the object of training her for the musical profession, and while still a girl composed various pieces of music. But her journalistic connexion proved a stronger stimulus to expression, and editors who were friends of her adopted father printed some of her early poetry. Then she produced what was at least a clever, if not a remarkably well written, romantic story, on the theme of a self-revelation connecting the Christian Deity with a world force in the form of electricity, which was published in 1886 under the title of A Romance of Two Worlds. It had an immediate and large sale, which resulted, naturally, in her devoting her inventive faculty to satisfy the public demand for similar work. Thus she wrote in succession a series of melodramatic romantic novels, original in some aspects of their treatment, daring in others, but all combining a readable plot with enough au fond of what the majority demanded in ethical and religious 144 correctness to suit a widespread contemporary taste; these were Vendetta (1886), Thelma (1887), Ardath (1889), The Soul of Lilith (1892), Barabbas (1893), The Sorrows of Satan (1895),—the very titles were catching,—The Mighty Atom (1896),—which appealed to all who knew enough of modern science to wish to think it wicked,—and others, down to The Master Christian (1900), again satisfying the socio-ethico-religious demand, and Temporal Power (1902), with its contemporary suggestion from the accession of Edward VII. Miss Corelli had the advantage of writing quite sincerely and with conviction, amid what superior critics sneered at as bad style and sensationalism, on themes which conventional readers nevertheless enjoyed, and round plots which were dramatic and vigorous. Her popular success was great and advertised itself. It was helped by a well-spread belief that Queen Victoria preferred her novels to any other. Reviewers wrote sarcastically, and justly, of her obvious literary lapses and failings; she retorted by pitying the poor reviewers and letting it be understood that no books of hers were sent to the Press for criticism. When she went to live at Stratford-on-Avon, her personality, and her importance in the literary world, became further allied with the historic associations of the place; and in the public life of women writers her utterances had the réclame which is emphasized by journalistic publicity. Such success is not to be gauged by purely literary standards; the popularity of Miss Corelli’s novels is a phenomenon not so much of literature as of literary energy—entirely creditable to the journalistic resource of the writer, and characteristic of contemporary pleasure in readable fiction.

CORELLI, MARIE (1864-  ), English novelist, was the daughter of an Italian father and a Scottish mother, but was adopted as a baby by Charles Mackay (q.v.), the songwriter and journalist, whose son Eric became her guardian after his death. She was sent to a French convent for education, with the aim of preparing her for a music career, and while still a girl, she composed various pieces of music. However, her connection to journalism proved to be a stronger motivator for self-expression, and editors who were friends of her adoptive father published some of her early poetry. She then wrote a clever, if not exceptionally well-written, romantic story exploring the connection between the Christian Deity and a universal force represented by electricity, published in 1886 as A Romance of Two Worlds. It sold very well right away, which naturally led her to focus her creative talents on meeting the public demand for similar works. Thus, she produced a series of melodramatic romantic novels, original in some of their aspects and bold in others, but all featuring engaging plots that included enough that most readers wanted in terms of ethical and religious correctness to appeal to a broad contemporary audience; these included Vendetta (1886), Thelma (1887), Ardath (1889), The Soul of Lilith (1892), Barabbas (1893), The Sorrows of Satan (1895)—whose very titles were catchy—The Mighty Atom (1896), which attracted those curious about modern science, and others, concluding with The Master Christian (1900), again addressing the socio-ethico-religious interests, and Temporal Power (1902), with its contemporary relevance following the accession of Edward VII. Miss Corelli was fortunate to write sincerely and convincingly, even as more discerning critics mocked what they saw as poor style and sensationalism, on topics that conventional readers genuinely enjoyed, with plots that were dramatic and dynamic. Her immense popularity was well-known and self-promoting. It was bolstered by a widespread belief that Queen Victoria favored her novels over others. Reviewers commented sarcastically, and rightly, on her clear literary faults; she responded by expressing pity for the unfortunate reviewers and made it known that her books were not sent to the Press for critique. After moving to Stratford-on-Avon, her personality and significance in the literary scene became further intertwined with the historical legacy of the area; her statements gained attention, amplified by journalistic coverage. Such success shouldn't be judged by purely literary measures; the popularity of Miss Corelli’s novels is more a testament to literary energy—entirely attributable to the writer's journalistic skills, reflecting contemporary enjoyment of engaging fiction.


CORENZIO, BELISARIO (c. 1558-1643), Italian painter, a Greek by birth, studied at Venice under Tintoretto, and then settled at Naples, where he became famous for unscrupulous conduct as a man and rapid execution as an artist. Though careless in composition and a mannerist in style, he possessed an acknowledged fertility of invention and readiness of hand; and these qualities, allied to a certain breadth of conception, seem in the eyes of his contemporaries to have atoned for many defects. When Guido Reni came in 1621 to Naples to paint in the chapel of St Januarius, Corenzio suborned an assassin to take his life. The hired bravo killed Guido’s assistant, and effectually frightened Reni, who prudently withdrew to Rome. Corenzio, however, only suffered temporary imprisonment, and lived long enough to supplant Ribera in the good graces of Don Pedro di Toledo, viceroy of Naples, who made him his court painter. Corenzio vainly endeavoured to fill Guido’s place in the chapel of St Januarius. His work was adjudged to have been under the mark, and yet the numerous frescoes which he left in Neapolitan churches and palaces, and the large wall paintings which still cover the cupola of the church of Monte Casino are evidence of uncommon facility, and show that Corenzio was not greatly inferior to the fa prestos of his time. His florid style, indeed, seems well in keeping with the overladen architecture and full-blown decorative ornament peculiar to the Jesuit builders of the 17th century. Corenzio died, it is said, at the age of eighty-five by a fall from a scaffolding.

CORENZIO, BELISARIO (c. 1558-1643), was an Italian painter born in Greece. He studied under Tintoretto in Venice before moving to Naples, where he became known for his dubious character and quick artistic execution. Although he was careless in composition and had a mannerist style, he was recognized for his creativity and skill. These traits, along with a certain breadth of vision, seemed to compensate for many of his shortcomings in the eyes of his contemporaries. When Guido Reni arrived in Naples in 1621 to paint in the chapel of St Januarius, Corenzio hired an assassin to kill him. The assassin killed Reni’s assistant instead, terrifying Reni, who wisely left for Rome. Corenzio, however, only faced temporary imprisonment and lived long enough to replace Ribera as the favorite of Don Pedro di Toledo, the viceroy of Naples, who appointed him his court painter. Corenzio unsuccessfully tried to take over Guido's role in the chapel of St Januarius. His work was considered subpar, but the many frescoes he left in Neapolitan churches and palaces, along with the large wall paintings still found in the cupola of the church of Monte Casino, demonstrate his considerable skill and show that he was not far behind the top artists of his time. His elaborate style fits well with the extravagant architecture and rich decorative elements typical of the Jesuit builders of the 17th century. It is said that Corenzio died at the age of eighty-five after falling from a scaffold.


CO-RESPONDENT, in law, generally, a person made respondent to, or called upon to answer, along with another or others, a petition or other proceeding. More particularly, since the Matrimonial Causes Act 1857, the term is applied to the person charged by a husband, when presenting a petition praying for the dissolution of his marriage on the ground of adultery, with misconduct with his wife, and made, jointly with her, a respondent to the suit. (See also Divorce.)

CO-RESPONDENT, in law, generally refers to a person who is called to respond, along with another or others, to a petition or other legal action. More specifically, since the Matrimonial Causes Act 1857, this term is used for the individual accused by a husband when he files a petition seeking to end his marriage due to adultery, in connection with his wife, and is made a co-respondent in the case. (See also Divorce.)


CORFE CASTLE, a town in the eastern parliamentary division of Dorsetshire, England, in the district called the Isle of Purbeck, 129½ m. S.W. by W. from London by the London & South-Western railway. Pop. (1901) 1440. The castle, through which the town is famous, guarded a gap in the line of considerable hills which rise in the centre of Purbeck. It is strongly placed on an eminence falling almost sheer on three sides. Its ruins are extensive, and date for the most part from the Norman period to the reign of Edward I. There is, however, a trace of early masonry which may have belonged to the Saxon house where, in 978, King Edward the Martyr was murdered. Corfe Castle was held for the empress Maud against King Stephen in 1139, was frequently the residence of King John, and was a stronghold of the barons against Henry III. Edward II. was imprisoned here for a short period. The castle withstood a protracted siege by the Parliamentarians in 1643, and fell to them by treachery in 1646, after which it was dismantled and wrecked. The church in the town, almost wholly rebuilt, is dedicated to St Edward the Martyr. The quarrying of Purbeck stone and the raising of potters’ clay are the chief industries.

CORFE CASTLE, is a town in the eastern parliamentary division of Dorsetshire, England, in the area known as the Isle of Purbeck, 129½ miles southwest by west from London via the London & South-Western railway. Population (1901) was 1,440. The castle, which makes the town famous, guarded a gap in the line of significant hills rising in the center of Purbeck. It is strategically situated on a height that drops almost straight down on three sides. Its ruins are extensive and mostly date from the Norman period to the reign of Edward I. However, there's some evidence of earlier masonry that may have belonged to the Saxon house where King Edward the Martyr was murdered in 978. Corfe Castle was held for Empress Maud against King Stephen in 1139, was often the residence of King John, and served as a stronghold for the barons against Henry III. Edward II was briefly imprisoned here. The castle endured a long siege by the Parliamentarians in 1643 and fell to them through treachery in 1646, after which it was dismantled and destroyed. The church in the town, which has been almost entirely rebuilt, is dedicated to St Edward the Martyr. The main industries are quarrying Purbeck stone and extracting potters’ clay.

Probably Corfe Castle (Corfes geat, Corf geat, Corve, Corph) was an early Anglo-Saxon settlement. According to William of Malmesbury the church was founded by St Aldhelm in the 7th century. In 1086 the abbey of Shaftesbury held the manor, which afterwards passed to the Norman kings, who raised the castle. Its date is disputed, but the town dependent on it seems to have grown up during the 13th century, being first mentioned in 1290, when an inquisition states that the mayor has pesage of wool and cheese. The rights of the burgesses seem to have been undefined, for frequent commissions attest to encroachments on the rights of warren, forest and wreckage belonging to the royal manor. In 1380-1381 at an inquisition into the liberties of Corfe Castle, the jurors declared that from time immemorial the constable and his steward had held all pleas and amerciaments except those of the mayor’s court of Pie Powder, but that the town had judgment by fire, water and combat. The tenants, or “barons,” elected themselves a mayor and coroners, but the constable received the assize of ale. Elizabeth in 1577 gave exclusive admiralty jurisdiction within the island of Purbeck to Sir Christopher Hatton, and granted the mayor and “barons” of Corfe the rights they enjoyed by prescription and charter and that of not being placed on juries or assizes in matters beyond the island. Charles II. incorporated Corfe Castle in 1663, the mayor being elected at a court leet from three nominees of the lord of the manor. Corfe Castle first returned two representatives to parliament in 1572, but was disfranchised in 1832. A market for each Saturday was granted to Corfe in 1214, and in 1248 the town obtained a fair and a market on each Thursday, while Elizabeth granted fairs on the feasts of St Philip and St James and of St Luke; both of these still survive. As early as the 14th century the quarrying and export of marble gave employment to the men of Corfe, and during the 18th century the knitting of stockings was a flourishing industry.

Probably Corfe Castle (Corfes geat, Corf geat, Corve, Corph) was an early Anglo-Saxon settlement. According to William of Malmesbury, the church was founded by St Aldhelm in the 7th century. In 1086, the abbey of Shaftesbury held the manor, which later passed to the Norman kings, who constructed the castle. The exact date is disputed, but the town that relied on it seems to have developed during the 13th century, first mentioned in 1290, when an inquiry stated that the mayor had the right to collect tolls on wool and cheese. The rights of the burgesses seem to have been unclear, as frequent commissions confirm incursions on the rights of hunting, forestry, and shipwrecks that belonged to the royal manor. In 1380-1381, during an inquiry into the liberties of Corfe Castle, the jurors stated that for a long time, the constable and his steward had handled all legal matters and penalties except for those of the mayor's court of Pie Powder, but that the town had judgments through fire, water, and combat. The tenants, or "barons," elected their own mayor and coroners, but the constable received the ale tax. In 1577, Elizabeth granted exclusive admiralty jurisdiction within the island of Purbeck to Sir Christopher Hatton and confirmed the rights of the mayor and "barons" of Corfe as established by tradition and charter, including exemption from serving on juries or court sessions for matters outside the island. Charles II incorporated Corfe Castle in 1663, with the mayor being elected at a court leet from three nominees of the lord of the manor. Corfe Castle first sent two representatives to parliament in 1572, but was disenfranchised in 1832. A market every Saturday was granted to Corfe in 1214, and in 1248, the town obtained a fair and a market each Thursday, while Elizabeth granted fairs on the feasts of St Philip and St James and St Luke, both of which still exist today. As early as the 14th century, the quarrying and export of marble provided jobs for the people of Corfe, and during the 18th century, knitting stockings became a thriving industry.

See T. Bond, History and Description of Corfe Castle (London and Bournemouth, 1883).

See T. Bond, History and Description of Corfe Castle (London and Bournemouth, 1883).


CORFINIUM, in ancient Italy, the chief city of the Paeligni, 7 m. N. of Sulmona in the valley of the Aternus. The site of the original town is occupied by the village of Pentima. It probably became subject to Rome in the 4th century B.C., though it does not appear in Roman history before the Social War (90 B.C.), in which it was at first adopted by the allies as the capital and seat of government of their newly founded state under the name Italia (this form, not Italica, is vouched for by the coins). It appears also as a fortress of importance in the Civil War, though it only resisted Caesar’s attack for a week (49 B.C.). Whether the Via Valeria ran as far as Corfinium before the time of Claudius is uncertain: he, however, certainly extended it to the Adriatic, and at the same time constructed a cross road, the Via Claudia Nova, which diverged from the Via Claudia Valeria at a point 6 m. farther north, and led past Peltuinum and Aveia to Foruli on the Via Salaria. Another road ran S.S.E. past Sulmo to Aesernia. It was thus an important road centre, and must have been, in the imperial period, a town of some size, as may be gathered from the inscriptions that have been discovered there, and from the extent rather than the importance of the buildings visible on the site (among them may be noted the remains of two aqueducts), which has, however, never been systematically excavated. Short accounts of discoveries will be found in Notizie degli Scavi, passim, and a museum, consisting chiefly of the contents of tombs, has been formed at Pentima. In one corner of a large enclosed space (possibly a palaestra) was constructed the church of S. Pelino. 145 The present building dates from the 13th century, though its origin may be traced to the end of the 5th when it was the cathedral of the see of Valva, which appears to have been the name of Corfinium at the close of the Roman period.

CORFINIUM, in ancient Italy, was the main city of the Paeligni, located 7 miles north of Sulmona in the Aternus Valley. The original town's site is now occupied by the village of Pentima. It likely came under Roman control in the 4th century B.C., but it doesn’t show up in Roman history until the Social War (90 B.C.), when it was initially chosen by the allies as the capital and government seat of their newly established state called Italia (this name, not Italica, is confirmed by coins). It also functioned as a key fortress during the Civil War, although it only held out against Caesar’s siege for a week (49 B.C.). It’s unclear if the Via Valeria extended to Corfinium before Claudius's time; however, he definitely expanded it to the Adriatic and simultaneously built a shortcut, the Via Claudia Nova, which branched off from the Via Claudia Valeria about 6 miles north, leading past Peltuinum and Aveia to Foruli on the Via Salaria. Another road went south-southeast past Sulmo to Aesernia. Thus, it was an important road hub, and during the imperial period, it must have been a reasonably sized town, as indicated by the inscriptions found there and the extent rather than the significance of the visible buildings on the site (including the remains of two aqueducts), which has never been thoroughly excavated. Brief reports of findings can be found in Notizie degli Scavi, passim, and a museum made up mostly of tomb contents has been set up at Pentima. In one corner of a large enclosed area (possibly a palaestra), the church of S. Pelino was built. 145 The current building dates back to the 13th century, though its origins can be traced to the late 5th century when it served as the cathedral for the see of Valva, which seems to have been the name of Corfinium at the end of the Roman period.

(T. As.)

CORFU (anc. and mod. Gr. Κέρκυρα or Κόρκυρα, Lat. Corcyra), an island of Greece, in the Ionian Sea, off the coast of Albania or Epirus, from which it is separated by a strait varying in breadth from less than 2 to about 15 m. The name Corfu is an Italian corruption of the Byzantine Κορυφώ, which is derived from the Greek Κορυφαί (crests). In shape it is not unlike the sickle (drepanē), to which it was compared by the ancients,—the hollow side, with the town and harbour of Corfu in the centre, being turned towards the Albanian coast. Its extreme length is about 40 m. and its greatest breadth about 20. The area is estimated at 227 sq. m., and the population in 1907 was 99,571, of whom 28,254 were in the town and suburbs of Corfu. Two high and well-defined ranges divide the island into three districts, of which the northern is mountainous, the central undulating and the southern low-lying. The most important of the two ranges is that of San Salvador, probably the ancient Istone, which stretches east and west from Cape St Angelo to Cape St Stefano, and attains its greatest elevation of 3300 ft. in the summit from which it takes its name. The second culminates in the mountain of Santi Deca, or Santa Decca, as it is called by misinterpretation of the Greek designation οἱ Ἄγιοι Δέκα, or the Ten Saints. The whole island, composed as it is of various limestone formations, presents great diversity of surface, and the prospects from the more elevated spots are magnificent.

CORFU (anc. and mod. Gr. Corfu or Κέρκυρα, Lat. Corcyra), is an island in Greece located in the Ionian Sea, off the coast of Albania or Epirus, separated by a strait that varies from less than 2 to about 15 meters wide. The name Corfu comes from an Italian adaptation of the Byzantine Κορυφώ, which is based on the Greek Top (which means crests). Its shape is somewhat similar to a sickle (drepanē), as described by ancient writers — the curved side, featuring the town and harbor of Corfu in the middle, faces the Albanian coast. The island is approximately 40 miles long and about 20 miles at its widest point. The total area is around 227 square miles, with a population in 1907 of 99,571, including 28,254 in the town and surrounding areas of Corfu. Two prominent mountain ranges divide the island into three regions: the northern part is mountainous, the central area is hilly, and the southern section is flat. The most significant range is San Salvador, likely the ancient Istone, extending east and west from Cape St Angelo to Cape St Stefano, reaching its highest point of 3,300 feet at its named summit. The second range peaks at the mountain of Santi Deca, or Santa Decca, a misinterpretation of the Greek the Holy Ten, meaning the Ten Saints. The entire island features varied limestone formations, offering a rich diversity of landscapes, and the views from the higher areas are stunning.

Corfu is generally considered the most beautiful of all the Greek isles, but the prevalence of the olive gives some monotony to its colouring. It is worthy of remark that Homer names, as adorning the garden of Alcinous, seven plants only—wild olive, oil olive, pear, pomegranate, apple, fig and vine. Of these the apple and the pear are now very inferior in Corfu; the others thrive well and are accompanied by all the fruit trees known in southern Europe, with addition of the Japanese medlar (or loquat), and, in some spots, of the banana. When undisturbed by cultivation, the myrtle, arbutus, bay and ilex form a rich brushwood and the minor flora of the island is extensive.

Corfu is usually seen as the most beautiful of all the Greek islands, but the abundance of olive trees gives its landscape a bit of a repetitive look. It's worth noting that Homer mentions only seven plants that decorated Alcinous's garden: wild olive, oil olive, pear, pomegranate, apple, fig, and vine. Among these, the apple and pear varieties are now quite inferior in Corfu; the others thrive well and are joined by all the fruit trees found in southern Europe, along with the Japanese medlar (or loquat) and, in some areas, bananas. When left undisturbed by farming, the myrtle, arbutus, bay, and ilex create a lush brushwood, and the island's smaller plant life is quite diverse.

The common form of laud tenure is the colonia perpetua, by which the landlord grants a lease to the tenant and his heirs for ever, in return for a rent, payable in kind, and fixed at a certain proportion of the produce. Of old, a tenant thus obtaining half the produce to himself was held to be co-owner of the soil to the extent of one-fourth; and if he had three-fourths of the crop, his ownership came to one-half. Such a tenant could not be expelled except for non-payment, bad culture or the transfer of his lease without the landlord’s consent. Attempts have been made to prohibit so embarrassing a system; but as it is preferred by the agriculturists, the existing laws permit it. The portion of the olive crop due to the landlord, whether by colonia or ordinary lease, is paid, not according to the actual harvest, but in keeping with the estimates of valuators mutually appointed, who, just before the fruit is ripe, calculate how much each tree will probably yield. The large old fiefs (baronie) in Corfu, as in the other islands, have left their traces in the form of quit-rents (known in Scotland by the name of feu-duties), generally equal to one-tenth of the produce. But they have been much subdivided, and the vassals may by law redeem them. Single olive trees of first quality yield sometimes as much as 2 gallons of oil, and this with little trouble or expense beyond the collecting and pressing of the fallen fruit. The trees grow unrestrained, and some are not less than three hundred years old. The vineyards are laboured by the broad heart-shaped hoe. The vintage begins on the festival of Santa Croce, or the 26th of September (O.S.). None of the Corfu wines is much exported. The capital is the only city or town of much extent in the island; but there are a number of villages, such as Benizze, Gasturi, Ipso, Glypho, with populations varying from 300 to 1000. Near Gasturi stands the Achilleion, the palace built for the Empress Elizabeth of Austria, and purchased in 1907 by the German emperor, William II.

The common type of laud tenure is the colonia perpetua, where the landlord gives a lease to the tenant and their heirs forever, in exchange for a rent paid in kind, fixed at a certain percentage of the crop. In the past, a tenant who received half of the crop was considered a co-owner of the land to the extent of one-fourth, and if they had three-fourths of the harvest, their ownership increased to one-half. Such a tenant could only be evicted for not paying rent, poor farming practices, or transferring their lease without the landlord’s consent. There have been attempts to eliminate this complicated system, but since it’s favored by farmers, current laws allow it. The portion of the olive crop due to the landlord, whether through colonia or regular lease, is not based on the actual harvest but on estimates from valuators appointed by both parties, who calculate how much each tree will likely produce just before the fruit ripens. The large old fiefs (baronie) in Corfu, as in other islands, have left their mark in the form of quit-rents (known in Scotland as feu-duties), usually amounting to one-tenth of the harvest. However, they have been significantly subdivided, and by law, the vassals can redeem them. Individual olive trees of top quality can yield up to 2 gallons of oil, with little effort or expense required besides collecting and pressing the fallen fruit. The trees grow freely, and some are over three hundred years old. The vineyards are worked using a broad heart-shaped hoe. The grape harvest begins on the feast of Santa Croce, or September 26th (Old Style). None of the wines from Corfu are widely exported. The capital is the only significant city or town on the island, but there are several villages, like Benizze, Gasturi, Ipso, and Glypho, with populations ranging from 300 to 1,000. Near Gasturi stands the Achilleion, the palace built for Empress Elizabeth of Austria, which was bought in 1907 by the German emperor, William II.

The town of Corfu stands on the broad part of a peninsula, whose termination in the citadel is cut from it by an artificial fosse formed in a natural gully, with a salt-water ditch at the bottom. Having grown up within fortifications, where every foot of ground was precious, it is mostly, in spite of recent improvements, a labyrinth of narrow, tortuous, up-and-down streets, accommodating themselves to the irregularities of the ground, few of them fit for wheel carriages. There is, however, a handsome esplanade between the town and the citadel, and a promenade by the seashore towards Castrades. The palace, built by Sir Thomas Maitland (?1759-1824; lord high commissioner of the Ionian Islands, 1815), is a large structure of white Maltese stone. In several parts of the town may be found houses of the Venetian time, with some traces of past splendour, but they are few, and are giving place to structures in the modern and more convenient French style. Of the thirty-seven Greek churches the most important are the cathedral, dedicated to Our Lady of the Cave (ἡ Παναγία Σπηλιώτισσα); St Spiridion’s, with the tomb of the patron saint of the island; and the suburban church of St Jason and St Sosipater, reputed the oldest in the island. The city is the seat of a Greek and a Roman Catholic archbishop; and it possesses a gymnasium, a theatre, an agricultural and industrial society, and a library and museum preserved in the buildings formerly devoted to the university, which was founded by Frederick North, 5th earl of Guilford (1766-1827, himself the first chancellor in 1824,) in 1823, but disestablished on the cessation of the English protectorate. There are three suburbs of some importance—Castrades, Manduchio and San Rocco. The old fortifications of the town, being so extensive as to require a force of from 10,000 to 20,000 troops to man them, were in great part thrown down by the English, and a simpler plan adopted, limiting the defences to the island of Vido and the old citadel; these are now dismantled.

The town of Corfu sits on the wide part of a peninsula, which ends at the citadel, separated by an artificial ditch created in a natural gully, with a salt-water channel at the bottom. Having developed within fortifications, where every inch of land was valuable, it remains, despite recent improvements, a maze of narrow, winding streets that go up and down, adapting to the uneven terrain, with few suitable for carriages. However, there is a beautiful esplanade between the town and the citadel, and a seaside promenade towards Castrades. The palace, built by Sir Thomas Maitland (?1759-1824; lord high commissioner of the Ionian Islands, 1815), is a large building made of white Maltese stone. Scattered throughout the town are some houses from the Venetian era, which still show signs of past grandeur, but they are few and are being replaced by more modern and convenient French-style buildings. Of the thirty-seven Greek churches, the most significant are the cathedral dedicated to Our Lady of the Cave (Our Lady of Spiliotissa); St Spiridion’s, which holds the tomb of the island's patron saint; and the suburban church of St Jason and St Sosipater, believed to be the oldest on the island. The city is the seat of both a Greek and a Roman Catholic archbishop; it has a gymnasium, a theater, an agricultural and industrial society, and a library and museum housed in the buildings that were once part of the university, founded by Frederick North, 5th Earl of Guilford (1766-1827, who was the first chancellor in 1824) in 1823, but closed down after the English protectorate ended. There are three notable suburbs—Castrades, Manduchio, and San Rocco. The old fortifications of the town were so extensive that they required between 10,000 to 20,000 troops to man them. Much of this was dismantled by the English, who adopted a simpler plan that limited the defenses to the island of Vido and the old citadel; both have since been disassembled.

History.—According to the local tradition Corcyra was the Homeric island of Scheria, and its earliest inhabitants the Phaeacians. At a date no doubt previous to the foundation of Syracuse it was peopled by settlers from Corinth, but it appears to have previously received a stream of emigrants from Eretria. The splendid commercial position of Corcyra on the highway between Greece and the West favoured its rapid growth, and, influenced perhaps by the presence of non-Corinthian settlers, its people, quite contrary to the usual practice of Corinthian colonies, maintained an independent and even hostile attitude towards the mother city. This opposition came to a head in the early part of the 7th century, when their fleets fought the first naval battle recorded in Greek history (about 664 B.C.). These hostilities ended in the conquest of Corcyra by the Corinthian tyrant Periander (c. 600), who induced his new subjects to join in the colonization of Apollonia and Anactorium. The island soon regained its independence and henceforth devoted itself to a purely mercantile policy. During the Persian invasion of 480 it manned the second largest Greek fleet (60 ships), but took no active part in the war. In 435 it was again involved in a quarrel with Corinth and sought assistance from Athens. This new alliance was one of the chief immediate causes of the Peloponnesian War (q.v.), in which Corcyra was of considerable use to the Athenians as a naval station, but did not render much assistance with its fleet. The island was nearly lost to Athens by two attempts of the oligarchic faction to effect a revolution; on each occasion the popular party ultimately won the day and took a most bloody revenge on its opponents (427 and 425). During the Sicilian campaigns of Athens Corcyra served as a base for supplies; after a third abortive rising of the oligarchs in 410 it practically withdrew from the war. In 375 it again joined the Athenian alliance; two years later it was besieged by a Lacedaemonian armament, but in spite of the devastation of its flourishing countryside held out successfully until relief was at hand. In the Hellenistic period Corcyra was exposed to attack from several sides; after a vain siege by Cassander it was occupied in turn by Agathocles and Pyrrhus. It subsequently fell into the hands of Illyrian corsairs, until in 229 it was delivered by the Romans, who retained it as a naval 146 station and gave it the rank of a free state. In 31 B.C. it served Octavian (Augustus) as a base against Antony.

History.—According to local tradition, Corcyra was the Homeric island of Scheria, and its earliest inhabitants were the Phaeacians. It was settled by people from Corinth likely before the founding of Syracuse, but it seems to have previously welcomed a wave of migrants from Eretria. Corcyra's excellent commercial location on the route between Greece and the West contributed to its rapid growth, and, possibly influenced by the presence of non-Corinthian settlers, its people maintained an independent and even hostile attitude towards the mother city, in contrast to the usual behavior of Corinthian colonies. This opposition climaxed in the early 7th century when their fleets engaged in the first naval battle recorded in Greek history (around 664 B.C.). These hostilities concluded with the conquest of Corcyra by the Corinthian tyrant Periander (around 600), who encouraged his new subjects to participate in the colonization of Apollonia and Anactorium. The island soon regained its independence and turned its focus to a purely mercantile policy. During the Persian invasion of 480, it provided the second largest Greek fleet (60 ships) but did not take an active role in the war. In 435, it was again embroiled in a conflict with Corinth and sought help from Athens. This new alliance was one of the main immediate causes of the Peloponnesian War (see q.v.), in which Corcyra served as a useful naval station for the Athenians, although it didn't provide much support with its fleet. The island nearly fell to Athens due to two attempts by the oligarchic faction to stage a coup; in both cases, the popular party emerged victorious and took brutal revenge on its rivals (427 and 425). During Athens' Sicilian campaigns, Corcyra acted as a supply base; after a third failed uprising of the oligarchs in 410, it effectively withdrew from the conflict. In 375, it rejoined the Athenian alliance; two years later, it was besieged by a Lacedaemonian force, but despite the devastation of its prosperous countryside, it successfully held out until help arrived. In the Hellenistic period, Corcyra faced attacks from various enemies; after an unsuccessful siege by Cassander, it was occupied in turn by Agathocles and Pyrrhus. It later fell into the hands of Illyrian pirates until the Romans liberated it in 229, retaining it as a naval station and granting it the status of a free state. In 31 B.C., it served as a base for Octavian (Augustus) against Antony.

Eclipsed by the foundation of Nicopolis, Corcyra for a long time passed out of notice. With the rise of the Norman kingdom in Sicily and the Italian naval powers, it again became a frequent object of attack. In 1081-1085 it was held by Robert Guiscard, in 1147-1154 by Roger II. of Sicily. During the break-up of the Later Roman Empire it was occupied by Genoese privateers (1197-1207) who in turn were expelled by the Venetians. In 1214-1259 it passed to the Greek despots of Epirus, and in 1267 became a possession of the Neapolitan house of Anjou. Under the latter’s weak rule the island suffered considerably from the inroads of various adventurers; hence in 1386 it placed itself under the protection of Venice, which in 1401 acquired formal sovereignty over it. Corcyra remained in Venetian hands till 1797, though several times assailed by Turkish armaments and subjected to two notable sieges in 1536 and 1716-1718, in which the great natural strength of the city again asserted itself. The Venetian feudal families pursued a mild but somewhat enervating policy towards the natives, who began to merge their nationality in that of the Latins and adopted for the island the new name of Corfu. The Corfiotes were encouraged to enrich themselves by the cultivation of the olive, but were debarred from entering into commercial competition with Venice. The island served as a refuge for Greek scholars, and in 1732 became the home of the first academy of modern Greece, but no serious impulse to Greek thought came from this quarter.

Eclipsed by the foundation of Nicopolis, Corcyra was largely forgotten for a long time. With the rise of the Norman kingdom in Sicily and the Italian naval powers, it became a frequent target for attacks again. From 1081 to 1085, it was controlled by Robert Guiscard and from 1147 to 1154 by Roger II of Sicily. During the breakup of the Later Roman Empire, it was occupied by Genoese privateers from 1197 to 1207, who were then expelled by the Venetians. From 1214 to 1259, it came under the rule of the Greek despots of Epirus and in 1267, it became part of the Neapolitan house of Anjou. Under their weak leadership, the island suffered greatly from various adventurers. As a result, in 1386, it sought protection from Venice, which formally acquired sovereignty over it in 1401. Corcyra remained in Venetian hands until 1797, despite several attacks by Turkish forces and enduring two significant sieges in 1536 and from 1716 to 1718, during which the city's natural defenses proved strong. The Venetian feudal families adopted a gentle yet somewhat weakening policy towards the locals, who began to assimilate into the Latin culture and gave the island its new name, Corfu. The Corfiotes were encouraged to prosper through olive cultivation but were prohibited from competing commercially with Venice. The island became a refuge for Greek scholars, and in 1732, it established the first academy of modern Greece, but it did not ignite a significant movement in Greek thought from this area.

By the treaty of Campo Formio Corfu was ceded to the French, who occupied it for two years, until they were expelled by a Russo-Turkish armament (1799). For a short time it became the capital of a self-governing federation of the Hephtanesos (“Seven Islands”); in 1807 its faction-ridden government was again replaced by a French administration, and in 1809 it was vainly besieged by a British fleet. When, by the treaty of Paris of November 5, 1815, the Ionian Islands were placed under the protectorate of Great Britain, Corfu became the seat of the British high commissioner. The British commissioners, who were practically autocrats in spite of the retention of the native senate and assembly, introduced a strict method of government which brought about a decided improvement in the material prosperity of the island, but by its very strictness displeased the natives. In 1864 it was, with the other Ionian Islands, ceded to the kingdom of Greece, in accordance with the wishes of the inhabitants. The island has again become an important point of call and has a considerable trade in olive oil; under a more careful system of tillage the value of its agricultural products might be largely increased.

By the Treaty of Campo Formio, Corfu was given to the French, who occupied it for two years until they were driven out by a Russo-Turkish military force in 1799. For a brief period, it was the capital of a self-governing federation of the Heptanese (“Seven Islands”); in 1807, its government, plagued by factions, was replaced once again by a French administration, and in 1809, it faced a failed siege by a British fleet. When, by the Treaty of Paris on November 5, 1815, the Ionian Islands were placed under British protection, Corfu became the residence of the British high commissioner. The British commissioners, who held almost absolute power despite the presence of the local senate and assembly, implemented a strict governing style that improved the material prosperity of the island but alienated the local population due to its rigidity. In 1864, it was ceded to the Kingdom of Greece, along with the other Ionian Islands, following the desires of the residents. The island has once again become an important stop for trade and has a significant market for olive oil; with better agricultural practices, the value of its farming products could be greatly increased.

Corfu contains very few and unimportant remains of antiquity. The site of the ancient city of Corcyra (Κέρκυρα) is well ascertained, about 1½ m. to the south-east of Corfu, upon the narrow piece of ground between the sea-lake of Calichiopulo and the Bay of Castrades, in each of which it had a port. The circular tomb of Menecrates, with its well-known inscription, is on the Bay of Castrades. Under the hill of Ascension are the remains of a temple, popularly called of Neptune, a very simple Doric structure, which still in its mutilated state presents some peculiarities of architecture. Of Cassiope, the only other city of ancient importance, the name is still preserved by the village of Cassopo, and there are some rude remains of building on the site; but the temple of Zeus Cassius for which it was celebrated has totally disappeared. Throughout the island there are numerous monasteries and other buildings of Venetian erection, of which the best known are Paleocastrizza, San Salvador and Pelleka.

Corfu has very few unimportant remnants of ancient history. The location of the ancient city of Corcyra (Corfu) is clearly identified, about 1½ miles southeast of Corfu, on the narrow strip of land between the sea-lake of Calichiopulo and the Bay of Castrades, where it had a port in each. The circular tomb of Menecrates, famous for its inscription, is located by the Bay of Castrades. Beneath the hill of Ascension are the remains of a temple, commonly known as the Temple of Neptune, a very simple Doric structure that, despite its damaged state, still showcases some unique architectural features. Of Cassiope, the only other city of notable significance, its name is still remembered through the village of Cassopo, and there are some crude remnants of buildings at the site; however, the temple of Zeus Cassius, for which it was renowned, has completely vanished. Throughout the island, there are many monasteries and other structures built by the Venetians, with the most well-known being Paleocastrizza, San Salvador, and Pelleka.

Authorities.—Strabo vi. p. 269; vii. p. 329; Herodotus viii. 168; Thucydides i.-iii.; Xenophon, Hellenica, vi. 2; Polybius ii. 9-11; Plutarch, Quaestiones Graecae, ch. xi.; H. Jervis, The Ionian Islands during the Present Century (London, 1863); D. F. Ansted, The Ionian Islands in the Year 1863 (London, 1863); Riemann, Recherches archéologiques sur les Îles ioniennes (Paris, 1879-1880); J. Partsch, Die Insel Korfu (Gotha, 1887); B. Schmidt, Korkyräische Studien (Leipzig, 1890); B. V. Head, Historia Numorum (Oxford, 1887), pp. 275-277; H. Lutz in Philologus, 56 (1897), pp. 71-77; also art. Numismatics: Greek, § “Epirus.”

Authorities.—Strabo vi. p. 269; vii. p. 329; Herodotus viii. 168; Thucydides i.-iii.; Xenophon, Hellenica, vi. 2; Polybius ii. 9-11; Plutarch, Quaestiones Graecae, ch. xi.; H. Jervis, The Ionian Islands during the Present Century (London, 1863); D. F. Ansted, The Ionian Islands in the Year 1863 (London, 1863); Riemann, Recherches archéologiques sur les Îles ioniennes (Paris, 1879-1880); J. Partsch, Die Insel Korfu (Gotha, 1887); B. Schmidt, Korkyräische Studien (Leipzig, 1890); B. V. Head, Historia Numorum (Oxford, 1887), pp. 275-277; H. Lutz in Philologus, 56 (1897), pp. 71-77; also art. Numismatics: Greek, § “Epirus.”

(E. Gr.; M. O. B. C.)

CORI (anc. Cora), a town and episcopal see of the province of Rome, Italy, 36 m. S.E. by rail from the town of Rome, on the lower slopes of the Volscian mountains, 1300 ft. above sea-level. Pop. (1901) 6463. It occupies the site of the ancient Volscian town of Cora, the foundation of which is by classical authors variously ascribed to Trojan settlers, to the Volscians (with a later admixture of Latins), and to the Latins themselves. The last is more probable (though in that case it was the only town of the Prisci Latini in the Volscian hills), as it appears among the members of the Latin league. Coins of Cora exist, belonging at latest to 350-250 B.C. It was devastated by the partisans of Marius during the struggle between him and Sulla. Before the end of the Republic it had become a municipium. It lay just above the older road from Velitrae to Terracina, which followed the foot of the Volscian hills, but was 6 m. from the Via Appia, and it is therefore little mentioned by classical writers. It is comparatively often spoken of in the 4th century, but from that time to the 13th we hear hardly anything of it, as though it had almost ceased to exist. The remains of the city walls are considerable: three different enceintes, one within the other, enclose the upper and lower town and the acropolis. They are built in Cyclopean work, and different parts vary considerably in the roughness or fineness of the jointing and hewing of the blocks; but explorations at Norba (q.v.) have proved that inferences as to their relative antiquity based upon such considerations are not to be trusted. There is a fine single-arched bridge, now called the Ponte della Catena, just outside the town on the way to Norba, to which an excessively early date is often assigned.

CORI (formerly Cora) is a town and episcopal see in the province of Rome, Italy, located 36 miles southeast by rail from the city of Rome. It's situated on the lower slopes of the Volscian mountains, at an elevation of 1,300 feet above sea level. The population in 1901 was 6,463. The town occupies the site of the ancient Volscian city of Cora, which classical authors attribute to various origins: Trojan settlers, the Volscians (with later Latins), and the Latins themselves. The last hypothesis is most likely (though in this case it was the only town of the Prisci Latini in the Volscian hills), as it appears among the members of the Latin League. Coins from Cora date back to between 350 and 250 B.C. The town was devastated by Marius's supporters during the conflict with Sulla. By the end of the Republic, it had become a municipium. It was located just above the older road connecting Velitrae to Terracina, which ran along the base of the Volscian hills, but it was 6 miles from the Via Appia, so it is not often mentioned by classical writers. It is referenced more frequently in the 4th century, but from then until the 13th century, there is hardly any mention of it, as if it had nearly disappeared. The city's walls still show significant remains: three concentric fortifications encircle the upper and lower town and the acropolis. They are constructed in Cyclopean style, with considerable variations in the roughness or fineness of the joints and the shaping of the stones; however, excavations at Norba (q.v.) have demonstrated that inferences about their relative ages based on these observations are not reliable. There is a striking single-arched bridge, now known as the Ponte della Catena, just outside the town on the route to Norba, which is often given an excessively early date.

At the summit of the town is a beautiful little Doric tetrastyle temple, belonging probably to the 1st century B.C., built of limestone with an inscription recording its erection by the duumviri. It is not known to what deity it was dedicated; and there is no foundation for the assertion that the porphyry statue of Minerva (or Roma) now in front of the Palazzo del Senatore, at Rome, was found here in the 16th century. Lower down are two columns of a Corinthian temple dedicated to Castor and Pollux, as the inscription records. The church of Santa Oliva stands upon the site of a Roman building. The cloister, constructed in 1466-1480, is in two storeys; the capitals of the columns are finely sculptured by a Lombard artist (G. Giovannoni in L’Arte, 1906, p. 108). There are remains of several other ancient buildings in the modern town, especially of a series of large cisterns probably belonging to the imperial period. Some interesting frescoes of the Roman school of the 15th century are to be found in the chapel of the Annunziata outside the town (F. Hermanin in L’Arte, 1906, p. 45).

At the top of the town is a beautiful little Doric tetrastyle temple, likely from the 1st century B.C., made of limestone with an inscription noting its construction by the duumviri. It's unclear which deity it was dedicated to, and there's no evidence to support the claim that the porphyry statue of Minerva (or Roma) now in front of the Palazzo del Senatore in Rome was discovered here in the 16th century. Lower down are two columns from a Corinthian temple dedicated to Castor and Pollux, as the inscription indicates. The church of Santa Oliva is built on the site of a Roman structure. The cloister, built between 1466 and 1480, has two levels; the capitals of the columns are exquisitely sculpted by a Lombard artist (G. Giovannoni in L’Arte, 1906, p. 108). There are remnants of several other ancient buildings in the modern town, particularly a series of large cisterns likely from the imperial period. Some fascinating frescoes from the Roman school of the 15th century can be found in the chapel of the Annunziata outside the town (F. Hermanin in L’Arte, 1906, p. 45).

See G. B. Piranesi, Antichità di Cora (Rome, n.d., c. 1770); A. Nibby, Analisi della Carta dei Dintorni di Roma (Rome, 1848), i. 487 seq.

See G. B. Piranesi, Antichità di Cora (Rome, n.d., c. 1770); A. Nibby, Analisi della Carta dei Dintorni di Roma (Rome, 1848), i. 487 seq.

(T. As.)

CORIANDER, the fruit, improperly called seed, of an umbelliferous plant (Coriandrum sativum), a native of the south of Europe and Asia Minor, but cultivated in the south of England, where it is also found as an escape, growing apparently wild. The name is derived from the Gr. κόρις (a bug), and was given on account of its foetid, bug-like smell. The plant produces a slender, erect, hollow stem rising 1 to 2 ft. in height, with bipinnate leaves and small flowers in pink or whitish umbels. The fruit is globular and externally smooth, having five indistinct ridges, and the mericarps, or half-fruits, do not readily separate from each other. It is used in medicine as an aromatic and carminative, the active principle being a volatile oil, obtained by distillation, which is isomeric with Borneo camphor, and may be given in doses of ½ to 3 minims. On account of its pleasant and pungent flavour it is a favourite ingredient in hot curries and sauces. The fruit is also used in confectionery, and as a flavouring ingredient in various liqueurs. The essential oil on which its aroma depends is obtained from it by distillation. The tender leaves and shoots of the young plant are used in soups and salads.

CORIANDER, is the fruit, mistakenly called a seed, of a plant in the umbellifer family (Coriandrum sativum). It's originally from southern Europe and Asia Minor but is now grown in southern England, where it can also be found growing wild. The name comes from the Greek κόρις (meaning bug), referring to its unpleasant, bug-like smell. The plant has a slender, upright, hollow stem that grows to about 1 to 2 feet tall, with compound leaves and small flowers that are pink or whitish and grow in clusters. The fruit is round and smooth on the outside, featuring five faint ridges, and the fruits, or halves, do not easily separate from one another. In medicine, it's used for its aromatic and digestive properties, with the active ingredient being a volatile oil gained through distillation, which is similar to Borneo camphor and can be taken in doses of ½ to 3 minims. Due to its pleasant and spicy flavor, it's a popular ingredient in spicy curries and sauces. The fruit is also used in candy and as a flavoring in various liqueurs. The essential oil that gives it its aroma is extracted through distillation. The tender leaves and shoots of the young plant are added to soups and salads.


CORINGA, a seaport of British India, in the district of Godavari and presidency of Madras, on the estuary of a branch of the 147 Godavari river. The harbour is protected from the swell of the sea by the southward projection of Point Godavari, and affords a shelter to vessels during the south-west monsoon; but though formerly the most important on this coast it has been silted up and lost its trade. The repairing and building of small coasting ships is an industry at Tallarevu in the vicinity. In 1787 a gale from the north-east occasioned an inundation which swept away the greater part of Coringa with its inhabitants; and in 1832 another storm desolated the place, carrying vessels into the fields and leaving them aground. Of Europeans the Dutch were the first to establish themselves at Coringa. In 1759 the English took possession of the town, and erected a factory 5 m. to the south of it.

CORINGA, a seaport in British India, located in the Godavari district of the Madras presidency, sits on the estuary of a branch of the 147 Godavari River. The harbor is shielded from the sea's waves by the southern extension of Point Godavari, providing shelter for ships during the southwest monsoon. However, despite once being the most significant port on this coast, it has become silted up and lost its trade. The repair and construction of small coastal ships is a local industry at Tallarevu nearby. In 1787, a northeast gale caused flooding that destroyed most of Coringa and displaced its residents; another storm in 1832 devastated the area, carrying boats into the fields and leaving them stranded. The Dutch were the first Europeans to settle in Coringa, and in 1759, the English took control of the town and built a factory 5 miles to the south.


CORINNA, surnamed “the Fly,” a Greek poetess, born at Tanagra in Boeotia, flourished about 500 B.C. She is chiefly known as the instructress and rival of Pindar, over whom she gained the victory in five poetical contests. According to Pausanias (ix. 22. 3), her success was chiefly due to her beauty and her use of the local Boeotian dialect. The extant fragments of her poems, dealing chiefly with mythological subjects, such as the expedition of the Seven against Thebes, will be found in Bergk’s Poëtae Lyrici Graeci.

CORINNA, known as “the Fly,” was a Greek poetess born in Tanagra, Boeotia, around 500 B.C. She is mainly recognized as the teacher and rival of Pindar, and she won five poetic competitions against him. According to Pausanias (ix. 22. 3), her victories were largely attributed to her beauty and her use of the local Boeotian dialect. The surviving fragments of her poems, which mainly focus on mythological themes like the expedition of the Seven against Thebes, can be found in Bergk’s Poëtae Lyrici Graeci.

Some considerable remains of two poems on a 2nd-century papyrus (Berliner Klassikertexte, v., 1907) have also been attributed to Corinna (W. H. D. Rouse’s Year’s Work in Classical Studies, 1907; J. M. Edmonds, New Frags. of ... and Corinna, 1910).

Some significant fragments of two poems on a 2nd-century papyrus (Berliner Klassikertexte, v., 1907) have also been linked to Corinna (W. H. D. Rouse’s Year’s Work in Classical Studies, 1907; J. M. Edmonds, New Frags. of ... and Corinna, 1910).


CORINTH, a city of Greece, situated near the isthmus (see Corinth, Isthmus of) which connects Peloponnesus and central Greece, and separates the Saronic and the Corinthian gulfs on E. and W. The ancient town stood 1½ m. from the latter, in a plain extending westward to Sicyon. The citadel, or Acrocorinthus, rising precipitously on the S. to a height of 1886 ft. was separated by a ravine from Oneium, a range of hills which runs E. to the isthmus entrance. Between this ridge and the offshoots of Geraneia opposite a narrow depression allowed of easy transit across the Isthmus neck. The territory of Corinth was mostly rocky and unfertile; but its position at the head of two navigable gulfs clearly marked it out as a commercial centre. Its natural advantages were enhanced by the “Diolcus” or tram-road, by which ships could be hauled across the Isthmus. It was connected in historic times with its western port of Lechaeum by two continuous walls, with Cenchreae and Schoenus on the east by chains of fortifications. The city walls attained a circuit of 10 m.

CORINTH, a city in Greece, located near the isthmus (see Corinth, Isthmus of) that connects Peloponnesus and central Greece, separating the Saronic and Corinthian gulfs on the east and west. The ancient town was situated 1½ miles from the latter, in a plain that extended westward to Sicyon. The citadel, or Acrocorinthus, rose steeply to the south, reaching a height of 1,886 feet, and was separated by a ravine from Oneium, a range of hills that runs east to the entrance of the isthmus. Between this ridge and the offshoots of Geraneia, a narrow depression allowed for easy passage across the neck of the Isthmus. The land in Corinth was mostly rocky and not very fertile, but its location at the head of two navigable gulfs clearly made it a commercial hub. Its natural advantages were improved by the “Diolcus,” or tram-road, which allowed ships to be transported across the Isthmus. In historical times, it was connected to its western port of Lechaeum by two continuous walls, and to Cenchreae and Schoenus on the east by a series of fortifications. The city walls had a total length of 10 miles.

I. History.—In mythology, Corinth (originally named Ephyre) appears as the home of Medea, Sisyphus and Bellerophon, and already has over-sea connexions which illustrate its primitive commercial activity. Similarly the early presence of Phoenician traders is attested by the survival of Sidonian cults (Aphrodite Urania, Athena Phoenicice, Melicertes, i.e. Melkarth). In the Homeric poems Corinth is a mere dependency of Mycenae; nor does it figure prominently in the tradition of the Dorian migrations. Though ultimately conquered by the invaders it probably retained much of its former “Ionian” population, whose god Poseidon continued to be worshipped at the national Isthmian games throughout historic times; of the eight communal tribes perhaps only three were Dorian. Under the new dynasty of Aletes, which reigned according to tradition from 1074 to 747, Corinthian history continues obscure. The government subsequently passed into the hands of a small corporation of nobles descended from a former king Bacchis, and known as the Bacchidae, who nominated annually a Prytanis (president) from among their number. The maritime expansion of Corinth at this time is proved by the foundation of colonies at Syracuse and Corcyra, and the equipment of a fleet of triremes (the newly invented Greek men-of-war) to quell a revolt of the latter city.

I. History.—In mythology, Corinth (originally called Ephyre) is known as the home of Medea, Sisyphus, and Bellerophon, and already shows connections overseas that highlight its early commercial activity. The presence of Phoenician traders is also indicated by the enduring Sidonian cults (Aphrodite Urania, Athena Phoenicice, Melicertes, i.e. Melkarth). In Homer's poems, Corinth is just a dependency of Mycenae and doesn't play a significant role in the stories of the Dorian migrations. Although it was eventually conquered by the invaders, it likely kept much of its earlier “Ionian” population, who continued to worship Poseidon at the national Isthmian games throughout history; of the eight communal tribes, only about three were Dorian. Under the new dynasty of Aletes, which is said to have ruled from 1074 to 747, Corinth's history remains unclear. The government later fell into the hands of a small group of nobles descended from a former king named Bacchis, known as the Bacchidae, who elected a Prytanis (president) from their ranks each year. The maritime growth of Corinth during this period is evidenced by the founding of colonies at Syracuse and Corcyra, and the creation of a fleet of triremes (the newly developed Greek warships) to suppress a rebellion in that city.

But Corinth’s real prosperity dates from the time of the tyranny (657-581), established by a disqualified noble Cypselus (q.v.). and continued under his son Periander (q.v.). Under these remarkable men, whose government was apparently mild, the city rapidly developed. She extended her sphere of influence throughout the coast-lands of the western gulf; by the settlement of numerous colonies in N.W. Greece she controlled the Italian and Adriatic trade-routes and secured a large share of the commerce with the western Greeks. In Levantine waters connexions grew up with the great marts of Chalcis and Miletus, with the rulers of Lydia, Phrygia, Cyprus and Egypt. As an industrial centre Corinth achieved pre-eminence in pottery, metal-work and decorative handicraft, and was the reputed “inventor” of painting and tiling; her bronze and her pottery, moulded from the soft white clay of Oneium, were widely exported over the Mediterranean. The chief example of her early art was the celebrated “chest of Cypselus” at Olympia, of carved cedar and ivory inlaid with gold. The city was enriched with notable temples and public works (see § Archaeology), and became the home of several Cyclic poets and of Arion, the perfecter of the dithyramb.

But Corinth's real prosperity began during the tyranny (657-581) established by the disqualified noble Cypselus and continued under his son Periander. Under these notable leaders, whose rule was seemingly mild, the city rapidly flourished. She expanded her influence throughout the coastal areas of the western gulf; by settling numerous colonies in Northwest Greece, she controlled the Italian and Adriatic trade routes and secured a significant portion of commerce with the western Greeks. In the Levantine waters, connections developed with the major trading centers of Chalcis and Miletus, as well as with the rulers of Lydia, Phrygia, Cyprus, and Egypt. As an industrial hub, Corinth excelled in pottery, metalwork, and decorative crafts, and was known as the "inventor" of painting and tiling; her bronze and pottery, shaped from the soft white clay of Oneium, were widely exported across the Mediterranean. The prime example of her early art was the renowned "chest of Cypselus" at Olympia, made of carved cedar and ivory inlaid with gold. The city boasted impressive temples and public works (see § Archaeology), and became the home of several Cyclic poets, including Arion, who perfected the dithyramb.

The tyranny was succeeded by an oligarchy based upon a graduated money qualification, which ruled with a consistency equalling that of the Venetian Council, but pursued a policy too purely commercial to the neglect of military efficiency. Late in the 6th century Corinth joined the Peloponnesian league under Sparta, in which her financial resources and strategic position secured her an unusual degree of independence. Thus the city successfully befriended the Athenians against Cleomenes I. (q.v.), and supported them against Aegina, their common commercial rival in eastern waters. In the great Persian war of 480 Corinth served as the Greek headquarters: her army took part at Thermopylae and Plataea and her navy distinguished itself at Salamis and Mycale. Later in the century the rapid development of Athenian trade and naval power became a serious menace. In 459 the Corinthians, in common with their former rivals the Aeginetans, made war upon Athens, but lost both by sea and land. Henceforward their Levantine commerce dwindled, and in the west the Athenians extended their rivalry even into the Corinthian Gulf. Though Syracuse remained friendly, and the colonies in the N.W. maintained a close commercial alliance with the mother-city, the disaffection of Corcyra hampered the Italian trade. The alliance of this latter power with Athens accentuated the rising jealousy of the Corinthians, who, after deprecating a federal war in 440, virtually forced Sparta’s hand against Athens in 432. In the subsequent war Corinth displayed great activity in the face of heavy losses, and the support she gave to Syracuse had no little influence on the ultimate issue of the war (see Peloponnesian War). In 395 the domineering attitude of Sparta impelled the Corinthians to conclude an alliance with Argos which they had previously contemplated on occasions of friction with the former city, as well as with Thebes and with Athens, whose commercial rivalry they no longer dreaded. In the ensuing “Corinthian War” the city suffered severely, and the war-party only maintained itself by the help of an Argive garrison and a formal annexation to Argos. Since 387 the Spartan party was again supreme, and after Leuctra Corinth took the field against the Theban invaders of Peloponnesus (371-366). In 344 party struggles between oligarchs and democrats led to a usurpation by the tyrant Timophanes, whose speedy assassination was compassed by his brother Timoleon (q.v.).

The tyranny was replaced by an oligarchy based on a tiered money qualification, which governed with a consistency similar to that of the Venetian Council, but followed a policy that was too focused on commerce, neglecting military strength. In the late 6th century, Corinth joined the Peloponnesian League under Sparta, where its financial resources and strategic location granted it a notable degree of independence. This allowed the city to successfully ally with the Athenians against Cleomenes I, and to support them against Aegina, their shared commercial rival in eastern waters. During the great Persian war of 480, Corinth served as the Greek headquarters: its army fought at Thermopylae and Plataea, and its navy excelled at Salamis and Mycale. Later in the century, the rapid growth of Athenian trade and naval power became a serious threat. In 459, the Corinthians, along with their former rivals the Aeginetans, went to war against Athens but suffered defeats both at sea and on land. From that point on, their Levantine trade dwindled, and in the west, the Athenians extended their rivalry even into the Corinthian Gulf. Although Syracuse remained friendly and the colonies in the northwest kept a strong commercial alliance with the mother city, the unrest in Corcyra affected the trade with Italy. The alliance between Corcyra and Athens heightened the growing jealousy of the Corinthians, who, after discouraging a federal war in 440, effectively forced Sparta to take action against Athens in 432. During the subsequent war, Corinth showed significant activity despite heavy losses, and the support it gave to Syracuse had a substantial influence on the eventual outcome of the war (see Peloponnesian War). In 395, Sparta's domineering stance drove the Corinthians to form an alliance with Argos, which they had previously considered during conflicts with Sparta, as well as with Thebes and Athens, whose commercial competition no longer concerned them. In the ensuing “Corinthian War,” the city faced severe hardships, and the war party only stayed in power with the aid of an Argive garrison and a formal annexation to Argos. After 387, the Spartan faction regained control, and following the battle of Leuctra, Corinth took action against the Theban invaders of the Peloponnesus (371-366). In 344, internal struggles between oligarchs and democrats led to a takeover by the tyrant Timophanes, whose swift assassination was carried out by his brother Timoleon (q.v.).

After the campaign of Chaeronea, Philip II. of Macedon summoned a Greek congress at Corinth and left a garrison on the citadel. This citadel, one of the “fetters of Greece,” was eagerly contended for by the Macedonian pretenders after Alexander’s death; ultimately it fell to Antigonus Gonatas, who controlled it through a tyrant. In 243 Corinth was freed by Aratus and incorporated into the Achaean league. After a short Spartan occupation in 224 it was again surrendered to Macedonia. T. Quinctius Flamininus, after proclaiming the liberty of Greece at the Isthmus, restored Corinth to the league (196). With the revival of its political and commercial importance the city became the centre of resistance against Rome. In return for the foolish provocation of war in 146 B.C. the Roman conquerors despoiled Corinth of its art treasures and destroyed the entire settlement: the land was partly made over to Sicyon and partly became public domain.

After the battle of Chaeronea, Philip II of Macedon called a Greek assembly at Corinth and stationed a garrison at the citadel. This citadel, one of the "chains of Greece," was fiercely fought over by the Macedonian claimants after Alexander’s death; it eventually fell to Antigonus Gonatas, who ruled it through a tyrant. In 243, Corinth was liberated by Aratus and became part of the Achaean League. After a brief occupation by the Spartans in 224, it was once again handed over to Macedonia. T. Quinctius Flamininus, after announcing the freedom of Greece at the Isthmus, returned Corinth to the league (196). With the renewal of its political and commercial significance, the city became the focal point of resistance against Rome. In retaliation for their reckless provocation of war in 146 B.C., the Roman conquerors stripped Corinth of its artistic treasures and obliterated the entire city: the land was partially given to Sicyon and partially turned into public land.

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In 46 Julius Caesar repeopled Corinth with Italian freedmen and dispossessed Greeks. Under its new name Laus Julii and an Italian constitution it rapidly recovered its commercial prosperity. Augustus made it the capital of Achaea; Hadrian enriched it with public works. Its prosperity, as also its profligacy, is attested by the New Testament, by Strabo and Pausanias. After the Gothic raids of 267 and 395 Corinth was secured by new fortifications at the Isthmus. Though restricted to the citadel, the medieval town became the administrative and ecclesiastical capital of Peloponnesus, and enjoyed a thriving trade and silk industry until in 1147 it was sacked by the Normans. In 1210 it was joined to the Latin duchy of the Morea, and subsequently was contended for by various Italian pretenders. Since the Turkish conquest (1459) the history of Corinth has been uneventful, save for a raid by the Maltese in 1611 and a Venetian occupation from 1687 to 1715.

In 46, Julius Caesar repopulated Corinth with Italian freedmen and took land from the Greeks. Under its new name Laus Julii and an Italian constitution, it quickly regained its commercial success. Augustus made it the capital of Achaea, and Hadrian enhanced it with public works. Its wealth, along with its excesses, is confirmed by the New Testament, Strabo, and Pausanias. After the Gothic raids in 267 and 395, Corinth was secured with new fortifications at the Isthmus. Though limited to the citadel, the medieval town became the administrative and ecclesiastical capital of the Peloponnese and had a booming trade and silk industry until it was sacked by the Normans in 1147. In 1210, it became part of the Latin duchy of the Morea, and later, various Italian claimants fought over it. Since the Turkish conquest in 1459, Corinth's history has been relatively quiet, aside from a raid by the Maltese in 1611 and a Venetian occupation from 1687 to 1715.

Authorities.—Strabo, pp. 378-382; Pausanias ii. 1-4; Curtius, Peloponnesos (Gotha, 1851), ii., 514-556; E. Wilisch, Die Altkorinthische Thonindustrie (Leipzig, 1892) and Geschichte Korinth’s (1887, 1896, 1901); G. Gilbert, Griechische Staatsaltertümer (Leipzig, 1885), li. pp. 87-91.

References.—Strabo, pp. 378-382; Pausanias ii. 1-4; Curtius, Peloponnesos (Gotha, 1851), ii., 514-556; E. Wilisch, Die Altkorinthische Thonindustrie (Leipzig, 1892) and Geschichte Korinth’s (1887, 1896, 1901); G. Gilbert, Griechische Staatsaltertümer (Leipzig, 1885), li. pp. 87-91.

(M. O. B. C.)

II. Archaeology and Modern Town.—The modern town of New Corinth, the head of a district in the province of Corinth (pop. 71,229), is situated on the Isthmus of Corinth near the south-eastern recess of the Gulf of Corinth, 3½ m. N.E. from the site of the ancient city. It was founded in 1858, when Old Corinth was destroyed by an earthquake. It is connected by railway with Athens (57 m.), with Patras (80 m.), and with Nauplia (40 m.), the capital of Argolis. Communication by sea with Athens, Patras, the Ionian Islands and the shores of the Ambracian Gulf, is constant since the opening of the Corinthian ship canal, in 1893. It has not, however, attained great prosperity. It has broad streets and low houses, but is architecturally unattractive, like most of the creations of the time of King Otto. Its chief exports are seedless grapes (“currants”), olive-oil, silk and cereals. Pop. (1905) about 4300.

II. Archaeology and Modern Town.—The modern town of New Corinth, the main center of a district in the province of Corinth (pop. 71,229), is located on the Isthmus of Corinth near the southeastern part of the Gulf of Corinth, 3½ miles northeast of the ancient city site. It was established in 1858 after Old Corinth was destroyed by an earthquake. It is connected by railway to Athens (57 miles), Patras (80 miles), and Nauplia (40 miles), the capital of Argolis. There is regular sea communication with Athens, Patras, the Ionian Islands, and the shores of the Ambracian Gulf since the opening of the Corinthian ship canal in 1893. However, it has not become particularly prosperous. It features wide streets and low houses, but is architecturally unremarkable, similar to most constructions from King Otto's era. Its main exports include seedless grapes (“currants”), olive oil, silk, and cereals. Pop. (1905) about 4,300.

Old Corinth passed through its various stages, Greek, Roman, Byzantine, Turkish. After the War of Liberation it was again Greek, and, being a considerable town, was suggested as the capital of the new kingdom of Greece. The earthquake of 1858 levelled it to the ground with the exception of about a dozen houses. A mere handful of the old inhabitants remained on the site. But fertile fields and running water made it attractive; and outsiders gradually came in. At present it is an untidy, poverty-stricken village of about 1000 inhabitants, mostly of Albanian blood. Like the ancient city, it spreads out over two terraces, one about 100 ft. above the other. These were formed in different geological ages by the gulf, which had in historical times receded to a distance of 1¼ m. from the city. At the nearest point to the city was laid out the harbour, Lechaeum, a basin dug far into the shore and joined with the city by long walls. At about the middle of the two terraces, 1½ m. long, the edge of the upper one was worn back into a deep indentation, probably by running water, possibly by quarrying. Here was the heart of the ancient city. At the lower end of the indentation is the modern public square, shaded by a gigantic and picturesque plane tree, nourished by the surplus water of Pirene. As the visitor looks from the square up the indentation he sees on a height to the right a venerable temple ruin, and, directly in front, Acro-Corinth, rising over 1500 ft. above the village. Even from the village, the view over the gulf, including Parnassus with its giant neighbours on the N., Cyllene and its neighbours on the W., and Geraneia on the N.E., is very fine. But from Acro-Corinth the view is still finer, and is perhaps unsurpassed in Greece.

Old Corinth went through various eras: Greek, Roman, Byzantine, and Turkish. After the War of Liberation, it became Greek again and, being a significant town, was considered as the capital of the new kingdom of Greece. The earthquake in 1858 destroyed it completely, leaving only about a dozen houses standing. Just a few of the old residents remained on the site. However, the fertile fields and flowing water made the area appealing, and gradually, newcomers settled in. Today, it is a messy, impoverished village of around 1,000 residents, mostly of Albanian descent. Like the ancient city, it is spread across two terraces, one about 100 feet above the other. These were shaped in different geological periods by the gulf, which retreated to about 1¼ miles from the city in historical times. The harbor, Lechaeum, was established at the closest point to the city, a basin dug deep into the shore, connected to the city by long walls. About halfway between the two terraces, there’s a deep indentation at the edge of the upper terrace, likely created by running water or possibly by quarrying. This area was the heart of the ancient city. At the lower end of the indentation is the modern public square, shaded by a massive and picturesque plane tree, watered by the excess flow from Pirene. As visitors look from the square up the indentation, they can see a venerable temple ruin on the right, and directly ahead is Acro-Corinth, rising over 1,500 feet above the village. Even from the village, the view of the gulf, including Parnassus and its towering neighbors to the north, Cyllene and its companions to the west, and Geraneia to the northeast, is stunning. But from Acro-Corinth, the view is even better and is perhaps unmatched in Greece.

The excavations begun in 1896 by the American school of Classical Studies at Athens, under the direction of Rufus B. Richardson, have brought to light important monuments of the ancient city, both Greek and Roman.

The excavations started in 1896 by the American School of Classical Studies in Athens, led by Rufus B. Richardson, have uncovered significant monuments of the ancient city, both Greek and Roman.

The first object was the locating of the agora, or public square, first because Pausanias says that most of the important monuments of the city were either on or near the agora; and secondly because, beginning with the agora, he mentions, sometimes with a brief description, the principal monuments in order along three of the principal thoroughfares radiating from it. In the first year’s work twenty-one trial trenches were dug in the hope of finding a clue to its position. Somewhat less than a quarter of a mile to the N.W. of the temple, set back into the edge of the upper terrace, there was found, under 20 ft. of soil, a ruined Roman theatre built upon the ruins of a Greek theatre. This theatre was, according to Pausanias, on the street leading from the agora towards Sicyon, and so to the west of the agora. Another trench dug across the deep indentation to the E. of the temple revealed a broad limestone pavement leading from the very northern edge of the city up through the indentation, in the direction of Acro-Corinth. It required little sagacity to identify it with the street mentioned by Pausanias as leading from the agora towards Lechaeum. It was practically certain that by following up this pavement to its point of intersection with the road from Sicyon the agora would be discovered.

The first goal was to find the agora, or public square, primarily because Pausanias states that most of the significant monuments of the city were located on or near the agora. Additionally, starting from the agora, he sometimes briefly describes the main monuments along three of the major roads extending from it. In the first year of work, twenty-one trial trenches were dug in hopes of uncovering clues about its location. A little less than a quarter of a mile northwest of the temple, set back into the edge of the upper terrace, researchers discovered a ruined Roman theater built on the remains of a Greek theater, buried under 20 feet of soil. According to Pausanias, this theater was located on the street leading from the agora toward Sicyon, making it to the west of the agora. Another trench dug across the deep indentation east of the temple uncovered a wide limestone pavement leading from the very northern edge of the city through the indentation, in the direction of Acro-Corinth. It was easy to identify this as the street mentioned by Pausanias that led from the agora toward Lechaeum. It was almost certain that by following this pavement to where it intersected with the road from Sicyon, the agora would be found.

The limestone pavement, with long porches on either side, was found to stop at the foot of a marble staircase of thirty-four steps of Byzantine construction, underneath which appeared a Roman arrangement of the two flights with a platform halfway up. The top flight led up to the propylaea. The remains of the propylaea above ground are few; but the foundations are massive and well laid, at the end of the upper terrace where it is farthest worn back. These foundations are clearly those of a Roman triumphal arch, which perhaps took the name “propylaea” from an ancient Greek structure on the same spot. This arch appears on Roman coins from Augustus to Commodus; according to Pausanias it bore two four-horse chariots, one driven by Helios and the other by Phaethon, his son, all in gilded bronze.

The limestone pavement, with long porches on either side, ended at the base of a marble staircase with thirty-four Byzantine-style steps. Underneath, there was a Roman design featuring two flights of stairs with a platform halfway up. The upper flight led to the propylaea. There are only a few remnants of the propylaea above ground, but the foundations are massive and well-constructed at the farthest point back on the upper terrace. These foundations clearly belong to a Roman triumphal arch, which possibly took the name “propylaea” from an ancient Greek structure that once stood there. This arch is depicted on Roman coins from the time of Augustus to Commodus; according to Pausanias, it featured two four-horse chariots, one driven by Helios and the other by his son Phaethon, all in gilded bronze.

Although a considerable part of the agora has been excavated, none of the statues which Pausanias saw in it have been discovered. On the upper (S.) side are excellent foundations of a long porch. On the N. side, stretching westward from the 149 propylaea, are two porches of different periods. The older one, which still existed in Roman times, was backed up against the temple hill, which was cut away to make room for it. An ancient staircase, 15 ft. broad, led down from the temple hill into the lower area of the broad pavement, from which access to the agora and the Pirene was easy.

Although a significant portion of the agora has been excavated, none of the statues that Pausanias saw there have been found. On the upper (south) side, there are solid foundations of a long porch. On the north side, extending westward from the 149 propylaea, are two porches from different periods. The older one, which was still standing during Roman times, was built into the temple hill, which was cut back to create space for it. An ancient staircase, 15 feet wide, led down from the temple hill into the lower area of the wide pavement, which provided easy access to the agora and the Pirene.

To the E. of the paved road and close up against the agora itself, only at a much lower level, was found, buried under 35 ft. of earth, the famous fountain Pirene, tallying exactly with the description of Pausanias, as “a series of chambers that are like caves, and bearing a façade of white marble.” This Pirene originally had a two-storey façade of Roman fashion made of limestone, but, before the time of Pausanias, it had received a covering of marble which has now fallen off, but has left traces of itself in the holes drilled into the limestone, in the rough hacking away of the half columns, and in the numerous marble fragments which lay in front of the façade. This was not, however, the earliest form of Pirene. It was built up in front of a more simple Greek fountain-structure which consisted of seven cross-walls placed under the edge of the stratum forming the upper terrace. Six chambers were thus formed which showed the chaste beauty of Greek workmanship, while the stratum of native rock which covered them gave a touch of nature and made them caves. The walls ended at the front in the form of an anta delicately carved. On a parapet at the rear of each chamber a single slender Ionic column between two antae supported an Ionic entablature. The stuccoed walls were striped horizontally and vertically with red on a blue field, on which appear fishes swimming. The chambers were really reservoirs, filled by the water which flowed along their backs.

To the east of the paved road and right next to the agora itself, though at a much lower level, they discovered the famous fountain Pirene, buried under 35 feet of earth. It matches exactly with Pausanias's description of “a series of chambers that resemble caves, featuring a façade made of white marble.” This Pirene originally had a two-story façade in Roman style made of limestone, but before Pausanias's time, it was covered with marble that has since fallen away, leaving behind traces in the drilled holes in the limestone, the rough chiseled half columns, and the numerous marble fragments that lay in front of the façade. However, this was not the earliest version of Pirene. It was constructed in front of a simpler Greek fountain structure, which consisted of seven cross-walls placed at the edge of the layer forming the upper terrace. This created six chambers that showcased the pure beauty of Greek craftsmanship, while the native rock layer that covered them added a natural touch and made them feel like caves. The walls ended at the front in delicately carved antae. On a parapet at the back of each chamber, a single slender Ionic column stood between two antae and supported an Ionic entablature. The stuccoed walls were decorated with red stripes both horizontally and vertically on a blue background, featuring swimming fish. The chambers actually functioned as reservoirs, filled with water that flowed along their backs.

We know nothing further about the Greek system, but in the Roman adjustment the water was led from this series of cisterns into a large rectangular basin which formed the centre of a quadrangle 50 ft. square. In the N.E. corner is a hole through which it was drained, and at the N. end a flight of five steps led down into it. Besides the four orifices through which water flowed into it there were two other holes about 4 in. lower down to keep the basin from overflowing. Two uses of water are mentioned by Pausanias, “The water,” he says, “was sweet to drink,” and also good for tempering bronze. It seems clear then, that the basin was at stated times used for the latter purpose, and was converted into a tank. The bronze was plunged into the water in a red hot condition, and thus acquired its peculiar excellence.

We don't know much more about the Greek system, but in the Roman setup, water was channeled from a series of cisterns into a large rectangular basin that was the center of a 50 ft. square courtyard. In the northeast corner, there’s a drain hole, and at the north end, a set of five steps led down into the basin. Besides the four openings where water flowed in, there were two additional holes about 4 inches lower to prevent the basin from overflowing. Pausanias mentions two uses for the water: “The water,” he says, “was sweet to drink,” and it was also good for tempering bronze. It’s clear that the basin was regularly used for this purpose and functioned as a tank. The bronze was immersed in the water while red hot, which gave it its unique quality.

In Byzantine times five columns, of various diameters, with no two bases of the same size, bearing Corinthian capitals, were set up about 6 ft. in front of the façade. Blocks of marble which had seen use elsewhere ran from them back into the façade, which was hacked away in rough fashion to receive them. Probably these blocks formed the floor of a balcony, a tawdry marble addition.

In Byzantine times, five columns of different sizes, each with uniquely sized bases and topped with Corinthian capitals, were placed about 6 feet in front of the façade. Reused marble blocks extended from the columns back into the façade, which was roughly cut to accommodate them. These blocks likely made up the floor of a balcony, a flashy marble addition.

Pirene was at all times the heart of the city. Here it was that Athena helped Bellerophon to bridle Pegasus; and hence she received the epithet of “the Bridler,” Chalinitis. The importance of the fountain is attested by the fact that the Greek poets and the Delphic oracle instead of saying Corinth said, “the city of Pirene.” That it was a place of common resort is shown by Euripides (Medea, 68 f.), where it is said that the elders were to be found “near the august waters of Pirene, playing draughts (πεσσί).” The quadrangle, with its walls 20 ft. high, and its three apses probably covered with half domes, provided considerable shade. There is reason for supposing that the marble coating of the façade, and perhaps the erection of the quadrangle, also covered with marble, were the work of Herodes Atticus, and therefore just completed when Pausanias saw them. A base on which stood a statue of Herodes’ wife, Regilla, was found close to the façade, inscribed with fulsome praise, stating that the statue was “set up by order of the Sisyphaean Senate at the outpouring of the streams.” Two inscriptions of Roman times make the identity of Pirene certain, if there could be any doubt in the face of the exact agreement of Pausanias’s description with the structure.

Pirene was always the heart of the city. This is where Athena helped Bellerophon harness Pegasus; because of this, she earned the nickname "the Bridler," Chalinitis. The significance of the fountain is highlighted by the fact that Greek poets and the Delphic oracle referred to Corinth as "the city of Pirene." Its popularity as a gathering spot is shown by Euripides (Medea, 68 f.), where it’s mentioned that the elders were found “near the sacred waters of Pirene, playing draughts (πεσσί).” The courtyard, with walls 20 ft. high and three apses likely topped with half domes, offered plenty of shade. It's believed that the marble façade and possibly the marble-covered quadrangle were built by Herodes Atticus, and were likely finished when Pausanias visited. A base that held a statue of Herodes’ wife, Regilla, was found near the façade, bearing an inscription with extravagant praise, stating that the statue was “set up by order of the Sisyphaean Senate at the outpouring of the streams.” Two inscriptions from Roman times confirm the identity of Pirene, if there was any doubt, given that Pausanias’s description perfectly aligns with the structure.

Of the surviving monuments of the Greek city the most important is the temple of Apollo. While it was probably badly wrecked by the Romans at the sack of the city, its massive columns with the entablature survived. That it was restored and was in use in Roman time is shown by the fact that both the seven columns still standing and two fallen columns discovered in the excavations, to say nothing of several fragments of others, have a thick coating of Roman stucco laid over the finer Greek. The style of the temple points to 600 B.C., when Periander was at the height of his power. According to Herodotus he made his doubtful adherents deposit pledges of faithfulness in the temple of Apollo. Quite near the W. end of the temple is the fountain Glaucē cut out of a cube of rock, apparently left standing when the material for the temple was quarried around it. In it were carved out four chambers or reservoirs all connected and a porch consisting of three pillars between two antae in which the side walls ended. The water coming down from Acro-Corinth was introduced from behind. Approached by a flight of steps partly rock-cut, it had at the rear of the porch a balustrade with marble lions’ heads through which the water overflowed. Two of these heads were found. The top of the system of reservoirs was too heavy for the slender cross walls and pillars, only the stumps of which remain; a collapse took place, by which the porch and the W. compartment were carried away. From its location only about 50 yds. from the temple it seems to have been the temple fountain. It was named after the second wife of Jason, Glaucē, who plunged into it to quench the fire of the poisoned bridal garments given her by Medea.

Of the remaining monuments from the Greek city, the most significant is the temple of Apollo. Although it was likely severely damaged by the Romans during the city's sack, its massive columns and entablature have survived. Evidence that it was restored and in use during Roman times is indicated by the seven standing columns and two fallen ones found in excavations, along with several other fragments, all covered with a thick layer of Roman stucco over the more delicate Greek finish. The temple's style dates back to 600 B.C., when Periander was at the peak of his power. According to Herodotus, he required his questionable supporters to deposit pledges of loyalty in the temple of Apollo. Near the west end of the temple is the fountain Glaucē, carved from a solid block of rock, which appears to have been left intact when the stone for the temple was quarried. It features four connected chambers or reservoirs and a porch with three pillars set between two antae where the side walls meet. Water from Acro-Corinth flowed in from behind. Accessed by a partially rock-cut flight of steps, the fountain had a balustrade at the back of the porch adorned with marble lion heads from which the water overflowed, and two of these heads were found. The top of the reservoir system was too heavy for the delicate cross walls and pillars, leaving only stumps behind after a collapse that took out the porch and the western section. Given its proximity, only about 50 yards from the temple, it seems to have served as the temple fountain. It was named after Glaucē, the second wife of Jason, who jumped into it to extinguish the flames from the poisoned wedding dress given to her by Medea.

It is not surprising that monuments were found of which there is no record in ancient writings. Such was a very ancient fountain W. of the propylaea, 25 ft. below the surface. Under remains of the Roman city appeared a triglyphon of porous stone with an extent from N. to S. of about 30 ft. At the N. end it turned westward at an obtuse angle and extended about 10 ft. in that direction. The system is about 4 ft. high. While the colours on the metopes and triglyphs had faded somewhat, the border above them, topped with a cornice projecting 6 in., retained a most brilliant maeander pattern of red, blue and yellow, while below these were two bands of godroons of blue and red. On the top of this system as a foundation were set several statue bases, one bearing the signature of Lysippus, which shows that the system stood there at least as early as the 4th century B.C. Some parts of it may have been taken from older buildings, but not the cornice nor the corner metope block which formed an obtuse angle. Near the middle of the long side is an opening; and from it a flight of seven steps led down to a trapezoidal chamber, on the back wall of which are two lions’ heads of bronze, through which water, conducted in long semi-cylindrical channels of bronze, from behind the wall, poured out into pitchers for which holes are cut in the floor. Channels for the overflow were cut along the back and sides of the chamber. All this was once approached from the front at the level of the floor, long before the triglyphon was set up, 7 ft. above it. Considering its depth this fountain must be dated back to the 5th century, probably near the beginning. The style of the lions’ heads would hardly admit a later date. This is the only case of an ancient Greek fountain of such an early date, unaltered and intact. The pains taken to preserve it suggest that it was invested with a sacred character.

It’s not surprising that there are monuments found without any mention in ancient texts. One such monument is a very old fountain located west of the propylaea, about 25 feet below the surface. Beneath the ruins of the Roman city, there was a triglyph made of porous stone that stretched around 30 feet from north to south. At the northern end, it turned westward at an obtuse angle and extended about 10 feet in that direction. The structure stands about 4 feet high. Although the colors on the metopes and triglyphs had faded somewhat, the border above them, topped with a cornice that juts out 6 inches, still displayed a vibrant meander pattern in red, blue, and yellow. Below this were two bands of godroons in blue and red. At the top of this structure, several statue bases were set up, one of which had the signature of Lysippus, indicating that the structure stood there at least as early as the 4th century B.C. Some portions may have come from older buildings, but the cornice and the corner metope block that formed the obtuse angle are original. Near the middle of the long side, there’s an opening leading down a flight of seven steps to a trapezoidal chamber. The back wall features two bronze lion heads that channeled water through long semi-cylindrical bronze conduits, pouring into pitchers through holes cut in the floor. Overflow channels were carved along the back and sides of the chamber. This was once accessed from the front at floor level, long before the triglyph was elevated 7 feet above it. Given its depth, this fountain likely dates back to the 5th century, probably near its beginning. The style of the lion heads suggests it’s unlikely to be from a later date. This is the only known case of an ancient Greek fountain from such an early period that remains unaltered and intact. The effort put into preserving it indicates that it held a sacred significance.

Sculptures in large numbers, both of the Greek city and the Roman, are collected in the new museum erected by the Greek government near the plane tree. The finest of the Greek sculptures is the head of a youth found in the orchestra of the theatre at a depth of 23 ft. It lacks only the lower part of the bridge of the nose, and has style and character, resembling Myron’s heads in shape and in the hair. A large fragment of a relief also of early date, represents two dancing maenads half life-size. Most impressive is a colossal female figure of grand style and excellent drapery. If not an original of the 5th century it is one of the finest of copies. Of the great amount of Roman sculpture the best single piece is a head of Dionysus under the 150 influence of wine, crowned with a wreath of ivy, his right hand thrown carelessly over his head. The fine execution is all that differentiates it from the numerous copies in various museums. The most important sculptures of the Roman period, however, are a group of colossal figures supporting an entablature, a large part of which has been recovered. One of the figures, a barbarian captive, effeminate like those which appear on Roman triumphal arches, is practically intact. Another, its counterpart, is preserved down to the hips. These differ from Caryatids, which bear the architrave on their heads. Here a pilaster forming the back of the figure receives a Corinthian capital, upon which the architrave rests; and the figures merely brace up the pilaster. Two of these figures stood at the end of a re-entrant curve, several pieces of which are preserved. Two female heads of like proportions belong to the system, since the backs of their heads are cut away in the same manner as the male heads. The building to which the figures belonged, a porch, extended westward from the propylaea; and may be traced for 45 ft. All that is left of it is the core of opus incertum.

Many sculptures, both from the Greek city and Roman era, are displayed in the new museum built by the Greek government near the plane tree. The most notable Greek sculpture is the head of a youth that was discovered in the orchestra of the theater at a depth of 23 ft. It only lacks the lower part of the nose and showcases style and character, resembling Myron’s heads in both shape and hair. A large fragment of an early relief features two dancing maenads at half life-size. The standout piece is a colossal female figure with a grand style and excellent drapery. Even if it’s not an original from the 5th century, it’s still one of the finest copies. Among the many Roman sculptures, the best single piece is a head of Dionysus influenced by wine, adorned with a wreath of ivy, and his right hand casually thrown over his head. The fine craftsmanship sets it apart from the numerous copies in various museums. However, the most significant sculptures from the Roman period are a group of colossal figures supporting an entablature, a large portion of which has been recovered. One of the figures, a barbarian captive, is delicate like those seen on Roman triumphal arches and is nearly intact. Another figure, its counterpart, is preserved down to the hips. These differ from Caryatids, which support the architrave on their heads. In this case, a pilaster forming the back of the figure supports a Corinthian capital, upon which the architrave rests; the figures merely strengthen the pilaster. Two of these figures stood at the end of a re-entrant curve, several pieces of which are preserved. Two female heads of similar proportions also belong to the same design, as the backs of their heads are cut away just like the male heads. The building to which the figures belonged, a porch, extended westward from the propylaea and can be traced for 45 ft. All that remains is the core of opus incertum.

The excavations brought to light vases and fragments of vases, of nearly every period except the Mycenaean. On the N. side of the hill on which stands the village schoolhouse, from which one looks across the indentation to the Apollo temple, several vertical shafts in the limestone stratum were found, and underneath it in horizontal passages were bodies surrounded with vases. These are pre-Mycenaean, and their only ornament is scratches, into which white matter has been pressed. There are over fifty of these vases, of multiform shapes. By the side of the Lechaeum road, near the steps leading to the propylaea, were found in deep diggings thirteen early Geometric vases. Proto-Corinthian vases also were everywhere strongly represented. The best find of pottery, however, was an Old Corinthian celebē (κελέβη, drinking vessel), about a foot high, in forty-six fragments, found in a well, 30 ft. below the surface. On one side are a boar and a leopard confronting each other, and on the other side two cocks in the same heraldic arrangement. On the projecting plates supported by the handles are palmettes.

The excavations uncovered vases and pieces of vases from almost every period except the Mycenaean. On the north side of the hill where the village schoolhouse stands—overlooking the indentation leading to the Apollo temple—several vertical shafts were discovered in the limestone layer, and beneath it were horizontal passages containing bodies surrounded by vases. These are pre-Mycenaean, and their only decoration consists of scratches with white material pressed into them. There are more than fifty of these vases with various shapes. Along the Lechaeum road, near the steps leading to the propylaea, thirteen early Geometric vases were found in deep excavations. Proto-Corinthian vases were also significantly represented everywhere. The best find of pottery, however, was an Old Corinthian celebē (κελέβη, drinking vessel), about a foot tall, in forty-six fragments, discovered in a well 30 feet below the surface. One side features a boar and a leopard facing each other, while the other side has two cocks in the same heraldic arrangement. On the projecting plates supported by the handles, there are palmettes.

Two inscriptions in the Old Corinthian alphabet came to light. But, on the whole, inscriptions before the Roman times were almost entirely lacking. One inscription, though of late date, deserves mention. On a marble block broken away at both ends, which in a second use was a lintel, we read ΑΓΩΓΗΕΒΡ, which can only be συναγωγὴ Ἑβραίων (synagogue of the Hebrews).

Two inscriptions in the Old Corinthian alphabet were discovered. However, in general, inscriptions from before the Roman period were almost completely absent. One inscription, although late, is worth noting. On a marble block that was broken at both ends and repurposed as a lintel, we read ΑΓΩΓΗΕΒΡ, which can only be Jewish synagogue (synagogue of the Hebrews).

The excavations were confined to a small part of the city, but there is little doubt that it was the most important part. By good fortune the earth here was very deep. On the higher level of the agora and the Apollo temple, where the depth of earth is comparatively slight, there is little hope of important finds. There is no hope of finding the great bronze Athena, which stood in the middle of the agora. To the west, beyond the theatre, one might find the temple of Athena Chalinitis and the fountain Lerna, and somewhere near Glauce, the Odeum and the tomb of Medea’s children; but it is more likely that they have disappeared. On the Lechaeum road, on which a bewildering wealth of fountains and statues is enumerated, only the Baths of Eurycles below the plane tree were found; deep diggings were made into them, and the foundations of the façade laid bare. This great complex was apparently supplied with water from Hadrian’s aqueduct from Lake Stymphalus. On the street going eastward from the agora nothing is mentioned between it and the city wall. This level eastern part was probably given up to fine houses, all traces of which have perished. Outside the gate, apparently, was the famous Craneion, shaded by cypress trees, and near it the tombs of Lais and Diogenes, a precinct of Bellerophon and of Athena Melaenis. The number of temples and shrines enumerated by Pausanias along the road leading up to Acro-Corinth is bewildering. Here were represented Isis and Serapis, Helios, the Mother of the Gods, the Fates, Demeter and Persephone; but no trace of these temples remains. At the highest point of the road, according to Pausanias, there stood the famous temple of Aphrodite, but the remains excavated at this point seem to be those of a late tower, and the few foundations below it do not resemble those of a temple. We are equally unfortunate in regard to Strabo’s splendid marble Sisyphaeum just below the summit. The fountain Pirene, “behind the temple,” still exists, but so much earth has accumulated about it that one now approaches it by going down a ladder. The water is so crystal clear that one inadvertently steps into it. The identity of name with that of Pirene in the city is justified by the fact that the upper spring is the source of the Pirene below.

The excavations were limited to a small area of the city, but there's no doubt it was the most significant part. Luckily, the ground here was quite deep. On the higher level of the agora and the Apollo temple, where the earth isn't very deep, there's little chance of making important discoveries. There's no hope of finding the great bronze Athena that once stood in the center of the agora. To the west, past the theater, you might come across the temple of Athena Chalinitis and the fountain Lerna, and near Glauce, the Odeum and the tomb of Medea’s children; but it's more likely they've vanished. On the Lechaeum road, where an astonishing number of fountains and statues are mentioned, only the Baths of Eurycles below the plane tree have been found; extensive digging revealed them, as well as the foundations of the façade. This large complex was probably supplied with water from Hadrian’s aqueduct from Lake Stymphalus. On the street heading east from the agora, there's no mention of anything between it and the city wall. This eastern part was probably filled with nice houses, all traces of which have disappeared. Outside the gate, there was apparently the famous Craneion, shaded by cypress trees, and nearby were the tombs of Lais and Diogenes, as well as a precinct for Bellerophon and Athena Melaenis. The number of temples and shrines listed by Pausanias along the road leading up to Acro-Corinth is overwhelming. Here, you could find representations of Isis and Serapis, Helios, the Mother of the Gods, the Fates, Demeter, and Persephone; but no trace of these temples remains. At the highest point of the road, according to Pausanias, stood the famous temple of Aphrodite, but the remains uncovered at this site seem to belong to a later tower, and the few foundations underneath don't look like those of a temple. We're equally out of luck regarding Strabo’s magnificent marble Sisyphaeum just below the summit. The fountain Pirene, “behind the temple,” still exists, but so much earth has built up around it that people now access it by going down a ladder. The water is so crystal clear that one accidentally steps into it. The similarity in name with the Pirene in the city is confirmed by the fact that the upper spring is the source of the Pirene below.

See, for details, the American Journal of Archaeology (from 1896).

See, for details, the American Journal of Archaeology (from 1896).

(R. B. R.)

CORINTH, a city and the county-seat of Alcorn county, Mississippi, U.S.A., situated in the N.E. part of the state, about 90 m. E. by S. of Memphis, Tennessee. Pop.(1890) 2111; (1900) 3661 (1174 negroes); (1910) 5020. It is served by the Mobile & Ohio and the Southern railways; and by a branch of the Illinois Central connecting Jackson, Miss., and Birmingham, Ala. It has woollen mills, cotton compresses, clothing, furniture, and spoke and stave factories and machine shops, and is a cotton market. Because of its situation and its importance as a railway junction, Corinth played an important part in the western campaigns of the Civil War. After the first Confederate line of defence had been broken by the capture of Fort Henry and Fort Donelson (February 1862), Corinth was fortified by General P. G. T. Beauregard, and was made the centre of the new line along the Memphis & Charleston railway, “the great East and West artery of the Confederacy.” Grant’s advance on this centre, then defended by General A. S. Johnston, led to the battle of Shiloh, fought on April 6/7 about 20 m. N.E. of Corinth; after this engagement Beauregard withdrew to Corinth. General H. W. Halleck, with a greatly superior force, cautiously and slowly advanced upon the Confederate position, consuming more than a month in the operation. During the night of the 29th of May Beauregard evacuated the place (which was occupied by the Federals on the following day), and re-established his line at Tupelo. Corinth then became the headquarters of the Union forces under General W. S. Rosecrans, who on the 3/4 of October 1862 was fiercely attacked here by General Earl von Dorn, whom he repulsed, both sides suffering considerable losses in killed and wounded, and the Confederates leaving many prisoners behind.

CORINTH, is a city and the county seat of Alcorn County, Mississippi, U.S.A., located in the northeastern part of the state, about 90 miles east-southeast of Memphis, Tennessee. Population (1890) 2,111; (1900) 3,661 (1,174 African Americans); (1910) 5,020. It is served by the Mobile & Ohio and Southern railways, as well as a branch of the Illinois Central that connects Jackson, Mississippi, and Birmingham, Alabama. The city has woolen mills, cotton compresses, clothing factories, furniture production, spoke and stave factories, and machine shops, serving as a cotton market. Due to its location and significance as a railway junction, Corinth played a vital role in the western campaigns of the Civil War. After the initial Confederate line of defense was breached with the capture of Fort Henry and Fort Donelson in February 1862, Corinth was fortified by General P. G. T. Beauregard and became the center of the new defensive line along the Memphis & Charleston railway, known as “the great East and West artery of the Confederacy.” Grant’s advance on this position, then defended by General A. S. Johnston, led to the battle of Shiloh, fought on April 6 and 7, about 20 miles northeast of Corinth; after this battle, Beauregard withdrew to Corinth. General H. W. Halleck, with a much larger force, carefully and slowly approached the Confederate position, taking over a month to complete the operation. During the night of May 29, Beauregard evacuated the city (which was occupied by Union forces the next day) and reestablished his line at Tupelo. Corinth then became the headquarters for Union forces under General W. S. Rosecrans, who was vigorously attacked here on October 3 and 4, 1862, by General Earl von Dorn; Rosecrans repelled the attack, with both sides suffering significant losses in dead and wounded, and many Confederates being left as prisoners.


CORINTH, ISTHMUS OF, an isthmus of Greece, dividing the Gulf of Corinth from the Saronic Gulf. Ships were sometimes dragged across it in ancient times at a place called the Diolcus (διέλκειν, to pull or cut through). Nero, in A.D. 67, began cutting a canal through it; but the project was abandoned. In 1893 a ship canal was opened, with its western entrance about 1¼ m. N.E. of the little town of New Corinth. It was begun in 1881 by a French company, which ceased operations in 1889, a Greek company completing the undertaking. The canal is about 70 ft. broad, nearly 4 m. long, and 26 ft. deep. It shortens the journey from the Adriatic to the Peiraeus by 202 m., but foreign steamships seldom use it, as the narrowness of the canal and the strength of the current at times render the passage dangerous. About 1 m. from its western end it is crossed by the iron bridge of the Athens and Corinth railway. Traces of the Isthmian wall may still be seen parallel to the canal; it was constructed, at an unknown date, for the fortification of the Isthmus. Just to the S. of it, and about ½ m. from the sea are the remains of the Isthmian precinct of Poseidon and its stadium, where the Isthmian games were celebrated. This precinct served also as a fortress. Within it have been found traces of the temple of Poseidon and other buildings.

CORINTH, ISTHMUS OF, is an isthmus in Greece that separates the Gulf of Corinth from the Saronic Gulf. In ancient times, ships were sometimes pulled across it at a location known as the Diolcus (διέλκειν, to pull or cut through). Nero started digging a canal through the isthmus in A.D. 67, but the project was never completed. In 1893, a ship canal was opened, with its western entrance about 1¼ miles northeast of the small town of New Corinth. Construction began in 1881 by a French company, which stopped working in 1889, and a Greek company finished the project. The canal is about 70 feet wide, nearly 4 miles long, and 26 feet deep. It reduces the journey from the Adriatic to the Peiraeus by 202 miles, but foreign steamships rarely use it since the canal's narrowness and strong currents can make passage hazardous. Approximately 1 mile from its western end, it is crossed by the iron bridge of the Athens and Corinth railway. Remnants of the Isthmian wall can still be seen running parallel to the canal; it was built, at an unknown time, to fortify the Isthmus. Just south of this, about half a mile from the sea, are the remains of the Isthmian precinct of Poseidon and its stadium, where the Isthmian games were held. This precinct also functioned as a fortress. Within it, remnants of the temple of Poseidon and other structures have been discovered.

(E. Gr.)

CORINTHIANS, EPISTLES TO THE, two books of the Bible (New Testament). The two letters addressed to the Christian church at Corinth are, with Romans, the longest of the Pauline epistles. They possess a singular interest and value, due to the apostle’s close acquaintance with the members of the church addressed and their circumstances. In consequence of this intimate character the First Epistle to the Corinthians presents a picture, unrivalled in fulness and colour, of the life of a Pauline church, while the Second Epistle, written out of strong feeling, gives a revelation of the innermost feelings and characteristic 151 temperament of Paul himself, such as is not elsewhere to be found. Dealing, as both epistles do, with concrete problems of morals and with such tendencies of thought and life as find their parallel in all times, they are full of instruction to the modern Church; and this instruction increases in effectiveness the better we come to understand ancient modes of thought in their diversity from our own.

CORINTHIANS, LETTERS TO THE, two books of the Bible (New Testament). The two letters addressed to the Christian church in Corinth are, along with Romans, the longest of the Pauline epistles. They have a unique interest and value because of the apostle’s close connection with the church members and their circumstances. Due to this intimate nature, the First Epistle to the Corinthians offers an unmatched, detailed depiction of the life of a Pauline church, while the Second Epistle, written with deep emotion, reveals Paul’s innermost feelings and distinctive 151 temperament, which is not found anywhere else. Both epistles tackle specific moral issues and thought patterns that are relevant across all times, providing valuable lessons for the modern Church; this instruction becomes even more effective as we better understand ancient ways of thinking that differ from our own.

Lofty and vivid expression of the apostle’s thought on the highest themes is also to be found here—witness the “Hymn to Love” (1 Cor. xiii.), the declaration of the resurrection (1 Cor. xv. 51-57), or the list of signatures of the true servant of God (2 Cor. vi. 3-10). In important historical statements, also, these epistles stand second to none, not even to Galatians—as may be indicated by a reference to the words about the institution of the Lord’s supper (1 Cor. xi. 23-26) and the death and resurrection of Jesus Christ (1 Cor. xv. 1-8); or to the autobiographical utterances in which Paul explains that he was once a persecutor of Christians (1 Cor. xv. 9), mentions his escape from Damascus (2 Cor. xi. 32 f.), describes his coming to Corinth (1 Cor. ii. 1 ff.), enumerates his sufferings for the Gospel (2 Cor. xi. 16-31), tells of his visions (2 Cor. xii. 1-9). In the Corinthian epistles we come in contact, as nowhere else, with the man Paul and his daily life.

Lofty and vivid expression of the apostle’s thought on the highest themes is also to be found here—witness the “Hymn to Love” (1 Cor. xiii.), the declaration of the resurrection (1 Cor. xv. 51-57), or the list of signs of the true servant of God (2 Cor. vi. 3-10). In important historical statements, these letters are unmatched, not even by Galatians—as shown by the words about the institution of the Lord’s Supper (1 Cor. xi. 23-26) and the death and resurrection of Jesus Christ (1 Cor. xv. 1-8); or the autobiographical statements in which Paul explains that he was once a persecutor of Christians (1 Cor. xv. 9), mentions his escape from Damascus (2 Cor. xi. 32 f.), describes his arrival in Corinth (1 Cor. ii. 1 ff.), lists his sufferings for the Gospel (2 Cor. xi. 16-31), and shares his visions (2 Cor. xii. 1-9). In the Corinthian letters, we come into contact, like nowhere else, with the man Paul and his daily life.

The history of Paul’s relations with Corinth can be made out from the Acts and the Epistles with considerable clearness. The chronology of Paul’s life is not at any point surely determinable within a range of less than five years, but it must have been in the autumn of one of the years A.D. 49-53 (the usual chronology has fixed on A.D. 52) that the arrival of Paul in Corinth took place as described in Acts xviii. 1. In his so-called second missionary journey Paul had been driven by irresistible inner impulses to push on into Greece the missionary work already begun in Asia Minor. First he preached in the province of Macedonia, where the work opened auspiciously at Philippi, Thessalonica and Beroea; then, apparently driven out by the violent opposition of the Jews, he moved on to Achaea, and after rather unsuccessful attempts to secure converts among the philosophers of Athens came to Corinth.

The history of Paul's relationship with Corinth is clearly outlined in the Acts and the Epistles. While we can't determine the exact timeline of Paul's life within a range shorter than five years, he must have arrived in Corinth in the fall of one of the years A.D. 49-53 (most sources typically suggest A.D. 52), as noted in Acts xviii. 1. During his so-called second missionary journey, Paul felt a strong inner drive to continue the missionary work he had started in Asia Minor. He first preached in Macedonia, where things went well in Philippi, Thessalonica, and Beroea. However, after facing fierce opposition from the Jews, he moved on to Achaea, and following some less successful attempts to convert philosophers in Athens, he arrived in Corinth.

This ancient city, taken and destroyed by the Romans in 146 B.C., had been refounded by Julius Caesar as a Roman colony in 46 B.C., settled with Italian colonists, and made a residence of the Roman governor. Its situation on the isthmus of Corinth made it a stage on the greatest of the trade routes between Rome and the East, and it was at this time the commercial capital of Greece. The traditions of licentiousness and sensuality associated with the worship of Aphrodite, which had given rise to the sinister word corinthianize, increased the natural tendencies of a great city to wickedness and wanton luxury. Here, as in all great centres of trade and industry, there was a body of Jews, with a synagogue. The conditions of life in Corinth—the heathen surroundings, the temptations to vice, the competition and disputes of trading life, the controversial arguments of Jews, the alertness of mind of a lively city people, the haughty temper of the inhabitants of the capital—all these are to be seen reflected in the earnest paragraphs of Paul’s two epistles.

This ancient city, taken and destroyed by the Romans in 146 B.C., was refounded by Julius Caesar as a Roman colony in 46 B.C. It was settled by Italian colonists and became the residence of the Roman governor. Its location on the isthmus of Corinth made it a key stop on the major trade routes between Rome and the East, and during this time, it was the commercial capital of Greece. The traditions of indulgence and sensuality associated with the worship of Aphrodite, which led to the troubling term corinthianize, fueled the natural tendencies of a large city towards wickedness and excess. Here, like in other major trading hubs, there was a community of Jews and a synagogue. The lifestyle in Corinth—the pagan environment, the temptations to vice, the pressures of trade, the debates among Jews, the quick-thinking nature of a lively city population, and the arrogance of the capital's residents—all of these are reflected in the serious passages of Paul’s two letters.

The founding of the church in Corinth (cf. 1 Cor. iv. 15) and nearly everything important that we know of Paul’s first visit there will be found, well told, in Acts xviii. 1-18, a passage for which, evidently, the writer of the history had excellent sources of information. Of the somewhat chastened spirit with which Paul came he himself tells in 1 Cor. ii. 1-5. His success was prompt and large, and in the year and six months of his stay a vigorous church was gathered, including Aquila and Priscilla, as well as Crispus, the ruler of the synagogue, of whom we hear again in 1 Cor. i. 14; whether Sosthenes, who seems to have succeeded Crispus in his office (Acts xviii. 17), was afterwards converted and became the Christian brother mentioned in i Cor. i. 1 cannot be known. The church evidently consisted mainly of Gentile converts, but with some Jews (i Cor. x. 14, “flee from idolatry”; xii. 2, “when ye were Gentiles “; vii. 18, “was any man called being circumcised?”).

The establishment of the church in Corinth (see 1 Cor. iv. 15) and nearly everything significant we know about Paul's first visit there is detailed in Acts xviii. 1-18, a section for which the author clearly had excellent sources. Paul himself describes the somewhat humbled attitude he had when he arrived in 1 Cor. ii. 1-5. His success was immediate and substantial, and during the year and a half he stayed, a thriving church was formed, including Aquila and Priscilla, as well as Crispus, the synagogue leader, who reappears in 1 Cor. i. 14; it’s uncertain whether Sosthenes, who seems to have taken over Crispus's role (Acts xviii. 17), was later converted and became the Christian brother mentioned in i Cor. i. 1. The church clearly consisted mainly of Gentile converts, but there were some Jews as well (1 Cor. x. 14, “flee from idolatry”; xii. 2, “when you were Gentiles”; vii. 18, “was any man called being circumcised?”).

The apostle’s next long stay was at Ephesus, whither he seems to have gone in the course of the same year in which he left Corinth (A.D. 51-55) and where he stayed three years. Before he arrived at Ephesus Aquila and Priscilla, who had settled there, made the acquaintance of Apollos, a Jew from Alexandria, well-educated and zealous, who with imperfect Christian knowledge was preaching the gospel of Jesus to his fellow-countrymen in the synagogue. He presently went to Corinth and carried on Christian work there with success (Acts xviii. 24-28), “I planted,” says Paul (1 Cor. iii. 6), “Apollos watered.” From this point on our information comes from the epistles, of which the first was written from Ephesus before Pentecost of the year in which Paul left that city, i.e. A.D. 54-58 (1 Cor. xvi. 8).

The apostle’s next extended stay was in Ephesus, where he seems to have gone during the same year he left Corinth (A.D. 51-55) and remained for three years. Before he got to Ephesus, Aquila and Priscilla, who had settled there, met Apollos, a Jew from Alexandria. He was well-educated and passionate, but with limited understanding of Christianity, he was preaching the gospel of Jesus to his fellow Jews in the synagogue. He later went to Corinth and successfully continued the Christian work there (Acts xviii. 24-28), “I planted,” says Paul (1 Cor. iii. 6), “Apollos watered.” From this point, our information comes from the letters, the first of which was written from Ephesus before Pentecost in the year Paul left that city, i.e. A.D. 54-58 (1 Cor. xvi. 8).

It appears that the church grew in numbers, for Paul refers in 2 Cor. i. 1 to “saints who are in all Achaea.” Its membership was mostly of humble people (1 Cor. i. 26-29), but probably not exclusively so, for Crispus and Stephanas (who with his household was able to render services that may well have been costly, 1 Cor. xvi. 15), Gaius and Erastus (Rom. xvi. 23), would appear to have been persons of substance. The references to law-suits perhaps imply fairly prosperous traders, the tone of the letters suggests considerable education and a reasonable degree of property on the part of many (though not all) of the readers.

It seems that the church grew in size, as Paul mentions in 2 Cor. i. 1 the “saints who are in all Achaea.” Most of its members were likely humble people (1 Cor. i. 26-29), but probably not exclusively so. Crispus and Stephanas (who, along with his household, could provide services that were likely expensive, 1 Cor. xvi. 15), Gaius, and Erastus (Rom. xvi. 23) appeared to be individuals of means. The mentions of lawsuits might suggest fairly successful traders, and the tone of the letters indicates that many (though not all) of the readers had a considerable education and a decent amount of property.

The first need of the church for help from Paul seems to have grown out of the dangers from surrounding heathenism. In 1 Cor. v. 9 we read of a letter in which Paul had directed the Christians “not to have company with fornicators.” This letter, so far as we know, opened the correspondence which was maintained during the three years of Paul’s stay in Ephesus, whence there was easy and frequent communication with Corinth. He refers to it in order to explain the injunction which had been (perhaps wilfully) misunderstood and exaggerated.1

The church's first request for help from Paul seems to have arisen from the threats posed by the surrounding paganism. In 1 Cor. v. 9, we see a letter in which Paul advised the Christians “not to associate with fornicators.” This letter, as far as we know, started the ongoing communication that lasted during the three years Paul spent in Ephesus, where it was easy and frequent to connect with Corinth. He mentions it to clarify the command that had been (possibly intentionally) misinterpreted and blown out of proportion.1

While at Ephesus Paul was visited by persons of the household of Chloe (1 Cor. i. 11), and by Stephanas with Fortunatus and Achaicus (probably his slaves, xvi. 17). From them and from a letter (vii. 1), which was brought perhaps by Stephanas, he was able to gain the intimate knowledge which the epistles everywhere reveal. The letter from Corinth must have contained inquiries as to practical conduct with regard to marriage (vii. 1), meat offered to idols (viii. 1), and the “spiritual gifts” (xii. 1), and may well have related to other matters, such as the collection of money for Jerusalem (xvi. 1), the visit of Apollos (xvi. 12), the position of women (xi. 2). Paul’s reply includes many other topics. When it was sent, his trusted helper Timothy had also started on his way (probably through Macedonia) to Corinth, to contribute there to the edification of the Christians (iv. 17, xvi. 10). The letter itself was doubtless sent by the hand of returning Corinthians, possibly by the unnamed brethren referred to in xvi. 11, and was expected to arrive before Timothy.

While Paul was in Ephesus, he was visited by members of Chloe's household (1 Cor. i. 11) and by Stephanas, along with Fortunatus and Achaicus (who were probably his slaves, xvi. 17). From them, and from a letter (vii. 1) that was likely brought by Stephanas, he gained the detailed understanding that the letters reveal throughout. The letter from Corinth likely contained questions about practical issues related to marriage (vii. 1), food offered to idols (viii. 1), and "spiritual gifts" (xii. 1), and may have addressed other topics, such as the collection of money for Jerusalem (xvi. 1), Apollos' visit (xvi. 12), and the role of women (xi. 2). Paul's response covers many additional subjects. At the time it was sent, his trusted assistant Timothy had also begun his journey (probably through Macedonia) to Corinth to help build up the Christian community there (iv. 17, xvi. 10). The letter was likely delivered by returning Corinthians, possibly by the unnamed brothers mentioned in xvi. 11, and was expected to arrive before Timothy.

First Epistle.—The first epistle (in many respects the most systematic of all Paul’s letters) is a pastoral letter, dealing both with positive evils that need correction, and with difficult questions of practice and of thought upon which advice may be valued. Through it all there is a genial undercurrent of confidence in the personal loyalty of the Corinthian church to Paul, its founder and father. We shall be aided to understand its contents by a brief summary of the tendencies and conditions at Corinth which it reflects.

First Epistle.—The first letter (in many ways the most organized of all Paul’s letters) is a pastoral letter, addressing both positive issues that need fixing and challenging questions of practice and thought for which guidance can be valuable. Throughout, there is a warm sense of confidence in the personal loyalty of the Corinthian church to Paul, its founder and father. A brief summary of the trends and circumstances at Corinth will help us understand its contents.

First of all there was a lack of supreme devotion to the Cause itself, which led the Corinthians to forget that they were first, last and always Christians, and so to form factions and parties. Of these there were distinguished at least three, attached to the names respectively of the founder Paul, of the learned Apollos, and of the great pillar-apostle at Jerusalem, Peter, besides, as many hold, a fourth, which arrogantly claimed to be the party of Christ (i. 12). What were the precise motives and principles of these parties cannot be determined. They do not in any case seem to represent recognizable definite points of view 152 with regard to the controverted matters that are taken up in the epistle. Yet some conjectures are possible. Paul and Apollos were personally on friendly terms (xvi. 12, cf. iii. 5-9, iv. 6), and were understood to be in fundamental agreement. But doubtless the more elaborate discourses of Apollos were admired, and Paul’s teaching seemed in contrast bare, plain and crude (cf. 2 Cor. x. 10). The contrast between the Hellenic and Jewish types of thought may well have played a part also. Paul seems to be replying to such criticisms brought against him when he declares that he deliberately chose to bring to Corinth not the “wisdom of men” but the “power of God” (i. 17, ii. 1-5), and informs them that he has a store of wisdom for those who are ready for it (ii. 6). On the other hand the party of Cephas must have had Jewish-Christian leanings. A little later, in the second epistle, such a tendency is seen breaking out into violent opposition to Paul. The “Christ-party,” if, as is probable, it existed, must also have been a party with a Judaizing turn (cf. 2 Cor. x. 7, xi. 22 f.), perhaps of a more extreme character. The danger of shattering the solid front of the Christian church against surrounding heathenism was keenly felt by Paul, as nearly every one of his epistles testifies. How serious it was at Corinth is shown by the long passage (chaps, i.-iv.) in which he points out that sectarianism is a mark not of superior but of inferior maturity and devotion.

First of all, there was a lack of true commitment to the Cause itself, which led the Corinthians to forget that they were first, last, and always Christians, causing them to create factions and groups. There were at least three groups, associated with the names of the founder Paul, the knowledgeable Apollos, and the prominent apostle Peter from Jerusalem. Additionally, some argue there was a fourth group that arrogantly claimed to be the party of Christ (i. 12). The exact motives and principles behind these groups are unclear. In any case, they don’t seem to represent clear, definable viewpoints regarding the debated issues discussed in the letter. However, some guesses can be made. Paul and Apollos were friends (xvi. 12, cf. iii. 5-9, iv. 6) and were thought to be in basic agreement. Still, it’s likely that Apollos’s more sophisticated speeches were admired, while Paul’s teachings seemed simpler and more direct (cf. 2 Cor. x. 10). The difference between Hellenistic and Jewish thought might have also played a role. Paul appears to respond to such criticisms when he states that he intentionally chose to present not the “wisdom of men” but the “power of God” (i. 17, ii. 1-5), and tells them he has a wealth of wisdom for those who are prepared for it (ii. 6). On the other hand, the group of Cephas likely had Jewish-Christian leanings. Later, in the second letter, we see this trend erupting into strong opposition to Paul. The “Christ-party,” if it existed as seems likely, probably also had a Judaizing inclination (cf. 2 Cor. x. 7, xi. 22 f.), perhaps even more extreme. Paul was acutely aware of the risk of breaking the united front of the Christian church against surrounding paganism, as nearly every one of his letters attests. The seriousness of this issue in Corinth is illustrated by the extensive section (chaps, i.-iv.) where he emphasizes that sectarianism is a sign of not superior but inferior maturity and commitment.

Other difficulties arose from various causes. The influences of the heathen world, from which most of the Corinthian Christians had come and to which their friends and neighbours belonged, were always with them, and the problems created by these relations were very numerous. Christianity had brought over and had even intensified the moral code of Judaism, and, especially in the relations of the sexes, this brought a strain upon the naturalistic impulses and lower standards of converts trained in a different system.

Other challenges came from different sources. The influences of the pagan world, from which most of the Corinthian Christians had come and to which their friends and neighbors still belonged, were always present, and the issues created by these relationships were many. Christianity had adopted and even heightened the moral standards of Judaism, and, especially regarding relationships between the sexes, this put a strain on the natural impulses and lower standards of converts raised in a different system.

Again, there were law-suits in the ordinary courts, a natural result of the frictions and strains of an oriental trading community. To Paul this was abhorrent, and here too he urges a complete break with their past. With regard to the social customs of meals at which meat that had been offered in heathen sacrifices was a part, and of feasts actually at heathen temples, doubtful questions arose. Was it a denial of the faith to eat such food or not? Mixed marriages, too, had their problems; ought the believing wife to separate herself? Ought the believing husband to insist that his heathen wife stay with him against her will? And, further, in the case of slaves, does the consciousness of Christian manhood give a new motive for trying to gain worldly freedom? In all these matters Paul gives sensible advice. There were clearly two groups of Christians, the “weak,” or scrupulous, whose principle was to abstain, and the “strong,” or free, who maintained that the morally insignificant must not usurp a place to which it has no right. Paul sides with neither, but follows two principles, one that the church and its members must be kept pure, the other that the moral welfare not only of the individual but of his neighbour must be the controlling motive.

Once again, there were lawsuits in the regular courts, a natural outcome of the tensions and pressures in an Eastern trading community. Paul found this repulsive, and he strongly advocates for a complete break from their past. Regarding the social customs of meals where meat offered in pagan sacrifices was involved, and feasts held at pagan temples, there were difficult questions. Was eating such food a denial of faith or not? Mixed marriages also presented challenges; should the believing wife separate herself? Should the believing husband force his pagan wife to stay with him against her will? Additionally, in the case of slaves, does the awareness of Christian dignity provide a new reason to seek worldly freedom? In all these issues, Paul offers practical advice. It was clear that there were two groups of Christians: the “weak,” or scrupulous, who believed in abstaining, and the “strong,” or free, who argued that morally insignificant things shouldn’t take precedence over what really matters. Paul does not take sides but follows two principles: one that the church and its members must remain pure, and the other that the moral welfare of both the individual and their neighbor must be the guiding motivation.

Not due so much to heathen influences as to the natural tendencies of imperfect and passionate human nature were other conditions. The most striking incident here, and one which gave Paul much concern, was the case of a man who after his father’s death had married his own stepmother (“the case of incest”). That this was rare in the ancient world and generally abominated both by Jews and Greeks made it seem to Paul the more imperative that this stain on the Christian church should be removed. His language shows his indignation and grief that the Corinthians themselves have not already taken the matter in hand.

Not so much because of pagan influences, but rather due to the natural tendencies of imperfect and passionate human nature, there were other conditions. The most shocking incident here, which deeply troubled Paul, was the case of a man who had married his own stepmother after his father passed away (“the case of incest”). Because this was rare in the ancient world and was generally condemned by both Jews and Greeks, Paul felt it was even more urgent that this scandal within the Christian church be addressed. His words reflect his anger and sorrow that the Corinthians themselves had not already dealt with the issue.

Besides these troubles from heathenism there were questions of asceticism; the Greek reaction against naturalism held that nature was vile and marriage wrong. Paul had a qualified tendency to asceticism, but he shows excellent good sense in his discussion of these delicate matters.

Besides these troubles from paganism, there were also questions of self-denial; the Greek backlash against naturalism believed that nature was corrupt and marriage was wrong. Paul had a somewhat ascetic view, but he demonstrates great common sense in his discussion of these sensitive issues.

A different set of difficulties arose from the freedom into which Christianity had introduced persons from all classes of life. What degree of freedom was permissible to a Christian woman? How far must a woman of the lower classes who became a Christian subject herself to the restrictions of a higher class of society? Might a woman, as a free child of God, take part in the Christian public meeting?

A different set of difficulties came from the freedom that Christianity had brought to people from all walks of life. What level of freedom was acceptable for a Christian woman? How much should a woman from a lower class who became a Christian limit herself by the rules of a higher class of society? Could a woman, as a free child of God, participate in the Christian public meeting?

Also in matters pertaining to the common religious life of the new society the new situation raised new problems. How should reasonable order be maintained in the wholly democratic forms of the church devotional meeting? What value should be assigned to the different religious functions or “spiritual gifts”? Did any of them confer the right to a consciousness of God’s special favour? Again, the celebration of the Lord’s supper, which was associated with a proper meal, was marred by exhibitions of selfishness and irreverence that needed correction.

Also in issues related to the shared religious life of the new society, the new situation brought up new problems. How should we maintain reasonable order in the completely democratic styles of church devotional meetings? What importance should we give to the various religious functions or “spiritual gifts”? Did any of them grant the right to feel God’s special favor? Additionally, the celebration of the Lord’s Supper, which was linked to a proper meal, was marred by displays of selfishness and disrespect that needed to be addressed.

The great variety of practical problems present to the anxious minds of the Corinthians themselves and of germinant abuses revealed to the paternal scrutiny of the apostle, opens to us some notion of the exciting times in which the Corinthian Christians stood, and explains the intensity and detailed concern of the apostle. From every side and at every moment new and often difficult questions were arising; to every one of them belonged remoter relations that made it profoundly important. It is by no accident that Paul is in the habit of treating the simplest moral issues by reference to the highest principles of his theology. From the situation at Corinth we gain an idea of what was taking place in many cities, but in the seething life of so great a capital with more rapid and varied development.

The great variety of practical problems faced by the worried minds of the Corinthians, along with the emerging issues noticed by the apostle, gives us a glimpse into the turbulent times the Corinthian Christians were living in and explains the intense concern the apostle felt. New and often challenging questions arose constantly from all sides; each question came with deeper connections that made them extremely significant. It’s no coincidence that Paul often addresses the simplest moral issues by referring to the highest principles of his theology. From the situation in Corinth, we can understand what was happening in many cities, but with the added complexity and rapid development found in such a bustling capital.

Of strictly intellectual and theological problems or errors only one is treated systematically, although at many other points in the practical discussions we can detect the theoretical basis cf the errors combated and the theological foundations of Paul’s own judgments. Questions about the resurrection, however, had appeared, of a rationalistic nature and evincing an Hellenic failure to understand the Jewish view. In his reply Paul shows that he too recognizes the significance of the Greek’s difficulties and he presents a conception which, fortunately for the later Church, does some measure of justice to the superior scientific insight of their attitude.

Of strictly intellectual and theological problems or errors, only one is examined in depth, although at many other points in the practical discussions, we can identify the theoretical basis for the errors being addressed and the theological foundations of Paul’s own beliefs. Questions about the resurrection had emerged, stemming from a rationalistic perspective that reflected a Hellenic misunderstanding of the Jewish viewpoint. In his response, Paul acknowledges the importance of the Greeks' difficulties and presents an understanding that, thankfully for the later Church, gives some credit to the greater scientific insight of their perspective.

Second Epistle.—After the despatch of First Corinthians there took place, it would appear, the riot in the theatre at Ephesus (Acts xix. 23 ff.), to which 2 Cor. i. 8 seems to refer. On leaving Ephesus Paul went to Troas (2 Cor. ii. 12), then to Macedonia, and from Macedonia (2 Cor. vii. 5, viii. 1, ix. 2) he wrote Second Corinthians. This must have been in the autumn of one of the years A.D. 54-58, nearly or quite a year after First Corinthians was written (cf, “a year ago,” 2 Cor. viii. 10, ix. 2 and 1 Cor. xvi. 1-4). In the meantime there had been exciting developments in Paul’s relations with Corinth, the course of which we can partly trace by the aid of the second epistle. These events explain the great difference in tone between the second epistle and the first.

Second Epistle.—After sending First Corinthians, it seems that the riot in the theater at Ephesus occurred (Acts xix. 23 ff.), which is referenced in 2 Cor. i. 8. After leaving Ephesus, Paul went to Troas (2 Cor. ii. 12), then to Macedonia, and from Macedonia (2 Cor. vii. 5, viii. 1, ix. 2) he wrote Second Corinthians. This was likely in the autumn of one of the years A.D. 54-58, almost a year after First Corinthians was written (see “a year ago,” 2 Cor. viii. 10, ix. 2 and 1 Cor. xvi. 1-4). In the meantime, there had been significant developments in Paul’s relationship with Corinth, which we can partly follow through the second epistle. These events account for the noticeable difference in tone between the second epistle and the first.

Several allusions in Second Corinthians show that Paul had already twice visited Corinth (2 Cor. ii. 1, xii. 14, xii. 21, xiii. 2). The second of these visits is not mentioned in Acts; it is referred to by Paul as having a painful character. The most natural hypothesis is that, in consequence of a growing spirit of insubordination on the part of the Corinthians, Paul found it necessary to go to Corinth from Ephesus (probably by sea direct) at some time after First Corinthians was written. Of what happened on this visit, which the writer of Acts has naturally enough thought it unnecessary to mention, we seem to learn further from certain passages in the letter (2 Cor. ii. 5-11, vii. 9) which refer to some sort of an insult to Paul for which there has now been repentance and which the apostle heartily forgives. For the offender he entreats also the pardon of the church. It may well be that the sad affair had to do with the gross offender of the “case of incest” (1 Cor. v. 1-8), who with the support of his fellow Christians may have refused to conform to Paul’s imperative commands. We may suppose an angry scene, possibly an attack of Paul’s bodily ailment (especially if the “thorn in the flesh” be understood to be epilepsy), the immediate triumph of the adversaries, Paul’s speedy departure in grief. 153 If, as other scholars hold, the offender was not the same as in the first epistle, the general picture of the visit will not have to be much changed.

Several references in Second Corinthians indicate that Paul had already visited Corinth twice (2 Cor. ii. 1, xii. 14, xii. 21, xiii. 2). The second visit is not mentioned in Acts; Paul describes it as a painful experience. The most likely explanation is that, due to a growing attitude of defiance from the Corinthians, Paul felt the need to travel from Ephesus to Corinth (most likely directly by sea) at some point after First Corinthians was written. We can learn more about what happened during this visit, which the author of Acts found unnecessary to mention, from certain passages in the letter (2 Cor. ii. 5-11, vii. 9). These passages refer to some sort of insult directed at Paul, for which there has since been repentance, and which the apostle wholeheartedly forgives. He also asks the church to forgive the offender. It’s possible that this unfortunate situation involved the serious offender from the “case of incest” (1 Cor. v. 1-8), who may have resisted Paul’s strong commands with the backing of other Christians. We can imagine a heated scene, possibly exacerbated by Paul’s physical health issues (especially if the “thorn in the flesh” is interpreted as epilepsy), the immediate success of the opponents, and Paul’s quick departure in sorrow. 153 If, as some scholars believe, the offender was not the same as in the first letter, the overall account of the visit likely remains similar.

Besides making this visit it is probable that Paul also wrote to Corinth a letter, now lost, intended to secure the result of which the unfortunate visit had failed (ii. 3, 4, 9, vii. 8, 12). It, is, however, possible that the allusions merely refer to I Cor. v., in which case it is not necessary to assume this intermediate letter. The letter, if there was one, may have been sent by Titus, whom Paul in any case commissioned to go to Corinth and try to mend matters. Paul describes his anxiety over this last resource in touching language (ii. 12, 13). Disappointed that Titus did not meet him at Troas, he moved on to Macedonia, and there (vii. 5-9) was rejoiced by the coming of the envoy with good news of the complete return of the Corinthians to integrity and loyalty.

Besides this visit, it's likely that Paul also wrote a letter to Corinth, which is now lost, aiming to achieve what the unfortunate visit failed to accomplish (ii. 3, 4, 9, vii. 8, 12). However, it's possible that the references just pertain to I Cor. v., in which case we don't need to assume there was this intermediate letter. If the letter existed, it may have been sent by Titus, whom Paul had appointed to go to Corinth and try to fix things. Paul expresses his anxiety about this last effort in heartfelt words (ii. 12, 13). Disappointed that Titus didn’t meet him at Troas, he continued on to Macedonia, where he was delighted (vii. 5-9) by the arrival of the messenger with good news about the complete return of the Corinthians to integrity and loyalty.

Second Corinthians was Paul’s response to this friendly attitude reported by Titus. It went by the hand of Titus, who was promptly sent back to complete the work he had so well begun (viii. 6, 16-24). In company with him (viii. 18) was sent a brother (unnamed) who had already been appointed as the representative of the churches to accompany Paul in carrying to Jerusalem the great collection of money now nearly completed. The greater part of the epistle consists of the outpouring of Paul’s thankful and loving heart (chaps, i.-vii.), together with directions and exhortations relating to the collection.

Second Corinthians was Paul’s response to the positive attitude reported by Titus. It was sent with Titus, who was quickly sent back to finish the work he had started so well (viii. 6, 16-24). Along with him (viii. 18) was a brother (unnamed) who had already been chosen as the representative of the churches to accompany Paul in delivering the large collection of money that was almost complete to Jerusalem. Most of the letter consists of Paul’s heartfelt gratitude and love (chaps, i.-vii.), along with instructions and encouragement regarding the collection.

But the epistle contains evidence of another and a disagreeable side to the affairs of the Corinthian church. Especially the last four chapters, but also references in the earlier chapters, show that virulent personal opponents of Paul and his work had been exercising an evil activity. It is not easy to discover the precise relation of these persons to the parties at Corinth or to the series of events which have just been sketched, but we can well understand that their presence and efforts played a large part in the history. We learn that Jewish Christians (xi. 22) had come to Corinth, doubtless from Jerusalem, with letters of recommendation (iii. 1). They urged their own claims as apostles (though not of the twelve), and set themselves up as superior to Paul (xi. 5, xii. 11, v. 12, xi. 18). Paul calls them “false apostles” (xi. 13-15), and declares that they preach “another Jesus, another Spirit, another Gospel” (xi. 4). That in Paul’s judgment his influence with the Corinthian church depended on overthrowing the power of these disturbers of the peace is plain, and this accounts for the strenuous, and occasionally violent, tone of his polemic in chapters x.-xiii. As we compare them with the Judaizers of Galatia it seems that their polemic was less on the ground of principles and doctrines, and more a personal attack. Paul does not much argue, as he does in Galatians, against the inclination of Gentile Christians to subject themselves to the Law (yet note the contrast of the old veiled covenant and the new open revelation, iii. 4-18, esp. iii. 6); he is engaged in personal defence against charges of carnal motives (x. 2), perhaps even of embezzlement (xii. 16-18), and also of fickleness (i. 12-ii. 4). When he ironically calls himself a “fool” (xi. 1, 16, 17, 19, 21, xii. 6-11), he is doubtless taking up their term of abuse, and in many of the hard passages of this most difficult of all Paul’s epistles we may suspect that half-quoted flings of the enemy glimmer through his retort. From 2 Cor. x. 7, xi. 22 it may be inferred that these Jewish Christians had something to do with the “Christ-party” of which we seem to hear in the first epistle.

But the letter shows another, more unpleasant side to the issues within the Corinthian church. Particularly the last four chapters, along with mentions in the earlier chapters, indicate that some aggressive opponents of Paul and his work were engaging in harmful activities. It's not easy to pinpoint exactly how these individuals relate to the factions in Corinth or to the events we've just outlined, but it's clear that their presence and actions were significant in the church's history. We learn that Jewish Christians (xi. 22) arrived in Corinth, likely from Jerusalem, armed with letters of recommendation (iii. 1). They promoted their own positions as apostles (though not one of the twelve) and positioned themselves as superior to Paul (xi. 5, xii. 11, v. 12, xi. 18). Paul refers to them as “false apostles” (xi. 13-15) and claims they preach “another Jesus, another Spirit, another Gospel” (xi. 4). It's evident that Paul believed his influence on the Corinthian church relied on defeating these disruptors, which explains the intense and sometimes confrontational tone of his arguments in chapters x.-xiii. When compared to the Judaizers in Galatia, it seems their attacks were less about principles and doctrines and more about personal attacks. Paul doesn't spend much time arguing, as he does in Galatians, against Gentile Christians' tendency to adhere to the Law (though he does highlight the contrast between the old veiled covenant and the new open revelation, iii. 4-18, especially iii. 6); instead, he focuses on defending himself against accusations of selfish motives (x. 2), possibly even embezzlement (xii. 16-18), and accusations of inconsistency (i. 12-ii. 4). When he ironically refers to himself as a “fool” (xi. 1, 16, 17, 19, 21, xii. 6-11), he is likely using their derogatory term against him, and in many of the challenging passages of this most complex of all Paul’s letters, we may suspect that partial quotes from his opponents echo through his response. From 2 Cor. x. 7, xi. 22, we can infer that these Jewish Christians were somehow connected to the “Christ-party” mentioned in the first letter.

To the tact and firmness of Titus must be ascribed much of the successful issue of these dealings with the Corinthians. Paul spent the following winter at Corinth (Acts xx. 2, 3); while there he wrote the Epistle to the Romans, which in its milder tone gives clear indication that the day of violent controversy with Judaizing emissaries like those who came to Galatia had passed. There was indeed, as might have been expected, trouble from enemies among the Jews, but Paul escaped the danger, and with the money for the mother church, the collection of which had so long lain near his heart, he was able to start for Jerusalem in the spring of one of the years 55-59 (See Paul).

To the skill and determination of Titus can be credited much of the successful outcome of these interactions with the Corinthians. Paul spent the next winter in Corinth (Acts xx. 2, 3); while he was there, he wrote the Epistle to the Romans, which, with its gentler tone, indicates that the time of fierce debates with Judaizing messengers like those who came to Galatia was over. There was certainly, as expected, trouble from enemies among the Jews, but Paul avoided the danger, and with the funds for the mother church — a collection he had cared about for so long — he was able to head to Jerusalem in the spring of one of the years 55-59 (See Paul).

In later time (circ. A.D. 95) we hear from the epistle of Clement of Rome that the Corinthian church paid full honour to Paul’s memory; and circ. A.D. 139, the excellent Catholic (though Hebrew) Christian Hegesippus found himself deeply refreshed by the honest life and the fidelity to Christian truth of the descendants and successors of the Christians over whom Paul had laboured with such faithful oversight and so many anxious tears.

In later years (around A.D. 95), we learn from the letter of Clement of Rome that the Corinthian church held Paul’s memory in high regard. Then, around A.D. 139, the remarkable Catholic (though of Hebrew descent) Christian Hegesippus felt truly uplifted by the genuine lives and commitment to Christian truth of the descendants and successors of the Christians whom Paul had cared for with such dedication and countless tears.

Critical Questions.—The manuscript evidence for the Corinthian epistles is the same as for the other epistles of Paul (see Bible: New Testament). Of early attestation the amount is rather greater for First Corinthians than for other epistles. Not only were both epistles included without question in the Pauline canon of Marcion (circ. A.D. 150) and in the Muratorian list (end of 2nd century), and known to various Gnostic sects of the 2nd century, but Clement of Rome (circ. A.D. 95) makes a specific reference (xlvii. 1) to the fact that the Corinthians “received the Epistle of the blessed Apostle Paul,” and proceeds with an unmistakable quotation from 1 Cor. i. 11-13. Other quotations from First Corinthians are found in Clement, Ignatius, Polycarp, Athenagoras, Theophilus, Irenaeus, Clement of Alexandria, Tertullian, while use of the epistle can probably be detected in Hermas. Second Corinthians was, and still remains, less quotable, but it is probably used by Polycarp, perhaps by Ignatius, and by the presbyters known to Irenaeus, and it was freely used by Theophilus, Irenaeus, Clement of Alexandria and Tertullian.

Critical Questions.—The manuscript evidence for the Corinthian letters is similar to that of other letters by Paul (see Bible: New Testament). Early records show that there is more evidence for First Corinthians than for other letters. Both letters were undoubtedly included in the Pauline canon of Marcion (around A.D. 150) and in the Muratorian list (end of 2nd century), and they were known to various Gnostic sects in the 2nd century. Additionally, Clement of Rome (around A.D. 95) specifically mentions that the Corinthians “received the Epistle of the blessed Apostle Paul” and follows up with a clear quotation from 1 Cor. i. 11-13. Other references to First Corinthians can be found in the works of Clement, Ignatius, Polycarp, Athenagoras, Theophilus, Irenaeus, Clement of Alexandria, and Tertullian, while Hermas likely makes use of the letter as well. Second Corinthians has been less frequently quoted but was probably referenced by Polycarp, possibly by Ignatius, and by the presbyters known to Irenaeus. Theophilus, Irenaeus, Clement of Alexandria, and Tertullian all used it extensively.

The only serious doubt of the genuineness of First and Second Corinthians has been that of the so-called Dutch school of critics, in the latter part of the 19th century, and forms a part of their attempt (the first since that of Baur) entirely to reconstruct the history of early Christianity. Their view that the Corinthian epistles are the product of a body of progressive Christians in the 2nd century, who ascribed to a legendary Paul the advanced views they had themselves developed, has not commended itself to critics, and seems to be burdened by nearly all possible difficulties. The genuineness of both epistles is, in fact, amply attested not only by early writers, but by the surer proof of complicated and consistent concreteness, with perfect adaptation to all we know of Paul and of the passing circumstances of the earliest days of Christianity in Greece. For a writer a century later to have composed the Corinthian epistles and then successfully passed them off as the work of Paul could be explained only by an hypothesis of inspiration! It would have been as difficult as to forge a daily newspaper. It is to be observed that the two epistles are so intimately connected by their contents with Romans and Galatians that the four together support one another’s genuineness.

The only real doubt about the authenticity of First and Second Corinthians has come from the so-called Dutch school of critics in the late 19th century, as part of their effort (the first since Baur) to completely reshape the history of early Christianity. They argue that the Corinthian letters were created by a group of progressive Christians in the 2nd century who attributed their own developed views to a legendary Paul. This idea hasn't gained much support among critics and seems to face nearly all possible challenges. In fact, the authenticity of both letters is well supported, not only by early writers but also by solid evidence of detailed and consistent content that aligns perfectly with what we know about Paul and the changing circumstances of early Christianity in Greece. For someone a century later to write the Corinthian letters and then successfully claim they were by Paul would require a belief in inspiration! It would be as hard as forging a daily newspaper. It's worth noting that the two letters are closely connected in content with Romans and Galatians, so together they reinforce each other's authenticity.

In Second Corinthians two important questions of integrity have been much discussed. (1) 2 Cor. vi. 14-vii. 1 is a passage somewhat distinct from its context, and introduced by a seemingly abrupt break in the sequence of thought. It is, therefore, held by some (including G. Heinrici) to be an interpolation by another writer, by others (as A. Hilgenfeld) to be a part of the letter referred to in 1 Cor. v. 9. But the arguments against Pauline authorship are not convincing; there is after all a certain real connexion to be traced between the section and vi. I; and the resemblance to the substance of 1 Cor. v. 9 is natural in any case. (2) More important is the question as to 2 Cor. x.-xiii. Since J. S. Semler (1776) it has been held by careful scholars that these chapters are written in a tone of excited irritation which is out of accord with the genial tone of gratified affection and confidence that pervades chaps, i.-ix. Hence such scholars as A. Hausrath, R. A. Lipsius, O. Pfleiderer, P. W. Schmiedel, A. C. M’Giffert have adopted the view that these four chapters were not written as part of Second Corinthians, but, while unquestionably from Paul’s hand, were from a separate letter (the “Vier-kapitel-Brief”), probably the same as that supposed to be referred to in 2 Cor. ii. 3-9, vii. 8-12. This theory is, however, probably not correct, for while, on the one hand, it is based on an exaggeration of the differences and a neglect of certain lines of connexion between the chaps, x.-xiii. and chaps, i.-ix., on the other hand the identification supposed is made difficult by several facts. 154 Thus these chapters contain no mention whatever of the offender of 2 Cor. ii. 5-11, of whose case the intervening letter must have mainly treated; again, x. 1, 9, 10, 11 imply a previous sharp rebuke already administered, such as is hardly accounted for merely by First Corinthians; and finally, xii. 18 implies that these four chapters were not written until after Titus’s visit, that is, that they were written at just the same time as Second Corinthians.

In Second Corinthians, two important questions about integrity have been widely discussed. (1) 2 Cor. vi. 14-vii. 1 is a passage that seems somewhat separate from its context and is introduced by what feels like an abrupt break in the flow of thought. Because of this, some, including G. Heinrici, believe it to be an addition by another writer, while others, like A. Hilgenfeld, think it's part of the letter mentioned in 1 Cor. v. 9. However, the arguments against Pauline authorship aren't convincing; there is, after all, a real connection that can be traced between this passage and vi. I, and the similarities to the content of 1 Cor. v. 9 are natural regardless. (2) The more significant question revolves around 2 Cor. x.-xiii. Since J. S. Semler (1776), careful scholars have noted that these chapters are written in a tone of excited irritation that contrasts with the friendly tone of satisfaction and confidence that characterizes chapters i.-ix. As a result, scholars like A. Hausrath, R. A. Lipsius, O. Pfleiderer, P. W. Schmiedel, and A. C. M’Giffert have argued that these four chapters were not originally part of Second Corinthians but, while certainly written by Paul, came from a separate letter (the “Four-Chapter Letter”), likely the same one referred to in 2 Cor. ii. 3-9 and vii. 8-12. However, this theory probably isn’t correct because, on one hand, it overstates the differences and overlooks certain connections between chapters x.-xiii. and chapters i.-ix., while on the other hand, the supposed identification is complicated by several facts. 154 For example, these chapters make no mention of the offender from 2 Cor. ii. 5-11, whose case the intervening letter must have mainly addressed; also, xi. 1, 9, 10, 11 suggest a prior sharp rebuke that cannot be explained solely by First Corinthians; finally, xii. 18 indicates that these four chapters were written after Titus's visit, meaning they were likely composed at the same time as Second Corinthians.

An apocryphal correspondence of Paul and the church at Corinth, consisting of the church’s letter and Paul’s reply, had canonical authority in the Syrian church in the 4th century (Aphraates, Ephraem). It is preserved in Armenian and Latin manuscripts, and is now known to have been a part of the Acts of Paul, written in the 2nd century. The letters relate to the condemnation of certain Gnostic views. For a translation see Stanley’s Epistles of St Paul to the Corinthians (4th ed., 1876), PP. 593-598. See Harnack, Geschichte der altchristlichen Literatur, i. pp. 37-39, ii. 1, pp. 506-508; Bardenhewer, Geschichte der altkirchlichen Literatur, i. pp. 463-467; Hennecke, Neutestamentliche Apokryphen, pp. 362-364, 378-380.

An apocryphal correspondence between Paul and the church in Corinth, which includes the church’s letter and Paul’s response, held canonical authority in the Syrian church during the 4th century (Aphraates, Ephraem). It is preserved in Armenian and Latin manuscripts and is now recognized as part of the Acts of Paul, written in the 2nd century. The letters address the condemnation of certain Gnostic beliefs. For a translation, see Stanley’s Epistles of St Paul to the Corinthians (4th ed., 1876), pp. 593-598. See Harnack, Geschichte der altchristlichen Literatur, i. pp. 37-39, ii. 1, pp. 506-508; Bardenhewer, Geschichte der altkirchlichen Literatur, i. pp. 463-467; Hennecke, Neutestamentliche Apokryphen, pp. 362-364, 378-380.

Bibliography.—On the Corinthian Epistles consult the Introduction to the New Testament of H. Holtzmann (1885, 3rd ed. 1892); B. Weiss (1886, 3rd ed. 1897, Eng. trans. 1887); G. Salmon (1887); A. Jülicher (1894, 5th and 6th ed. 1906, Eng. trans. 1904); T. Zahn (1897-1899, 2nd ed. 1900); and the articles in the Bible dictionaries, especially those by A. Robertson in Hastings’s Dictionary. See also Lives of Paul; and the general works on the Apostolic Age of C. von Weizsäcker (1886, 2nd ed. 1892); O. Pfleiderer, Das Urchristentum (1887, 2nd ed. 1902, Eng. trans. 1906); and A. C. M’Giffert (1897). Especially valuable for 1 and 2 Corinthians is E. von Dobschütz, Christian Life in the Primitive Church (1902, Eng. trans. 1904).

References.—For the Corinthian Epistles, check out the Introduction to the New Testament by H. Holtzmann (1885, 3rd ed. 1892); B. Weiss (1886, 3rd ed. 1897, Eng. trans. 1887); G. Salmon (1887); A. Jülicher (1894, 5th and 6th ed. 1906, Eng. trans. 1904); T. Zahn (1897-1899, 2nd ed. 1900); and the articles in Bible dictionaries, particularly those by A. Robertson in Hastings’s Dictionary. Also see Lives of Paul; and the general works on the Apostolic Age by C. von Weizsäcker (1886, 2nd ed. 1892); O. Pfleiderer, Das Urchristentum (1887, 2nd ed. 1902, Eng. trans. 1906); and A. C. M’Giffert (1897). Especially helpful for 1 and 2 Corinthians is E. von Dobschütz, Christian Life in the Primitive Church (1902, Eng. trans. 1904).

In English, Dean Stanley’s work (1855, 4th ed. 1876) is now out of date. On First Corinthians reference may be made to the works of T. Evans in Speaker’s Commentary (1881); T. C. Edwards (1885); C. J. Ellicott (1887); Fr. Godet (1886-1887, Eng. trans. 1887); on both epistles to those of H. A. W. Meyer (5th ed. 1870, Eng. trans. 1877-1879) and J. J. Lias, in Cambridge Greek Testament (1886-1892). F. W. Robertson’s classic Sermons on St Paul’s Epistles to the Corinthians (1859) should not be neglected. In German there are commentaries of much value by G. Heinrici (1880—1887) and in Heinrici’s revision of Meyer’s Kommentar (8th ed., 1896-1900), and by P. W. Schmiedel in Hand-Commentar (1891, 2nd ed. 1892). For further literature see Robertson’s art, “Corinthians, First Epistle to the,” in Hastings’s Dictionary of the Bible. On early attestation see A. H. Charteris, Canonicity (1880), and the Oxford Committee’s New Testament in the Apostolic Fathers (1905).

In English, Dean Stanley’s work (1855, 4th ed. 1876) is now outdated. For First Corinthians, you can refer to the works of T. Evans in Speaker’s Commentary (1881); T. C. Edwards (1885); C. J. Ellicott (1887); Fr. Godet (1886-1887, Eng. trans. 1887); for both epistles, check out those of H. A. W. Meyer (5th ed. 1870, Eng. trans. 1877-1879) and J. J. Lias, in Cambridge Greek Testament (1886-1892). Don’t overlook F. W. Robertson’s classic, Sermons on St Paul’s Epistles to the Corinthians (1859). In German, there are valuable commentaries by G. Heinrici (1880—1887) and in Heinrici’s revision of Meyer’s Kommentar (8th ed., 1896-1900), and by P. W. Schmiedel in Hand-Commentar (1891, 2nd ed. 1892). For more literature, see Robertson’s article, “Corinthians, First Epistle to the,” in Hastings’s Dictionary of the Bible. For early attestation, check out A. H. Charteris, Canonicity (1880), and the Oxford Committee’s New Testament in the Apostolic Fathers (1905).

(J. H. Rs.)

1 Hilgenfeld, Bacon and others hold that this letter is partly preserved in 2 Cor. vi. 14-vii. 1, but the evidence for removing those verses from their present position is insufficient.

1 Hilgenfeld, Bacon, and others believe that this letter is partially preserved in 2 Cor. vi. 14-vii. 1, but the evidence for relocating those verses from their current position is not strong enough.


CORINTO, a seaport on the Pacific coast of Nicaragua, in the department of Chinandega, built on the small island of Asserradores or Corinto, at the entrance to Realejo Bay, 65 m. by rail N.W. of Managua. Pop. (1900) about 3000. The town, which was founded in 1849, and first came into prominence as a port in 1863, has a spacious and sheltered harbour, the best in Nicaragua. It possesses no docks or wharves, and vessels anchor some 500 yds. off-shore to load or discharge cargo by means of lighters. On the mainland is the terminus of a railway to Leon, Managua and other commercial centres. Coffee, gold, mahogany, rubber and cattle are largely exported; and more than half the foreign trade of Nicaragua passes through this port, which has completely superseded the roadstead of Realejo, now partly filled with sandbanks, but from 1550 to 1850 the principal seaport of the country. About 450 ocean-going ships, of some 450,000 tons, annually enter the port. Most of the foreign vessels are owned in Germany or the United States. The coasting trade is restricted to Nicaraguan boats.

CORINTH, is a seaport on the Pacific coast of Nicaragua, located in the Chinandega department, built on the small island of Asserradores or Corinto, at the entrance to Realejo Bay, 65 miles by rail northwest of Managua. The population in 1900 was about 3,000. Founded in 1849, the town first gained prominence as a port in 1863 and has a large, sheltered harbor, the best in Nicaragua. It has no docks or wharves, so vessels anchor about 500 yards offshore to load or unload cargo using lighters. On the mainland, there is a railway terminal connecting to León, Managua, and other commercial centers. The port exports significant quantities of coffee, gold, mahogany, rubber, and cattle, and more than half of Nicaragua's foreign trade goes through here, which has completely replaced the Realejo anchorage, now partly filled with sandbanks, but which was the main seaport of the country from 1550 to 1850. Approximately 450 ocean-going ships, totaling around 450,000 tons, enter the port annually. Most foreign vessels are owned by companies in Germany or the United States. The coasting trade is limited to Nicaraguan boats.


CORIOLANUS, GAIUS (or Gnaeus) MARCIUS, Roman legendary hero of patrician descent. According to tradition, his surname was due to the bravery displayed by him at the siege of Corioli (493 B.C.) during the war against the Volscians (but see below). In 492, when there was a famine in Rome, he advised that the people should not be relieved out of the supplies obtained from Sicily, unless they would consent to the abolition of their tribunes. For this he was accused by the tribunes, and, being condemned to exile, took refuge with his friend Attius Tullius, king of the Volscians. A pretext for a quarrel with Rome was found, and Coriolanus, in command of the Volscian army, advanced against his native city. In vain the first men of Rome prayed for moderate terms. He would agree to nothing less than the restoration to the Volscians of all their land, and their admission among the Roman citizens. A mission of the chief priests also failed. At last, persuaded by his mother Veturia and his wife Volumnia, he led back the Volscian army, and restored the conquered towns. He died at an advanced age in exile amongst the Volscians; according to others, he was put to death by them as a traitor; a third tradition (mentioned, but ridiculed, by Cicero) represents him as having taken his own life.

CORIOLANUS, GAIUS (or Gnaeus) MARCIUS, a legendary Roman hero from a patrician background. According to tradition, his last name comes from the courage he showed during the siege of Corioli (493 B.C.) in the war against the Volscians (but see below). In 492, during a famine in Rome, he suggested that relief supplies from Sicily should only be given if the people agreed to abolish their tribunes. For this, he was accused by the tribunes and, after being condemned to exile, sought refuge with his friend Attius Tullius, the king of the Volscians. A reason for a conflict with Rome was found, and Coriolanus, leading the Volscian army, marched against his hometown. Despite the pleas of Rome's leading figures for moderate terms, he refused to accept anything less than the return of all their land to the Volscians and their acceptance as Roman citizens. A mission from the chief priests also failed. Finally, convinced by his mother Veturia and his wife Volumnia, he turned the Volscian army around and returned the conquered cities. He died at an old age in exile among the Volscians; according to some, they killed him as a traitor; a third account (mentioned but mocked by Cicero) claims he took his own life.

The whole legend is open to serious criticism. At the traditional date (493 B.C.) Corioli was not a Volscian possession, but one of the Latin cities which had concluded a treaty of alliance with Rome; further, Livy himself states that the chroniclers knew nothing of a campaign carried on by the consul Postumus Cominius Auruncus (under whom Coriolanus is said to have served) against the Volscians. Only one of the consuls was mentioned as having concluded the treaty; the absence of the other was consequently assumed, and a reason for it found in a Volscian war. The bestowal of a cognomen from a captured city was unknown at the time, the first instance being that of Scipio; in any case, it would have been conferred upon the commander-in-chief, Postumus Cominius Auruncus, not upon a subordinate. The conquest of Corioli by Coriolanus is invented to explain the surname. The details of the famine are borrowed from those of later years, especially 433 and 411. The incident of Coriolanus taking refuge with the Volscian king, who, according to Plutarch, was his bitter enemy, curiously resembles the appeal of Themistocles to the Molossian king Admetus. Further, the tradition that Coriolanus, like Themistocles, committed suicide, renders it a probable conjecture that these incidents are derived from a Greek source. The contradictions in the accounts of the campaign against Rome and its inherent improbability give further ground for suspicion. Twelve important towns are taken in a single summer apparently without resistance on the part of the Romans, and after the retirement of Coriolanus they are immediately abandoned by the conquerors. It is strange that the Volscians should have entrusted a stranger with the command of their army, and it is possible that the attribution of their successes to a Roman general was intended to gratify the national pride and obliterate the memory of a disastrous war. It is suggested that Coriolanus never commanded the Volscian army at all, but that, like Appius Herdonius—the Sabine chieftain who in 460, with a band of fugitives and slaves, obtained possession of the capital—he appeared at the gates of Rome at the head of a body of exiles (but at a much later date, c. 443), at a time when the city was in great distress, perhaps as the result of a pestilence, and only desisted from making himself master of Rome at the earnest entreaty of his mother. This seems to be the historical nucleus of the tradition, which accentuates the great influence exercised by and the respect shown to the Roman matrons in early times.

The whole legend is open to serious criticism. At the traditional date (493 B.C.), Corioli was not a Volscian city but one of the Latin cities that had formed an alliance with Rome. Additionally, Livy himself mentions that the historians were unaware of any campaign led by Consul Postumus Cominius Auruncus (under whom Coriolanus is said to have served) against the Volscians. Only one of the consuls is noted as having finalized the treaty; the absence of the other was assumed, and a reason for it was found in a Volscian war. Giving a surname based on a captured city was unheard of at the time, with the first instance being Scipio; in any case, it would have been given to the commander-in-chief, Postumus Cominius Auruncus, not a subordinate. The story of Coriolanus conquering Corioli was likely invented to justify the surname. The details of the famine are taken from later events, especially those in 433 and 411. The incident of Coriolanus seeking refuge with the Volscian king, who, according to Plutarch, was his fierce enemy, oddly resembles Themistocles's appeal to the Molossian King Admetus. Furthermore, the tradition that Coriolanus, like Themistocles, committed suicide makes it likely that these events come from a Greek source. The contradictions in the accounts of the campaign against Rome and its inherent unlikeliness raise further doubts. Twelve major towns are captured in a single summer seemingly without any resistance from the Romans, and after Coriolanus leaves, the conquerors immediately abandon them. It seems odd that the Volscians would have trusted a stranger with their army's command, and it’s possible that attributing their victories to a Roman general was an attempt to boost national pride and erase the memory of a disastrous war. It's suggested that Coriolanus never commanded the Volscian army at all, but like Appius Herdonius—the Sabine leader who, in 460, with a group of runaways and slaves, took control of the capital—he arrived at the gates of Rome leading a band of exiles (but at a much later date, around 443), during a time of great distress for the city, perhaps due to a plague, and he only refrained from seizing control of Rome at the passionate request of his mother. This appears to be the historical core of the tradition, which highlights the significant influence and respect that Roman women held in early times.

Ancient Authorities.—Plutarch’s Life; Livy ii. 34-40; Dion. Halic. vi. 92-94, vii. 21-27, 41-47, viii. 1-60; Cicero, Brutus, x. 42. The story is the subject of Shakespeare’s Coriolanus. For a critical examination of the story see Schwegler, Römische Geschichte, bk. xxiv.; Sir G. Cornewall Lewis, Credibility of Early Roman History, ch. xii. 19-23; W. Ihne, History of Rome, i.; T. Mommsen, “Die Erzählung von Cn. Marcius Coriolanus,” in Hermes, iv. (1869); E. Pais, Storia di Roma, i. ch. 4 (1898).

Old Authorities.—Plutarch’s Life; Livy ii. 34-40; Dion. Halic. vi. 92-94, vii. 21-27, 41-47, viii. 1-60; Cicero, Brutus, x. 42. The story is the basis for Shakespeare’s Coriolanus. For a detailed analysis of the story, see Schwegler, Römische Geschichte, bk. xxiv.; Sir G. Cornewall Lewis, Credibility of Early Roman History, ch. xii. 19-23; W. Ihne, History of Rome, i.; T. Mommsen, “Die Erzählung von Cn. Marcius Coriolanus,” in Hermes, iv. (1869); E. Pais, Storia di Roma, i. ch. 4 (1898).


CORIOLI, an ancient Volscian city in Latium adiectum, taken, according to the Roman annals in 493 B.C., with Longula and Pollusca, and retaken (but see above) for the Volsci by Gaius Marcius Coriolanus, its original conqueror, who, in disgust at his treatment by his countrymen, had deserted to the enemy. After this it does not appear in history, and we hear soon afterwards (443 B.C.) of a dispute between Ardea and Aricia about some land which had been part of the territory of Corioli, but had at an unknown date passed to Rome with Corioli. The site is apparently to be sought in the N.W. portion of the district between the sea, the river Astura and the Alban Hills; but it cannot be more accurately fixed (the identification with Monte Giove, S. of the Valle-Aricciana, rests on no sufficient evidence), and even in the time of Pliny it ranked among the lost cities of Latium.

CORIOLI, was an ancient Volscian city in Latium adiectum, captured, based on Roman records, in 493 B.C., along with Longula and Pollusca, and later reclaimed (but see above) for the Volsci by Gaius Marcius Coriolanus, its original conqueror, who, disillusioned by his treatment from his fellow citizens, had switched sides to the enemy. After that, it seems to vanish from history, and we soon hear (443 B.C.) about a conflict between Ardea and Aricia over some land that had once been part of Corioli's territory, which had at some unknown time been taken over by Rome along with Corioli. The location is likely in the northwestern area of the region between the sea, the Astura River, and the Alban Hills; however, it can't be pinpointed more precisely (the suggestion that it’s identified with Monte Giove, south of the Valle-Aricciana, lacks sufficient evidence), and even in Pliny's time, it was considered one of the lost cities of Latium.

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CORIPPUS, FLAVIUS CRESCONIUS, Roman epic poet of the 6th century A.D. He was a native of Africa, and in one of the MSS. is called grammaticus (teacher). He has been identified, but on insufficient grounds, with Cresconius, an African bishop (7th century), author of a Concordia Canonum, or collection of the laws of the church. Nothing is known of Corippus beyond what is contained in his own poems. He appears to have held the office of tribune or notary (scriniarius) under Anastasius, imperial treasurer and chamberlain of Justinian, at the end of whose reign he left Africa for Constantinople, in consequence of having lost his property during the Moorish and Vandal wars. He was the author of two poems, of considerable importance for the history of the times, one of which was not discovered till the beginning of the 19th century. The latter poem, dedicated to the nobles of Carthage, which comes first in point of time, is called Johannis or De bellis Libycis, and relates the overthrow of the Moors by a certain Johannes, magister militum in 546; it is in eight books (the last is unfinished) and contains about 5000 hexameters. The narrative commences with the despatch of Johannes to the theatre of war by Justinian, and ends with the decisive victory near Carthage (548). The other poem (In laudem Justini minoris), in four books, contains the death of Justinian, the coronation of his successor Justin II. (14th of November 565), and the early events of his reign. It is preceded by a preface, and a short and fulsome panegyric on Anastasius, the poet’s patron. The Laus was published at Antwerp in 1581 by Michael Ruyz Azagra, secretary to the emperor Rudolf II., from a 9th or 10th century MS. The preface contains a reference to a previous work by the author on the wars in Africa, and although Johannes Cuspinianus (1473-1529) in his De Caesaribus et Imperatoribus professed to have seen a MS. of it in the library at Buda (destroyed by Suleiman II. in 1527), it was not till 1814 that it was discovered at Milan by Cardinal Mazzucchelli, librarian of the Ambrosian library, from the codex Trivultianus (in the library of the marquis Trivulzi), the only MS. of the Johannis still extant.

CORIPPUS, FLAVIUS CRESCONIUS, was a Roman epic poet from the 6th century A.D. He hailed from Africa, and in one of the manuscripts, he is referred to as grammaticus (teacher). He has been linked, albeit with little evidence, to Cresconius, an African bishop from the 7th century known for the Concordia Canonum, a collection of church laws. Little is known about Corippus beyond his own writings. He seems to have held the role of tribune or notary (scriniarius) under Anastasius, the imperial treasurer and chamberlain of Justinian. When Anastasius' reign ended, he left Africa for Constantinople due to losing his property during the Moorish and Vandal wars. Corippus wrote two significant poems that are important for understanding the history of that time, one of which wasn't discovered until the early 19th century. The first poem, which is chronologically earlier, is called Johannis or De bellis Libycis, and it recounts the defeat of the Moors by a commander named Johannes, magister militum, in 546. It consists of eight books (though the last one is incomplete) and contains about 5,000 hexameters. The narrative begins with Johannes being sent to the battlefield by Justinian and concludes with a decisive victory near Carthage in 548. The second poem, In laudem Justini minoris, spans four books and covers the death of Justinian, the coronation of his successor Justin II. (on November 14, 565), and the early events of Justin II's reign. It starts with a preface and includes a brief, flattering tribute to Anastasius, the poet's patron. The Laus was published in Antwerp in 1581 by Michael Ruyz Azagra, who was the secretary to Emperor Rudolf II., based on a manuscript from the 9th or 10th century. The preface mentions a previous work by Corippus about the wars in Africa, and even though Johannes Cuspinianus (1473-1529) claimed to have seen a manuscript of it in the library at Buda (which was destroyed by Suleiman II. in 1527), it wasn't until 1814 that it was found in Milan by Cardinal Mazzucchelli, the librarian of the Ambrosian library, from the codex Trivultianus (in the library of the marquis Trivulzi), which is the only surviving manuscript of the Johannis.

The Johannis is of great value, not only from a purely historical point of view, but also as giving a description of the land and people of Africa, which conscientiously records the impressions of an intelligent native observer; many of his statements as to manners and customs are confirmed both by independent ancient authorities (such as Procopius) and by our knowledge of the modern Berbers. Virgil, Lucan, and Claudian were the poet’s chief models. The Laus, which was written when he was advanced in years, although marred by Byzantine servility and gross flattery of a by no means worthy object, throws much light upon Byzantine court ceremony, as in the account of the accession of Justin and the reception of the embassy of the Avars. On the whole the language and metre of Corippus, considering the age in which he lived and the fact that he was not a native Italian, is remarkably pure. That he was a Christian is rendered probable by negative indications, such as the absence of all the usual mythological accessories of an epic poem, positive allusions to texts of Scripture, and the highly orthodox passage Laus iv. 294 ff.

The Johannis holds significant value, not just from a historical perspective, but also for its depiction of the land and people of Africa, offering a thoughtful account from an insightful native observer. Many of his observations about customs and traditions are validated by independent ancient sources (like Procopius) and our understanding of modern Berbers. Virgil, Lucan, and Claudian were the main influences on the poet. The Laus, written in his later years, is flawed by Byzantine flattery and servility towards an undeserving subject, yet it provides valuable insights into Byzantine court rituals, as seen in the descriptions of Justin's accession and the welcoming of the Avar embassy. Overall, the language and meter of Corippus, considering the era he lived in and that he wasn't a native Italian, are impressively clear. His Christianity seems likely based on subtle clues, like the absence of typical mythological elements in an epic poem, clear references to Scripture, and the orthodox passage in Laus iv. 294 ff.

The editions of the Johannis by P. Mazzucchelli (1820) and of the Laus by P. F. Foggini (1777) are still valuable for their commentaries. They are both included in the 28th volume of the Bonn Corpus scriptorum historiae Byzantinae. The best modern editions are by J. Partsch (in Monumenta Germaniae historica, 1879), with very valuable prolegomena, and M. Petschenig (Berliner Studien für klassische Philologie, iv., 1886); see also Gibbon, Decline and Fall, ch. xlv.

The editions of the Johannis by P. Mazzucchelli (1820) and the Laus by P. F. Foggini (1777) are still valuable for their commentaries. They are both included in the 28th volume of the Bonn Corpus scriptorum historiae Byzantinae. The best modern editions are by J. Partsch (in Monumenta Germaniae historica, 1879), which includes very valuable prolegomena, and M. Petschenig (Berliner Studien für klassische Philologie, iv., 1886); see also Gibbon, Decline and Fall, ch. xlv.


CORISCO, the name of a bay and an island on the Guinea Coast, West Africa. The bay is bounded N. by Cape San Juan (1° 10′ N.) and S. by Cape Esterias (0° 36′ N.), and is about 31 m. across, while it extends inland some 15 m. The bay is much encumbered with sandbanks, which impair its value as a harbour. Whereas the Muni river or estuary, which enters the bay on its northern side, has a maximum depth of over 100 ft., vessels entering it have to come by a channel with an average depth of six fathoms. The entrance to the southern part of the bay is obstructed by the Bana Bank, which extends for 9 m., rendering navigation dangerous. The bay encloses many small islands and islets, some hardly distinguishable from sandbanks and submerged at high water, giving rise to a native saying that “half the islands live under water.” The principal islands are four, Bana, Great and Little Elobey, and Corisco, the last-named lying farthest to seaward and giving its name to the bay.

CORISCO, is the name of a bay and an island on the Guinea Coast, West Africa. The bay is bordered to the north by Cape San Juan (1° 10′ N.) and to the south by Cape Esterias (0° 36′ N.), measuring about 31 miles across and extending inland about 15 miles. The bay is heavily obstructed by sandbanks, which limit its usefulness as a harbor. In contrast, the Muni River or estuary, which flows into the bay on its northern side, has a maximum depth of over 100 feet, but vessels must navigate through a channel that averages six fathoms in depth. The entrance to the southern section of the bay is blocked by the Bana Bank, which stretches for 9 miles, making navigation hazardous. The bay contains many small islands and islets, some of which are barely noticeable and submerged at high tide, leading to a local saying that “half the islands live under water.” The main islands include four: Bana, Great and Little Elobey, and Corisco, with Corisco being the furthest out to sea and giving its name to the bay.

Corisco Island, the largest of the group, is some 3 m. long by 1¾ m. in breadth and has an area of about 5½ sq. m. The surface of the island is very diversified. On a miniature scale it possesses mountains and valleys, rivers, lakes, forests and swamps, grassland and bushland, moorland and parkland. The forests supply ebony and logwood for export. The natives are a Bantu-Negro tribe called Benga. There are among them many converts to Roman Catholicism and a few Protestants. Corisco and the other islands named are Spanish possessions and are governed as dependencies of Fernando Po.

Corisco Island, the largest in the group, is about 3 miles long and 1¾ miles wide, covering an area of roughly 5½ square miles. The island's terrain is very varied. On a small scale, it features mountains and valleys, rivers, lakes, forests, and swamps, along with grasslands, brushlands, moorlands, and parklands. The forests provide ebony and logwood for export. The local people belong to a Bantu-Negro tribe called Benga. Among them, many have converted to Roman Catholicism, and there are a few Protestants. Corisco and the other islands mentioned are Spanish territories and are managed as dependencies of Fernando Po.

See Mary H. Kingsley, Travels in West Africa, ch. xvii. (London, 1897); E. L. Perea, “Guinea española: La isla de Corisco,” in Revista de geog. colon. y mercantil (Madrid, 1906).

See Mary H. Kingsley, Travels in West Africa, ch. xvii. (London, 1897); E. L. Perea, “Spanish Guinea: The Island of Corisco,” in Colonial and Mercantile Geography Review (Madrid, 1906).


CORK, RICHARD BOYLE, 1st Earl of (1566-1643), Irish statesman, second son of Roger Boyle of Faversham in Kent, a descendant of an ancient Herefordshire family, and of Joan, daughter of Robert Naylor of Canterbury, was born at Canterbury on the 3rd of October 1566, and was educated at the King’s school and at Bennet (Corpus Christi) College, Cambridge, where he was admitted in 1583. He afterwards studied law at the Middle Temple and became clerk to Sir Richard Manwood, chief baron of the exchequer; but finding his position offered little opportunity for advancement he determined to make a new start in Ireland. He landed in Dublin on the 23rd of June 1588, as he relates himself, with £27, 3s. in money, a gold bracelet worth £10, and a diamond ring, besides some fine wearing apparel. He began to make his fortune almost immediately. In 1590 he obtained the appointment of deputy escheator to John Crofton, the escheator-general, and in 1595 he married Joan, daughter and co-heiress of William Appsley of Limerick, who died in 1599, having brought him an estate of £500 a year.

Cork, Richard Boyle, 1st Earl of (1566-1643), Irish statesman, the second son of Roger Boyle from Faversham in Kent, a descendant of an ancient Herefordshire family, and Joan, the daughter of Robert Naylor from Canterbury, was born in Canterbury on October 3, 1566, and was educated at the King’s School and at Bennet (Corpus Christi) College, Cambridge, where he was admitted in 1583. He later studied law at the Middle Temple and became clerk to Sir Richard Manwood, the chief baron of the exchequer; but realizing that his position had limited opportunities for advancement, he decided to start anew in Ireland. He arrived in Dublin on June 23, 1588, with £27, 3s. in cash, a gold bracelet worth £10, a diamond ring, and some nice clothes. He began to build his fortune almost right away. In 1590, he was appointed deputy escheator to John Crofton, the escheator-general, and in 1595 he married Joan, the daughter and co-heiress of William Appsley from Limerick, who died in 1599, having given him an estate of £500 a year.

Meanwhile he had been the object of the attacks of Sir Henry Wallop and others, incited, according to his own account, by envy at his success and increasing prosperity, and was apprehended on various charges of fraud in his office, being more than once thrown into prison. He was on the point of leaving for England to justify himself to the queen, when the rebellion in Munster in October 1598 again reduced him to poverty and obliged him to return to London to his chambers at the Temple. He was, however, almost immediately taken by Essex into his service, when Sir Henry Wallop again renewed his prosecution, with the result that Boyle was summoned before the star chamber. His enemies appear to have failed in substantiating their accusations, and in the course of the inquiry, at which he had secured the presence of the queen herself, he was able to expose several instances of malversation on the part of his opponent, who was dismissed in consequence from his office of treasurer, while Boyle himself, who had favourably impressed the queen, was declared by her as “a man fit to be employed by ourselves” and was at once made clerk of the council of Munster. He brought to Elizabeth the news of the victory near Kingsale in December 1601, and in October 1602 was again sent over by Sir George Carew, the president of Munster, on Irish affairs; and on this occasion, at the instance of Carew, he bought for £1000 the whole of Sir Walter Raleigh’s lands in Cork, Waterford and Tipperary, consisting of 12,000 acres with immense capabilities of development. This offered a splendid opportunity for the exercise of his genius for business and administration. Manufactures were established, the breeding of cattle and fish introduced, mines opened, colonists from England encouraged to come over, the natural resources of the land developed, bridges, harbours and roads constructed, and towns settled, order being maintained by 13 castles garrisoned by retainers.

Meanwhile, he had been the target of attacks from Sir Henry Wallop and others, motivated, according to his own account, by jealousy of his success and growing wealth. He faced various fraud charges related to his office and was imprisoned more than once. Just as he was about to leave for England to clear his name with the queen, the Munster rebellion in October 1598 left him broke again, forcing him to return to his chambers in London at the Temple. However, he was soon recruited by Essex, but Sir Henry Wallop renewed his prosecution, leading to Boyle being summoned before the star chamber. His opponents seemed unable to prove their accusations, and during the inquiry, with the queen present, he managed to reveal several instances of wrongdoing by his adversary, who was subsequently dismissed from his position as treasurer. Boyle, having made a positive impression on the queen, was declared by her as “a man fit to be employed by ourselves” and was immediately appointed clerk of the council of Munster. He brought news of the victory near Kinsale to Elizabeth in December 1601, and in October 1602, he was sent by Sir George Carew, the president of Munster, for Irish affairs. During this trip, at Carew's request, he purchased all of Sir Walter Raleigh’s lands in Cork, Waterford, and Tipperary for £1000, which totaled 12,000 acres with significant development potential. This provided an excellent opportunity for him to showcase his business and administrative skills. He established industries, introduced cattle and fish breeding, opened mines, encouraged English colonists to come, developed the land's natural resources, constructed bridges, harbors, and roads, and settled towns, maintaining order with 13 castles garrisoned by retainers.

While himself quickly accumulating vast riches, the services 156 which Boyle rendered to the government and to the nation at such a time of disorder and transition were incalculable. He soon became the most powerful subject in Ireland. On the 25th of July 1603 he married, as his second wife, Catherine, daughter of Sir Geoffrey Fenton, secretary of state, and was knighted. In 1606 he became a privy councillor for Munster and in 1613 for Ireland. On the 6th of September 1616 he was raised to the peerage as Lord Boyle, baron of Youghal, and on the 26th of October 1620 was created earl of Cork and Viscount Dungarvan. He was appointed on the 26th of October 1629 a lord justice, and on the 9th of November 1631 lord high treasurer. Though no peer of England, he was “by writ called into the Upper House by His Majesty’s great grace,” and took his place as an “assistant sitting on the inside of the Woolsack.”1 The appointment of Wentworth (Lord Strafford), however, as lord deputy in 1633 put an end to the predominant power and influence of Cork in Ireland. “A most cursed man,” he writes in his diary on Wentworth’s arrival, “to all Ireland and to me in particular.” In reality these two great men had much in common, held similar views of administration, and had the same talents for practical statesmanship. Cork had already carried out in Munster the policy which Strafford desired to see extended to the whole of Ireland. But Cork belonged to the “spacious days of great Elizabeth,” and for such a man there was no room within the narrow despotism and intolerance of the government of Charles. The subjection of the great was part of Strafford’s settled policy, and consequently, instead of seeking his collaboration in developing the country and in maintaining order, he studied merely to diminish his influence. He subjected him to various humiliations. He forced him to remove his wife’s tomb from the choir in St Patrick’s at Dublin, and deprived him arbitrarily of the greater part of the revenues of Youghal, a portion of the Raleigh estates. “No physic,” wrote Laud, delighted, “better than a vomit if it be given in time, and therefore you have taken a very judicious course to administer one so early to my Lord of Cork. I hope it will do him good....”2 Cork, however, refrained from any systematic or retaliatory resistance, and even simulated an admiration for Strafford’s rule. At the latter’s trial he was an important witness, but took no active part in the prosecution, though he thoroughly approved of his condemnation and execution. Scarcely had he returned to Ireland from witnessing his rival’s destruction when the rebellion broke out, but his influence and preparations, supported by the military prowess of his sons, were sufficient to offer a successful resistance to the rebels in Munster and to save the province from ruin. This was his last great service to the state. He died about the 15th of September 1643, leaving a large and illustrious family by his second wife.

While quickly amassing great wealth, the contributions Boyle made to the government and the nation during such a time of chaos and change were invaluable. He soon became the most influential person in Ireland. On July 25, 1603, he married his second wife, Catherine, the daughter of Sir Geoffrey Fenton, the secretary of state, and he was knighted. In 1606, he became a privy councillor for Munster and in 1613 for Ireland. On September 6, 1616, he was elevated to the peerage as Lord Boyle, Baron of Youghal, and on October 26, 1620, he was created Earl of Cork and Viscount Dungarvan. He was appointed a Lord Justice on October 26, 1629, and on November 9, 1631, he became Lord High Treasurer. Although not a peer of England, he was "by writ called into the Upper House by His Majesty’s great grace" and took his seat as an "assistant sitting on the inside of the Woolsack." However, the appointment of Wentworth (Lord Strafford) as Lord Deputy in 1633 ended Cork's dominant power and influence in Ireland. "A most cursed man," he wrote in his diary upon Wentworth’s arrival, "to all Ireland and to me in particular." In reality, these two prominent figures had much in common, shared similar views on governance, and possessed the same practical statesmanship skills. Cork had already implemented in Munster the policy that Strafford wanted to extend across all of Ireland. But Cork belonged to the "spacious days of great Elizabeth," and for a man like him, there was no place within the narrow despotism and intolerance of Charles's government. Strafford's settled policy included subjugating the powerful, so instead of seeking Cork’s collaboration to develop the country and maintain order, he aimed to reduce his influence. He subjected Cork to various humiliations, including forcing him to remove his wife’s tomb from the choir of St. Patrick’s Cathedral in Dublin and arbitrarily taking most of the revenues from Youghal, a part of the Raleigh estates. "No medicine," wrote Laud, pleased, "is better than a purge if given in time, and therefore you have taken a very wise step in administering one so early to my Lord of Cork. I hope it will do him good..." Cork, however, refrained from any organized or retaliatory resistance and even pretended to admire Strafford’s rule. At Strafford’s trial, he was an important witness but did not actively participate in the prosecution, although he fully supported his condemnation and execution. Hardly had he returned to Ireland after witnessing his rival's downfall when the rebellion erupted, but his influence and preparations, aided by the military strength of his sons, were enough to provide effective resistance to the rebels in Munster and save the province from devastation. This was his last significant service to the state. He died around September 15, 1643, leaving behind a large and distinguished family from his second wife.

Four of his seven sons received independent peerages,—Richard, created Baron Clifford and earl of Burlington; Lewis, Viscount Kinalmeaky, killed in 1642 at the battle of Liscarrol; Roger, baron of Broghill and earl of Orrery; and Francis, Viscount Shannon. Another son was Robert Boyle (q.v.), the famous natural philosopher and chemist.

Four of his seven sons were granted their own peerages: Richard became Baron Clifford and Earl of Burlington; Lewis was made Viscount Kinalmeaky and was killed in 1642 at the Battle of Liscarrol; Roger became Baron of Broghill and Earl of Orrery; and Francis was made Viscount Shannon. Another son, Robert Boyle (q.v.), was the renowned natural philosopher and chemist.

The title passed to the eldest surviving son, Richard Boyle, 1st earl of Burlington and 2nd earl of Cork (1612-1698), who matriculated at Christ Church, Oxford, and was knighted in 1624. Returning home after travelling abroad he married in 1635 Elizabeth, daughter and heir of Henry, Lord Clifford, later earl of Cumberland. On the outbreak of the rebellion he supported his father in Munster, fought at the battle of Liscarrol, and raised forces for the first war with the Scots. In 1640 he represented Appleby in the Long Parliament, and in the civil war he supported zealously the royal cause, being created in 1643 Baron Clifford of Lanesborough in the peerage of England, in addition to the earldom of Cork which he inherited from his father the same year. At the Restoration he obtained also the earldom of Burlington (or Bridlington), and was appointed lord-lieutenant of the West Riding of Yorkshire, resigning this office through opposition to the government of James II. He held the office of lord treasurer of Ireland from 1680 till 1695. He died on the 15th of January 1698. His two sons having predeceased him, he was succeeded in his titles by his grandson Charles, issue of his eldest son Charles, as 2nd earl of Burlington and 3rd earl of Cork; and on the extinction of the direct male line in the person of Richard, the 4th earl, in 1753 the earldom of Cork fell to the younger branch of the Boyle family, in the person of John, 5th earl of Orrery, he and later earls being “of Cork and Orrery.”

The title went to the eldest surviving son, Richard Boyle, 1st Earl of Burlington and 2nd Earl of Cork (1612-1698), who enrolled at Christ Church, Oxford, and was knighted in 1624. After returning home from traveling abroad, he married Elizabeth, the daughter and heir of Henry, Lord Clifford, who later became Earl of Cumberland, in 1635. When the rebellion broke out, he supported his father in Munster, fought in the battle of Liscarrol, and raised forces for the first war with the Scots. In 1640, he represented Appleby in the Long Parliament, and during the civil war, he zealously supported the royal cause. In 1643, he was made Baron Clifford of Lanesborough in the peerage of England, in addition to inheriting the earldom of Cork from his father that same year. After the Restoration, he also received the earldom of Burlington (or Bridlington) and was appointed lord-lieutenant of the West Riding of Yorkshire, though he resigned this position in opposition to James II's government. He served as lord treasurer of Ireland from 1680 until 1695. He passed away on January 15, 1698. Since his two sons had died before him, his grandson Charles, the son of his eldest son Charles, succeeded him as the 2nd Earl of Burlington and 3rd Earl of Cork. After the direct male line ended with Richard, the 4th Earl, in 1753, the earldom of Cork passed to the younger branch of the Boyle family, with John, the 5th Earl of Orrery, and subsequent earls being titled “of Cork and Orrery.”

John Boyle, 5th earl of Cork and Orrery (1707-1762), only son of the 4th earl of Orrery, was born on the 2nd of January 1707. He was educated at Christ Church, Oxford, and was led by indifferent health and many untoward accidents to cultivate in retirement his talents for literature and poetry. His translation of the Letters of Pliny the Younger, with various notes, for the use of his eldest son, was published in 1751. He also published Remarks on the Life and Writings of Jonathan Swift (1751), in several letters addressed to his second son, and Memoirs of Robert Carey, earl of Monmouth, from the original manuscript, with preface and notes. He died on the 16th of November 1762. His Letters from Italy appeared in 1774, edited, with memoir, by the Rev. J. Duncombe. The earldom continued in later years in the Boyle family, being held in 1909 by the 10th earl (b. 1861). The wife of the 7th earl (see Cork and Orrery, Mary, Countess of) was a famous figure in society in the early 19th century.

John Boyle, 5th Earl of Cork and Orrery (1707-1762), the only son of the 4th Earl of Orrery, was born on January 2, 1707. He was educated at Christ Church, Oxford, and due to poor health and various unfortunate events, he developed his skills in literature and poetry in seclusion. His translation of the Letters of Pliny the Younger, along with several notes for his eldest son, was published in 1751. He also published Remarks on the Life and Writings of Jonathan Swift (1751), a series of letters directed to his second son, and Memoirs of Robert Carey, Earl of Monmouth, based on the original manuscript, complete with a preface and notes. He passed away on November 16, 1762. His Letters from Italy were published in 1774, edited with a memoir by Rev. J. Duncombe. The earldom remained in the Boyle family in later years, with the 10th Earl (b. 1861) holding it in 1909. The wife of the 7th Earl (see Cork and Orrery, Mary, Countess of) was a well-known social figure in the early 19th century.

Bibliography for 1st Earl.True Remembrances, written by himself and printed by Birch in his edition of the works of Robert Boyle; Lismore Papers, ed. by A. B. Grosart (10 vols., 1886-1887), 1st series consisting of the diary from 1611 to his death and of autobiographical notes, and 2nd series of correspondence; Life of Lord Cork, by Dorothea Townshend (1904); article in the Dict. of Nat. Biog., with authorities there given; Egerton MSS. 80 (copies of correspondence); Add. MSS., Brit. Mus., 19831-19832 (rebellion in Munster, examination before the Star Chamber, correspondence) and 18023; Strafford’s Letters; Calendars of State Papers, Domestic and Irish, and Carew Papers; E. Lodge’s Irish Peerage, i. 144; E. Budgell’s Memoirs of the Boyles (1737); Ed. Edwards’s Life of Raleigh; Gardiner’s Hist. of England; Charles Smith’s History of Cork (1893); R. Caulfield’s Council Book of Youghal; also the biography in Biographia Britannica, Kippis, vol. ii.

Bibliography for 1st Earl.True Remembrances, written by himself and printed by Birch in his edition of the works of Robert Boyle; Lismore Papers, edited by A. B. Grosart (10 vols., 1886-1887), with the 1st series consisting of the diary from 1611 to his death and autobiographical notes, and the 2nd series of correspondence; Life of Lord Cork, by Dorothea Townshend (1904); article in the Dict. of Nat. Biog., with referenced authorities; Egerton MSS. 80 (copies of correspondence); Add. MSS., Brit. Mus., 19831-19832 (rebellion in Munster, examination before the Star Chamber, correspondence) and 18023; Strafford’s Letters; Calendars of State Papers, Domestic and Irish, and Carew Papers; E. Lodge’s Irish Peerage, i. 144; E. Budgell’s Memoirs of the Boyles (1737); Ed. Edwards’s Life of Raleigh; Gardiner’s Hist. of England; Charles Smith’s History of Cork (1893); R. Caulfield’s Council Book of Youghal; also the biography in Biographia Britannica, Kippis, vol. ii.


1 Lords Journals.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Lords Journals.

2 Strafford Letters, i. 156.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Strafford Letters, p. 156.


CORK, a county of Ireland in the province of Munster, bounded S. by the Atlantic Ocean, E. by the counties Waterford and Tipperary, N. by Limerick, and W. by Kerry. It is the largest county in Ireland, having an area of 1,849,686 acres, or about 2890 sq. m. The outline is irregular; the coast is for the most part bold and rocky, and is intersected by the bays of Bantry, Dunmanus, and Roaring Water. The southern part of the coast projects several headlands into the Atlantic, and its south-eastern side is indented by Cork Harbour, and Ballycotton and Youghal Bays. The surface is undulating. It consists of low rounded ridges, with corresponding valleys, running east and west, except in the western portion of the county, which is more mountainous. The principal rivers are the Blackwater, the Lee, and the Bandon, flowing generally eastward from their sources in the high ground of the west. The most elevated part of the county is in the Boggeragh Mountains, in the north-west, which reach an extreme height of 2118 ft. To the south are the Shehy Mountains, at the root of the two promontories flanking Bantry Bay, the Caha Mountains forming the backbone of the northern of these promontories, and the hills of the district of Corbery to the south of the Shehy range. North of the Blackwater the country is comparatively level, being a branch of the great plain which occupies a large part of the centre of Ireland. Of the principal rivers the Blackwater has its source in the county Limerick. The Lee originates in the wild and picturesque Gouganebarra Lough, and the Bandon river rises in the Cullinagh Lough. There are also some smaller streams which flow directly into the sea, the more important of these being in the south-west portion of the county. No lakes of any magnitude occur, the largest being Lough Allua, or Inchigeelagh, an expansion of the river Lee. The scenery of the western parts of the county is bold and rugged. In the central and eastern parts, especially in the valleys, it is green and quiet, and in some spots well wooded.

CORK, is a county in Ireland located in the province of Munster, bordered to the south by the Atlantic Ocean, to the east by the counties of Waterford and Tipperary, to the north by Limerick, and to the west by Kerry. It is the largest county in Ireland, covering an area of 1,849,686 acres, or about 2,890 square miles. The coastline is irregular, mostly bold and rocky, and features bays such as Bantry, Dunmanus, and Roaring Water. The southern coast has several headlands extending into the Atlantic, while its southeastern side includes Cork Harbour and the bays of Ballycotton and Youghal. The landscape is rolling, consisting of low, rounded ridges with valleys running east and west, except for the western part of the county, which is more mountainous. The main rivers are the Blackwater, the Lee, and the Bandon, all flowing east from their sources in the higher ground of the west. The highest point in the county is in the Boggeragh Mountains in the northwest, reaching an elevation of 2,118 feet. To the south are the Shehy Mountains, at the base of the two promontories flanking Bantry Bay, with the Caha Mountains forming the backbone of the northern promontory, and the hills in the Corbery area south of the Shehy range. North of the Blackwater, the land is relatively flat, part of the expansive plain that covers a significant area of central Ireland. Among the main rivers, the Blackwater begins in County Limerick, the Lee starts in the scenic Gouganebarra Lough, and the Bandon river rises in Cullinagh Lough. There are also a few smaller streams that flow directly into the sea, primarily in the southwestern part of the county. No significant lakes exist, the largest being Lough Allua, also known as Inchigeelagh, which is an extension of the river Lee. The scenery in the western areas of the county is dramatic and rugged, while in the central and eastern regions, especially in the valleys, it is greener and more serene, with some places well-wooded.

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Geology.—The county presents a remarkable simplicity of geological structure. Its surface is controlled throughout by the “Hercynian” folds, running from the Kerry border eastward to the sea at Youghal. The Old Red Sandstone comes out in the north, forming the heather-clad Ballyhoura Hills, which are repeated across the limestone hollow of Mitchelstown by the western spur of the Knockmealdown Mountains. On the west, beds as high as the Millstone Grit and Coal Measures remain above the limestone, extending from Mallow and Kanturk to the Limerick and Kerry borders. Another synclinal of Carboniferous Limestone runs from Millstreet through Lismore, and the Blackwater has worn out an easy course along it. Then the Old Red Sandstone again rises as an undulating upland through the centre of the county, with a few synclinal patches of Carboniferous Shale and Limestone caught in on its back. Cork city lies on the north slope and in the floor of a larger synclinal, and the Yellow Sandstone, which forms the passage-beds from the Old Red Sandstone to the Carboniferous, appears near the city. This hollow continues across the Lee through Middleton. The limestone in it has become crystalline, veined and brecciated, while a fine red staining, especially at Little Island, adds to its value as a marble. After another anticlinal of Old Red Sandstone, the Carboniferous Slate occupies most of the country southward, with occasional appearances of the basal Coomhola Grits and of the underlying Old Red Sandstone along anticlinals. The soils thus vary from sandy loams, usually on the higher ground, to stiff clays along the limestone hollows.

Geology.—The county has a strikingly simple geological structure. Its surface is shaped by the "Hercynian" folds, stretching from the Kerry border eastward to the sea at Youghal. The Old Red Sandstone appears in the north, forming the heather-covered Ballyhoura Hills, which continue through the limestone valley of Mitchelstown along the western side of the Knockmealdown Mountains. In the west, layers as high as the Millstone Grit and Coal Measures sit above the limestone, extending from Mallow and Kanturk to the borders of Limerick and Kerry. Another syncline of Carboniferous Limestone runs from Millstreet through Lismore, and the Blackwater River has carved an easy path along it. Then, the Old Red Sandstone rises again as rolling hills in the center of the county, with a few synclinal patches of Carboniferous Shale and Limestone nestled among it. Cork city sits on the north slope and in the bottom of a larger syncline, with Yellow Sandstone, which serves as the transition from the Old Red Sandstone to the Carboniferous, appearing near the city. This valley extends across the Lee River through Middleton. The limestone in it has become crystalline, veined, and brecciated, while a fine red staining, especially at Little Island, enhances its value as marble. After another anticline of Old Red Sandstone, Carboniferous Slate occupies most of the southern region, with occasional appearances of the basal Coomhola Grits and the underlying Old Red Sandstone along the anticlines. The soils vary from sandy loams, typically found on higher ground, to tough clays along the limestone valleys.

This country admirably illustrates the system of river-development originally traced out by Prof. J. B. Jukes in 1862, and further explained by Prof. W. M. Davis and others. The folded series, culminating originally in Upper Carboniferous strata, was worn down, perhaps as far back as Permian times, until it possessed a fairly uniform surface. This surface, or “peneplain,” was probably the result of denudation working away the beds almost to sea-level. A subsequent elevation enabled the streams, as in so many cases now recognized, to cut into the surface along the direction of greatest inclination, which here happened to be southward. When the higher strata had been worn away, the rivers and their tributaries worked upon rocks of very various hardness, but with a common strike from east to west. The tributaries, running along the strike, speedily confined themselves to the synclinals of limestone, along which they could erode and dissolve long valleys. The present surface of anticlinal sandstone ridges and synclinal limestone hollows thus began to arise; but the main streams still held on their courses across the strike, that is, from north to south. Here and there a more active tributary worked its way back at its head into the basin of one of the cross-streams, and drew off into its own system the head-waters of this other stream. With this new flood of water the strengthened system still further deepened its original ravine across the strike, while the beheaded cross-stream or streams rapidly dwindled in importance. Ultimately, the tributaries of the surviving river-systems appeared as the most important feature, stretching far west—in the case of county Cork—along the synclinal hollows; while the original cross-ravine remained in the course of each river, a right-angled bend occurring thus in the lower portion of the valleys. Jukes urged that the upper part of the original cross-ravine can be traced above the bend in each case, though the stream now descending along it seems merely a tributary entering parallel with the north-and-south portion of the main stream. Moreover, the tributaries on the north side of the great synclinal valleys may in many cases be the relics of original cross-streams that once flowed directly to the sea until captured by the growth along the synclinal of the tributary of another stream. The Blackwater, rising on Upper Carboniferous beds on the Kerry border, thus falls steeply southward to Rathmore, and then turns eastward along the synclinal valley of limestone from Millstreet to Cappoquin. Here it abruptly turns south, keeping, in fact, to that part of its valley which was first developed. The Lee, rising in the Old Red Sandstone moors of Gouganebarra, runs east, encountering one or two patches of limestone in the floor of the synclinal on its way, mere residues of the rock that once occupied the hollow. Near Cork, the limestone and accompanying shale are better preserved; but the river, instead of continuing along the synclinal through Middleton to Youghal, turns south, and forms the now submerged valley of Cork Harbour. Observations have shown that the coast lay much at its present level in pre-Glacial times, and that Cork Harbour was thus a marine inlet before the ice descended into it. The synclinal valleys of Bantry Bay and Dunmanus Bay were also, in all probability, submerged at this same early epoch.

This country is a great example of the river development system originally outlined by Prof. J. B. Jukes in 1862 and further explained by Prof. W. M. Davis and others. The layered rock formations, which peaked in the Upper Carboniferous periods, were eroded down, possibly as far back as the Permian period, until they had a fairly flat surface. This surface, or “peneplain,” likely resulted from erosion wearing down the layers almost to sea level. A later uplift allowed the rivers, as seen in many other cases, to carve into the surface where it sloped the most, which in this case was southward. After the upper layers were worn away, the rivers and their tributaries began to flow over rocks of varying hardness, but all oriented from east to west. The tributaries followed the rock formations, quickly confining themselves to the limestone depressions, where they could carve out long valleys. This led to the emergence of today's landscape of sandstone ridges and limestone valleys, while the main rivers continued their north-south courses across the geological layers. Occasionally, a more powerful tributary would carve back into the basin of one of the cross-rivers, capturing some of its upstream flow. With this new influx of water, the tributary deepened its original gully across the geological layers, while the abandoned cross-rivers quickly became less significant. Eventually, the remaining tributaries of the surviving river systems became the most notable feature, extending far west in the case of County Cork, following the limestone valleys, while the original cross-ravine persisted within the rivers, creating a right-angled bend in the lower parts of the valleys. Jukes pointed out that the upper portion of the original cross-ravine can still be traced above the bend in each case, even though the stream now flowing along it appears merely as a tributary joining parallel to the main flow that goes north to south. Furthermore, the tributaries on the northern side of the large limestone valleys may be remnants of original cross-rivers that once flowed directly to the sea until they were redirected by the growth of another stream's tributary. The Blackwater, which rises in Upper Carboniferous beds near the Kerry border, flows steeply south to Rathmore, then shifts east along the limestone valley from Millstreet to Cappoquin. Here, it suddenly turns south, sticking to the section of its valley that was developed first. The Lee, rising in the Old Red Sandstone moors of Gouganebarra, flows east, passing through a few patches of limestone in the floor of the valley, remnants of the rock that once filled the hollow. Near Cork, the limestone and surrounding shale are better preserved; however, instead of continuing along the valley through Middleton to Youghal, the river turns south and creates the now-submerged valley of Cork Harbour. Studies have indicated that the coastline was at its current level during pre-Glacial times, meaning Cork Harbour was likely a marine inlet before glacial ice moved in. The limestone valleys of Bantry Bay and Dunmanus Bay were probably also submerged during this early period.

The county has been famous for its copper-mines, notably at Allihies in the extreme west. The region south-west of Bantry has been mined in several places. Both gold and silver have been found in the copper-ores of this latter area. Barytes has been mined near Bantry, Schull and Clonakilty, and manganese-ore at Glandore. Anthracite has been raised from time to time in the band of Coal Measures south-west of Kanturk. The marble of Little Island near Cork is quarried under the name of “Cork Red,” and the veined pink and grey marble of Middleton is also much esteemed.

The county is well-known for its copper mines, especially in Allihies in the far west. The area southwest of Bantry has seen mining in several locations. Gold and silver have been discovered in the copper ores of that region. Barytes has been extracted near Bantry, Schull, and Clonakilty, while manganese ore has been mined at Glandore. Anthracite has been extracted occasionally from the Coal Measures band southwest of Kanturk. The marble from Little Island near Cork is quarried as “Cork Red,” and the pink and grey veined marble from Middleton is also highly valued.

Climate and Watering-places.—The climate is moist and warm, the prevailing winds being from the west and south-west. The annual rainfall in the city of Cork is about 40 in., that of the whole county being somewhat higher. The mean annual temperature is about 52° F. The snow-fall during the winter is usually slight, and snow rarely remains long on the ground except in sheltered places. The thermal spring of Mallow was formerly in considerable repute; it is situated in a basin on the banks of the Blackwater, rising from the base of a limestone hill. The chief places for sea-bathing are Blackrock, Passage, Monkstown, Queenstown, and other waterside villages in the vicinity of Cork; Bantry, Baltimore, Kinsale, Glengarrif and Youghal are also much frequented during the summer months.

Climate and Watering Places.—The climate is humid and warm, with the main winds coming from the west and southwest. The yearly rainfall in the city of Cork is around 40 inches, while the entire county averages slightly more. The average annual temperature is about 52°F. Snowfall in winter is usually minimal, and when it does snow, it rarely stays on the ground for long except in sheltered areas. The thermal spring in Mallow used to be quite popular; it's located in a basin on the banks of the Blackwater, emerging from the base of a limestone hill. The best places for sea bathing include Blackrock, Passage, Monkstown, Queenstown, and other seaside villages near Cork; Bantry, Baltimore, Kinsale, Glengarrif, and Youghal are also popular during the summer months.

Industries.—The soils of the county exhibit no great variety. They may be reduced in number to four: the calcareous in the limestone districts; the deep mellow loams found in districts remote from limestone, and generally occurring in the less elevated parts of the grey and red sandstone districts; the light shallow soils, and the moorland or peat soils, the usual substratum of which is coarse retentive clay. About one-sixth of the total area is quite barren. In a district of such extent and variety of surface, the state of agriculture must be liable to much variation. The more populous parts near the sea, and in the vicinity of the great lines of communication, exhibit favourable instances of agricultural improvement. Oats, potatoes and turnips are the principal crops, but the extent of land under tillage shows a general decrease. Pasture land, however, extends, and the number of cattle, sheep and poultry rises; for dairies are numerous and the character of the Cork butter and farmyard produce stands high in English and foreign markets.

Industries.—The soils in the county don’t show a lot of variety. They can be simplified into four types: the calcareous soils found in limestone areas; the rich, deep loams present in regions away from limestone, typically located in the lower parts of the grey and red sandstone areas; the light, shallow soils; and the moorland or peat soils, which usually sit on a base of coarse, water-retaining clay. About one-sixth of the total area is completely barren. In such a large area with diverse landscapes, farming conditions can vary significantly. The more populated areas near the coast and along major transportation routes show promising examples of agricultural development. Oats, potatoes, and turnips are the main crops, but the amount of land being farmed is generally declining. On the plus side, pastureland is increasing, and the number of cattle, sheep, and poultry is on the rise; dairies are common, and the reputation of Cork butter and farm products is very high in both English and foreign markets.

Youghal, Kinsale, Queenstown, Castletown and Bearhaven are the deep-sea and coast fishing district centres of the county; while the salmon fishing is distributed among the districts of Cork, Bandon, Skibbereen and Bantry. The mackerel fishery is especially productive from mid-March to mid-June. The Blackwater, Lee and Bandon, apart from the netting industry, afford good rod-fishing for salmon, especially the first, on which Lismore, Fermoy and Mallow are the principal centres. The loughs, the upper waters of these rivers and their tributaries, frequently abound in trout. Macroom, Inchigeelagh, Bandon, Dunmanway and Glandore, with Bantry and Skibbereen, are all good stations.

Youghal, Kinsale, Queenstown, Castletown, and Bearhaven are the main centers for deep-sea and coastal fishing in the county, while salmon fishing is spread across the areas of Cork, Bandon, Skibbereen, and Bantry. The mackerel fishing is especially fruitful from mid-March to mid-June. The Blackwater, Lee, and Bandon rivers, in addition to the net fishing industry, offer excellent rod fishing for salmon, particularly in Lismore, Fermoy, and Mallow, which are the main hubs for it. The lakes, the upper sections of these rivers, and their tributaries are often full of trout. Macroom, Inchigeelagh, Bandon, Dunmanway, Glandore, as well as Bantry and Skibbereen, are all great spots for fishing.

Communications.—The main line of the Great Southern & Western railway, entering the county from the north at Charleville, serves Cork and Queenstown. The Cork, Bandon & South Coast line runs west to Skibbereen, Baltimore, Bantry, Clonakilty and Kinsale; and there are also the Cork & Macroom line to Macroom; the Cork, Blackrock & Passage to the western waterside villages of Cork Harbour, and the Great Southern & Western branch eastward from Cork to Youghal; while from Mallow a branch of the same system continues towards Killarney and the south-western coast of Ireland. There is also connexion from this junction with Fermoy, Mitchelstown and county Waterford eastward. The Timoleague and Courtmacsherry line connects these villages with the Clonakilty branch of the Cork, Bandon & South Coast Railway.

Communications.—The main line of the Great Southern & Western railway enters the county from the north at Charleville, serving Cork and Queenstown. The Cork, Bandon & South Coast line goes west to Skibbereen, Baltimore, Bantry, Clonakilty, and Kinsale; there’s also the Cork & Macroom line to Macroom; the Cork, Blackrock & Passage line connects to the western villages of Cork Harbour, and the Great Southern & Western branch runs east from Cork to Youghal. Additionally, from Mallow, a branch of the same system heads towards Killarney and the southwestern coast of Ireland. There’s also a connection from this junction to Fermoy, Mitchelstown, and county Waterford to the east. The Timoleague and Courtmacsherry line links these villages with the Clonakilty branch of the Cork, Bandon & South Coast Railway.

Population.—The population (438,432 in 1891; 404,611 in 1901) exhibits a decrease among the most serious of the Irish counties, and emigration is correspondingly heavy. Of the total about 90% are Roman Catholics, and about 70% constitute the rural population. The principal towns are Cork (pop. 76,122, a county of a city); Queenstown (7909), Fermoy (6126); Kinsale (4250), Bandon (2830), Youghal (5393), Mallow (4542), Skibbereen (3208), Macroom (3016), Bantry (3109), Middleton (3361), Clonakilty (3098), and among smaller towns Charleville, Mitchelstown, Passage West, Doneraile and Kanturk. Crookhaven in the extreme S.W. is of importance as a harbour of refuge, but the chief ports are Cork and Queenstown. The county is divided into east and west ridings, and contains twenty-three baronies and 249 parishes. Assizes are held at Cork, and quarter-sessions at Cork, Fermoy, Kanturk, Kinsale, Mallow, Middleton, and Youghal in the east riding; and Bandon, Bantry, Clonakilty, Macroom and Skibbereen in the west riding. The county is in the Protestant diocese of Cork, and the Roman Catholic diocese 158 of Cork, Cloyne, Kerry and Ross. There are seven parliamentary divisions, east, mid, north, north-east, south, south-east and west, each returning one member.

Population.—The population (438,432 in 1891; 404,611 in 1901) shows a decline among the most significant of the Irish counties, and emigration is quite high. Of the total, about 90% are Roman Catholics, and around 70% live in rural areas. The main towns are Cork (pop. 76,122, a county city); Queenstown (7,909), Fermoy (6,126); Kinsale (4,250), Bandon (2,830), Youghal (5,393), Mallow (4,542), Skibbereen (3,208), Macroom (3,016), Bantry (3,109), Middleton (3,361), Clonakilty (3,098), and among smaller towns Charleville, Mitchelstown, Passage West, Doneraile, and Kanturk. Crookhaven in the far southwest is significant as a safe harbor, but the primary ports are Cork and Queenstown. The county is divided into east and west ridings and consists of twenty-three baronies and 249 parishes. Assizes are held in Cork, and quarter sessions occur in Cork, Fermoy, Kanturk, Kinsale, Mallow, Middleton, and Youghal in the east riding; while in the west riding, they're held in Bandon, Bantry, Clonakilty, Macroom, and Skibbereen. The county falls under the Protestant diocese of Cork and the Roman Catholic diocese of Cork, Cloyne, Kerry, and Ross. There are seven parliamentary divisions: east, mid, north, north-east, south, south-east, and west, each electing one member.

History.—Cork is one of the counties which is generally considered to have been instituted by King John. It had not always its present extent, for its existing boundaries include part of the ancient territory of Desmond (q.v.), which, in the later half of the 16th century, ranked as a separate county. In 1598, however, there were two sheriffs in the county Cork, one especially for Desmond, which was then included in Cork, but was afterwards amalgamated with the county Kerry. In the same period wide lands in the county were given to settlers under the crown, and among these were Sir Walter Raleigh and Edmund Spenser the poet, who received 40,000 acres and 3028 acres respectively. In 1602 a large portion of the estates of Sir Walter Raleigh and Fane Beecher were purchased by Richard Boyle, 1st earl of Cork, who had them colonized with English settlers; and by founding or rebuilding the towns of Bandon, Clonakilty, Baltimore, Youghal, and afterwards those of Middleton, Castlemartyr, Charleville and Doneraile, which were incorporated and made parliamentary boroughs, the family of Boyle became possessed of nearly the entire political power of the county.

History.—Cork is one of the counties that is generally believed to have been established by King John. It hasn't always had its current size, as its present boundaries include part of the ancient territory of Desmond (q.v.), which, in the latter half of the 16th century, was considered a separate county. In 1598, however, there were two sheriffs for County Cork, one specifically for Desmond, which was then part of Cork but later merged with County Kerry. During the same period, large areas of land in the county were granted to settlers under the crown, including Sir Walter Raleigh and the poet Edmund Spenser, who received 40,000 acres and 3,028 acres respectively. In 1602, a significant portion of the estates of Sir Walter Raleigh and Fane Beecher was acquired by Richard Boyle, the 1st Earl of Cork, who settled English colonists there; by founding or rebuilding the towns of Bandon, Clonakilty, Baltimore, Youghal, and later those of Middleton, Castlemartyr, Charleville, and Doneraile—which were incorporated and made parliamentary boroughs—the Boyle family gained nearly all the political power in the county.

Antiquities.—The earlier antiquities of the county are rude monuments of the Pagan era. There are two so-called druids’ altars, the most perfect near Cloyne, and certain pillar stones scattered through the county, with straight marks cut on the edges called Ogham inscriptions, the interpretation of which is a subject of much controversy. The remains of the old ecclesiastical buildings are in a very ruinous condition, being used as burial-places by the country people. The principal is Kilcrea, founded by Cormac M’Carthy about 1485, some of the tombs of whose descendants are still in the chancel; the steeple is still nearly perfect, and chapter-house, cloister, dormitory and kitchen can be seen. Timoleague church, situated on a romantic spot on rising ground at the extreme end of Courtmacsherry Bay, contains some tombs of interest, and is still in fair condition. Buttevant Abbey (13th century) contains some tombs of the Barrys and other distinguished families. There is a good crypt here. All these were the property of the Franciscans. There are two round towers in the county, one in a fine state of preservation opposite Cloyne Cathedral, the other at Kinneigh. On the chapter seal at Ross, which is dated 1661, and seems to have been a copy of a much earlier one, there is a good example of a round tower and stone-roofed church, with St Fachnan, to whom the church is dedicated, standing by, with a book in one hand and a cross in the other. The present church dates from 1837, but is on the site of a former cathedral united to Cork in 1583. Of Mourne Abbey, near Mallow, once a preceptory of the Knights Templars, and Tracton Abbey, which once sent a prior to parliament, the very ruins have perished. On an island of Lough Gouganebarra are remains of an oratory of St Finbar.

Antiquities.—The early relics of the county are rough monuments from the Pagan era. There are two so-called druids’ altars, with the most complete one near Cloyne, along with pillar stones spread throughout the county that have straight cuts along the edges known as Ogham inscriptions, which are subject to much debate regarding their meanings. The remnants of old ecclesiastical buildings are in very poor condition, being used as burial sites by local people. The most significant is Kilcrea, founded by Cormac M’Carthy around 1485, where some tombs of his descendants are still in the chancel; the steeple remains almost intact, and the chapter house, cloister, dormitory, and kitchen are still visible. Timoleague church, located in a picturesque spot on rising ground at the far end of Courtmacsherry Bay, has some notable tombs and is still in decent shape. Buttevant Abbey (13th century) houses some tombs of the Barry family and other prominent families. There is a well-preserved crypt here. All these buildings were owned by the Franciscans. The county has two round towers, one in excellent condition opposite Cloyne Cathedral, and the other at Kinneigh. The chapter seal at Ross, dated 1661 and likely based on a much earlier design, features a good depiction of a round tower and a stone-roofed church, with St Fachnan, for whom the church is dedicated, standing beside it, holding a book in one hand and a cross in the other. The current church dates back to 1837 but is built on the site of a former cathedral that was joined with Cork in 1583. Of Mourne Abbey, near Mallow, once a preceptory of the Knights Templars, and Tracton Abbey, which once sent a prior to parliament, only ruins have vanished. On an island in Lough Gouganebarra are the remains of an oratory dedicated to St Finbar.

Of the castles, Lohort, built in the reign of King John, is by far the oldest, and in its architectural features the most interesting; it is still quite perfect and kept in excellent repair by the owner, the Earl of Egmont. Blarney Castle, built by Cormac M‘Carthy about 1449, has a wide reputation (see Blarney). Castles Mahon and Macroom have been incorporated into the residences of the earls of Bandon and Bantry. The walls of Mallow Castle attest its former strength and extent, as also the castle of Kilbolane. The castles of Buttevant, Kilcrea and Dripsy are still in good condition. At Kanturk is a huge Elizabethan castle still known as “M‘Donagh’s Folly,” left unfinished owing to objections raised by a jealous government. At Kilcolman castle near Doneraile the “Faerie Queene” was written by Spenser.

Of the castles, Lohort, built during King John's reign, is by far the oldest and the most interesting in terms of its architecture; it is still in great condition and well-maintained by the owner, the Earl of Egmont. Blarney Castle, built by Cormac M‘Carthy around 1449, is widely recognized (see Blarney). Castles Mahon and Macroom have been turned into the homes of the earls of Bandon and Bantry. The walls of Mallow Castle show its former strength and size, as do the castle of Kilbolane. The castles of Buttevant, Kilcrea, and Dripsy are still in good shape. At Kanturk, there is a large Elizabethan castle still called “M‘Donagh’s Folly,” which was left unfinished due to objections from a jealous government. At Kilcolman castle near Doneraile, Spenser wrote “The Faerie Queene.”


CORK, a city, county of a city, parliamentary and municipal borough and seaport of Co. Cork, Ireland, at the head of the magnificent inlet of Cork Harbour, on the river Lee, 165½ m. S.W. of Dublin by the Great Southern & Western railway. Pop. (1901) 76,122. Until the middle of the 19th century it ranked second only to Dublin, but is now surpassed by Belfast in commercial importance. It is the centre of a considerable railway system, including the Great Southern & Western, the Cork, Bandon & South Coast, the Cork & Macroom Direct, the Cork, Blackrock & Passage railways, and the Cork & Muskerry light railway; each of which companies possesses a separate station in the city. The passenger steamers to Great Britain, mainly under the control of the City of Cork Steam Packet Company, serve Fishguard, Glasgow, Liverpool, Plymouth and Southampton, London and other ports, starting from Penrose Quay on the North Channel.

Cork is a city, a county of a city, a parliamentary and municipal borough, and a seaport located in County Cork, Ireland. It's at the head of the beautiful Cork Harbour inlet, on the river Lee, 165½ miles southwest of Dublin via the Great Southern & Western railway. As of 1901, the population was 76,122. Until the mid-19th century, it was the second-largest city after Dublin, but now Belfast has taken the lead in commercial significance. Cork is the hub of a significant railway network, including the Great Southern & Western, the Cork, Bandon & South Coast, the Cork & Macroom Direct, the Cork, Blackrock & Passage railways, and the Cork & Muskerry light railway; each of these companies has its own station in the city. Passenger ferries to Great Britain, mostly operated by the City of Cork Steam Packet Company, connect to Fishguard, Glasgow, Liverpool, Plymouth, Southampton, London, and other ports, departing from Penrose Quay on the North Channel.

The nucleus of the city occupies an island formed by the North and South Channels, two arms of the river Lee, and in former times no doubt merited its name, which signifies a swamp. In the beginning of the 18th century, indeed, this island was broken up into many parts connected by drawbridges, by numerous small channels navigable at high tide. It now includes most of the principal thoroughfares, which form a notable contrast to many of the smaller streets and alleys, in which good building and cleanliness are lacking. Three bridges cross the North Channel, a footbridge, North Gate bridge and St Patrick’s bridge, the last a handsome three-arch structure leading to St Patrick’s Street, a wide and pleasant thoroughfare, containing a statue of Father Mathew, the celebrated Capuchin advocate of temperance, born in 1790. It communicates with the Grand Parade and this in turn with Great George’s Street, to the west, and the South Mall to the east, the last containing the principal banks, the County Club house, and good commercial buildings. The Clarks, South Gate, Parliament and Parnell bridges cross the South Channel to the southern parts of the city. Public grounds are few, but on the outskirts of the city are a park and race-course, with the fashionable Marina promenade; while the Mardyke walk, on the west of the island, is pleasantly shaded by a fine avenue, and was the site of the International exhibition held in 1902. Electric tramways connect the city and suburbs and traverse the principal streets and the St Patrick’s and Parnell bridges. Both branches of the Lee are lined with fine quays of cut limestone, extending in total length over 4 m.

The heart of the city lies on an island formed by the North and South Channels, two branches of the River Lee, and it once lived up to its name, which means a swamp. In the early 18th century, this island was divided into several parts connected by drawbridges and small channels navigable at high tide. Today, it includes most of the main roads, which stand out in stark contrast to the smaller streets and alleys that lack good buildings and cleanliness. Three bridges span the North Channel: a footbridge, North Gate Bridge, and St. Patrick’s Bridge, the last being a beautiful three-arch structure leading to St. Patrick’s Street, a wide and pleasant road featuring a statue of Father Mathew, the renowned Capuchin advocate for temperance, who was born in 1790. This street connects with the Grand Parade, which in turn links to Great George’s Street to the west and South Mall to the east, the latter housing the main banks, the County Clubhouse, and quality commercial buildings. The Clarks, South Gate, Parliament, and Parnell bridges cross the South Channel to the southern areas of the city. There are few public grounds, but on the outskirts, there are a park and a racecourse, as well as the popular Marina promenade; meanwhile, the Mardyke walk, located on the western side of the island, is pleasantly shaded by a lovely avenue and was the site of the International Exhibition held in 1902. Electric trams connect the city to the suburbs and run through the main streets, including St. Patrick’s and Parnell bridges. Both branches of the Lee are lined with impressive quays made of cut limestone, extending over 4 miles in total length.

The principal church is the Protestant cathedral, founded in 1865, and consecrated on St Andrew’s Day 1870; while the central tower was completed in 1879. It is dedicated to St Fin Barre or Finbar, who founded the original cathedral in the 7th century. The present building is in the south-west part of the city, and replaces a somewhat mean structure erected in 1735 on the site of the ancient cathedral, which suffered during the siege of Cork in September 1689. Money for the erection of the building of 1735 was raised by the curious method of a tax on imported coal. The new cathedral is in the Early French (pointed) style, with an eastern apse and a striking west front. Its design was by William Burges (d. 1881), and its erection was due to the indefatigable exertions and munificence of Dr John Gregg, bishop of Cork, Cloyne and Ross; while the tower and spires were the gift of two merchants of Cork. The other principal Protestant churches are St Luke’s, St Nicholas and St Anne Shandon, with its striking tower of parti-coloured stones; and its peal of bells extolled in Father Prout’s lyric “The Bells of Shandon.” The Roman Catholic cathedral, also dedicated to St Finbar, is conspicuous on the north side of the city; it dates from 1808, but has been since restored. Other fine churches of this faith are St Mary, St Peter and Paul, St Patrick, Holy Trinity and St Vincent de Paul. St Finbar’s cemetery has handsome monuments, and St Joseph’s, founded by Father Mathew in 1830 on the site of the old botanic gardens of the Cork Institution, is beautifully planted. The court house in Great George’s Street has a good Corinthian portico, happily undamaged in a fire which destroyed the rest of the building in 1891. The custom-house commands the river in a fine position at the lower junction of the branches. The usual commercial and public buildings are mainly on the island. The most notable educational establishment is the University College, founded as Queen’s College (1849), with those of the same name at Belfast and Galway, under an Act of 1845. A new charter was granted to it under letters patent pursuant to the Irish Universities Act 1908, when it was given its present name. The building, 159 designed by Sir Thomas Deane, occupies a beautiful site on the river in the west of the city, where Gill Abbey, of the 7th century, formerly stood. It is a fine building in Tudor Style, “worthy,” said Macaulay, “to stand in the High Street of Oxford.” A large library, museum and well-furnished laboratory are here. The Crawford School of Science (1885); and the Munster Dairy and Agricultural School, 1 m. west of the city, also claim notice, while besides parochial and industrial schools several of the religious orders located here devote themselves to education. The Cork library (founded 1790) contains a valuable collection of books. The Royal Cork Institution (1807), in addition to an extensive library and a rare collection of Oriental MSS., possesses a valuable collection of minerals, and the collections of casts from the antique presented by the pope to George IV. There are numerous literary and scientific societies, including the Cork Cuvierian and Archaeological Society. The principal clubs are the County and the Southern in South Mall, and the City in Grand Parade; while for sport there are the Cork Golf Club, Little Island, three rowing clubs, and the Royal Munster and Royal Cork Yacht clubs, the latter located at Queenstown. The theatres are the opera-house in Nelson’s Place, and the Theatre Royal.

The main church is the Protestant cathedral, founded in 1865 and consecrated on St Andrew’s Day in 1870, with the central tower completed in 1879. It is dedicated to St Fin Barre, who established the original cathedral in the 7th century. The present building is located in the southwest part of the city and replaces a rather modest structure built in 1735 on the site of the ancient cathedral, which was damaged during the siege of Cork in September 1689. Funds for the construction of the 1735 building were raised through an unusual tax on imported coal. The new cathedral features Early French (pointed) style architecture, with an eastern apse and an impressive west front. Its design was created by William Burges (d. 1881), and its construction was made possible by the tireless efforts and generosity of Dr. John Gregg, the bishop of Cork, Cloyne, and Ross; the tower and spires were contributed by two merchants from Cork. Other significant Protestant churches include St Luke’s, St Nicholas, and St Anne Shandon, known for its striking tower made of multi-colored stones; its bells are celebrated in Father Prout’s poem “The Bells of Shandon.” The Roman Catholic cathedral, also named after St Finbar, stands out on the north side of the city; it dates back to 1808 but has since been restored. Other notable churches of this faith are St Mary, St Peter and Paul, St Patrick, Holy Trinity, and St Vincent de Paul. St Finbar’s cemetery features beautiful monuments, and St Joseph’s, established by Father Mathew in 1830 on the site of the old botanical gardens of the Cork Institution, is beautifully landscaped. The courthouse on Great George’s Street has a lovely Corinthian portico, which fortunately survived a fire that destroyed the rest of the building in 1891. The custom house overlooks the river from a prime location at the lower junction of its branches. The typical commercial and public buildings are mostly located on the island. The most prominent educational institution is University College, originally founded as Queen’s College (1849), along with similar colleges in Belfast and Galway, under an Act of 1845. It received a new charter under letters patent according to the Irish Universities Act 1908, adopting its current name. The building, 159, was designed by Sir Thomas Deane and is set in a beautiful location on the river in the western part of the city, where Gill Abbey from the 7th century once stood. It’s an impressive structure in Tudor style, “worthy,” as Macaulay said, “to stand in the High Street of Oxford.” The college includes a large library, a museum, and a well-equipped laboratory. The Crawford School of Science (1885) and the Munster Dairy and Agricultural School, located one mile west of the city, are also notable. In addition to parochial and industrial schools, various religious orders in the area focus on education. The Cork library, established in 1790, holds a valuable collection of books. The Royal Cork Institution (1807), besides having an extensive library and a rare collection of Oriental manuscripts, boasts a valuable mineral collection and casts from the antique presented by the pope to George IV. Numerous literary and scientific societies exist, including the Cork Cuvierian and Archaeological Society. The main clubs are the County and the Southern on South Mall, and the City on Grand Parade; for sports, there are the Cork Golf Club at Little Island, three rowing clubs, and the Royal Munster and Royal Cork Yacht clubs, the latter situated at Queenstown. The theatres include the opera house in Nelson’s Place and the Theatre Royal.

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Based on information embodied from the Ordnance Survey, by permission of the Controller of H. M. Stationery Office.

The country neighbouring to Cork is highly attractive. The harbour, with the ceaseless activity of shipping, its calm waters, sheltered by many islands, and its well-wooded shores studded with pleasant watering-places, affords a series of charming views, apart from its claim to be considered one of the finest natural harbours in the kingdom. Military depots occupy several of the smaller islets, and three batteries guard the entry. This is about 1 m. wide, but within the width increases to 3 m. while the length is about 10 m. The Atlantic port of Queenstown (q.v.) is on Great Island at the head of the outer harbour. Tivoli (the residence of Sir Walter Raleigh), Fort William, Lota Park, and Blackrock Castle are notable features on the shore; and Passage, Blackrock, Glenbrook and Monkstown are waterside resorts. Inland from Cork runs the picturesque valley of the Lee, and low hills surround the commanding situation of the port.

The country next to Cork is very attractive. The harbor, with its constant shipping activity, calm waters protected by many islands, and well-wooded shores filled with nice spots to relax, offers a series of beautiful views, in addition to being regarded as one of the finest natural harbors in the country. Military depots occupy several of the smaller islands, and three batteries guard the entrance. This entrance is about 1 meter wide, but inside it widens to 3 meters while the length is around 10 meters. The Atlantic port of Queenstown (q.v.) is located on Great Island at the head of the outer harbor. Tivoli (the residence of Sir Walter Raleigh), Fort William, Lota Park, and Blackrock Castle are notable features along the shore; and Passage, Blackrock, Glenbrook, and Monkstown are popular waterfront resorts. Inland from Cork lies the picturesque valley of the Lee, and low hills surround the impressive location of the port.

The harbour is by far the most important on the south coast of Ireland, and dredging operations render the quays approachable for vessels drawing 20 ft. at all states of the tide. Its trade is mainly with Bristol and the ports of South Wales. The imports, exceeding £1,000,000 in annual value, include large quantities of wheat and maize, while the exports (about £9000 annually) are chiefly of cattle, provisions, butter and fish. The Cork Butter Exchange, where classification of the various qualities is carried out by branding under the inspection of experts, was important in the early part of the 17th century, and an unbroken series of accounts dates from 1769 when the present market was founded. There are distilleries, breweries, tanneries and iron foundries in the city; and manufactures of woollen and leather goods, tweeds, friezes, gloves and chemical manure. Nearly six-sevenths of the population are Roman Catholics. The city does not share with the county the rapid decrease of population. It is governed by a lord mayor, 14 aldermen and 42 councillors. The parliamentary borough returns two members.

The harbor is definitely the most important on the south coast of Ireland, and dredging work makes the docks accessible for vessels with a draft of 20 ft. at all tide levels. Its trade is mainly with Bristol and South Wales ports. The imports, worth over £1,000,000 annually, include large amounts of wheat and corn, while exports (around £9,000 each year) mainly consist of cattle, food products, butter, and fish. The Cork Butter Exchange, where different qualities are classified by branding under expert supervision, was significant in the early 17th century, and a continuous record of accounts goes back to 1769 when the current market was established. The city has distilleries, breweries, tanneries, and iron foundries, along with manufacturing of woolen and leather goods, tweeds, friezes, gloves, and chemical fertilizers. Nearly six-sevenths of the population are Roman Catholics. The city does not experience the same rapid population decline as the county. It is governed by a lord mayor, 14 aldermen, and 42 councillors. The parliamentary borough elects two representatives.

The original site of Cork seems to have been in the vicinity of the Protestant cathedral; St Finbar’s ecclesiastical foundation attracting many students and votaries. In the 9th century the town was frequently pillaged by the Northmen. According to the Annals of the Four Masters a fleet burned Cork in 821, in 846 the Danes appear to have been in possession of the town, for a force was collected to demolish their fortress; and in 1012 Cork again fell in flames. The Danes then appear to have founded the new city on the banks of the Lee as a trading centre. It was anciently surrounded with a wall, an order for the reparation of which is found so late as 1748 in the city council books (which date from 1610). Submission and homage were made to Henry II. on his arrival in 1172, and subsequently the English held the town for a long period against the Irish, by constant and 160 careful watch. Cork showed favour to Perkin Warbeck in 1492, and its mayor was hanged in consequence. In 1649 it surrendered to Cromwell, and in 1689 to the earl of Marlborough after five days’ siege, when Henry, duke of Grafton, was mortally wounded. Cork was a borough by prescription, and successive charters were granted to it from the reign of Henry II. onward. By a charter of Edward IV. the lord mayor of Cork was created admiral of the port, and this office is manifested in a triennial ceremony in which the mayor throws a dart over the harbour.

The original location of Cork seems to have been near the Protestant cathedral; St. Finbar’s religious foundation drew many students and followers. In the 9th century, the town was often raided by the Vikings. According to the Annals of the Four Masters, a fleet burned Cork in 821, and in 846 the Danes seem to have taken control of the town, leading to a gathering of forces to destroy their fortress; Cork was set on fire again in 1012. The Danes then appear to have established a new city along the banks of the Lee as a trading hub. It was originally surrounded by a wall, and a request for its repair was recorded as late as 1748 in the city council records (which date back to 1610). Submission and tribute were paid to Henry II upon his arrival in 1172, and afterward, the English held the town for an extended period against the Irish through vigilant defense. Cork supported Perkin Warbeck in 1492, leading to the hanging of its mayor as a consequence. In 1649, it surrendered to Cromwell, and in 1689 to the Earl of Marlborough after a five-day siege, during which Henry, Duke of Grafton, was fatally wounded. Cork was a borough by right, and successive charters were granted to it starting from the reign of Henry II. Through a charter from Edward IV, the Lord Mayor of Cork was appointed admiral of the port, and this role is celebrated in a triennial ceremony where the mayor throws a dart over the harbor.

See C. Smith, Ancient and Present State of the County and City of Cork (1750), edited by R. Day and W. A. Copinger (Cork, 1893); C. B. Gibson, History of the City and County of Cork (London, 1861); M. F. Cusack, History of the City and County of Cork, 1875.

See C. Smith, Ancient and Present State of the County and City of Cork (1750), edited by R. Day and W. A. Copinger (Cork, 1893); C. B. Gibson, History of the City and County of Cork (London, 1861); M. F. Cusack, History of the City and County of Cork, 1875.


CORK (perhaps through Sp. corcha from Lat. cortex, bark, but possibly connected with quercus, oak), the outer layer of the bark of an evergreen species of oak (Quercus Suber). The tree reaches the height of about 30 ft., growing in the south of Europe and on the North African coasts generally; but it is principally cultivated in Spain and Portugal. The outer layer of bark in the cork oak by annual additions from within gradually becomes a thick soft homogeneous mass, possessing those compressible and elastic properties upon which the economic value of the material chiefly depends. The first stripping of cork from young trees takes place when they are from fifteen to twenty years of age. The yield, which is rough, unequal and woody in texture, is called virgin cork, and is useful only as a tanning substance, or for forming rustic work in ferneries, conservatories, &c. Subsequently the bark is removed every eight or ten years, the quality of the cork improving with each successive stripping; and the trees continue to live and thrive under the operation for 150 years and upwards. The produce of the second barking is still so coarse in texture that it is only fit for making floats for nets and for similar applications. The operation of stripping the trees takes place during the months of July and August. Two cuts are made round the stem—one a little above the ground, and the other immediately under the spring of the main branches. Between these three or four longitudinal incisions are then made, the utmost care being taken not to injure the inner bark. The cork is thereafter removed in the sections into which it has been cut, by inserting under it the wedge-shaped handle of the implement used in making the incisions. After the outer surface has been scraped and cleaned, the pieces are flattened by heating them over a fire and submitting them to pressure on a flat surface. In the heating operation the surface is charred, and thereby the pores are closed up, and what is termed “nerve” is given to the material. In this state the cork is ready for manufacture or exportation.

CORK (possibly from Sp. corcha derived from Lat. cortex, meaning bark, but maybe related to quercus, which means oak) is the outer layer of the bark from an evergreen oak species known as Quercus Suber. This tree grows to about 30 ft. tall and is found mainly in southern Europe and along the coasts of North Africa, but it is primarily cultivated in Spain and Portugal. The outer bark layer of the cork oak gradually turns into a thick, soft, uniform mass due to annual growth from inside, gaining compressible and elastic qualities that contribute to its economic value. The first harvesting of cork from young trees occurs when they are around fifteen to twenty years old. This initial yield, known as virgin cork, has a rough, uneven, and woody texture and is only suitable for tanning or making rustic items in botanical displays and conservatories. After this, the bark is stripped every eight to ten years, with the quality of the cork improving with each harvesting. The trees can live and thrive for over 150 years under this process. The cork obtained from the second stripping is still coarse and is mainly used for making floats for nets and similar purposes. Stripping occurs during July and August, involving two cuts around the trunk—one just above the ground and the other below the main branch spring. Between these cuts, three or four vertical incisions are made with great care to avoid damaging the inner bark. The cork sections are then removed using a wedge-shaped handle of the tool that made the incisions. After scraping and cleaning the outer surface, the pieces are flattened by heating over a fire and pressing them on a flat surface. This heating chars the surface, closing the pores, and creates what is known as “nerve” in the material. At this point, the cork is ready for manufacturing or export.

Though specially developed in the cork-oak, the substance cork is an almost universal product in the stems (and roots) of woody plants which increase in diameter year by year. Generally towards the end of the first year the original thin protective layer of a stem or branch is replaced by a thin layer of “cork,” that is a layer of cells the living contents of which have disappeared while the walls have become thickened and toughened as the result of the formation in them of a substance known as suberin. Fresh cork is formed each season by an active formative layer below the layer developed last season, which generally peels off. Where the formation is extensive and persistent as in the cork-oak, a thick covering of cork is formed. In some cases, as on young shoots of the cork-elm, the development is irregular and wing-like outgrowths of cork are formed. In northern Russia a similar method to that used for obtaining cork from the cork-oak is employed with the birch.

Although cork is specifically produced in the cork oak, it is actually a widespread product found in the stems (and roots) of woody plants that grow thicker each year. Typically, by the end of the first year, the original thin protective layer of a stem or branch is replaced by a thin layer of "cork," which is made up of cells that have lost their living contents, while the walls have thickened and hardened due to a substance called suberin. Fresh cork is created each season by an active growth layer beneath the layer formed the previous season, which usually peels away. In cases like the cork oak, this process leads to a thick layer of cork. In some instances, such as on young shoots of the cork elm, the development can be irregular, resulting in wing-like outgrowths of cork. In northern Russia, a similar technique for harvesting cork from the cork oak is used with birch trees.

Cork possesses a combination of properties which peculiarly fits it for many and diverse uses, for some of which it alone is found applicable. The leading purpose for which it is used is for forming bungs and stoppers for bottles and other vessels containing liquids. Its compressibility, elasticity and practical imperviousness to both air and water so fit it for this purpose that the term cork is even more applied to the function than to the substance. Its specific lightness, combined with strength and durability, recommend it above all other substances for forming life-buoys, belts and jackets, and in the construction of life-boats and other apparatus for saving from drowning. On account of its lightness, softness and non-conducting properties it is used for hat-linings and the soles of shoes, the latter being a very ancient application of cork. It is also used in making artificial limbs, for lining entomological cases, for pommels in leather-dressing, and as a medium for making architectural models. Chips and cuttings are ground up and mixed with india-rubber to form kamptulicon floor-cloth, or “cork-carpet.” The inner bark of the cork-tree is a valuable tanning material.

Cork has a unique set of properties that make it ideal for a wide range of uses, some of which it can only fulfill. The main use of cork is to create bungs and stoppers for bottles and other containers that hold liquids. Its compressibility, elasticity, and ability to resist air and water make it so effective for this purpose that the term 'cork' is often associated more with the action than the material itself. Its lightweight nature, along with its strength and durability, makes it the best choice for life buoys, belts, jackets, and the construction of lifeboats and other rescue equipment. Due to its lightness, softness, and insulating properties, cork is used for hat linings and shoe soles, which has been a traditional use for a long time. It’s also utilized in making prosthetic limbs, lining entomology cases, in leather crafting, and for creating architectural models. Chips and scraps are ground down and mixed with rubber to produce kamptulicon floor covering, also known as “cork carpet.” The inner bark of the cork tree is a valuable material for tanning.

Certain of the properties and uses of cork were known to the ancient Greeks and Romans, and the latter, we find by Horace (Odes iii. 8), used it as a stopper for wine-vessels:—

Certain properties and uses of cork were known to the ancient Greeks and Romans. The Romans, as noted by Horace (Odes iii. 8), used it as a stopper for wine containers:—

“corticem adstrictum pice dimovebit

“corticem adstrictum pice dimovebit”

amphorae”—

amphorae

It appears, however, that cork was not generally used for stopping bottles till so recent a period as near the end of the 17th century, and bottles themselves were not employed for storing liquids till the 15th century. Many substitutes have been proposed for cork as a stoppering agent; but except in the case of aerated liquids none of these has recommended itself in practice. For aerated water bottles several successful devices have been introduced. The most simple of these is an india-rubber ball pressed upwards into the narrow of the bottle neck by the force of the gas contained in the water; and in another system a glass ball is similarly pressed against an india-rubber collar inserted in the neck of the bottle. By analogy the term “to cork” is used of any such devices for sealing up a bottle or aperture.

It seems that cork wasn't widely used for sealing bottles until around the late 17th century, and bottles themselves didn't start being used for storing liquids until the 15th century. There have been many alternatives suggested for cork as a stopper, but apart from in the case of carbonated beverages, none have really caught on in practice. For carbonated water bottles, several effective devices have been developed. The simplest of these is a rubber ball that is pushed up into the narrow part of the bottle neck by the gas in the water; in another system, a glass ball is similarly pressed against a rubber collar inserted in the neck of the bottle. By extension, the term “to cork” is applied to any such devices used for sealing a bottle or opening.


CORK AND ORRERY, MARY, Countess of (Mary Monckton) (1746-1840), was born on the 21st of May 1746, the daughter of the first Viscount Galway. From her early years she took a keen interest in literature, and through her influence her mother’s house in London became a favourite meeting-place of literary celebrities. Dr Johnson was a frequent guest. According to Boswell, Miss Monckton’s “vivacity enchanted the sage, and they used to talk together with all imaginable ease.” Sheridan, Reynolds, Burke and Horace Walpole were among her constant visitors, and Mrs Siddons was her closest friend. In 1786 she married the seventh earl of Cork and Orrery, who died in 1798. As Lady Cork, her love of social “lions” became more pronounced than ever. Among her regular guests were Canning and Castlereagh, Byron, Sir Walter Scott, Lord John Russell, Sir Robert Peel, Theodore Hook and Sydney Smith. She is supposed to have been the original of Lady Bellair in Disraeli’s Henrietta Temple, and Dickens is believed to have drawn on her for some of the peculiarities of Mrs Leo Hunter in Pickwick. Lady Cork had a remarkable memory, and was a brilliant conversationalist. She died in London on the 30th of May 1840. She was then ninety-four, but within a few days of her death had been either dining out or entertaining every night. There is a fine portrait of her by Reynolds.

Cork and Orrery, Mary, Countess of (Mary Monckton) (1746-1840) was born on May 21, 1746, the daughter of the first Viscount Galway. From a young age, she had a strong interest in literature, and her mother’s house in London became a popular gathering spot for literary figures through her influence. Dr. Johnson was a regular guest. According to Boswell, Miss Monckton’s “vivacity enchanted the sage, and they used to talk together with all imaginable ease.” Sheridan, Reynolds, Burke, and Horace Walpole were among her frequent visitors, and Mrs. Siddons was her closest friend. In 1786, she married the seventh Earl of Cork and Orrery, who passed away in 1798. As Lady Cork, her passion for social “lions” grew even more pronounced. Some of her regular guests included Canning and Castlereagh, Byron, Sir Walter Scott, Lord John Russell, Sir Robert Peel, Theodore Hook, and Sydney Smith. She is believed to have inspired the character Lady Bellair in Disraeli’s Henrietta Temple, and it is thought that Dickens drew on her traits for Mrs. Leo Hunter in Pickwick. Lady Cork had an amazing memory and was a brilliant conversationalist. She died in London on May 30, 1840. She was ninety-four years old but had been dining out or hosting guests every night right up until a few days before her death. There is a beautiful portrait of her by Reynolds.


CORLEONE (Saracen, Korliun), a town of Sicily, in the province of Palermo, 42 m. S. of Palermo by rail and 21 m. direct, 1949 ft. above sea-level. Pop. (1901) 14,803. The town was a Saracen settlement, but a Lombard colony was introduced by Frederick II. Two medieval castles rise above the town, and there are some churches of interest.

CORLEONE (Saracen, Korliun), a town in Sicily, located in the province of Palermo, 42 miles south of Palermo by train and 21 miles directly. It sits 1,949 feet above sea level. Population (1901) was 14,803. The town was established by the Saracens, but Frederick II introduced a Lombard colony. Two medieval castles overlook the town, and there are several interesting churches.


CORMENIN, LOUIS MARIE DE LA HAYE, Vicomte de (1788-1868), French jurist and political pamphleteer, was born at Paris on the 6th of January 1788. His father and his grandfather both held the rank of lieutenant-general of the admiralty. At the age of twenty he was received advocate, and about the same time he gained some reputation as a writer of piquant and delicate poems. In 1810 he received from Napoleon I. the appointment of auditor to the council of state; and after the restoration of the Bourbons he became master of requests. During the period of his connexion with the council he devoted himself zealously to the study of administrative law. He was selected to prepare some of the most important reports of the council. Among his separate publications at this time are noted,—Du conseil d’état envisagé comme conseil et comme juridiction 161 dans notre monarchie constitutionnelle (1818), and De la responsabilité des agents du gouvernement. In the former he claimed, for the protection of the rights of private persons in the administration of justice, the institution of a special court whose members should be irremovable, the right of oral defence, and publicity of trial. In 1822 appeared his Questions de droit administratif, in which he for the first time brought together and gave scientific shape to the scattered elements of administrative law. These he arranged and stated clearly in the form of aphorisms, with logical deductions, establishing them by proofs drawn from the archives of the council of state. This is recognized as his most important work as a jurist. The fifth edition (1840) was thoroughly revised.

CORMENIN, LOUIS MARIE DE LA HAYE, Viscount de (1788-1868), French lawyer and political writer, was born in Paris on January 6, 1788. His father and grandfather both held the rank of lieutenant-general of the admiralty. At twenty, he became an advocate and around the same time gained some recognition for his clever and delicate poetry. In 1810, he was appointed auditor to the council of state by Napoleon I, and after the Bourbon Restoration, he became master of requests. During his time with the council, he dedicated himself to studying administrative law. He was chosen to prepare some of the council's most important reports. Notable publications from this period include Du conseil d’état envisagé comme conseil et comme juridiction dans notre monarchie constitutionnelle (1818) and De la responsabilité des agents du gouvernement. In the former, he advocated for a special court to protect the rights of individuals in the administration of justice, with members who would be irremovable, the right to oral defense, and trial publicity. In 1822, he published Questions de droit administratif, where he first compiled and systematized the scattered elements of administrative law. He organized and articulated these concepts clearly in the form of aphorisms with logical deductions, supported by evidence from the council of state archives. This work is recognized as his most significant contribution as a lawyer. The fifth edition (1840) was extensively revised.

In 1828 Cormenin entered the Chamber of Deputies as member for Orleans, took his seat in the Left Centre, and began a vigorous opposition to the government of Charles X. As he was not gifted with the qualifications of the orator, he seldom appeared at the tribune; but in the various committees he defended all forms of popular liberties, and at the same time delivered, in a series of powerful pamphlets, under the pseudonym of “Timon,” the most formidable blows against tyranny and all political and administrative abuses. After the revolution of July 1830, Cormenin was one of the 221 who signed the protest against the elevation of the Orleans dynasty to the throne; and he resigned both his office in the council of state and his seat in the chamber. He was, however, soon re-elected deputy, and now voted with the extreme Left. The discussions on the budget in 1831 gave rise to the publication of his famous series of Lettres sur la liste civile, which in ten years ran through twenty-five editions. In the following year he was elected deputy for Belley. In 1834 he was elected by two arrondissements, and sat for Joigny, which he represented till 1846. In this year he lost his seat in consequence of the popular prejudice aroused against him by his trenchant pamphlet Oui et non (1845) against attacks on religious liberty, and a second entitled Feu! Feu! (1845), written in reply to those who demanded a retractation of the former. Sixty thousand copies were rapidly sold.

In 1828, Cormenin joined the Chamber of Deputies as a representative for Orleans, took his place in the Left Centre, and started a strong opposition to the government of Charles X. Since he wasn't particularly skilled as a speaker, he rarely spoke at the podium; however, in various committees, he defended all types of popular liberties and simultaneously published a series of impactful pamphlets under the pseudonym “Timon,” delivering significant critiques against tyranny and all political and administrative abuses. After the July Revolution of 1830, Cormenin was one of the 221 who signed the protest against the rise of the Orleans dynasty to the throne; he resigned from both his position in the Council of State and his seat in the chamber. Nonetheless, he was soon re-elected as a deputy and began voting with the far Left. The budget discussions in 1831 led to the release of his famous series of Lettres sur la liste civile, which over ten years saw twenty-five editions. The following year, he was elected deputy for Belley. In 1834, he was elected by two districts and represented Joigny until 1846. That year, he lost his seat due to the backlash stirred up against him by his sharp pamphlet Oui et non (1845) that defended religious liberty, alongside a second one titled Feu! Feu! (1845), which was a response to those demanding a retraction of the first. Sixty thousand copies sold quickly.

Cormenin was an earnest advocate of universal suffrage before the revolution of February 1848, and had remorselessly exposed the corrupt practices at elections in his pamphlet—Ordre du jour sur la corruption électorale. After the revolution he was elected by four departments to the Constituent Assembly, and became one of its vice-presidents. He was also member and president of the constitutional commission, and for some time took a leading part in drawing up the republican constitution. But the disputes which broke out among the members led him to resign the presidency. He was soon after named member of the council of state and president of the comité du contentieux. It was at this period that he published two pamphlets—Sur l’indépendance de l’Italie. After the coup d’état of December 2, 1851, Cormenin, who had undertaken the defence of Prince Louis Napoleon after his attempt at Strassburg, accepted a place in the new council of state of the empire. Four years later, by imperial ordinance, he was made a member of the Institute. One of the most characteristic works of Cormenin is the Livre des orateurs, a series of brilliant studies of the principal parliamentary orators of the restoration and the monarchy of July, the first edition of which appeared in 1838, and the eighteenth in 1860. In 1846 he published his Entretiens de village, which procured him the Montyon prize, and of which six editions were called for the same year. His last work was Le Droit de tonnage en Algérie (1860). He died at Paris, on the 6th of May 1868. Two volumes of his Reliquiae were printed in Paris in the same year.

Cormenin was a strong supporter of universal suffrage before the February 1848 revolution and had relentlessly exposed the corrupt practices at elections in his pamphlet—Ordre du jour sur la corruption électorale. After the revolution, he was elected by four departments to the Constituent Assembly and became one of its vice-presidents. He was also a member and president of the constitutional commission, playing a key role in drafting the republican constitution. However, the disputes that arose among the members led him to resign from the presidency. Soon after, he was appointed a member of the council of state and president of the comité du contentieux. During this time, he published two pamphlets—Sur l’indépendance de l’Italie. After the coup d’état on December 2, 1851, Cormenin, who had defended Prince Louis Napoleon after his attempt in Strassburg, accepted a position in the new council of state of the empire. Four years later, by imperial decree, he became a member of the Institute. One of Cormenin's most notable works is the Livre des orateurs, a series of insightful studies of the main parliamentary orators from the restoration and the July monarchy, with the first edition published in 1838 and the eighteenth in 1860. In 1846, he released his Entretiens de village, which earned him the Montyon prize, and six editions were published in the same year. His final work was Le Droit de tonnage en Algérie (1860). He passed away in Paris on May 6, 1868. Two volumes of his Reliquiae were printed in Paris that same year.


CORMON, FERNAND (1845-  ), French painter, was born in Paris. He became a pupil of Cabanel, Fromentin and Portaels, and one of the leading historical painters of modern France. At an early age he attracted attention by the better class of sensationalism in his art, although for a time his powerful brush dwelled with particular delight on scenes of bloodshed, such as the “Murder in the Seraglio” (1868) and the “Death of Ravara, Queen of Lanka” at the Toulouse Museum. The Luxembourg has his “Cain flying before Jehovah’s Curse”; and for the Mairie of the fourth arrondissement of Paris he executed in grisaille a series of Panels: “Birth,” “Death,” “Marriage,” “War,” &c. “A Chief’s Funeral,” and pictures having the Stone Age for their subject, occupied him for several years. He was appointed to the Legion of Honour in 1880. Subsequently he also devoted himself to portraiture.

CORMON, FERNAND (1845-  ), French painter, was born in Paris. He studied under Cabanel, Fromentin, and Portaels, becoming one of the prominent historical painters of modern France. At a young age, he gained attention for the higher quality of sensationalism in his art, even though for a time his bold brush particularly focused on scenes of violence, such as “Murder in the Seraglio” (1868) and “Death of Ravara, Queen of Lanka” at the Toulouse Museum. The Luxembourg holds his “Cain Flying Before Jehovah’s Curse”; for the Mairie of the fourth arrondissement of Paris, he created a series of panels in grisaille: “Birth,” “Death,” “Marriage,” “War,” etc. “A Chief’s Funeral,” along with artworks themed around the Stone Age, kept him busy for several years. He was honored with the Legion of Honour in 1880. Later, he also turned his focus to portrait painting.


CORMONTAINGNE, LOUIS DE (c. 1697-1752), French military engineer, was born at Strassburg. He was present as a volunteer at the sieges of Freiburg and Landau in the later years of the War of the Spanish Succession, and in 1715 he entered the engineers. After being stationed for some years at Strassburg he became captain, and was put in charge (at first in a subordinate capacity, and subsequently as chief engineer) of the new works, Forts Moselle and Bellecroix, at Metz, which he built according to his own system of fortification. He was present at the siege of Philipsburg in 1733, and as a lieutenant-colonel took part in most of the sieges in the Low Countries during the War of the Austrian Succession. He attained the rank of brigadier and finally that of maréchal de camp, and was employed in fortification work until his death. His Architecture militaire, written in 1714, was long kept secret by order of the authorities, but, an unauthorized edition having appeared at the Hague in 1741, he himself prepared another version called Premier mémoire sur la fortification, which from 1741 onwards was followed by others. His ideas are closely modelled on those of Vauban (q.v.), and in his lifetime he was not considered the equal of such engineers as d’Asfeld and Filley. It was not until twenty years after his death that his system became widely known. Fourcroy de Rainecourt, then chief of engineers, searching the archives for valuable matter, chose the numerous memoirs of Cormontaingne for publication amongst engineer officers in 1776. Even then they only circulated privately, and it was not until the engineer Bousmard published Cormontaingne’s Mémorial de l’attaque des places (Berlin, 1803) that Fourcroy, and after him General La Fitte de Clavé, actually gave to the general public the Œuvres posthumes de Cormontaingne (Paris, 1806-1809).

CORMONTAINGNE, LOUIS DE (c. 1697-1752), a French military engineer, was born in Strasbourg. He volunteered during the sieges of Freiburg and Landau in the later years of the War of the Spanish Succession, and in 1715, he joined the engineers. After spending several years in Strasbourg, he became a captain and was assigned (initially in a supporting role, then as chief engineer) to oversee the new works, Forts Moselle and Bellecroix, at Metz, which he designed based on his own fortification principles. He participated in the siege of Philipsburg in 1733 and, as a lieutenant colonel, was involved in most sieges in the Low Countries during the War of the Austrian Succession. He rose to the rank of brigadier and eventually became a maréchal de camp, working on fortification projects until his death. His book Architecture militaire, written in 1714, was kept secret by order of the authorities for a long time, but after an unauthorized edition surfaced in The Hague in 1741, he created another version called Premier mémoire sur la fortification, followed by additional editions from 1741 onwards. His ideas were heavily influenced by Vauban (q.v.), and during his lifetime, he was not regarded as equal to engineers like d’Asfeld and Filley. It took twenty years after his death for his system to gain recognition. Fourcroy de Rainecourt, then the chief of engineers, selected Cormontaingne’s numerous memoirs for publication among engineering officers in 1776 while searching the archives for valuable materials. Even then, they were only circulated privately. It wasn't until the engineer Bousmard published Cormontaingne’s Mémorial de l’attaque des places (Berlin, 1803) that Fourcroy, followed by General La Fitte de Clavé, made the Œuvres posthumes de Cormontaingne (Paris, 1806-1809) available to the general public.

His system of fortification was not marked by any great originality of thought, which indeed could not be expected of a member of the corps du génie, the characteristics of which were a close caste spirit and an unquestioning reverence for the authority of Vauban. Forts Moselle and Bellecroix are still in existence.

His method of building defenses wasn't particularly innovative, which was to be expected from someone in the corps du génie, known for its strong sense of camaraderie and unquestioning respect for Vauban's authority. Forts Moselle and Bellecroix are still standing today.

See Von Brese-Winiari, Über Entstehen etc. der neueren Befestigungsmethode (Berlin, 1844); Prévost du Vernois, De la fortification depuis Vauban (Paris, 1861); Cosseron de Villenoisy, Essai historique sur la fortification (Paris, 1869).

See Von Brese-Winiari, On the Development of Modern Fortification Methods (Berlin, 1844); Prévost du Vernois, On Fortification Since Vauban (Paris, 1861); Cosseron de Villenoisy, Historical Essay on Fortification (Paris, 1869).


CORMORANT (from the Lat. corvus marinus,1 through the Fr., in some patois of which it is still “cor marin”; in certain Ital. dialects are the forms “corvo marin” or “corvo marino”), a large sea-fowl belonging to the genus Phalacrocorax2 (Carbo, Halieus and Graculus of some ornithologists), and that group of the Linnaean order Anseres, now partly generally recognized by Illiger’s term Steganopodes, of which it with its allies forms a family Phalacrocoracidae.

CORMORANT (from the Latin corvus marinus, through the French, in some dialects of which it is still “cor marin”; in certain Italian dialects, the forms are “corvo marin” or “corvo marino”), is a large seabird that belongs to the genus Phalacrocorax (Carbo, Halieus, and Graculus according to some ornithologists) and is part of the Linnaean order Anseres, which is now partially recognized by Illiger’s term Steganopodes. This group, along with its relatives, forms the family Phalacrocoracidae.

The cormorant (P. carbo) frequents almost all the sea-coast of Europe, and breeds in societies at various stations, most generally on steep cliffs, but occasionally on rocky islands as well as on trees. The nest consists of a large mass of sea-weed, and, with the ground immediately surrounding it, generally looks as though bespattered with whitewash, from the excrement of the bird, which lives entirely on fish. The eggs, from four to six in number, are small, and have a thick, soft, calcareous shell, bluish-white when first laid, but soon becoming discoloured. The young are hatched blind, and covered with an inky-black skin. They remain for some time in the squab-condition, and are then highly esteemed for food by the northern islanders, their flesh being said to taste as well as a roasted hare’s. Their first plumage is of a sombre brownish-black above, and more or less white beneath. They take two or three years to assume the fully adult 162 dress, which is deep black, glossed above with bronze, and varied in the breeding-season with white on the cheeks and flanks, besides being adorned by filamentary feathers on the head, and further set off by a bright yellow gape. The old cormorant looks nearly as big as a goose, but is really much smaller; its flesh is quite uneatable.

The cormorant (P. carbo) is found along almost all of Europe's coastlines and nests in groups at various locations, usually on steep cliffs but sometimes on rocky islands or in trees. The nest is made up of a large pile of seaweed and, along with the area around it, often appears splattered with whitewash from the bird's droppings, as it feeds exclusively on fish. The eggs, typically numbering four to six, are small and have a thick, soft, chalky shell that is bluish-white when first laid but quickly changes color. The chicks hatch blind and are covered with a glossy black skin. They stay in a squab-like state for a while and are considered a delicacy by northern islanders, their meat being said to taste as good as roasted hare. Their first feathers are a dull brownish-black on top and mostly white underneath. It takes them two to three years to develop their full adult plumage, which is deep black with a glossy bronze sheen on top, decorated with white on the cheeks and flanks during the breeding season, along with long feathers on their heads and a bright yellow mouth. An adult cormorant looks nearly as large as a goose, but it’s actually much smaller, and its meat is not edible.

Taken when young from the nest, this bird is easily tamed and can be trained to fish for its keeper, as was of old time commonly done in England, where the master of the cormorants was one of the officers of the royal household. Nowadays the practice is nearly obsolete. When taken out to furnish sport, a strap is fastened round the bird’s neck so as, without impeding its breath, to hinder it from swallowing its captures.3 Arrived at the waterside, it is cast off. It at once dives and darts along the bottom as swiftly as an arrow in quest of its prey, rapidly scanning every hole or pool. A fish is generally seized within a few seconds of its being sighted, and as each is taken the bird rises to the surface with its capture in its bill. It does not take much longer to dispose of the prize in the dilatable skin of its throat so far as the strap will allow, and the pursuit is recommenced until the bird’s gular pouch, capacious as it is, will hold no more. It then returns to its keeper, who has been anxiously watching and encouraging its movements, and a little manipulation of its neck effects the delivery of the booty. It may then be let loose again, or, if considered to have done its work, it is fed and restored to its perch. The activity the bird displays under water is almost incredible to those who have not seen its performances, and in a shallow river scarcely a fish escapes its keen eyes, and sudden turns, except by taking refuge under a stone or root, or in the mud that may be stirred up during the operation, and so avoiding observation (see Salvin and Freeman, Falconry, 1859).

If taken young from the nest, this bird is easy to tame and can be trained to fish for its owner, a common practice in England in the past, where the master of the cormorants was an officer of the royal household. Nowadays, this practice is almost gone. When taken out for sport, a strap is fastened around the bird’s neck, allowing it to breathe while preventing it from swallowing its catches. Arriving at the water's edge, it is released. It immediately dives and darts along the bottom like an arrow in search of food, quickly checking every hole or pool. A fish is usually caught within a few seconds of being spotted, and as each one is caught, the bird surfaces with the fish in its bill. It doesn't take long to store the catch in its expandable throat pouch as much as the strap allows, and then it resumes hunting until the bird's gular pouch, as roomy as it is, can hold no more. It then returns to its owner, who has been watching closely and cheering it on, and a little manipulation of its neck leads to the release of the fish. It can then be set free again, or, if it has done enough work, it is fed and returned to its perch. The agility the bird shows underwater is almost unbelievable to those who haven't witnessed it; in a shallow river, hardly a fish escapes its sharp eyes and quick movements, unless it hides under a stone or root, or in the mud stirred up during the hunt, avoiding detection (see Salvin and Freeman, Falconry, 1859).

Nearly allied to the cormorant, and having much the same habits, is the shag, or green cormorant of some writers (P. graculus). The shag (which name in many parts of the world is used in a generic sense) is, however, about one-fourth smaller in linear dimensions, is much more glossy in plumage, and its nuptial embellishment is a nodding plume instead of the white patches of the cormorant. The easiest diagnostic on examination will be found to be the number of tail-feathers, which in the former are fourteen and in the shag twelve. The latter, too, is more marine in the localities it frequents, scarcely ever entering fresh or indeed inland waters.

Nearly related to the cormorant and sharing similar habits is the shag, or green cormorant as some authors call it (P. graculus). The shag (a name that is often used generically in many parts of the world) is about one-fourth smaller in size, has a much glossier plumage, and features a nodding plume during mating season instead of the white patches found on the cormorant. The easiest way to tell them apart upon examination is by the number of tail feathers; the cormorant has fourteen, while the shag has twelve. Additionally, the shag prefers marine environments and rarely ventures into freshwater or inland waters.

In the south of Europe a much smaller species (P. pygmaeus) is found. This is almost entirely a fresh-water bird, and is not uncommon on the lower Danube. Other species, to the number perhaps of thirty or more, have been discriminated from other parts of the world, but all have a great general similarity to one another. New Zealand and the west coast of northern America are particularly rich in birds of this genus, and the species found there are the most beautifully decorated of any. All, however, are remarkable for their curiously-formed feet, the four toes of each being connected by a web, for their long stiff tails, and for the absence, in the adult, of any exterior nostrils. When gorged, or when the state of the tide precludes fishing, they are fond of sitting on an elevated perch, often with extended wings, and in this attitude they will remain motionless for a considerable time, as though hanging themselves out to dry. It was perhaps this peculiarity that struck the observation of Milton, and prompted his well-known similitude of Satan to a cormorant (Parad. Lost, iv. 194); but when not thus behaving they themselves provoke the more homely comparison of a row of black bottles. Their voracity is proverbial.

In southern Europe, a much smaller species (P. pygmaeus) can be found. This bird mainly lives in freshwater and is fairly common on the lower Danube. There are perhaps thirty or more other species identified from different parts of the world, but they all share significant similarities. New Zealand and the west coast of northern America are particularly abundant in birds of this genus, and the species from these areas are the most beautifully adorned. All of them are notable for their uniquely shaped feet, as each has four webbed toes, along with their long, stiff tails, and the absence of external nostrils in adults. When they are full or when the tide makes fishing difficult, they like to perch on high spots, often with their wings spread. In this position, they can stay motionless for a long time, almost like they’re hanging out to dry. This unusual behavior may have caught Milton's attention, inspiring his famous comparison of Satan to a cormorant (Parad. Lost, iv. 194); however, when they're not in this pose, they can also evoke a more familiar image of a row of black bottles. Their greed is well-known.

(A. N.)

1 Some authors, following Caius, derive the word from corvus vorans and spell it corvorant, but doubtless wrongly.

1 Some authors, following Caius, trace the word back to corvus vorans and spell it corvorant, but this is likely incorrect.

2 So spelt since the days of Gesner; but possibly Phalaracorax would be more correct.

2 It's been spelled this way since the days of Gesner; but maybe Phalaracorax would be more accurate.

3 According to Willoughby it was formerly the custom to carry the cormorant hooded till it was required; in modern practice the bearer wears a face-mask to protect himself from its beak.

3 Willoughby mentioned that it used to be customary to carry the cormorant hooded until it was needed; nowadays, the person carrying it wears a face mask to protect themselves from its beak.


CORN (a common Teutonic word; cf. Lat. granum, seed, grain), originally meaning a small hard particle or grain, as of sand, salt, gunpowder, &c. It thus came to be applied to the small hard seed of a plant, as still used in the words barley-corn and pepper-corn. In agriculture it is generally applied to the seed of the cereal plants. It is often locally understood to mean that kind of cereal which is the leading crop of the district; thus in England it refers to wheat, in Scotland and Ireland to oats, and in the United States to maize (Indian corn). See Grain Trade; Corn Laws; Agriculture; Wheat; Maize; &c.

CORN (a common Germanic word; cf. Lat. granum, seed, grain), originally meaning a small hard piece or grain, such as sand, salt, gunpowder, etc. It eventually came to refer to the small hard seed of a plant, as is still the case in the terms barley-corn and pepper-corn. In agriculture, it typically refers to the seed of cereal plants. Locally, it is often understood to mean the main type of cereal crop in that area; in England, it refers to wheat, in Scotland and Ireland to oats, and in the United States to maize (Indian corn). See Grain Trade; Corn Laws; Agriculture; Wheat; Maize; etc.

The term “corned” is given to a preparation of meat (especially beef) on account of the original manner of preserving it by the use of salt in grains or “corns.”

The term “corned” refers to a method of preparing meat (especially beef) because of the original way it was preserved using salt in grains or “corns.”


CORN (from Lat. cornu, horn), in pathology (technically clavus), a localized outgrowth of the epidermic layer of the skin, most commonly of the toe, with a central ingrowth of a hard horny plug. The underlying papillae are atrophied, causing a cup-shaped hollow, whilst the surrounding papillae are hyper-trophied. The condition is mainly caused by badly fitting boots, though any undue pressure, of insufficient power to give rise to ulceration, may be the cause of a corn. Corns may be hard or soft. The hard corn usually occurs on one of the toes, is a more or less conical swelling and may be extremely painful at times. If suppuration occurs around the corn, it is apt to burrow, and if unattended to may give rise to arthritis or even necrosis. The best treatment is to soften the corn with hot water, pare it very carefully with a sharp knife, and then paint it with a solution of salicylic acid in collodion. The painting must be repeated three times a day for a week or ten days. The soft corn occurs between the toes and is usually a more painful condition. Owing to the absorption of sweat its surface may become white and sodden in appearance. The treatment is much the same, but spirits of camphor should be painted on each night, and a layer of cotton wool placed between the toes during the daytime.

CORN (from Latin cornu, meaning horn), in pathology (formally known as clavus), is a localized growth of the outer layer of the skin, most often found on the toes, featuring a central hardened plug. The underlying papillae shrink, creating a cup-shaped indentation, while the surrounding papillae enlarge. This condition is primarily caused by poorly fitting shoes, although any excessive pressure that isn't strong enough to cause an ulcer can also lead to a corn. Corns can be hard or soft. The hard corn typically forms on one of the toes, presents as a cone-shaped bump, and can be very painful at times. If infection occurs around the corn, it may burrow deeper, and if not treated, it could lead to arthritis or even tissue death. The best treatment involves soaking the corn in hot water, carefully trimming it with a sharp knife, and then applying a solution of salicylic acid in collodion. This application should be repeated three times a day for a week to ten days. The soft corn appears between the toes and is usually more painful. Due to sweat absorption, its surface may look white and damp. The treatment is similar, but spirits of camphor should be applied each night, and a layer of cotton wool should be placed between the toes during the day.


CORNARO, CATERINA (1454-1510), queen of Cyprus, was the daughter of Marco Cornaro, a Venetian noble, whose brother Andrea was an intimate friend of James de Lusignan, natural son of King John II. of Cyprus. In the king’s death in 1458 the succession was disputed, and James, with the help of the sultan of Egypt, seized the island. But several powers were arrayed against him—the duke of Savoy, who claimed the island on the strength of the marriage of his son Louis to Charlotte, the only legitimate daughter of John II.,1 the Genoese, and the pope. It was important that he should make a marriage such as would secure him powerful support. Andrea Cornaro suggested his niece Caterina, famed for her beauty, as that union would bring him Venetian help. The proposal was agreed to, and approved of by Caterina herself and the senate, and the contract was signed in 1468. But further intrigues caused delay, and it was not until 1471 that James’s hesitations were overcome. Caterina was solemnly adopted by the doge as a “daughter of the Republic” and sailed for Cyprus in 1472 with the title of queen of Cyprus, Jerusalem and Armenia. But she only enjoyed one year of happiness, for in 1473 her husband died of fever, leaving his kingdom to his queen and their child as yet unborn. Enemies and rival claimants arose on all sides, for Cyprus was a tempting bait. In August the child James III. was born, but as soon as the Venetian fleet sailed away a plot to depose him in favour of Zarla, James’s illegitimate daughter, broke out, and Caterina was kept a prisoner. The Venetians returned, and order was soon restored, but the republic was meditating the seizure of Cyprus, although it had no valid title whatever, and after the death of Caterina’s child in 1474 it was Venice which really governed the island. The poor queen was surrounded by intrigues and plots, and although the people of the coast towns loved her, the Cypriot nobles were her bitter enemies and hostile to Venetian influence. In 1488 the republic, fearing that Sultan Bayezid II. intended to attack Cyprus, and having also discovered a plot to marry Caterina to King Alphonso II. of Naples, a proposal to which she seemed not averse, decided to recall the queen to Venice and formally annex the island. Caterina at first refused, for she clung to her royalty, but Venice was a severe parent to its adopted daughter and would not be gainsaid; she was forced to abdicate in favour of the republic, and returned to Venice in 1489. The government conferred on 163 her the castle and town of Asolo for life, and there in the midst of a learned and brilliant little court, of which Cardinal Bembo (q.v.) was a shining light, she spent the rest of her days in idyllic peace. She died in July 1510. Titian’s famous portrait of her is in the Uffizi gallery in Florence.

CORNARO, CATERINA (1454-1510), queen of Cyprus, was the daughter of Marco Cornaro, a Venetian noble, whose brother Andrea was a close friend of James de Lusignan, the illegitimate son of King John II of Cyprus. When the king died in 1458, there was a dispute over the succession, and James, with help from the sultan of Egypt, took control of the island. However, several powers opposed him, including the duke of Savoy, who claimed the island through his son Louis’s marriage to Charlotte, John II's only legitimate daughter, along with the Genoese and the pope. It was crucial for him to secure a marriage that would provide him with strong support. Andrea Cornaro suggested his niece Caterina, known for her beauty, as this union would secure Venetian assistance. This proposal was accepted by both Caterina and the senate, and the contract was signed in 1468. Yet, further intrigues postponed the marriage, and it wasn’t until 1471 that James was convinced to proceed. Caterina was officially adopted by the doge as a “daughter of the Republic” and set sail for Cyprus in 1472 with the title of queen of Cyprus, Jerusalem, and Armenia. However, she only experienced a year of happiness, as her husband died of fever in 1473, leaving the kingdom to her and their unborn child. Enemies and rival claimants emerged everywhere, as Cyprus was a tempting prize. In August, their son James III was born, but once the Venetian fleet departed, a plot to replace him with Zarla, James’s illegitimate daughter, surfaced, and Caterina was imprisoned. The Venetians returned, restoring order, but the republic was planning to take over Cyprus, although they had no legitimate claim. After the death of Caterina’s child in 1474, Venice effectively governed the island. The unfortunate queen was surrounded by intrigues and plots; while the coastal townspeople loved her, the Cypriot nobles opposed her and were hostile to Venetian influence. In 1488, fearing Sultan Bayezid II would attack Cyprus, and having discovered a scheme to marry Caterina to King Alphonso II of Naples, a plan to which she showed some willingness, the republic decided to recall the queen to Venice and formally annex the island. Caterina initially refused, clinging to her royal status, but Venice was a strict parent to its adopted daughter and would not take no for an answer; she was compelled to abdicate in favor of the republic and returned to Venice in 1489. The government granted her the castle and town of Asolo for life, and there, in the company of a learned and brilliant little court, including Cardinal Bembo (q.v.) as a prominent figure, she spent her remaining days in peaceful bliss. She died in July 1510. Titian’s famous portrait of her is in the Uffizi gallery in Florence.

Bibliography.—A. Centelli, Caterina Cornaro e il suo regno (Venice, 1892); S. Romanin, Storia documentata di Venezia, vol. iv. (Venice, 1855), and his Lezioni di storia Veneta (Florence, 1875); L. de Mas Latrie, Histoire de l’île de Chypre (Paris, 1852-1861); and Horatio Brown’s essay in his Studies in Venetian History (London, 1907), which gives the best sketch of the queen’s career and a list of authorities.

References.—A. Centelli, Caterina Cornaro and Her Kingdom (Venice, 1892); S. Romanin, Documented History of Venice, vol. iv. (Venice, 1855), and his Lectures on Venetian History (Florence, 1875); L. de Mas Latrie, History of the Island of Cyprus (Paris, 1852-1861); and Horatio Brown’s essay in his Studies in Venetian History (London, 1907), which provides the best overview of the queen’s life and a list of sources.

(L. V.*)

1 Whence the kings of Italy derive their title of kings of Cyprus and Jerusalem.

1 Where the kings of Italy get their title of kings of Cyprus and Jerusalem.


CORNARO, LUIGI (1467-1566), a Venetian nobleman, famous for his treatises on a temperate life. In his youth he lived freely, but after a severe illness at the age of forty, he began under medical advice gradually to reduce his diet. For some time he restricted himself to a daily allowance of 12 oz. of solid food and 14 oz. of wine; later in life he reduced still further his bill of fare, and found he could support his life and strength with no more solid meat than an egg a day. At the age of eighty-three he wrote his treatise on The Sure and Certain Method of Attaining a Long and Healthful Life, the English translation of which went through numerous editions; and this was followed by three others on the same subject, composed at the ages of eighty-six, ninety-one and ninety-five respectively. The first three were published at Padua in 1558. They are written, says Addison (Spectator, No. 195), “with such a spirit of cheerfulness, religion and good sense, as are the natural concomitants of temperance and sobriety.” He died at Padua at the age of ninety-eight.

CORNARO, LUIGI (1467-1566), a Venetian nobleman, known for his writings on living a moderate life. In his younger years, he lived indulgently, but after a serious illness at forty, he began to cut back on his diet as advised by his doctor. For a while, he limited himself to 12 oz. of solid food and 14 oz. of wine each day; later in life, he reduced his intake even more, discovering he could maintain his health and energy on just one egg a day. At eighty-three, he wrote his treatise on The Sure and Certain Method of Attaining a Long and Healthful Life, which was translated into English and went through several editions; this was followed by three more works on the same topic, written when he was eighty-six, ninety-one, and ninety-five, respectively. The first three were published in Padua in 1558. Addison notes in the Spectator (No. 195) that they are “written with such a spirit of cheerfulness, religion, and good sense, which are the natural companions of moderation and sobriety.” He passed away in Padua at the age of ninety-eight.


CORNBRASH, in geology, the name applied to the uppermost member of the Bathonian stage of the Jurassic formation in England. It is an old English agricultural name applied in Wiltshire to a variety of loose rubble or “brash” which, in that part of the country, forms a good soil for growing corn. The name was adopted by William Smith for a thin band of shelly limestone which, in the south of England, breaks up in the manner indicated. Although only a thin group of rocks (10-25 ft.), it is remarkably persistent; it may be traced from Weymouth to the Yorkshire coast, but in north Lincolnshire it is very thin, and probably dies out in the neighbourhood of the Humber. It appears again, however, as a thin bed in Gristhorpe Bay, Cayton Bay, Wheatcroft, Newton Dale and Langdale. In the inland exposures in Yorkshire it is difficult to follow on account of its thinness, and the fact that it passes up into dark shales in many places—the so-called “clays of the Cornbrash,” with Avicula echinata.

CORNBRASH, in geology, refers to the top layer of the Bathonian stage of the Jurassic formation in England. It’s an old agricultural term from England, specifically used in Wiltshire, to describe a type of loose rubble or “brash” that creates good soil for growing corn in that region. The name was taken by William Smith for a thin layer of shelly limestone that, in southern England, breaks apart in the way described. Although it's just a thin group of rocks (10-25 ft.), it is notably consistent; it can be traced from Weymouth to the Yorkshire coast, though it becomes very thin in north Lincolnshire and likely disappears near the Humber. However, it reappears as a thin layer in Gristhorpe Bay, Cayton Bay, Wheatcroft, Newton Dale, and Langdale. In the inland areas of Yorkshire, it’s challenging to track due to its thinness and because it transitions into dark shales in several places—the so-called “clays of the Cornbrash,” containing Avicula echinata.

The Cornbrash is a very fossiliferous formation; the fauna indicates a transition from the Lower to the Middle Oolites, though it is probably more nearly related to that of the beds above than to those below. Good localities for fossils are Radipole near Weymouth, Closworth, Wincanton, Trowbridge, Cirencester, Witney, Peterborough and Sudbrook Park near Lincoln. A few of the important fossils are: Waldheimia lagenalis, Pecten levis, Avicula echinata, Ostrea flabelloides, Myacites decurtatus, Echinobrissus clunicularis; Macrocephalites macrocephalus is abundant in the midland counties but rarer in the south; belemnites are not known. The remains of saurians (Steneosaurus) are occasionally found. The Cornbrash is of little value for building or road-making, although it is used locally; in the south of England it is not oolitic, but in Yorkshire it is a rubbly, marly, frequently ironshot oolitic limestone. In Bedfordshire it has been termed the Bedford limestone.

The Cornbrash is a highly fossil-rich formation; the fauna shows a transition from the Lower to the Middle Oolites, although it’s probably more closely related to the layers above than to those below. Good fossil locations include Radipole near Weymouth, Closworth, Wincanton, Trowbridge, Cirencester, Witney, Peterborough, and Sudbrook Park near Lincoln. Some of the key fossils are: Waldheimia lagenalis, Pecten levis, Avicula echinata, Ostrea flabelloides, Myacites decurtatus, Echinobrissus clunicularis; Macrocephalites macrocephalus is common in the midlands but less so in the south; belemnites are not found here. The remains of reptiles (Steneosaurus) are occasionally discovered. The Cornbrash has little value for construction or road building, although it is used locally; in southern England, it isn’t oolitic, but in Yorkshire, it is a rubbly, marly, often iron-shot oolitic limestone. In Bedfordshire, it is referred to as the Bedford limestone.

See Jurassic; also H. B. Woodward, “The Jurassic Rocks of Britain,” vol. iv. (1894); and C. Fox Strangways, vol. i.; both Memoirs of the Geological Survey.

See Jurassic; also H. B. Woodward, “The Jurassic Rocks of Britain,” vol. iv. (1894); and C. Fox Strangways, vol. i.; both Memoirs of the Geological Survey.

(J. A. H.)

CORNEILLE, PIERRE (1606-1684), French dramatist and poet, was born at Rouen, in the rue de la Pie, on the 6th of June 1606. The house, which was long preserved, was destroyed not many years ago. His father, whose Christian name was the same, was avocat du roi à la Table de Marbre du Palais, and also held the position of maître des eaux et forêts in the vicomté (or bailliage, as some say) of Rouen. In this latter office he is said to have shown himself a vigorous magistrate, suppressing brigandage and plunder without regard to his personal safety. He was ennobled in 1637 (it is said not without regard to his son’s distinction), and the honour was renewed in favour of his sons Pierre and Thomas in 1669, when a general repeal of the letters of nobility recently granted had taken place. There appears, however, to be no instance on record of the poet himself assuming the “de” of nobility. His mother’s name was Marthe le Pesant.

CORNEILLE, PIERRE (1606-1684), French playwright and poet, was born in Rouen, on Rue de la Pie, on June 6, 1606. The house where he was born, which was preserved for a long time, was destroyed not too many years ago. His father, also named Pierre, was the attorney general for the King at the Marble Table of the Palais, and he also served as the master of waters and forests in the Rouen area. In this latter role, he was reportedly a strong magistrate, cracking down on banditry and theft without worrying about his own safety. He was ennobled in 1637 (reportedly partly due to his son's reputation), and this honor was confirmed for his sons Pierre and Thomas in 1669, when there was a general repeal of recently granted noble titles. However, there seems to be no record of the poet himself using the "de" of nobility. His mother was named Marthe le Pesant.

After being educated by the Jesuits of Rouen, Corneille at the age of eighteen was entered as avocat, and in 1624 took the oaths, as we are told, four years before the regular time, a dispensation having been procured. He was afterwards appointed advocate to the admiralty, and to the “waters and forests,” but both these posts must have been of small value, as we find him parting with them in 1650 for the insignificant sum of 6000 livres. In that year and the next he was procureur-syndic des États de Normandie. His first play, Mélite, was acted in 1629. It is said by B. le B. de Fontenelle (his nephew) to have been inspired by personal experiences, and was extremely popular, either because or in spite of its remarkable difference from the popular plays of the day, those of A. Hardy. In 1632 Clitandre, a tragedy, was printed (it may have been acted in 1631); in 1633 La Veuve and the Galerie du palais, in 1634 La Suivante and La Place Royale, all the last-named plays being comedies, saw the stage. In 1634 also, having been selected as the composer of a Latin elegy to Richelieu on the occasion of the cardinal visiting Rouen, he was introduced to the subject of his verses, and was soon after enrolled among the “five poets.” These officers (the others being G. Colletet, Boisrobert and C. de l’Étoile, who in no way merited the title, and J. de Rotrou, who was no unworthy yokefellow even of Corneille) had for task the more profitable than dignified occupation of working up Richelieu’s ideas into dramatic form. No one could be less suited for such work than Corneille, and he soon (it is said) incurred his employer’s displeasure by altering the plan of the third act of Les Thuileries, which had been entrusted to him.

After being educated by the Jesuits in Rouen, Corneille became a lawyer at the age of eighteen and took his oaths in 1624, four years ahead of schedule, due to a special exemption. He was later appointed advocate to the admiralty and to the "waters and forests," but these positions were likely not very valuable, as he ended up giving them up in 1650 for just 6000 livres. In that year and the following one, he served as the procureur-syndic for the States of Normandy. His first play, Mélite, was performed in 1629. According to B. le B. de Fontenelle (his nephew), it was inspired by personal experiences and became very popular, either because or despite its significant departure from the popular plays of the time, specifically those of A. Hardy. In 1632, Clitandre, a tragedy, was printed (it may have been performed in 1631); in 1633, La Veuve and the Galerie du palais; and in 1634, La Suivante and La Place Royale, all of which were comedies, were staged. In 1634, he was chosen to write a Latin elegy for Richelieu during the cardinal’s visit to Rouen. He was introduced to the subject of his verses and was soon after accepted into the "five poets." These poets (the others being G. Colletet, Boisrobert, and C. de l’Étoile, who were unworthy of the title, and J. de Rotrou, who was a worthy peer of Corneille) had the task of transforming Richelieu's ideas into dramatic form, a more profitable than dignified endeavor. Corneille was probably the least suited for such work, and it is said that he quickly fell out of favor with his employer by changing the plan of the third act of Les Thuileries, which had been assigned to him.

Meanwhile the year 1635 saw the production of Médée, a grand but unequal tragedy. In the next year the singular extravaganza entitled L’Illusion comique followed, and was succeeded about the end of November by the Cid, based on the Mocedades del Cid of Guillem de Castro. The triumphant success of this, perhaps the most “epoch-making” play in all literature, the jealousy of Richelieu and the Academy, the open attacks of Georges de Scudéry and J. de Mairet and others, and the pamphlet-war which followed, are among the best-known incidents in the history of letters. The trimming verdict of the Academy, which we have in J. Chapelain’s Sentiments de l’Académie française sur la tragi-comédie du Cid (1638), when its arbitration was demanded by Richelieu, and not openly repudiated by Corneille, was virtually unimportant; but it is worth remembering that no less a writer than Georges de Scudéry, in his Observations sur le Cid (1637), gravely and apparently sincerely asserted and maintained of this great play that the subject was utterly bad, that all the rules of dramatic composition were violated, that the action was badly conducted, the versification constantly faulty, and the beauties as a rule stolen! Corneille himself was awkwardly situated in this dispute. The esprit bourru by which he was at all times distinguished, and which he now displayed in his rather arrogant Excuse à Ariste, unfitted him for controversy, and it was of vital importance to him that he should not lose the outward marks of favour which Richelieu continued to show him. Perhaps the pleasantest feature in the whole matter is the unshaken and generous admiration with which Rotrou, the only contemporary whose genius entitled him to criticise Corneille, continued to regard his friend, rival, and in some sense (though Rotrou was the younger of the two) pupil. Finding it impossible to make himself fairly heard in the matter, Corneille (who had retired from his position among the “five poets”) withdrew to Rouen and passed nearly three years in quiet there, perhaps revolving the opinions afterwards expressed in his three Discours and in the Examens of his plays, where he bows, somewhat as in the house of Rimmon, to “the rules.” In 1639, 164 or at the beginning of 1640, appeared Horace with a dedication to Richelieu. The good offices of Madame de Combalet, to whom the Cid had been dedicated, and perhaps the satisfaction of the cardinal’s literary jealousy, had healed what breach there may have been, and indeed the poet was in no position to quarrel with his patron. Richelieu not only allowed him 500 crowns a year, but soon afterwards, it is said, though on no certain authority, employed his omnipotence in reconciling the father of the poet’s mistress, Marie de Lampérière, to the marriage of the lovers (1640). In this year also Cinna appeared. A brief but very serious illness attacked him, and the death of his father the year before had increased his family anxieties by leaving his mother in very indifferent circumstances. It has, however, been recently denied that he himself was at any time poor, as older traditions asserted.

Meanwhile, the year 1635 saw the production of Médée, a grand but inconsistent tragedy. The following year, the unique extravaganza titled L’Illusion comique was released, and it was succeeded around the end of November by Cid, based on the Mocedades del Cid by Guillem de Castro. The overwhelming success of this play, arguably the most "epoch-making" in all literature, sparked jealousy from Richelieu and the Academy, as well as open criticisms from Georges de Scudéry and J. de Mairet, among others. The ensuing pamphlet-war is one of the most well-known events in literary history. The Academy's measured verdict, which we find in J. Chapelain’s Sentiments de l’Académie française sur la tragi-comédie du Cid (1638), when Richelieu requested their judgment, was not openly rejected by Corneille, but it was essentially insignificant. However, it’s worth noting that none other than Georges de Scudéry, in his Observations sur le Cid (1637), seriously and seemingly genuinely claimed that this great play had a thoroughly bad subject, violated all dramatic composition rules, was poorly executed, had consistently faulty versification, and that its beauties were generally stolen! Corneille himself found himself in a tough spot during this dispute. The esprit bourru that he always displayed, which he showcased in his somewhat arrogant Excuse à Ariste, made him ill-suited for controversy, and it was crucial for him not to lose the outward signs of favor that Richelieu continued to show him. Perhaps the most pleasant aspect of the entire situation is the unwavering and generous admiration that Rotrou, the only contemporary whose talent qualified him to critique Corneille, continued to have for his friend, rival, and in some sense (though Rotrou was the younger of the two) pupil. Finding it impossible to make himself fairly heard, Corneille (who had stepped back from his position among the "five poets") withdrew to Rouen and spent nearly three years in peace there, perhaps contemplating the opinions he later expressed in his three Discours and in the Examens of his plays, where he concedes, somewhat like in the house of Rimmon, to "the rules." In 1639, 164 or early 1640 marked the appearance of Horace with a dedication to Richelieu. Thanks to the good graces of Madame de Combalet, to whom the Cid had been dedicated, and possibly the alleviation of the cardinal’s literary jealousy, any rift that may have existed was mended, and indeed the poet had little reason to argue with his patron. Richelieu not only granted him 500 crowns a year but soon after, though there’s no solid evidence, is said to have used his influence to reconcile the poet’s mistress, Marie de Lampérière’s, father to the marriage of the couple (1640). This year also saw the release of Cinna. He faced a brief but serious illness, and the death of his father the year before had heightened his family worries by leaving his mother in rather poor circumstances. However, it has recently been denied that he himself was ever poor, contrary to older beliefs.

In the following year Corneille figured as a contributor to the Guirlande de Julie, a famous album which the marquis de Montausier, assisted by all the literary men of the day, offered to his lady-love, Julie d’Angennes. 1643 was, according to the latest authorities (for Cornelian dates have often been altered), a very great year in the dramatist’s life. Therein appeared Polyeucte, the memorable comedy of Le Menteur, which though adapted from the Spanish stood in relation to French comedy very much as Le Cid, which owed less to Spain, stood to French tragedy; its less popular and far less good Suite,—and perhaps La Mort de Pompée. Rodogune (1644) was a brilliant success; Théodore (1645), a tragedy on a somewhat perilous subject, was the first of Corneille’s plays which was definitely damned. Some amends may have been made to him by the commission which he received next year to write verses for the Triomphes poétiques de Louis XIII. Soon after (22nd of January 1647) the Academy at last (it had twice rejected him on frivolous pleas) admitted the greatest of living French writers. Héraclius (1646), Andromède (1650), a spectacle-opera rather than a play, Don Sanche d’Aragon (1650) and Nicomède (1651) were the products of the next few years’ work; but in 1652 Pertharite was received with decided disfavour, and the poet in disgust resolved, like Ben Jonson, to quit the loathed stage. In this resolution he persevered for six years, during which he worked at a verse translation of the Imitation of Christ (finished in 1656), at his three Discourses on Dramatic Poetry, and at the Examens which are usually printed at the end of his plays. In 1659 Fouquet, the Maecenas of the time, persuaded him to alter his resolve, and Œdipe, a play which became a great favourite with Louis XIV., was the result. It was followed by La Toison d’or (1660), Sertorius (1662) and Sophonisbe (1663). In this latter year Corneille (who had at last removed his residence from Rouen to Paris in 1662) was included among the list of men of letters pensioned at the proposal of Colbert. He received 2000 livres. Othon (1664), Agésilas (1666), Attila (1667), and Tite et Bérénice (1670), were generally considered as proofs of failing powers,—the cruel quatrain of Boileau—

In the following year, Corneille contributed to the Guirlande de Julie, a famous album that the Marquis de Montausier, with help from all the literary figures of the time, presented to his love, Julie d’Angennes. According to the latest sources (since the dates concerning Corneille have often changed), 1643 was a significant year in the playwright's life. That year saw the release of Polyeucte and the notable comedy Le Menteur, which, although adapted from Spanish, related to French comedy much like Le Cid, which was less influenced by Spain, related to French tragedy; it also included the less popular and not-so-great Suite and perhaps La Mort de Pompée. Rodogune (1644) was a huge success; Théodore (1645), a tragedy on a rather risky topic, was the first of Corneille's plays that was outright condemned. He may have felt some compensation from the commission he received the following year to write verses for the Triomphes poétiques de Louis XIII. Shortly after (January 22, 1647), the Academy finally admitted him (after rejecting him twice on trivial grounds), recognizing him as the greatest living French writer. Héraclius (1646), Andromède (1650), which was more of a spectacle-opera than a straightforward play, Don Sanche d’Aragon (1650), and Nicomède (1651) were the results of several years' work; however, in 1652, Pertharite was met with significant disapproval, leading the poet, in frustration, to decide to leave the disliked stage, much like Ben Jonson. He stuck to this decision for six years, during which he worked on a verse translation of the Imitation of Christ (completed in 1656), his three Discourses on Dramatic Poetry, and the Examens, usually printed at the end of his plays. In 1659, Fouquet, the cultural patron of the time, convinced him to change his mind, resulting in Œdipe, a play that became very popular with Louis XIV. This was followed by La Toison d’or (1660), Sertorius (1662), and Sophonisbe (1663). In that same year, Corneille (who finally moved from Rouen to Paris in 1662) was included in the list of authors receiving a pension at Colbert's suggestion. He received 2000 livres. Othon (1664), Agésilas (1666), Attila (1667), and Tite et Bérénice (1670) were generally viewed as signs of declining talent, as reflected in Boileau's harsh quatrain—

“Après l’Agésilas

"After the Agésilas"

Hélas!

Alas!

Mais après l’Attila

But after the Attila

Holà!”

“Hello!”

in the case of these two plays, and the unlucky comparison with Racine in the Bérénice, telling heavily against them. In 1665 and 1670 some versifications of devotional works addressed to the Virgin had appeared. The part which Corneille took in Psyché (1671), Molière and P. Quinault being his coadjutors, showed signs of renewed vigour; but Pulchérie (1672) and Suréna (1674) were allowed even by his faithful followers to be failures. He lived for ten years after the appearance of Suréna, but was almost silent save for the publication, in 1676, of some beautiful verses thanking Louis XIV. for ordering the revival of his plays. He died at his house in the rue d’Argenteuil on the 30th of September 1684. For nine years (1674-1681), and again in 1683, his pension had, for what reason is unknown, been suspended. It used to be said that he was in great straits, and the story went (though, as far as Boileau is concerned, it has been invalidated), that at last Boileau, hearing of this, went to the king and offered to resign his own pension if there were not money enough for Corneille, and that Louis sent the aged poet two hundred pistoles. He might, had it actually been so, have said, with a great English poet in like case, “I have no time to spend them.” Two days afterwards he was dead.

In the case of these two plays, the unfavorable comparison with Racine in Bérénice worked against them. In 1665 and 1670, some adaptations of devotional works dedicated to the Virgin had come out. The role Corneille played in Psyché (1671), with Molière and P. Quinault collaborating, showed signs of renewed energy; however, Pulchérie (1672) and Suréna (1674) were seen as failures even by his loyal supporters. He lived for ten more years after the release of Suréna, but he was mostly quiet except for the publication in 1676 of some beautiful verses thanking Louis XIV for ordering the revival of his plays. He passed away at his home on rue d’Argenteuil on September 30, 1684. For nine years (1674-1681), and again in 1683, his pension had been suspended for reasons unknown. It was said that he fell into severe hardship, and the story circulated (though it was disproven concerning Boileau) that Boileau, upon hearing this, approached the king and offered to give up his own pension if funds were short for Corneille, and that Louis sent the elderly poet two hundred pistoles. He might have, had it been true, echoed a great English poet in a similar situation, “I have no time to spend them.” Two days later, he was dead.

Corneille was buried in the church of St Roch, where no monument marked his grave until 1821. He had six children, of whom four survived him. Pierre, the eldest son, a cavalry officer who died before his father, left posterity in whom the name has continued; Marie, the eldest daughter, was twice married, and by her second husband, M. de Farcy, became the ancestress of Charlotte Corday. Repeated efforts have been made for the benefit of the poet’s descendants, Voltaire, Charles X. and the Comédie française having all borne part therein.

Corneille was buried in St. Roch Church, where there was no monument marking his grave until 1821. He had six children, four of whom survived him. Pierre, the eldest son and a cavalry officer, died before his father, leaving descendants who continue the family name. Marie, the eldest daughter, got married twice, and through her second husband, M. de Farcy, became the ancestor of Charlotte Corday. There have been repeated efforts to support the poet’s descendants, with Voltaire, Charles X, and the Comédie française all contributing.

The portraits of Corneille (the best and most trustworthy of which is from the burin of M. Lasne, an engraver of Caen), represent him as a man of serious, almost of stern countenance, and this agrees well enough with such descriptions as we have of his appearance, and with the idea of him which we should form from his writings and conduct. His nephew Fontenelle admits that his general address and manner were by no means prepossessing. Others use stronger language, and it seems to be confessed that either from shyness, from pride, or from physical defects of utterance, probably from all three combined, he did not attract strangers. Racine is said to have assured his son that Corneille made verses “cent fois plus beaux” than his own, but that his own greater popularity was owing to the fact that he took some trouble to make himself personally agreeable. Almost all the anecdotes which have been recorded concerning him testify to a rugged and somewhat unamiable self-contentment. “Je n’ai pas le mérite de ce pays-ci,” he said of the court, “Je n’en suis pas moins Pierre Corneille,” he is said to have replied to his friends as often as they dared to suggest certain shortcomings in his behaviour, manner or speech, “Je suis saoul de gloire et affamé d’argent” was his reply to the compliments of Boileau. Yet tradition is unanimous as to his affection for his family, and as to the harmony in which he lived with his brother Thomas who had married Marguerite de Lampérière, younger sister of Marie, and whose household both at Rouen and at Paris was practically one with that of his brother. No story about Corneille is better known than that which tells of the trap between the two houses, and how Pierre, whose facility of versification was much inferior to his brother’s, would lift it when hard bestead, and call out “Sans-souci, une rime!” Notwithstanding this domestic felicity, an impression is left on the reader of Corneille’s biographies that he was by no means a happy man. Melancholy of temperament will partially explain this, but there were other reasons. He appears to have been quite free from envy properly so called, and to have been always ready to acknowledge the excellences of his contemporaries. But, as was the case with a very different man—Goldsmith—praise bestowed on others always made him uncomfortable unless it were accompanied by praise bestowed on himself. As Guizot has excellently said, “Sa jalousie fut celle d’un enfant qui veut qu’un sourire le rassure contre les caresses que reçoit son frère.”

The portraits of Corneille (the best and most reliable of which is by M. Lasne, an engraver from Caen) show him as a serious, almost stern-looking man, which aligns well with the descriptions we have of his appearance and the impression we get from his writings and behavior. His nephew Fontenelle admits that his general demeanor and manner were not at all charming. Others go further, suggesting that whether due to shyness, pride, or speech difficulties—likely a combination of all three—he did not attract strangers. Racine reportedly told his son that Corneille wrote “a hundred times more beautiful” verses than his own but that he was more popular because he made an effort to be personally likable. Almost all the anecdotes recorded about him indicate a rugged and somewhat unsympathetic self-satisfaction. “I don't have the merit of this place,” he said regarding the court, “I am nonetheless Pierre Corneille,” he is said to have replied to his friends whenever they dared to mention any shortcomings in his behavior, manner, or speech. “I am drunk with glory and starving for money,” was his response to Boileau’s compliments. Yet, tradition unanimously affirms his love for his family and the harmony in which he lived with his brother Thomas, who married Marguerite de Lampérière, the younger sister of Marie, and whose household in both Rouen and Paris was practically one with his brother’s. No story about Corneille is better known than the one about the trap between their two homes, where Pierre, whose talent for verse was much less than his brother's, would lift it when in a tight spot and call out, “Sans-souci, a rhyme!” Despite this domestic happiness, the biographies of Corneille leave the impression that he was not a happy man. His melancholic temperament partially explains this, but there were other factors. He seems to have been completely free from envy and always ready to acknowledge the talents of his peers. However, similar to a very different person—Goldsmith—compliments directed at others made him uneasy unless they were also accompanied by praise for himself. As Guizot excellently put it, “His jealousy was that of a child who wants a smile to reassure him against the affection his brother receives.”

Although his actual poverty has been recently denied, he cannot have been affluent. His pensions covered but a small part of his long life and were most irregularly paid. He was no “dedicator,” and the occasional presents of rich men, such as Montauron (who gave him a thousand, others say two hundred, pistoles for the dedication of Cinna), and Fouquet (who commissioned Œdipe), were few and far between, though they have exposed him to reflections which show great ignorance of the manners of the age. Of his professional earnings, the small sum for which, as we have seen, he gave up his offices, and the expression of Fontenelle that he practised “sans goût et sans succès,” are sufficient proof. His patrimony and his wife’s dowry must both have been trifling. On the other hand, it was during the early and middle part of his career impossible, and during the later part very difficult, for a dramatist to live decently by his pieces. It was not till the middle of the century that the custom 165 of allowing the author two shares in the profits during the first run of the piece was observed, and even then revivals profited him nothing. Thomas Corneille himself, who to his undoubted talents united wonderful facility, untiring industry, and (gift valuable above all others to the playwright) an extraordinary knack of hitting the public fancy, died, notwithstanding his simple tastes, “as poor as Job.” We know that Pierre received for two of his later pieces two thousand livres each, and we do not know that he ever received more.

Although his actual poverty has recently been disputed, he couldn't have been wealthy. His pensions only covered a small part of his long life and were paid very irregularly. He was not a "dedicator," and the rare gifts from wealthy individuals, like Montauron (who reportedly gave him a thousand, though some say two hundred, pistoles for the dedication of Cinna) and Fouquet (who commissioned Œdipe), were few and far between, though they led to assumptions that show a great ignorance of the customs of the time. The small amount he received for giving up his offices, along with Fontenelle's comment that he worked “without taste and without success,” proves this point. His inheritance and his wife's dowry must have been minimal. On the flip side, during the early and middle parts of his career, it was impossible, and in the later part very challenging, for a playwright to make a decent living from his works. It wasn't until the middle of the century that the practice of giving the author two shares in the profits during the initial run of the play became common, and even then, revivals brought him no benefit. Thomas Corneille, who despite his undeniable talent had an incredible ability to appeal to the public, tireless work ethic, and a knack for hitting the public fancy, died “as poor as Job,” despite his modest lifestyle. We know that Pierre received two thousand livres each for two of his later works, and there's no evidence he ever received more.

But his reward in fame was not stinted. Corneille, unlike many of the great writers of the world, was not driven to wait for “the next age” to do him justice. The cabal or clique which attacked the Cid had no effect whatever on the judgment of the public. All his subsequent masterpieces were received with the same ungrudging applause, and the rising star of Racine, even in conjunction with the manifest inferiority of Corneille’s last five or six plays, with difficulty prevailed against the older poet’s towering reputation. The great men of his time—Condé, Turenne, the maréchal de Grammont, the knight-errant duc de Guise—were his fervent admirers. Nor had he less justice done him by a class from whom less justice might have been expected, the brother men of letters whose criticisms he treated with such scant courtesy. The respectable mediocrity of Chapelain might misapprehend him; the lesser geniuses of Scudéry and Mairet might feel alarm at his advent; the envious Claverets and D’Aubignacs might snarl and scribble. But Balzac did him justice; Rotrou, as we have seen, never failed in generous appreciation; Molière in conversation and in print recognized him as his own master and the foremost of dramatists. We have quoted the informal tribute of Racine; but it should not be forgotten that Racine, in discharge of his duty as respondent at the Academical reception of Thomas Corneille, pronounced upon the memory of Pierre perhaps the noblest and most just tribute of eulogy that ever issued from the lips of a rival. Boileau’s testimony is of a more chequered character; yet he seems never to have failed in admiring Corneille whenever his principles would allow him to do so. Questioned as to the great men of Louis XIV.’s reign, he is said to have replied: “I only know three,—Corneille, Molière and myself.” “And how about Racine?” his auditor ventured to remark. “He was an extremely clever fellow to whom I taught the art of elaborate rhyming” (rimer difficilement). It was reserved for the 18th century to exalt Racine above Corneille. Voltaire, who was prompted by his natural benevolence to comment on the latter (the profits went to a relation of the poet), was not altogether fitted by nature to appreciate Corneille, and moreover, as has been ingeniously pointed out, was not a little wearied by the length of his task. His partially unfavourable verdict was endorsed earlier by Vauvenargues, who knew little of poetry, and later by La Harpe, whose critical standpoint has now been universally abandoned. Napoleon I. was a great admirer of Corneille (“s’il vivait, je le ferais prince,” he said), and under the Empire and the Restoration an approach to a sounder appreciation was made. But it was the glory of the romantic school, or rather of the more catholic study of letters which that school brought about, to restore Corneille to his true rank. So long, indeed, as a certain kind of criticism was pursued, due appreciation was impossible. When it was thought sufficient to say with Boileau that Corneille excited, not pity or terror, but admiration which was not a tragic passion; or that

But his reward in fame was significant. Corneille, unlike many great writers, didn’t have to wait for “the next age” to be recognized. The group that criticized the Cid had no impact on public opinion. All of his later masterpieces were met with the same enthusiastic applause, and the rising popularity of Racine, even with the clear inferiority of Corneille’s last five or six plays, barely managed to overshadow the older poet’s impressive reputation. The prominent figures of his era—Condé, Turenne, the maréchal de Grammont, the knight-errant duc de Guise—were his passionate fans. He received considerable acclaim even from those whom you might not expect it from, including fellow writers whose criticisms he often met with little respect. The mediocrity of Chapelain might misunderstand him; the lesser talents of Scudéry and Mairet might have felt threatened by his arrival; the envious Claverets and D’Aubignacs could snarl and scribble away. But Balzac recognized his greatness; Rotrou, as we’ve seen, consistently showed generous appreciation; and Molière acknowledged him as his mentor and the greatest of dramatists, both in conversation and in writing. We’ve noted Racine's casual tribute, but it's worth mentioning that Racine, while serving as the respondent at Thomas Corneille's reception into the Academy, delivered one of the most noble and fair tributes to Pierre that a rival ever expressed. Boileau's testimony is more mixed, yet he never failed to admire Corneille whenever his principles allowed. When asked about the great figures of Louis XIV’s reign, he reportedly replied: “I only know three—Corneille, Molière, and myself.” “What about Racine?” his listener asked. “He was a very clever fellow to whom I taught the art of complex rhyming” (rimer difficilement). It was in the 18th century that Racine began to be elevated above Corneille. Voltaire, motivated by his natural kindness to comment on Corneille (with proceeds going to a relative of the poet), wasn’t entirely suited to appreciate Corneille himself, and it has been cleverly noted that he was somewhat fatigued by the length of his task. His somewhat negative opinion was echoed earlier by Vauvenargues, who knew little about poetry, and later by La Harpe, whose critical perspective is now largely disregarded. Napoleon I. was a great fan of Corneille (“If he were alive, I would make him a prince,” he said), and during the Empire and the Restoration, there was an attempt at a more accurate appreciation of his work. However, it was the romantic school’s glory, or rather the broader study of literature that the romantic movement initiated, that restored Corneille to his rightful place. Indeed, as long as a certain type of criticism was in practice, due appreciation was unattainable. When it was thought sufficient to say with Boileau that Corneille invoked not pity or terror but admiration that was not a tragic passion; or that

“D’un seul nom quelquefois le son dur ou bizarre

“Sometimes just one name has a harsh or strange sound

Rend un poème entier ou burlesque ou barbare;”

Rend a whole poem that's either funny or wild;”

when Voltaire could think it crushing to add to his exposure of the “infamies” of Théodore—“après cela comment osons-nous condamner les pièces de Lope de Véga et de Shakespeare?”—it is obvious that the Cid and Polyeucte, much more Don Sanche d’Aragon and Rodogune, were sealed books to the critic.

when Voltaire thought it overwhelming to add to his critique of the “outrages” of Théodore—“after this, how can we dare condemn the works of Lope de Vega and Shakespeare?”—it’s clear that the Cid and Polyeucte, let alone Don Sanche d’Aragon and Rodogune, were completely unknown to the critic.

Almost the first thing which strikes a reader is the singular inequality of this poet, and the attempts to explain this inequality, in reference to his own and other theories, leave the fact untouched. Producing, as he certainly has produced, work which classes him with the greatest names in literature, he has also signed an extraordinary quantity of verse which has not merely the defects of genius, irregularity, extravagance, bizarreté, but the faults which we are apt to regard as exclusively belonging to those who lack genius, to wit, the dulness and tediousness of mediocrity. Molière’s manner of accounting for this is famous in literary history or legend. “My friend Corneille,” he said, “has a familiar who inspires him with the finest verses in the world. But sometimes the familiar leaves him to shift for himself, and then he fares very badly.” That Corneille was by no means destitute of the critical faculty his Discourses and the Examens of his plays (often admirably acute, and, with Dryden’s subsequent prefaces, the originals to a great extent of specially modern criticism) show well enough. But an enemy might certainly contend that a poet’s critical faculty should be of the Promethean, not be Epimethean order. The fact seems to be that the form in which Corneille’s work was cast, and which by an odd irony of fate he did so much to originate and make popular, was very partially suited to his talents. He could imagine admirable situations, and he could write verses of incomparable grandeur—verses that reverberate again and again in the memory, but he could not, with the patient docility of Racine, labour at proportioning the action of a tragedy strictly, at maintaining a uniform rate of interest in the course of the plot and of excellence in the fashion of the verse. Especially in his later plays a verse and a couplet will crash out with fulgurous brilliancy, and then be succeeded by pages of very second-rate declamation or argument. It was urged against him also by the party of the Doucereux, as he called them, that he could not manage, or did not attempt, the great passion of love, and that except in the case of Chimène his principle seemed to be that of one of his own heroines:—

Almost the first thing that strikes a reader is the unique inequality of this poet, and the attempts to explain this inequality, in reference to his own and other theories, leave the fact untouched. Producing, as he definitely has, work that places him among the greatest names in literature, he has also created an extraordinary amount of verse that not only has the flaws of genius—irregularity, extravagance, bizarreté—but also the shortcomings we often associate with those lacking genius, such as dullness and the tedium of mediocrity. Molière’s explanation for this is well-known in literary history or legend. “My friend Corneille,” he said, “has a spirit that inspires him with the finest verses in the world. But sometimes the spirit leaves him to fend for himself, and then he’s in trouble.” Corneille was certainly not without critical insight, as his Discourses and the Examens of his plays (often brilliantly insightful, and largely foundational to modern criticism alongside Dryden’s later prefaces) demonstrate. However, an adversary might argue that a poet’s critical ability should be of the Promethean kind, not of the Epimethean sort. The reality appears to be that the form in which Corneille’s work was crafted, and which, by a strange twist of fate, he did so much to develop and popularize, was not very well-suited to his talents. He could envision admirable situations and compose verses of unparalleled grandeur—verses that resound in memory again and again—but he could not, with the patient diligence of Racine, work at precisely proportioning the action of a tragedy, maintaining a consistent level of interest throughout the plot, or ensuring excellence in the verse style. Especially in his later works, a verse and a couplet would burst forth with stunning brilliance, only to be followed by pages of very mediocre declamation or argument. The party of the Doucereux, as he called them, also criticized him for being unable to handle, or not attempting, the great passion of love, and that except in the case of Chimène, his approach seemed to reflect that of one of his own heroines:—

“Laissons, seigneur, laissons pour les petites âmes

“Laissons, seigneur, laissons pour les petites âmes

Ce commerce rampant de soupirs et de flammes.”

Ce commerce rampant de soupirs et de flammes.

(Aristie in Sertorius.)

(Aristie in Sertorius.)

There is perhaps some truth in this accusation, however much some of us may be disposed to think that the line just quoted is a fair enough description of the admired ecstasies of Achille and Bajazet. But these are all the defects which can be fairly urged against him; and in a dramatist bound to a less strict service they would hardly have been even remarked. They certainly neither require, nor are palliated by, theories of his “megalomania,” of his excessive attention to conflicts of will and the like. On the English stage the liberty of unrestricted incident and complicated action, the power of multiplying characters and introducing prose scenes, would have exactly suited his somewhat intermittent genius, both by covering defects and by giving greater scope for the exhibition of power.

There might be some truth to this accusation, even if some of us are inclined to believe that the line just quoted is a reasonable description of the admired ecstasies of Achille and Bajazet. But these are the only real flaws that can be fairly pointed out against him; in a playwright with less rigid expectations, they might not have even been noticed. They certainly don’t need or are justified by theories of his “megalomania” or his excessive focus on conflicts of will, and so on. On the English stage, the freedom of unrestricted incidents and complex actions, along with the ability to have multiple characters and include prose scenes, would have fit his somewhat inconsistent genius perfectly, both by masking flaws and by allowing more room for showcasing his talent.

How great that power is can escape no one. The splendid soliloquies of Medea which, as Voltaire happily says, “annoncent Corneille,” the entire parts of Rodogune and Chimène, the final speech of Camille in Horace, the discovery scene of Cinna, the dialogues of Pauline and Sévère in Polyeucte, the magnificently-contrasted conception and exhibition of the best and worst forms of feminine dignity in the Cornélie of Pompée and the Cléopâtre of Rodogune, the singularly fine contrast in Don Sanche d’Aragon, between the haughtiness of the Spanish nobles and the unshaken dignity of the supposed adventurer Carlos, and the characters of Aristie, Viriate and Sertorius himself, in the play named after the latter, are not to be surpassed in grandeur of thought, felicity of design or appropriateness of language. “Admiration” may or may not properly be excited by tragedy, and until this important question is settled the name of tragedian may be at pleasure given to or withheld from the author of Rodogune. But his rank among the greatest of dramatic poets is not a matter of question. For a poet is to be judged by his best things, and the best things of Corneille are second to none.

How great that power is can escape no one. The magnificent soliloquies of Medea which, as Voltaire happily says, “announce Corneille,” all the parts of Rodogune and Chimène, the final speech of Camille in Horace, the discovery scene of Cinna, the dialogues between Pauline and Sévère in Polyeucte, the beautifully contrasted conception and display of the best and worst forms of feminine dignity in the Cornélie of Pompée and the Cléopâtre of Rodogune, the striking contrast in Don Sanche d’Aragon between the haughtiness of the Spanish nobles and the unwavering dignity of the supposed adventurer Carlos, and the characters of Aristie, Viriate, and Sertorius himself in the play named after the latter, are unmatched in grandeur of thought, excellence of design, or appropriateness of language. “Admiration” may or may not be rightly stirred by tragedy, and until this important question is settled, the title of tragedian may be freely given or withheld from the author of Rodogune. But his place among the greatest dramatic poets is not in question. For a poet should be judged by his best works, and the best works of Corneille are second to none.

The Plays.—It was, however, some time before his genius came to perfection. It is undeniable that the first six or seven of his plays are of no very striking intrinsic merit. On the other hand, it requires only a very slight acquaintance with the state of the drama in France at the time to see that these works, poor as they may now seem, must have struck the spectators as something 166 new and surprising. The language and dialogue of Mélite are on the whole simple and natural, and though the construction is not very artful (the fifth act being, as is not unusual in Corneille, superfluous and clumsy), it is still passable. The fact that one of the characters jumps on another’s back, and the rather promiscuous kissing which takes place, are nothing to the liberties usually taken in contemporary plays. A worse fault is the στιχομυθία, or, to borrow Butler’s expression, the Cat-and-Puss dialogue, which abounds. But the common objection to the play at the time was that it was too natural and too devoid of striking incidents. Corneille accordingly, as he tells us, set to work to cure these faults, and produced a truly wonderful work, Clitandre. Murders, combats, escapes and outrages of all kinds are provided; and the language makes The Rehearsal no burlesque. One of the heroines rescues herself from a ravisher by blinding him with a hair-pin, and as she escapes the seducer apostrophizes the blood which trickles from his eye, and the weapon which has wounded it, in a speech forty verses long. This, however, was his only attempt of the kind. For his next four pieces, which were comedies, there is claimed the introduction of some important improvements, such as the choosing for scenes places well known in actual life (as in the Galerie du palais), and the substitution of the soubrette in place of the old inconvenient and grotesque nurse. It is certain, however, that there is more interval between these six plays and Médée than between the latter and Corneille’s greatest drama. Here first do we find those sudden and magnificent lines which characterize the poet. The title-rôle is, however, the only good one, and as a whole the play is heavy. Much the same may be said of its curious successor L’Illusion comique. This is not only a play within a play, but in part of it there is actually a third involution, one set of characters beholding another set discharging the parts of yet another. It contains, however, some very fine lines, in particular, a defence of the stage and some heroics put into the mouth of a braggadocio. We have seen it said of the Cid that it is difficult to understand the enthusiasm it excited. But the difficulty can only exist for persons who are insensible to dramatic excellence, or who so strongly object to the forms of the French drama that they cannot relish anything so presented. Rodrigue, Chimène, Don Diègue are not of any age, but of all time. The conflicting passions of love, honour, duty, are here represented as they never had been on a French stage, and in the “strong style” which was Corneille’s own. Of the many objections urged against the play, perhaps the weightiest is that which condemns the frigid and superfluous part of the Infanta. Horace, though more skilfully constructed, is perhaps less satisfactory. There is a hardness about the younger Horace which might have been, but is not made, imposing, and Sabine’s effect on the action is quite out of proportion to the space she occupies. The splendid declamation of Camille, and the excellent part of the elder Horace, do not altogether atone for these defects. Cinna is perhaps generally considered the poet’s masterpiece, and it undoubtedly contains the finest single scene in all French tragedy. The blot on it is certainly the character of Émilie, who is spiteful and thankless, not heroic. Polyeucte has sometimes been elevated to the same position. There is, however, a certain coolness about the hero’s affection for his wife which somewhat detracts from the merit of his sacrifice; while the Christian part of the matter is scarcely so well treated as in the Saint Genest of Rotrou or the Virgin Martyr of Massinger. On the other hand, the entire parts of Pauline and Sévère are beyond praise, and the manner in which the former reconciles her duty as a wife with her affection for her lover is an astonishing success. In Pompée (for La Mort de Pompée, though the more appropriate, was not the original title) the splendid declamation of Cornélie is the chief thing to be remarked. Le Menteur fully deserves the honour which Molière paid to it. Its continuation, notwithstanding the judgment of some French critics, we cannot think so happy. But Théodore is perhaps the most surprising of literary anomalies. The central situation, which so greatly shocked Voltaire and indeed all French critics from the date of the piece, does not seem to blame. A virgin martyr who is threatened with loss of honour as a bitterer punishment than loss of life offers points as powerful as they are perilous. But the treatment is thoroughly bad. From the heroine who is, in a phrase of Dryden’s, “one of the coolest and most insignificant” heroines ever drawn, to the undignified Valens, the termagant Marcelle, and the peevish Placide, there is hardly a good character. Immediately upon this in most printed editions, though older in representation, follows the play which (therein agreeing rather with the author than with his critics) we should rank as his greatest triumph, Rodogune. Here there is hardly a weak point. The magnificent and terrible character of Cléopâtre, and the contrasted dispositions of the two princes, of course attract most attention. But the character of Rodogune herself, which has not escaped criticism, comes hardly short of these. Héraclius, despite great art and much fine poetry, is injured by the extreme complication of its argument and by the blustering part of Pulchérie. Andromède, with the later spectacle piece, the Toison d’or, do not call for comment, and we have already alluded to the chief merit of Don Sanche. Nicomède, often considered one of Corneille’s best plays, is chiefly remarkable for the curious and unusual character of its hero. Of Pertharite it need only be said that no single critic has to our knowledge disputed the justice of its damnation. Œdipe is certainly unworthy of its subject and its author, but in Sertorius we have one of Corneille’s finest plays. It is remarkable not only for its many splendid verses and for the nobility of its sentiment, but from the fact that not one of its characters lacks interest, a commendation not generally to be bestowed on its author’s work. Of the last six plays we may say that perhaps only one of them, Agésilas, is almost wholly worthless. Not a few speeches of Suréna and of Othon are of a very high order. As to the poet’s non-dramatic works, we have already spoken of his extremely interesting critical dissertations. His minor poems and poetical devotions are not likely to be read save from motives of duty or curiosity. The verse translation of à Kempis, indeed, which was in its day immensely popular (it passed through many editions), condemns itself.

The Plays.—It took a while for his genius to reach its peak. It's true that the first six or seven of his plays don't have much standout value. However, a basic understanding of the state of drama in France at that time shows that these works, as lacking as they may seem now, must have wowed audiences as something new and surprising. The language and dialogue in Mélite are mostly simple and natural, and although the structure isn’t particularly clever (the fifth act, as is often the case with Corneille, feels unnecessary and awkward), it’s still acceptable. The fact that one character jumps onto another's back and the somewhat casual kissing that happens are nothing compared to the liberties taken in plays today. A bigger issue is the dialogue, or what Butler called the Cat-and-Puss dialogue, which is quite frequent. Back then, the common criticism of the play was that it was too natural and lacked striking incidents. Corneille, as he mentions, set out to fix these problems and created a truly remarkable work, Clitandre. The play includes murders, fights, escapes, and all kinds of outrages; the language elevates it above mere parody. One of the heroines saves herself from an assailant by blinding him with a hairpin, and as she escapes, the assailant laments the blood flowing from his eye and the weapon that caused it in a forty-verse speech. This was, however, his only attempt of that sort. For his next four comedies, he claimed to introduce important improvements, such as choosing well-known locations for scenes (like in the Galerie du palais) and replacing the old, cumbersome nurse with a soubrette. It's clear that there is a greater gap between these six plays and Médée than there is between Médée and Corneille's greatest drama. Here we first find those sudden and brilliant lines that define the poet's style. However, the title character is the only strong one, and overall, the play feels heavy. The same can be said for its interesting follow-up, L’Illusion comique. This is not only a play within a play, but part of it actually features a third layer, with one set of characters watching another set act out yet another performance. It does contain some beautiful lines, especially a defense of the stage and some heroic speeches from a braggart. It has been said of the Cid that it's hard to understand the enthusiasm it generated. But this difficulty can only affect those who are indifferent to dramatic excellence or who strongly dislike the structure of French drama, making it hard for them to enjoy it in that form. Rodrigue, Chimène, Don Diègue are not of an era; they are timeless. The conflicting passions of love, honor, and duty are depicted here as they never had been on a French stage, and in the “strong style” that is uniquely Corneille’s. Among the many criticisms aimed at the play, perhaps the strongest is the harsh and unnecessary role of the Infanta. Horace, though more skillfully structured, may be less satisfying. There's a certain stiffness about the younger Horace that could have been, but isn’t, impressive, and Sabine’s impact on the story is disproportionate to her role. The splendid speech of Camille and the excellent character of the elder Horace don’t fully compensate for these flaws. Cinna is often regarded as the poet’s masterpiece, undoubtedly containing the finest single scene in all French tragedy. The blemish here is the character of Émilie, who is spiteful and ungrateful, not heroic. Polyeucte has sometimes been raised to the same status. However, there is a certain aloofness about the hero’s affection for his wife that slightly diminishes the merit of his sacrifice; meanwhile, the Christian aspect of the story isn't handled as well as in Rotrou’s Saint Genest or Massinger’s Virgin Martyr. On the other hand, the roles of Pauline and Sévère are exceptional, especially the way Pauline balances her duty as a wife with her love for her partner—an impressive success. In Pompée (though the more fitting title would be La Mort de Pompée, it wasn't the original), the outstanding speech of Cornélie stands out. Le Menteur fully deserves the praise Molière gave it. Its continuation, despite some French critics’ opinions, we can't consider as successful. But Théodore is perhaps the most surprising of literary oddities. The central situation, which shocked Voltaire and indeed all French critics at the time of its release, doesn’t seem to deserve the blame. A virgin martyr faced with losing her honor, a punishment worse than death, offers as many powerful points as dangerous ones. But the execution is completely flawed. From the heroine, who, in Dryden's words, is “one of the coolest and most insignificant” characters ever written, to the inept Valens, the domineering Marcelle, and the whiny Placide, there seems to be hardly a good character present. Following this in most printed editions, though older in performance history, is the play we would rate as his greatest triumph, Rodogune. Here, there are hardly any weak spots. The splendid and frightening character of Cléopâtre, along with the contrasted natures of the two princes, naturally garners the most attention. Yet, the character of Rodogune herself, often criticized, is nearly on par with them. Héraclius, despite its great artistry and beautiful poetry, suffers from the overly complicated plot and the loud role of Pulchérie. Andromède, along with the later spectacle piece, the Toison d’or, don't require commentary, and we've already noted the main merit of Don Sanche. Nicomède, frequently considered one of Corneille’s best plays, is particularly notable for the intriguing and unusual nature of its hero. As for Pertharite, it's only necessary to mention that no critic has challenged its condemnation. Œdipe is undeniably unworthy of its subject and its author, but in Sertorius we find one of Corneille’s finest plays. It's remarkable not only for its many brilliant verses and noble sentiments but also because every character holds interest—an accolade not often given to his works. Of the last six plays, we can say that perhaps only one, Agésilas, is nearly without value. Several speeches in Suréna and Othon are of a very high caliber. Regarding the poet's non-dramatic works, we've already mentioned his incredibly engaging critical essays. His minor poems and religious writings are unlikely to be read except out of obligation or curiosity. The verse translation of à Kempis, which was hugely popular in its day (it went through many editions), ultimately undermines itself.

Bibliography.—The subject of the bibliography of Corneille was treated in the most exhaustive manner by M. E. Picot in his Bibliographie Cornélienne (Paris, 1875-1876). Less elaborate, but still ample information may be found in J. A. Taschereau’s Vie and in M. Marty-Laveaux’s edition of the Works. The individual plays were usually printed a year or two after their first appearance: but these dates have been subjected to confusion and to controversy, and it seems better to refer for them to the works quoted and to be quoted. The chief collected editions in the poet’s lifetime were those of 1644, 1648, 1652, 1660 (with important corrections), 1664 and 1682, which gives the definitive text. In 1692 T. Corneille published a complete Théâtre in 5 vols. 12mo. Numerous editions appeared in the early part of the 18th century, that of 1740 (6 vols. 12mo, Amsterdam) containing the Œuvres diverses as well as the plays. Several editions are recorded between this and that of Voltaire (12 vols. 8vo; Geneva, 1764, 1776, 8 vols. 4to), whose Commentaires have often been reprinted separately. In the year IX. (1801) appeared an edition of the Works with Voltaire’s commentary and criticisms thereon by Palissot (12 vols. 8vo, Paris). Since this the editions have been extremely numerous. Those chiefly to be remarked are the following. Lefèvre’s (12 vols. 8vo, Paris, 1854), well printed and with a useful variorum commentary, lacks bibliographical information and is disfigured by hideous engravings. Of Taschereau’s, in the Bibliothèque elzévirienne, only two volumes were published. Lahure’s appeared in 5 vols. (1857-1862) and 7 vols. (1864-1866). The edition of Ch. Marty-Laveaux in Regnier’s Grands Écrivains de la France (1862-1868), in 12 vols. 8vo, is still the standard. In appearance and careful editing it leaves nothing to desire, containing the entire works, a lexicon, full bibliographical information, and an album of illustrations of the poet’s places of residence, his arms, some title-pages of his plays, facsimiles of his writings, &c. Nothing is wanting but variorum comments, which Lefèvre’s edition supplies. Fontenelle’s life of his uncle is the chief original authority on that subject, but Taschereau’s Histoire de la vie et des ouvrages de P. Corneille (1st ed. 1829, 2nd in the Bibl. elzévirienne, 1855) is the standard work. Its information has been corrected and augmented in various later publications, but not materially. Of the exceedingly numerous writings relative to Corneille we may mention the Recueil de dissertations sur plusieurs tragédies de Corneille et de Racine of the abbé Granet (Paris, 1740), the criticisms already alluded to of Voltaire, La Harpe and Palissot, the well-known work of Guizot, first published as Vie de Corneille in 1813 and revised as Corneille et son temps in 1852, and the essays, repeated in his Portraits 167 littéraires, in Port-Royal, and in the Nouveaux Lundis of Sainte-Beuve. More recently, besides essays by MM. Brunetière, Faguet and Lemaître and the part appurtenant of M. E. Rigal’s work on 16th century drama in France, see Gustave Lanson’s “Corneille” in the Grands Écrivains français (1898); F. Bouquet’s Points obscurs et nouveaux de la vie de Pierre Corneille (1888); Corneille inconnu, by J. Levallois (1876); J. Lemaître, Corneille et la poétique d’Aristote (1888); J. B. Segall, Corneille and the Spanish Drama (1902); and the recently discovered and printed Fragments sur Pierre et Thomas Corneille of Alfred de Vigny (1905). On the Cid quarrel E. H. Chardon’s Vie de Rotrou (1884) bears mainly on a whole series of documents which appeared at Rouen in the proceedings of the Société des bibliophiles normands during the years 1891-1894. The best-known English criticism, that of Hallam in his Literature of Europe, is inadequate. The translations of separate plays are very numerous, but of the complete Théâtre only one version (into Italian) is recorded by the French editors. Fontenelle tells us that his uncle had translations of the Cid in every European tongue but Turkish and Slavonic, and M. Picot’s book apprises us that the latter want, at any rate, is now supplied. Corneille has suffered less than some other writers from the attribution of spurious works. Besides a tragedy, Sylla, the chief piece thus assigned is L’Occasion perdue recouverte, a rather loose tale in verse. Internal evidence by no means fathers it on Corneille, and all external testimony is against it. It has never been included in Corneille’s works. It is curious that a translation of Statius (Thebaid, bk. iii.), an author of whom Corneille was extremely fond, though known to have been written, printed and published, has entirely dropped out of sight. Three verses quoted by Ménage are all we possess.

References.—The subject of Corneille's bibliography was thoroughly covered by M. E. Picot in his Bibliographie Cornélienne (Paris, 1875-1876). For less detailed but still substantial information, refer to J. A. Taschereau’s Vie and M. Marty-Laveaux’s edition of the Works. The plays were generally published a year or two after their initial release, but these dates have been mixed up and debated, so it’s best to check the cited works for accuracy. The main collected editions released during the poet's lifetime were those from 1644, 1648, 1652, 1660 (which included important corrections), 1664, and 1682, which provides the definitive text. In 1692, T. Corneille published a complete Théâtre in 5 volumes, 12mo. Numerous editions were published in the early 18th century, with the 1740 edition (6 volumes, 12mo, Amsterdam) including the Œuvres diverses as well as the plays. Several editions were recorded between this one and the one by Voltaire (12 volumes, 8vo; Geneva, 1764, 1776, 8 volumes, 4to), whose Commentaires have frequently been reprinted separately. In the year IX (1801), an edition of the Works was published with Voltaire’s commentary and criticisms by Palissot (12 volumes, 8vo, Paris). Since then, there have been countless editions. Noteworthy among them are Lefèvre’s edition (12 volumes, 8vo, Paris, 1854), which is well printed and includes a helpful variorum commentary but lacks bibliographical details and features unattractive engravings. Taschereau’s edition in the Bibliothèque elzévirienne only saw the release of two volumes. Lahure’s editions appeared in 5 volumes (1857-1862) and 7 volumes (1864-1866). The edition by Ch. Marty-Laveaux in Regnier’s Grands Écrivains de la France (1862-1868), spanning 12 volumes, 8vo, remains the standard. It is meticulously presented and well-edited, containing the complete works, a lexicon, comprehensive bibliographical information, and an album of illustrations showing the poet's residences, his coat of arms, some title pages of his plays, facsimiles of his writings, etc. It only lacks variorum comments, which are provided in Lefèvre’s edition. Fontenelle’s biography of his uncle is the primary original authority on that topic, but Taschereau’s Histoire de la vie et des ouvrages de P. Corneille (1st ed. 1829, 2nd in the Bibl. elzévirienne, 1855) is the definitive work. Its information has been revised and expanded in various later publications, but not significantly. Among the many writings related to Corneille, we can mention the Recueil de dissertations sur plusieurs tragédies de Corneille et de Racine by Abbé Granet (Paris, 1740), the criticisms previously mentioned by Voltaire, La Harpe, and Palissot, the well-known work by Guizot, first published as Vie de Corneille in 1813 and revised as Corneille et son temps in 1852, and the essays repeated in his Portraits littéraires, in Port-Royal, and in the Nouveaux Lundis by Sainte-Beuve. More recently, alongside essays by MM. Brunetière, Faguet, and Lemaître as well as the relevant portion of M. E. Rigal’s study of 16th-century French drama, there is Gustave Lanson’s “Corneille” in the Grands Écrivains français (1898); F. Bouquet’s Points obscurs et nouveaux de la vie de Pierre Corneille (1888); Corneille inconnu by J. Levallois (1876); J. Lemaître, Corneille et la poétique d’Aristote (1888); J. B. Segall, Corneille and the Spanish Drama (1902); and the recently discovered and printed Fragments sur Pierre et Thomas Corneille by Alfred de Vigny (1905). For the Cid conflict, E. H. Chardon’s Vie de Rotrou (1884) focuses on a series of documents that appeared in Rouen from the Société des bibliophiles normands between 1891-1894. The best-known English criticism, that of Hallam in his Literature of Europe, is insufficient. There are many translations of individual plays, but only one complete version of the Théâtre (into Italian) is noted by the French editors. Fontenelle tells us that his uncle had translations of the Cid in every European language except Turkish and Slavic, and M. Picot’s book informs us that the latter gap has now been filled. Corneille has faced less attribution of false works than some other authors. In addition to a tragedy, Sylla, the main piece incorrectly attributed to him is L’Occasion perdue recouverte, a rather loose tale in verse. Internal evidence does not support its authorship by Corneille, and all external sources disagree. It has never been included in Corneille’s works. Interestingly, a translation of Statius’s (Thebaid, bk. iii.), an author whom Corneille greatly admired, has completely vanished from view despite being known to have been written, printed, and published. The only remnants are three verses quoted by Ménage.

(G. Sa.)

CORNEILLE, THOMAS (1625-1709), French dramatist, was born at Rouen on the 20th of August 1625, being nearly twenty years younger than his brother, the great Corneille. His skill in verse-making seems to have shown itself early, as at the age of fifteen he composed a piece in Latin which was represented by his fellow-pupils at the Jesuits’ college of Rouen. His first French play, Les Engagements du hasard, was acted in 1647. Le Feint Astrologue, imitated from the Spanish, and imitated by Dryden, came next year. At his brother’s death he succeeded to his vacant chair in the Academy. He then turned his attention to philology, producing a new edition of the Remarques of C. F. Vaugelas in 1687, and in 1694 a dictionary of technical terms, intended to supplement that of the Academy. A complete translation of Ovid’s Metamorphoses (he had published six books with the Heroic Epistles some years previously) followed in 1697. In 1704 he lost his sight and was constituted a “veteran,” a dignity which preserved to him the privileges, while it exempted him from the duties, of an academician. But he did not allow his misfortune to put a stop to his work, and in 1708 produced a large Dictionnaire universel géographique et historique in three volumes folio. This was his last labour. He died at Les Andelys on the 8th of December 1709, aged eighty-four. It has been the custom to speak of Thomas Corneille as of one who, but for the name he bore, would merit no notice. This is by no means the case; on the contrary, he is rather to be commiserated for his connexion with a brother who outshone him as he would have outshone almost any one. But the two were strongly attached to one another, and practically lived in common. Of his forty-two plays (this is the utmost number assigned to him) the last edition of his complete works contains only thirty-two, but he wrote several in conjunction with other authors. Two are usually reprinted as his masterpieces at the end of his brother’s selected works. These are Ariane (1672) and the Comte d’ Essex, in the former of which Rachel attained success. But of Laodice, Camma, Stilica and some other pieces, Pierre Corneille himself said that “he wished he had written them,” and he was not wont to speak lightly. Camma (1661, on the same story as Tennyson’s Cup) especially deserves notice. Thomas Corneille is in many ways remarkable in the literary gossip-history of his time. His Timocrate boasted of the longest run (80 nights) recorded of any play in the century. For La Devineresse he and his coadjutor de Visé (1638-1710, founder of the Mercure galant, to which Thomas contributed) received above 6000 livres, the largest sum known to have been thus paid. Lastly, one of his pieces (Le Baron des Fondrières) contests the honour of being the first which was hissed off the stage.

CORNEILLE, THOMAS (1625-1709), a French playwright, was born in Rouen on August 20, 1625, nearly twenty years younger than his famous brother, Corneille. His talent for writing verse appears to have emerged early; by the age of fifteen, he had created a Latin play that was performed by his classmates at the Jesuit college in Rouen. His first French play, Les Engagements du hasard, debuted in 1647. Next came Le Feint Astrologue, inspired by a Spanish work and later imitated by Dryden, which followed the next year. After his brother passed away, he took his position in the Academy. He then focused on philology, editing a new version of C. F. Vaugelas's Remarques in 1687, and in 1694 published a dictionary of technical terms to support the Academy's dictionary. A complete translation of Ovid’s Metamorphoses (he had previously published six books along with the Heroic Epistles) came out in 1697. In 1704, he lost his sight and became a “veteran,” a title that granted him the privileges of an academician while freeing him from its responsibilities. However, he didn’t let his disability stop him, and in 1708, he published a substantial Dictionnaire universel géographique et historique in three folio volumes. This was his final work. He passed away in Les Andelys on December 8, 1709, at the age of eighty-four. It's often said that Thomas Corneille would have gone unnoticed if not for his name, but that's not entirely true; rather, one can empathize with him for being the brother of someone who outshone him. Still, the two were deeply bonded and effectively lived together. Of his forty-two plays (the highest number attributed to him), the latest edition of his collected works includes only thirty-two, though he wrote several in collaboration with others. Two plays are regularly reprinted as his masterpieces at the end of his brother's selected works. These are Ariane (1672) and Comte d’ Essex, the former achieving significant success with actress Rachel. However, in regard to Laodice, Camma, Stilica, and a few others, Pierre Corneille himself expressed a desire that he had written them, and he didn't typically make such light remarks. Camma (1661, based on the same story as Tennyson’s Cup) is particularly worthy of attention. Thomas Corneille is notable in the literary history and gossip of his time. His play Timocrate earned the record for the longest run (80 nights) of any play in that century. For La Devineresse, he and his collaborator de Visé (1638-1710, who founded the Mercure galant, to which Thomas contributed) received over 6000 livres, the largest amount known to have been paid this way. Finally, one of his works, Le Baron des Fondrières, contends for the distinction of being the first play ever hissed off the stage.

There is a monograph, Thomas Corneille, sa vie et ses ouvrages (1892), by G. Reynier. See also the Fragments inédits de critique sur Pierre et Thomas Corneille of Alfred de Vigny, published in 1905.

There’s a monograph, Thomas Corneille, sa vie et ses ouvrages (1892), by G. Reynier. Check out the Fragments inédits de critique sur Pierre et Thomas Corneille by Alfred de Vigny, published in 1905.

(G. Sa.)

CORNELIA (2nd cent. B.C.), daughter of Scipio Africanus the Elder, mother of the Gracchi and of Sempronia, the wife of Scipio Africanus the Younger. On the death of her husband, refusing numerous offers of marriage, she devoted herself to the education of her twelve children. She was so devoted to her sons Tiberius and Gaius that it was even asserted that she was concerned in the death of her son-in-law Scipio, who by his achievements had eclipsed the fame of the Gracchi, and was said to have approved of the murder of Tiberius. When asked to show her jewels she presented her sons, and on her death a statue was erected to her memory inscribed, “Cornelia, the mother of the Gracchi.” After the murder of her second son Gaius she retired to Misenum, where she devoted herself to Greek and Latin literature, and to the society of men of letters. She was a highly educated woman, and her letters were celebrated for their beauty of style. The genuineness of the two fragments of a letter from her to her son Gaius, printed in some editions of Cornelius Nepos, is disputed.

CORNELIA (2nd century B.C.), daughter of Scipio Africanus the Elder, mother of the Gracchi and Sempronia, and wife of Scipio Africanus the Younger. After her husband died, she turned down many marriage proposals and focused on raising her twelve children. She was so dedicated to her sons Tiberius and Gaius that some even claimed she had a role in the death of her son-in-law Scipio, who overshadowed the fame of the Gracchi through his accomplishments, and was rumored to have supported the assassination of Tiberius. When asked to display her jewels, she showed her sons instead, and after her death, a statue was erected in her honor, inscribed, “Cornelia, the mother of the Gracchi.” After Gaius was murdered, she withdrew to Misenum, where she immersed herself in Greek and Latin literature and engaged with literary figures. She was a well-educated woman, and her letters were renowned for their elegant style. The authenticity of two fragments of a letter from her to her son Gaius, found in some editions of Cornelius Nepos, is debated.

See L. Mercklin, De Corneliae vita (1844), of no great value; J. Sörgel, Cornelia, die Mutter der Gracchen (1868), a short popular sketch.

See L. Mercklin, De Corneliae vita (1844), which isn’t very valuable; J. Sörgel, Cornelia, die Mutter der Gracchen (1868), a brief popular overview.


CORNELIUS, pope, was elected in 251 during the lull in the persecution of the emperor Decius. Two years afterwards, under the emperor Gallus, he was exiled to Centumcellae (Civita Vecchia), where he died. He was very intimate with St Cyprian, and is commemorated with him on the 16th of September, which is not, however, the anniversary of his death. He died in June 253.

CORNELIUS, was elected pope in 251 during a break in the persecution by Emperor Decius. Two years later, under Emperor Gallus, he was exiled to Centumcellae (Civita Vecchia), where he died. He had a close relationship with St. Cyprian and is remembered alongside him on September 16th, although that is not the anniversary of his death. He passed away in June 253.


CORNELIUS, CARL AUGUST PETER (1824-1874), German musician and poet, son of an actor at Wiesbaden, grandson of the engraver Ignaz Cornelius, and nephew of Cornelius the painter, was born at Mainz on the 24th of December 1824. In his childhood his bent was towards languages, but his musical gifts were carefully cultivated and he learned to sing and to play the violin. Cornelius the elder, anxious for his son to become an actor, himself taught the boy the elements of the art. These theatrical studies, however, were interrupted early by a visit paid by Peter Cornelius to England as second violin in the Mainz orchestra. On returning home young Cornelius made his stage debut as John Cook in Kean. But after two more appearances, as the lover in the comedy Das war Ich and as Perin in Moreto’s Donna Diana, he practically abandoned the stage for music, his idea being to become a comic opera composer. In 1843 his father died. Hitherto Cornelius’s musical studies had been unsystematic. Now opportunity served to remedy this, for his relative, Cornelius the painter, summoned him in 1844 to Berlin, and enabled him a year later to become a pupil of Siegfried Wilhelm Dehn (1799-1858), counterpoint and theory generally being worked at laboriously. After leaving Dehn, Cornelius proved his independence by writing a trio in A minor, a quartet in C, as well as two comic opera texts. In 1847 he returned to Dehn and immediately composed an enormous mass of music, including a second trio, 30 vocal canons, several sonatas, a Mass, a Stabat Mater; he also wrote a number of translations of old French poems, which are classics of their kind. In 1852 he first came in touch with Liszt, through his uncle’s instrumentality. At Weimar, whither he went in 1852, he heard Berlioz’s delightful Benvenuto Cellini, a work which ultimately exercised great influence over him. For the time, however, he devoted himself, on Liszt’s advice, to further Church compositions, the influence of the Church on him at that time being so great that he applied, but vainly, for a place in a Jesuit college. Still his mind was bent on the production of a comic opera, but the composition was long delayed by the work of translating the prefaces for Liszt’s symphonic poems and the texts of works by Berlioz and Rubinstein. Between October 1855 and September in the following year, Cornelius wrote the book of the Barbier von Bagdad, and on December 15, 1858, the opera was produced at Weimar under Liszt, and hissed off the stage. Thereupon Liszt resigned his post, and shortly afterwards Cornelius went to Vienna and Munich, and still later came very much under Wagner’s influence. Cornelius’s Cid was completed and produced at Weimar in 1865. For the last nine years of his life (1865-1874) 168 Cornelius was occupied with his opera Gunlöd and other compositions, besides writing ably and abundantly on Wagner’s music-dramas. In 1867 he became teacher of rhetoric and harmony at the Musikschule, Munich, and married Berthe Jung. He died on the 26th of October 1874. Not the least of Cornelius’s many claims to fame was his remarkable versatility. Many of his original poems, as well as his translations from the French, rank high. Among his songs, special mention may be made of the lovely “Weihnachtslieder,” and of the “Vätergruft,” an unaccompanied vocal work for baritone solo and choir.

CORNELIUS, CARL AUGUST PETER (1824-1874), was a German musician and poet, the son of an actor from Wiesbaden, the grandson of engraver Ignaz Cornelius, and the nephew of the painter Cornelius. He was born in Mainz on December 24, 1824. As a child, he showed a preference for languages, but his musical talents were carefully nurtured, and he learned to sing and play the violin. Cornelius the elder wanted his son to become an actor and taught him the basics of the craft. However, these acting studies were cut short when Peter Cornelius traveled to England as the second violinist in the Mainz orchestra. Upon returning home, the young Cornelius made his stage debut as John Cook in Kean. After two more performances, as the lover in the comedy Das war Ich and as Perin in Moreto’s Donna Diana, he largely left the stage to focus on music, aiming to become a comic opera composer. In 1843, his father passed away. Until then, Cornelius’s musical training had been quite informal. Things changed in 1844 when his relative, the painter Cornelius, invited him to Berlin, allowing him a year later to study under Siegfried Wilhelm Dehn (1799-1858), where he worked diligently on counterpoint and theory. After leaving Dehn, Cornelius demonstrated his independence by composing a trio in A minor, a quartet in C, and two comic opera librettos. In 1847, he returned to Dehn and quickly composed a substantial amount of music, which included a second trio, 30 vocal canons, several sonatas, a Mass, and a Stabat Mater; he also translated several old French poems, which are now considered classics. In 1852, he first met Liszt through his uncle. At Weimar, where he traveled in 1852, he experienced Berlioz’s wonderful Benvenuto Cellini, a work that ultimately had a significant impact on him. However, at the time, he focused, on Liszt’s recommendation, on further Church compositions. His connection to the Church was so profound that he applied, unsuccessfully, for a position at a Jesuit college. Still, he was intent on producing a comic opera, though progress was slow due to his work translating the prefaces for Liszt’s symphonic poems and the texts of pieces by Berlioz and Rubinstein. Between October 1855 and September the following year, Cornelius wrote the libretto for Barbier von Bagdad, which premiered on December 15, 1858, at Weimar under Liszt but was booed off the stage. Following this, Liszt resigned his position, and soon after, Cornelius moved to Vienna and Munich, where he was greatly influenced by Wagner. Cornelius’s Cid was completed and debuted at Weimar in 1865. For the last nine years of his life (1865-1874), he focused on his opera Gunlöd and other compositions, while also writing extensively and insightfully about Wagner’s music-dramas. In 1867, he became a teacher of rhetoric and harmony at the Musikschule in Munich and married Berthe Jung. He passed away on October 26, 1874. One of Cornelius’s notable claims to fame was his extraordinary versatility. Many of his original poems, along with his translations from French, are highly regarded. Among his songs, special recognition goes to the beautiful “Weihnachtslieder” and “Vätergruft,” an unaccompanied vocal piece for baritone solo and choir.


CORNELIUS, PETER VON (1784-1867), German painter, was born in Düsseldorf in 1784. His father, who was inspector of the Düsseldorf gallery, died in 1799, and the young Cornelius was stimulated to extraordinary exertions. In a letter to the Count Raczynski he says, “It fell to the lot of an elder brother and myself to watch over the interests of a numerous family. It was at this time that it was attempted to persuade my mother that it would be better for me to devote myself to the trade of a goldsmith than to continue to pursue painting—in the first place, in consequence of the time necessary to qualify me for the art, and in the next, because there were already so many painters. My dear mother, however, rejected all this advice, and I felt myself impelled onward by an uncontrollable enthusiasm, to which the confidence of my mother gave new strength, which was supported by the continual fear that I should be removed from the study of that art I loved so much.” His earliest work of importance was the decoration of the choir of the church of St Quirinus at Neuss. At the age of twenty-six he produced his designs from Faust. On October 14, 1811, he arrived in Rome, where he soon became one of the most promising of that brotherhood of young German painters which included Overbeck, Schadow, Veit, Schnorr and Ludwig Vogel (1788-1879),—a fraternity (some of whom selected a ruinous convent for their home) who were banded together for resolute study and mutual criticism. Out of this association came the men who, though they were ridiculed at the time, were destined to found a new German school of art.

CORNELIUS, PETER VON (1784-1867), was a German painter born in Düsseldorf in 1784. His father, the inspector of the Düsseldorf gallery, passed away in 1799, which motivated the young Cornelius to work incredibly hard. In a letter to Count Raczynski, he wrote, “My older brother and I had to take care of our large family. During this time, there were attempts to convince my mother that it would be better for me to train as a goldsmith rather than pursue painting. This was largely due to the time it would take to qualify for art, and also because there were already so many painters. However, my dear mother dismissed all this advice, and I felt an overwhelming drive pushing me forward, bolstered by my mother's support, alongside a constant fear of being pulled away from studying the art I loved so much.” His first significant work was the decoration of the choir in the church of St. Quirinus at Neuss. At twenty-six, he created his designs based on Faust. On October 14, 1811, he arrived in Rome, quickly becoming one of the most promising members of the group of young German painters that included Overbeck, Schadow, Veit, Schnorr, and Ludwig Vogel (1788-1879). This group, some of whom chose a dilapidated convent as their home, came together for dedicated study and mutual critique. From this association emerged artists who, despite facing ridicule at the time, were destined to establish a new German school of art.

At Rome Cornelius participated, with other members of his fraternity, in the decoration of the Casa Bartoldi and the Villa Massimi, and while thus employed he was also engaged upon designs for the illustration of the Nibelungenlied. From Rome he was called to Düsseldorf to remodel the Academy, and to Munich by the then crown-prince of Bavaria, afterwards Louis I., to direct the decorations for the Glyptothek. Cornelius, however, soon found that attention to such widely separated duties was incompatible with the just performance of either, and most inconvenient to himself; eventually, therefore, he resigned his post at Düsseldorf to throw himself completely and thoroughly into those works for which he had been commissioned by the crown-prince. He therefore left Düsseldorf for Munich, where he was joined by those of his pupils who elected to follow and to assist him. At the death of Director Langer, 1824-1825, he became director of the Munich Academy.

At Rome, Cornelius worked alongside other members of his fraternity to decorate the Casa Bartoldi and Villa Massimi. While doing this, he was also busy creating designs for the illustration of the Nibelungenlied. He was then called to Düsseldorf to revamp the Academy and to Munich by the crown prince of Bavaria, who later became Louis I., to oversee the decorations for the Glyptothek. However, Cornelius soon realized that managing such widely varied responsibilities was not feasible for effectively performing either job, and it became quite inconvenient for him. Ultimately, he resigned from his position in Düsseldorf to fully dedicate himself to the projects commissioned by the crown prince. He then left Düsseldorf for Munich, where he was joined by some of his students who chose to follow and assist him. After the death of Director Langer in 1824-1825, he became the director of the Munich Academy.

The fresco decorations of the Ludwigskirche, which were for the most part designed and executed by Cornelius, are perhaps the most important mural works of modern times. The large fresco of the Last Judgment, over the high altar in that church, measures 62 ft. in height by 38 ft. in width. The frescoes of the Creator, the Nativity, and the Crucifixion in the same building are also upon a large scale. Amongst his other great works in Munich may be included his decorations in the Pinakothek and in the Glyptothek; those in the latter building, in the hall of the gods and the hall of the hero-myths, are perhaps the best known. About the year 1839-1840 he left Munich for Berlin to proceed with that series of cartoons, from the Apocalypse, for the frescoes for which he had been commissioned by Frederick William IV., and which were intended to decorate the Campo Santo or royal mausoleum. These were his final works.

The fresco decorations of the Ludwigskirche, mainly designed and created by Cornelius, are probably the most significant mural pieces of modern times. The large fresco of the Last Judgment above the high altar in that church measures 62 feet tall by 38 feet wide. The frescoes of the Creator, the Nativity, and the Crucifixion in the same building are also quite large. Other notable works of his in Munich include his decorations in the Pinakothek and the Glyptothek; the works in the latter, specifically in the hall of the gods and the hall of the hero-myths, are perhaps the most famous. Around 1839-1840, he left Munich for Berlin to work on a series of cartoons from the Apocalypse for the frescoes he was commissioned to create by Frederick William IV., which were meant to decorate the Campo Santo or royal mausoleum. These were his final works.

Cornelius, as an oil painter, possessed but little technical skill, nor do his works exhibit any instinctive appreciation of colour. Even as a fresco painter his manipulative power was not great. And in critically examining the execution in colour of some of his magnificent designs, one cannot help feeling that he was, in this respect, unable to do them full justice. Cornelius and his associates endeavoured to follow in their works the spirit of the Italian painters. But the Italian strain is to a considerable extent modified by the Dürer heritage. This Dürer influence is manifest in a tendency to overcrowding in composition, in a degree of attenuation in the proportions of, and a poverty of contour in, the nude figure, and also in a leaning to the selection of Gothic forms for draperies. These peculiarities are even noticeable in Cornelius’s principal work of the “Last Judgment,” in the Ludwigskirche in Munich. The attenuation and want of flexibility of contour in the nude are perhaps most conspicuous in his frescoes of classical subjects in the Glyptothek, especially in that representing the contention for the body of Patroclus. But notwithstanding these peculiarities there is always in his works a grandeur and nobleness of conception, as all must acknowledge who have inspected his designs for the Ludwigskirche, for the Campo Santo, &c. If he were not dexterous in the handling of the brush, he could conceive and design a subject with masterly purpose. If he had an imperfect eye for colour, in the Venetian, the Flemish, or the English sense, he had vast mental foresight in directing the German school of painting; and his favourite motto of Deutschland über alles indicates the direction and the strength of his patriotism. Karl Hermann was one of Cornelius’s earliest and most esteemed scholars, a man of simple and fervent nature, painstaking to the utmost, a very type of the finest German student nature; Kaulbach and Adam Eberle were also amongst his scholars. Every public edifice in Munich and other German cities which were embellished with frescoes, became, as in Italy, a school of art of the very best kind; for the decoration of a public building begets a practical knowledge of design. The development of this institution of scholarship in Munich was a work of time. The cartoons for the Glyptothek were all by Cornelius’s own hand. In the Pinakothek his sketches and small drawings sufficed; but in the Ludwigskirche the invention even of some of the subjects was entrusted to his scholar Hermann.

Cornelius, as an oil painter, had limited technical skill, and his works don’t show any natural understanding of color. Even as a fresco painter, his ability wasn’t strong. When critically examining the color execution in some of his impressive designs, it’s hard not to feel that he couldn’t fully do them justice. Cornelius and his colleagues tried to capture the spirit of Italian painters in their work, but the Italian influence is somewhat altered by the legacy of Dürer. This Dürer effect is evident in a tendency to overcrowd compositions, the stretching proportions and lack of definition in nude figures, and a preference for Gothic forms in drapery. These traits are noticeable in Cornelius’s major work, the “Last Judgment,” located in the Ludwigskirche in Munich. The elongation and lack of flexibility in the nude figures stand out, especially in his frescoes of classical themes in the Glyptothek, particularly in the one depicting the fight for Patroclus's body. Despite these quirks, his works consistently possess a grandeur and nobility of vision, which anyone who has viewed his designs for the Ludwigskirche, the Campo Santo, etc., would recognize. While he might not have been skilled with the brush, he had a masterful ability to conceive and design a subject. Even if his sense of color wasn’t perfect by Venetian, Flemish, or English standards, he had immense foresight in guiding the German painting school; his favorite motto, Deutschland über alles, reflects his patriotism and vision. Karl Hermann was one of Cornelius’s earliest and most valued students, a man of simple, passionate nature, and a diligent example of the finest German student ethos; Kaulbach and Adam Eberle were also among his students. Every public building in Munich and other German cities adorned with frescoes became a top-notch art school, just like in Italy, because the decoration of a public building fosters practical design knowledge. The growth of this educational institution in Munich took time. The cartoons for the Glyptothek were all made by Cornelius himself. In the Pinakothek, his sketches and small drawings were sufficient; however, in the Ludwigskirche, even some subject inventions were entrusted to his student Hermann.

To comprehend and appreciate thoroughly the magnitude of the work which Cornelius accomplished for Germany, we must remember that at the beginning of the 19th century Germany had no national school of art. Germany was in painting and sculpture behind all the rest of Europe. Yet in less than half a century Cornelius founded a great school, revived mural painting, and turned the gaze of the art world towards Munich. The German revival of mural painting had its effect upon England, as well as upon other European nations, and led to the famous cartoon competitions held in Westminster Hall, and ultimately to the partial decoration of the Houses of Parliament. When the latter work was in contemplation, Cornelius, in response to invitations, visited England (November 1841). His opinion was in every way favourable to the carrying out of the project, and even in respect of the durability of fresco in the climate of England. Cornelius, in his teaching, always inculcated a close and rigorous study of nature, but he understood by the study of nature something more than what is ordinarily implied by that expression, something more than constantly making studies from life; he meant the study of nature with an inquiring and scientific spirit. “Study nature,” was the advice he once gave, “in order that you may become acquainted with its essential forms.”

To fully understand and appreciate the impact of Cornelius’s work for Germany, we need to remember that at the start of the 19th century, Germany didn't have a national art school. In terms of painting and sculpture, Germany lagged behind the rest of Europe. However, within less than fifty years, Cornelius established a major school, revitalized mural painting, and drew the art world's attention to Munich. The German revival of mural painting influenced England and other European countries, leading to the renowned cartoon competitions held in Westminster Hall and eventually to the partial decoration of the Houses of Parliament. When this project was being considered, Cornelius visited England in November 1841 at their invitation. He was supportive of the project and even spoke positively about the durability of frescoes in England's climate. In his teaching, Cornelius always emphasized a thorough and disciplined study of nature, but he meant something deeper than simply working from life; he advocated for understanding nature with an inquiring and scientific mindset. He once advised, “Study nature, in order that you may become acquainted with its essential forms.”

The personal appearance of Cornelius could not but convey to those who were fortunate enough to come into contact with him the impression that he was a man of an energetic, firm and resolute nature. He was below the middle height and squarely built. There was evidence of power about his broad and overhanging brow, in his eagle eyes and firmly gripped attenuated lips, which no one with the least discernment could misinterpret. Yet there was a sense of humour and a geniality which drew men towards him; and towards those young artists who sought his teaching and his criticism he always exhibited a calm patience.

The way Cornelius looked immediately gave everyone who met him the impression that he was an energetic, strong-willed, and determined person. He was shorter than average and had a solid build. His broad forehead, sharp eyes, and tightly pressed lips clearly showed his strength, which was obvious to anyone with even a little insight. At the same time, he had a sense of humor and a warmth that attracted people to him. He was always patient and calm with the young artists who came to him for guidance and feedback.

See Förster, Peter von Cornelius (Berlin, 1874).

See Förster, Peter von Cornelius (Berlin, 1874).

(W. C. T.)

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CORNELL UNIVERSITY, one of the largest of American institutions of higher education, situated at Ithaca, New York. Its campus is finely situated on a hill above the main part of the city; it lies between Fall Creek and Cascadilla Creek (each of which has cut a deep gorge), and commands a beautiful view of the valley and of Lake Cayuga. The university is co-educational (since 1872), and comprises the graduate school, with 306 students in 1909; the college of arts and sciences (902 students); the college of law (225 students), established in 1887; the medical college (217 students, of whom 29 were taking freshman or sophomore work in Ithaca, where all women entering the college must pursue the first two years of work)—this college was established in 1898 by the gift of Oliver Hazard Payne, and has buildings opposite Bellevue hospital on First Avenue and 28th Street, New York city; the New York state veterinary college (94 students), established by the state legislature in 1894; the New York state college of agriculture (413 students), established as such by the state legislature in 1904,—the teaching of agriculture had from the beginning been an important part of the university’s work,—with an agricultural experiment station, established in 1887 by the Federal government; the college of architecture (133 students); the college of civil engineering (569 students); and the Sibley College of mechanical engineering and mechanic arts (1163 students), named in honour of Hiram Sibley (1807-1888), a banker of Rochester, N.Y., who gave $180,000 for its endowment and equipment and whose son Hiram W. Sibley gave $130,000 to the college. A state college of forestry was established in connexion with the university in 1898, but was discontinued after several years. The total enrolment of regular students in 1909 was 3980; in addition, 841 students were enrolled in the 1908 summer session (which is especially for teachers) and 364 in the “short winter course in agriculture” in 1909. Nearly all the states and territories of the United States and thirty-two foreign countries were represented—e.g. there were 33 students from China, 12 from the Argentine Republic, 6 from India, 10 from Japan, 10 from Mexico, 5 from Peru, &c.

CORNELL UNIVERSITY, is one of the largest higher education institutions in the United States, located in Ithaca, New York. Its campus is beautifully positioned on a hill overlooking the main part of the city; it sits between Fall Creek and Cascadilla Creek, both of which have carved deep gorges, and offers a stunning view of the valley and Lake Cayuga. The university has been co-educational since 1872 and includes a graduate school with 306 students in 1909; the college of arts and sciences (902 students); the college of law (225 students), which was established in 1887; the medical college (217 students, including 29 freshmen and sophomores studying in Ithaca, where all women entering the college must complete the first two years)—this college was founded in 1898 through a gift from Oliver Hazard Payne and has facilities across from Bellevue Hospital on First Avenue and 28th Street, New York City; the New York State Veterinary College (94 students), created by the state legislature in 1894; the New York State College of Agriculture (413 students), officially established by the state legislature in 1904, with agricultural education being a fundamental aspect of the university’s focus, supported by an agricultural experiment station set up in 1887 by the Federal government; the college of architecture (133 students); the college of civil engineering (569 students); and the Sibley College of Mechanical Engineering and Mechanic Arts (1163 students), named after Hiram Sibley (1807-1888), a banker from Rochester, N.Y., who donated $180,000 for its endowment and equipment, with his son Hiram W. Sibley contributing an additional $130,000 to the college. A state college of forestry was connected to the university in 1898 but was closed after several years. The total enrollment of regular students in 1909 was 3,980; additionally, 841 students were enrolled in the 1908 summer session (especially for teachers) and 364 in the “short winter course in agriculture” in 1909. Nearly all states and territories of the United States and thirty-two foreign countries were represented—for example, there were 33 students from China, 12 from the Argentine Republic, 6 from India, 10 from Japan, 10 from Mexico, 5 from Peru, etc.

In the W. central part of the campus is the university library building, which, with an endowment (1891) of $300,000 for the purchase of books and periodicals, was the gift of Henry Williams Sage (1814-1897), second president of the board of trustees; in 1906 it received an additional endowment fund of about $500,000 by the bequest of Prof. Willard Fiske. The building, of light grey Ohio sandstone, houses the general library (300,050 volumes in 1909), the seminary and department libraries (7284 volumes), and the forestry library (1007 volumes). Among the special collections of the general library are the classical library of Charles Anthon, the philological library of Franz Bopp, the Goldwin Smith library (1869), the White architectural and historical libraries, the Spinoza collection presented by Andrew D. White (1894), the library of Jared Sparks, the Samuel J. May collection of works on the history of slavery, the Zarncke library, especially rich in Germanic philology and literature, the Eugene Schuyler collection of Slavic folk-lore, literature and history, the Willard Fiske Rhaeto-Romanic, Icelandic, Dante and Petrarch collections, and the Herbert H. Smith collection of works on Latin America (in addition there are college and department libraries—that of the college of law numbers 38,735 volumes—bringing the total to 353,638 bound volumes in 1909). Among the other buildings are: Morse Hall, Franklin Hall, Sibley College, Lincoln Hall (housing the college of civil engineering), Goldwin Smith Hall (for language and history), Stimson Hall (given by Dean Sage to the medical college), Boardman Hall (housing the college of law), Morrill Hall (containing the psychological laboratory), McGraw Hall and White Hall—these, with the library, forming the quadrangle; S. of the quadrangle, Sage chapel (with beautiful interior decorations), Barnes Hall (the home of the Cornell University Christian Association), Sage College (a dormitory for women), and the armoury and gymnasium; E. of the quadrangle, the Rockefeller Hall of Physics (1906) and the New York State College of Agriculture (completed in 1907); and S.E. of the quadrangle the New York State Veterinary College and the Fuertes Observatory. The university is well-equipped with laboratories, the psychological laboratory, the laboratories of Sibley college and the hydraulic laboratory of the college of civil engineering being especially noteworthy; the last is on Fall Creek, where a curved concrete masonry dam has been built, forming Beebe Lake. East of the campus is the university playground and athletic field (55 acres), built with funds raised from the alumni. Cayuga Lake furnishes opportunity for rowing, and the Cornell crews are famous. During their first two years all undergraduates, unless properly excused, must take a prescribed amount of physical exercise. Normally the first year’s exercise for male students is military drill under the direction of a U.S. army officer detailed as commandant.

In the western central part of the campus stands the university library building, which received an endowment of $300,000 in 1891 for buying books and periodicals. This was a gift from Henry Williams Sage (1814-1897), who was the second president of the board of trustees. In 1906, the library got an additional endowment fund of about $500,000 from the estate of Prof. Willard Fiske. The building, made of light grey Ohio sandstone, houses the general library (with 300,050 volumes in 1909), the seminary and department libraries (7,284 volumes), and the forestry library (1,007 volumes). Among the special collections in the general library are the classical library of Charles Anthon, the philological library of Franz Bopp, the Goldwin Smith library (1869), the White architectural and historical libraries, the Spinoza collection donated by Andrew D. White (1894), the library of Jared Sparks, the Samuel J. May collection of works on the history of slavery, the Zarncke library, which is especially rich in Germanic philology and literature, the Eugene Schuyler collection of Slavic folklore, literature, and history, the Willard Fiske collections of Rhaeto-Romanic, Icelandic, Dante, and Petrarch works, and the Herbert H. Smith collection of works on Latin America. In addition, there are college and department libraries, including the law college library, which has 38,735 volumes, bringing the total to 353,638 bound volumes in 1909. Other buildings on campus include: Morse Hall, Franklin Hall, Sibley College, Lincoln Hall (which houses the college of civil engineering), Goldwin Smith Hall (for language and history), Stimson Hall (donated by Dean Sage to the medical college), Boardman Hall (home to the college of law), Morrill Hall (which includes the psychological laboratory), McGraw Hall, and White Hall—these, along with the library, form the quadrangle. South of the quadrangle is Sage Chapel (noted for its beautiful interior decorations), Barnes Hall (the home of the Cornell University Christian Association), Sage College (a women's dormitory), and the armory and gymnasium; east of the quadrangle is the Rockefeller Hall of Physics (1906) and the New York State College of Agriculture (completed in 1907); and southeast of the quadrangle are the New York State Veterinary College and the Fuertes Observatory. The university is well-equipped with laboratories, particularly noteworthy are the psychological laboratory, the laboratories at Sibley College, and the hydraulic laboratory of the college of civil engineering, the last of which is located on Fall Creek, where a curved concrete masonry dam has been built, creating Beebe Lake. East of the campus lies the university playground and athletic field (55 acres), funded through donations from alumni. Cayuga Lake provides opportunities for rowing, and the Cornell crews are well-known. During their first two years, all undergraduates, unless excused, must participate in a set amount of physical exercise. Typically, male students' physical exercise during the first year consists of military drill led by a U.S. army officer assigned as commandant.

The reputation of the university is particularly high in mechanical engineering; Sibley college was built up primarily under Prof. Robert Henry Thurston (1839-1903), a well-known engineer, its director in 1885-1903. The college includes the following departments: machine design and construction, experimental engineering, power engineering, and electrical engineering. The “Susan Linn Sage School of Philosophy,” so called since the gift (1891) of $200,000 from Henry W. Sage in memory of his wife, issues The Philosophical Review and Cornell Studies in Philosophy, and is well known for the psychological laboratory investigations under Prof. E. B. Titchener (b. 1867). Equally well known are the college of agriculture under Prof. Liberty Hyde Bailey (b. 1858); the “Cornell School” of Latin grammarians, led first by Prof. W. G. Hale and then by Prof. C. E. Bennett; the department of entomology under Prof. J. H. Comstock (b. 1849), the department of physics under Prof. E. L. Nichols (b. 1854), and other departments. The university publishes Cornell Studies in Classical Philology, the Journal of Physical Chemistry, the Physical Review, Publications of Cornell University Medical College, various publications of the college of agriculture, and Studies in History and Political Science (of “The President White School of History and Political Science”). Among the student publications are The Cornell Era (1868, weekly), The Cornell Daily Sun (1880), The Sibley Journal of Engineering (1882), The Cornell Magazine, a literary monthly, and The Cornell Widow (1892), a comic tri-weekly. The regular annual tuition fee is $100, but in medicine, in architecture, and in civil and mechanical engineering it is $150. In the veterinary and agricultural colleges there are no tuition fees for residents of New York state. There are 150 free-tuition state scholarships (one for each of the state assembly districts), and, in addition, there are 36 undergraduate university scholarships (annual value, $200) tenable for two years, and 23 fellowships and 17 graduate scholarships (annual value, $300-600 each). In the college of arts and sciences the elective system, with certain restrictions, obtains.

The university has a strong reputation in mechanical engineering. Sibley College was primarily developed under Professor Robert Henry Thurston (1839-1903), a well-known engineer who served as its director from 1885 to 1903. The college includes several departments: machine design and construction, experimental engineering, power engineering, and electrical engineering. The “Susan Linn Sage School of Philosophy,” named after the $200,000 gift in 1891 from Henry W. Sage in memory of his wife, publishes The Philosophical Review and Cornell Studies in Philosophy, and is recognized for its psychological laboratory work led by Professor E. B. Titchener (b. 1867). Other notable programs include the College of Agriculture headed by Professor Liberty Hyde Bailey (b. 1858); the “Cornell School” of Latin grammarians, initially led by Professor W. G. Hale and later by Professor C. E. Bennett; the Department of Entomology under Professor J. H. Comstock (b. 1849); the Department of Physics under Professor E. L. Nichols (b. 1854); among other departments. The university publishes Cornell Studies in Classical Philology, Journal of Physical Chemistry, Physical Review, Publications of Cornell University Medical College, various publications from the College of Agriculture, and Studies in History and Political Science (from “The President White School of History and Political Science”). Student publications include The Cornell Era (1868, weekly), The Cornell Daily Sun (1880), The Sibley Journal of Engineering (1882), The Cornell Magazine, a literary monthly, and The Cornell Widow (1892), a comic tri-weekly. The regular annual tuition fee is $100, but it is $150 for medicine, architecture, and civil and mechanical engineering. There are no tuition fees for residents of New York State in the veterinary and agricultural colleges. The university offers 150 free-tuition state scholarships (one for each state assembly district), along with 36 undergraduate scholarships (worth $200 annually for two years), 23 fellowships, and 17 graduate scholarships (annual value ranging from $300 to $600 each). In the College of Arts and Sciences, an elective system is in place with certain restrictions.

The university has always been absolutely non-sectarian; its charter prescribes that “persons of every religious denomination, or of no religious denomination, shall be equally eligible to all offices and appointments” and that “at no time shall a majority of the board (of trustees) be of one religious sect or of no religious sect.” There is, however, an active Christian Association and religious services—provided for by the Dean Sage Preachership Endowment—are conducted in Sage chapel by eminent clergymen representing various sects and denominations.

The university has always been completely non-sectarian; its charter states that “people of all religious denominations, or no denomination at all, shall be equally eligible for all offices and appointments” and that “at no time shall the majority of the board (of trustees) be from one religious sect or from no sect.” However, there is an active Christian Association, and religious services—funded by the Dean Sage Preachership Endowment—are held in Sage chapel by prominent clergymen representing various sects and denominations.

The affairs of Cornell university are under the administration of a board which must consist of forty trustees, of whom ten are elected by the alumni. The following are ex officio members of the board: the president of the university, the librarian of the Cornell Library (in Ithaca), the governor and the lieutenant-governor of the state, the speaker of the state assembly, the state commissioners of education and of agriculture, and the president of the state agricultural society. The internal government is in the hands of the university faculty (which consists of the president, the professors and the assistant professors, and has jurisdiction over matters concerning the university as a whole), and of the special faculties, which consist of the president, the professors, the assistant professors, and the instructors of 170 the several colleges, and which have jurisdiction over distinctively collegiate matters.

The affairs of Cornell University are managed by a board made up of forty trustees, ten of whom are elected by the alumni. The following are ex officio members of the board: the university president, the librarian of the Cornell Library in Ithaca, the governor and lieutenant governor of the state, the speaker of the state assembly, the state commissioners of education and agriculture, and the president of the state agricultural society. The internal governance is overseen by the university faculty (which includes the president, professors, and assistant professors, and has authority over university-wide matters) and the special faculties, which include the president, professors, assistant professors, and instructors of the various colleges, overseeing specific collegiate matters.

In 1909 the invested funds of the university amounted to about $8,594,300, yielding an annual income of about $428,800; the income from state and nation was about $232,050, and from tuition fees about $336,100; the campus and buildings were valued at about $4,263,400, and the Library, collections, apparatus, &c. at about $1,826,100.

In 1909, the university's invested funds totaled around $8,594,300, generating an annual income of approximately $428,800. The income from the state and federal government was about $232,050, while tuition fees provided around $336,100. The campus and buildings were valued at about $4,263,400, and the Library, collections, equipment, etc. were valued at around $1,826,100.

The university was incorporated by the legislature of New York state on the 27th of April 1865, and was named in honour of Ezra Cornell,1 its principal benefactor. In 1864 Cornell, at the suggestion of Andrew D. White, his fellow member of the state senate, decided to found a university of a new type—which should be broad and liberal in its scope, should be absolutely non-sectarian, and which should recognize and meet the growing need for practical training and adequate instruction in the sciences as well as in the humanities. He offered to the state as an endowment $500,000 (with 200 acres of land) on condition that the state add to this fund the proceeds of the sales of public lands granted to it by the Morrill Act of 1862 for “the endowment, support and maintenance of at least one college, where the leading object shall be ... to teach such branches of learning as are related to agriculture and the mechanic arts.... “2 The charter provided that “such other branches of science and knowledge may be embraced in the plan of instruction and investigation pertaining to the university as the trustees may deem useful and proper,” and Ezra Cornell expressed his own ideal in the oft-quoted words: “I would found an institution where any person can find instruction in any study.” The opposition to Cornell’s plan was bitter, especially on the part of denominational schools and press, but incorporation was secured, and the trustees first met on the 5th of September 1865. Andrew D. White was elected president and the entire educational scheme was left to him. Dr White’s ideals in part were: a closer union between the advanced and the general educational system of the state; liberal instruction of the industrial classes; increased stress on technical instruction; unsectarian control; “a course in history and political and social science adapted to the practical needs of men worthily ambitious in public affairs”; a more thorough study of modern languages and literatures, especially English; the “steady effort to abolish monastic government and pedantic instruction”; the elective system of studies; and the stimulus of non-resident lecturers. On the 7th of October 1868 the Cornell University opened with some confusion due to the condition of the campus, and to the presence of 412 would-be pupils, many of whom expected to “work their way through.” The brilliance of the faculty and especially of its non-resident members (including J. R. Lowell, Louis Agassiz, G. W. Curtis, Bayard Taylor, Theodore D. Dwight, and Goldwin Smith, who was a resident professor in 1866-1869), was to a degree over-shadowed during the fifteen years 1868-1882 by financial difficulties. But Ezra Cornell himself paid many salaries during early years, and provided much valuable equipment solely at his own expense; and because the state’s land scrip was selling too low to secure an adequate endowment for the University, in 1866 he bought the land scrip yet unsold (819,920 acres)3 by the state at the rate of sixty cents an acre on the understanding that all profits, in excess of the purchase money, should constitute a separate endowment fund to which the restrictions in the Morrill Act should not apply; and in 1866-1867 he “located” 512,000 acres in Wisconsin, Minnesota, and Kansas. In November 1874 he transferred these lands, which had cost him $576,953 more than he had received from them, to the university. This actual deficit on the lands owned by the university steadily increased up to 1881, when, after the trustees had refused (in 1880) an offer of $1,250,000 for 275,000 acres of pine lands, they sold about 140,600 acres for $2,319,296; ultimately 401,296 acres of the land turned over to the university by Cornell were sold, bringing a net return of about $4,800,000. The university was put on a sound financial footing; the number of students, less in 1881-1882 than in 1868 at the opening of the university, again increased, so that it was 585 in 1884-1885, and 2120 in 1897-1898. The presidents of the university have been: Andrew Dickson White, 1865-1885; Charles Kendall Adams, 1885-1892; and Jacob Gould Schurman.

The university was established by the New York state legislature on April 27, 1865, and named after its main benefactor, Ezra Cornell.1 In 1864, Cornell, following the advice of Andrew D. White, his fellow state senator, decided to create a new kind of university—one that would be broad and inclusive in its approach, entirely non-sectarian, and responsive to the increasing demand for practical training and comprehensive teaching in both the sciences and humanities. He pledged an endowment of $500,000 (along with 200 acres of land) on the condition that the state would contribute from the proceeds of the public land sales granted under the Morrill Act of 1862 for “the endowment, support, and maintenance of at least one college, where the main goal shall be ... to teach subjects related to agriculture and the mechanic arts....“ 2 The charter stated that “other branches of science and knowledge may be included in the university's curriculum as the trustees see fit,” and Ezra Cornell famously articulated his vision with the words: “I would found an institution where any person can find instruction in any study.” There was strong opposition to Cornell’s plan, particularly from religious schools and media, but incorporation was achieved, and the trustees held their first meeting on September 5, 1865. Andrew D. White was elected president and entrusted with developing the educational plan. Dr. White’s ideals included: a closer integration between advanced and general education in the state; liberal education for industrial workers; a greater emphasis on technical training; non-sectarian governance; “a curriculum in history and political and social sciences relevant to the practical needs of individuals aspiring to public service”; a more in-depth focus on modern languages and literature, particularly English; efforts to eliminate outdated governance and overly formal teaching; an elective system of studies; and the encouragement of non-resident lecturers. On October 7, 1868, Cornell University opened amid some confusion due to campus conditions and the presence of 412 aspiring students, many of whom expected to “work their way through.” The brilliance of the faculty, especially its non-resident members (including J. R. Lowell, Louis Agassiz, G. W. Curtis, Bayard Taylor, Theodore D. Dwight, and Goldwin Smith, who was a resident professor from 1866-1869), was somewhat overshadowed by financial challenges during the years 1868-1882. Ezra Cornell personally paid many salaries in the early years and provided significant equipment at his own cost; since the state’s land scrip was selling too low to secure a proper endowment, in 1866 he purchased the 819,920 acres of unsold land scrip3 at sixty cents an acre with the understanding that all profits beyond the purchase price would create a separate endowment fund not subject to the Morrill Act's restrictions; in 1866-1867 he “located” 512,000 acres in Wisconsin, Minnesota, and Kansas. In November 1874, he donated these lands, which had cost him $576,953 more than he earned from them, to the university. This actual deficit from the university's land holdings continued to grow until 1881 when, after the trustees turned down (in 1880) an offer of $1,250,000 for 275,000 acres of pine land, they decided to sell about 140,600 acres for $2,319,296; ultimately, 401,296 acres of land transferred to the university by Cornell were sold, generating a net return of around $4,800,000. The university finally became financially stable; after initially having fewer students in 1881-1882 than at its opening in 1868, the enrollment grew to 585 in 1884-1885 and reached 2,120 in 1897-1898. The university presidents have been: Andrew Dickson White, 1865-1885; Charles Kendall Adams, 1885-1892; and Jacob Gould Schurman.


1 Ezra Cornell (1807-1874) was born in Westchester county, New York, on the 11th of January 1807. His parents were Quakers from Massachusetts. He received a scanty education; worked as a carpenter in Syracuse and as a machinist in Ithaca; became interested (about 1842) in the development of the electric telegraph; and after unsuccessful or over-expensive attempts to ground the telegraph wires in 1844 solved the difficulty by stringing them on poles. He organized many telegraph construction companies, was one of the founders of the Western Union Telegraph Company, and accumulated a large fortune. He was a delegate to the first national convention of the Republican party (1856) and was a member of the New York assembly in 1862-1863 and of the state senate in 1864-1867. He founded a public library (dedicated in 1866) in Ithaca, and died there on the 9th of December 1874. Consult Alonzo B. Cornell, True and Firm: A Biography of Ezra Cornell (New York, 1884).

1 Ezra Cornell (1807-1874) was born in Westchester County, New York, on January 11, 1807. His parents were Quakers from Massachusetts. He had a limited education, worked as a carpenter in Syracuse, and as a machinist in Ithaca. Around 1842, he became interested in developing the electric telegraph. After facing challenges in grounding the telegraph wires in 1844, he resolved the issue by running them on poles. He established several telegraph construction companies, was one of the founders of the Western Union Telegraph Company, and built a sizable fortune. He was a delegate to the first national convention of the Republican Party in 1856, served in the New York Assembly from 1862 to 1863, and was in the state Senate from 1864 to 1867. He founded a public library in Ithaca, dedicated in 1866, and died there on December 9, 1874. Consult Alonzo B. Cornell, True and Firm: A Biography of Ezra Cornell (New York, 1884).

2 New York’s share amounted to 990,000 acres. The Morrill Act prescribed that the proceeds from the sale of this land should not be used for the purchase, erection or maintenance of any building or buildings.

2 New York's share was 990,000 acres. The Morrill Act stated that the proceeds from selling this land should not be used to buy, build, or maintain any buildings.

3 He had previously—in 1865—bought scrip for 100,000 acres for $50,000, on the understanding that all profits which might accrue from the sale of the land should be paid to the university.

3 He had previously—in 1865—bought scrip for 100,000 acres for $50,000, with the agreement that all profits from selling the land would go to the university.


CORNET, a word having two distinct significations and two etymological histories, both, however, ultimately referable to the same Latin origin:—

CORNET, a word with two different meanings and two etymological backgrounds, both of which can ultimately be traced back to the same Latin origin:—

1. (Fr. cornette, dim. of corne, from Lat. cornu, a horn), a small standard, formerly carried by a troop of cavalry, and similar to the pennon in form, narrowing gradually to a point. The term was then applied to the body of cavalry which carried a cornet. In this sense it is used in the military literature of the 16th century and, less frequently, in that of the 17th. Before the close of the 16th century, however, the world had also come to mean a junior officer of a troop of cavalry who, like the “ensign” of foot, carried the colour. The spelling “coronet” occurs in the 16th century, and has perhaps contributed to obscure the derivation of “colonel” or “coronel.” The rank of “cornet” remained in the British cavalry until the general adoption of the term “second lieutenant.” In the Boer republics “field-cornets” were local subordinate officers of the commando (q.v.), the unit of the military forces. Elected for three years by the wards into which the electoral districts were divided, they had administrative as well as military duties, and acted as magistrates, inspectors of natives and registration officers for their respective wards. In 1907, the “field-cornet” system was re-established in the Transvaal; the new duties of the “field-cornets” are those performed by assistant magistrates, viz. petty jurisdiction, registration of voters, births and deaths, the carrying out of regulations as to animal diseases, and maintenance of roads. The “field-cornets” are appointed by government for three years.

1. (Fr. cornette, dim. of corne, from Lat. cornu, meaning a horn), a small banner once carried by a cavalry unit, similar in shape to a pennon, tapering to a point. The term then referred to the group of cavalry that carried a cornet. This usage appears in military literature from the 16th century and, less often, in the 17th. By the end of the 16th century, however, it had also come to refer to a junior officer in a cavalry unit who, like the “ensign” of infantry, carried the colors. The spelling “coronet” appears in the 16th century and may have helped obscure the origins of “colonel” or “coronel.” The rank of “cornet” remained in the British cavalry until the widespread adoption of the term “second lieutenant.” In the Boer republics, “field-cornets” were local subordinate officers of the commando (q.v.), the military unit. Elected for three years by the wards of the electoral districts, they had both administrative and military responsibilities, acting as magistrates, inspectors of natives, and registration officers for their respective wards. In 1907, the “field-cornet” system was reinstated in the Transvaal; the new duties of the “field-cornets” include those of assistant magistrates, such as handling minor jurisdiction, registering voters, births and deaths, enforcing animal disease regulations, and maintaining roads. The “field-cornets” are appointed by the government for three years.

2. (Fr. cornet, Ital. cornetto, Med. Lat. cornetum, a bugle, from Lat. cornu, a horn), in music, the name of two varieties of wind instruments (see below), and also of certain stops of the organ. The great organ “solo cornet” was a mixture or compound stop, having either 5, 4, or 3 ranges of pipes; occasionally it was placed on a separate soundboard, when it was known as a “mounted cornet.” The “echo cornet” was a similar stop, but softer and enclosed in a box. In German and Dutch organs the term cornet is sometimes applied to a pedal reed stop.

2. (Fr. cornet, Ital. cornetto, Med. Lat. cornetum, a bugle, from Lat. cornu, a horn), in music, refers to two types of wind instruments (see below), as well as certain stops on the organ. The great organ “solo cornet” was a mixture or compound stop, featuring 5, 4, or 3 sets of pipes; it was sometimes placed on a separate soundboard, and then it was called a “mounted cornet.” The “echo cornet” was a similar stop, but softer and enclosed in a box. In German and Dutch organs, the term cornet is occasionally used for a pedal reed stop.

From Capt. C. R. Day’s Descriptive Catalogue of Musical Instruments, by permission of Messrs. Eyre & Spottiswoode.
Fig. 1.—Cornetto Muto. Fig. 2.—Cornetto Curvo.

(a) Cornet or Cornett (Fr. cornet, cornet à bouquin; Ger. Zinck, Zincken; Ital. cornetto) is the name given to a family of wood wind instruments, now obsolete, having a cup-shaped mouthpiece and a conical bore without a bell, and differing entirely from the modern cornet à pistons. The old cornets were of two kinds, the straight and the curved, characterized by radical differences in construction. There were two very different kinds of straight cornets (Ger. gerader Zinck, Ital. cornetto diretto or recto), the one most commonly used having a detachable cup-shaped mouthpiece similar to that of the trumpet, while the other was made to all appearance without mouthpiece, there being not even a moulded rim at the end of the tube to 171 break the rigid straight line. Examination of the tube, however, reveals the secret of the characteristic sweet tone of this latter kind of cornet; unsuspected inside the top of the tube is cut out of the thickness of the wood a mouthpiece, not cup-shaped, but like a funnel similar to that of the French horn, which merges gradually into the bore of the instrument. This mode of construction, together with the narrower bore adopted, greatly influenced the timbre of the instrument, whose softer tone was thus due mainly to the substitution of the funnel for the sharp angle of incidence at the bottom of the cup mouthpiece known as the throat (see Mouthpiece), where it communicates with the tube. It is this sharp angle, which in the other cornets with detachable mouthpiece, causes the column of air to break, producing a shrill quality of tone, while the wider bore and slightly rough walls of the tube account for the harshness. In Germany the sweet-toned cornet was known as stiller or sanfter Zinck, and in Italy as cornetto muto (fig. 1), while in France the instruments with detachable mouthpiece were distinguished by the addition of à bouquin (= with mouthpiece). The curved cornet (Ger. krummer Zinck or Stadtkalb; Ital. cornetto curvo) could not for obvious reasons have the bore pierced through a single piece of wood; the channel for the vibrating column of air was, therefore, hollowed out of two pieces of wood, the diameter increasing from the mouthpiece to the lower end. The two pieces of wood thus prepared were joined together with glue and covered with leather, the outer surface of the tube being finished off in octagonal shape. The separate mouthpiece, made indifferently of wood, horn, ivory or metal,1 analogous to that of the trumpet, was distinctly cup-shaped and fixed by a tenon to the upper extremity of the pipe. The primitive instrument was an animal’s horn.

(a) Trumpet or Horn (Fr. cornet, cornet à bouquin; Ger. Zinck, Zincken; Ital. cornetto) refers to a family of woodwind instruments that are now no longer in use. They have a cup-shaped mouthpiece and a conical bore without a bell, and are completely different from the modern cornet à pistons. The old cornets came in two types, straight and curved, each with significant differences in design. There were two distinct kinds of straight cornets (Ger. gerader Zinck, Ital. cornetto diretto or recto); the more commonly used one had a removable cup-shaped mouthpiece like that of a trumpet, while the other appeared to be made without a mouthpiece at all, as there was not even a molded rim at the end of the tube to disrupt the straight line. However, a closer look at the tube reveals the secret behind the special sweet tone of this second type of cornet; hidden inside, at the top of the tube, is a mouthpiece carved out of the thickness of the wood. It's not cup-shaped but shaped like a funnel similar to that of a French horn, which gradually flows into the bore of the instrument. This construction technique, along with the narrower bore, significantly influenced the instrument's timbre, giving it a softer tone due primarily to replacing the sharp angle of incidence at the bottom of the cup mouthpiece, known as the throat (see Mouthpiece), where it connects with the tube. This sharp angle in the other cornets with removable mouthpieces causes the air column to break, generating a shrill tone, while the wider bore and slightly rough tube walls contribute to the harshness. In Germany, the sweet-toned cornet was called stiller or sanfter Zinck, and in Italy, it was referred to as cornetto muto (fig. 1). In France, instruments with removable mouthpieces were designated by adding à bouquin (= with mouthpiece). The curved cornet (Ger. krummer Zinck or Stadtkalb; Ital. cornetto curvo) could not, for obvious reasons, have the bore made from a single piece of wood; so, the channel for the vibrating air column was carved out from two pieces of wood, with the diameter widening from the mouthpiece to the lower end. The two pieces of wood were then glued together and covered with leather, with the outer surface of the tube finished in an octagonal shape. The separate mouthpiece, made from wood, horn, ivory, or metal, much like that of a trumpet, was distinctly cup-shaped and attached with a tenon to the top end of the pipe. The original instrument was an animal’s horn.

Pipes of such short length give only, besides the first or fundamental, the second and sometimes the third note of the harmonic series. Thus a pipe that has for its fundamental A will, if the pressure of breath and tension of the lips be steadily increased, give the octave A and the twelfth E. In order to connect the first and second harmonics diatonically, the length of the pipe was progressively shortened by boring lateral holes through the tube for the fingers to cover. The successive opening of these holes furnished the instrumentalist with the different intervals of the scale, six holes sufficing for this purpose:

Pipes that are this short only produce, besides the fundamental note, the second and sometimes the third note of the harmonic series. So, a pipe with A as its fundamental will, if you steadily increase the breath pressure and lip tension, produce the octave A and the twelfth E. To connect the first and second harmonics in a scale, the length of the pipe was gradually shortened by drilling lateral holes along the tube for the fingers to cover. Opening these holes one by one gave the musician the different intervals of the scale, with six holes being enough for this purpose:

The fundamental was thus connected with its octave by all the degrees of a diatonic scale, which became chromatic by the help of cross-fingering and the greater or less tension of the lips stretched as vibrating reeds across the opening of the mouthpiece. This increased compass of twenty-seven notes obtained by cross-fingering is very clearly shown in a table by Eisel.2 The fingering was completed by a seventh hole, which had for its object the production of the octave without the necessity of closing all the holes in order to produce the second note of the harmonic series. The first complete octave, thus obtained by a succession of fundamental notes, was easily octaved by a stronger pressure of breath and tension of the lips across the mouthpiece, and thus the ordinary limits of the compass of a Zinck or cornet could be extended to a fifteenth. Whether straight or curved it was pierced laterally with seven holes, six through the front, and the seventh, that nearest the mouthpiece, through the back. The first three holes were usually covered with the third, second and first fingers of the right hand, the next four with the third, second and first fingers and the thumb of the left hand. But some instrumentalists inverted the position of the hands. Virdung3 shows, besides the cornetto recto, a kind of Zinck made of an animal’s horn with only four holes, three in the front of the pipe and one at the back. Such an instrument as this had naturally a very limited compass, since these four holes only sufficed to produce the intermediate notes between the second and third proper tones of the harmonic scale, the lower octave comprised between the first and second remaining incomplete; by overblowing, however, the next octave would be obtained in addition.

The fundamental was connected to its octave by all the notes of a diatonic scale, which became chromatic thanks to cross-fingering and the varying tension of the lips stretched like vibrating reeds across the mouthpiece opening. This extended range of twenty-seven notes achieved through cross-fingering is clearly illustrated in a table by Eisel.2 The fingering was completed by a seventh hole, designed to produce the octave without needing to cover all the holes to create the second note of the harmonic series. The first complete octave, achieved through a series of fundamental notes, could easily be octaved by applying stronger breath pressure and lip tension across the mouthpiece, thereby extending the usual range of a Zinck or cornet to a fifteenth. Whether straight or curved, it had seven holes pierced laterally: six in the front, and the seventh, closest to the mouthpiece, in the back. The first three holes were typically covered by the third, second, and first fingers of the right hand, while the next four were covered by the third, second, and first fingers and the thumb of the left hand. However, some musicians switched the hand positions. Virdung3 depicts, in addition to the cornetto recto, a type of Zinck made from an animal’s horn with only four holes: three at the front of the pipe and one at the back. Naturally, such an instrument had a very limited range since these four holes were only enough to produce the intermediate notes between the second and third proper tones of the harmonic scale, leaving the lower octave incomplete between the first and second. However, by overblowing, the next octave could be achieved as well.

At the beginning of the 17th century Praetorius4 represents the Zincken as a complete family comprising: (1) the little Zinck with the lowest note , (2) the ordinary Zinck with the lowest note , (3) the great Zinck, cornon or corno torto, a great cornet in the shape of an with the lowest note . In France5 the family was composed of the following instruments:

At the start of the 17th century, Praetorius4 describes the Zincken as a complete family that includes: (1) the small Zinck with the lowest note , (2) the standard Zinck with the lowest note , (3) the large Zinck, cornon, or corno torto, a big cornet shaped like an with the lowest note . In France5 the family consisted of the following instruments:

(1) The dessus or treble cornet with the lowest note ;

(1) The dessus or treble cornet with the lowest note ;

(2) the haute-contre or alto cornet with the lowest note ;

(2) the haute-contre or alto cornet with the lowest note ;

(3) the taille or tenor cornet with the lowest note and the basse or bass or pédalle6 cornet with the lowest note .

(3) the taille or tenor cornet with the lowest note and the basse or bass or pédalle6 cornet with the lowest note .

The cornets of the lowest pitch were sometimes furnished with an open key which, when closed, lengthened the tube, and extended the compass downwards by a note. Mersenne figures a cornon with a key.

The lowest-pitched cornets sometimes had an open key that, when closed, made the tube longer and added an extra note to the lower range. Mersenne illustrates a cornon with a key.

During the middle ages these instruments were in such favour that an important part was given to them in all instrumental combinations. At Dresden,7 between 1647 and 1651, the Kapelle of the electoral prince of Saxony included two cornets, the bass being supplied by the trombone. Monteverde introduced two cornets in the 3rd and 4th acts of his Orfeo (1607). In France the charges for the Chapelle-Musique of the kings of France for the year 1619 contain two entries of the sum of 450 livres tournois, salary paid to one Marcel Cayty, joueur de cornet, a post held by him from 1604 until at least 1631, when another cornet player, Jean Daneau, is also mentioned.8

During the Middle Ages, these instruments were so popular that they played a significant role in all instrumental ensembles. In Dresden, 7 between 1647 and 1651, the Kapelle of the electoral prince of Saxony included two cornets, with the bass provided by the trombone. Monteverdi featured two cornets in the 3rd and 4th acts of his Orfeo (1607). In France, the payments for the Chapelle-Musique of the kings of France for the year 1619 include two entries of 450 livres tournois, paid as a salary to Marcel Cayty, joueur de cornet, a position he held from 1604 until at least 1631, when another cornet player, Jean Daneau, is also mentioned. 8

In Germany in the 17th and 18th centuries, Zincken were used with trombones in the churches to accompany the chorales. There are examples of this use of the instrument in the sacred cantatas of J. S. Bach, where the cornet is added to the upper voice parts to strengthen them. Johann Mattheson, conductor of the opera at 172 Hamburg, writing on the orchestra in 17139 gives a description of the Zinck as a member of the orchestra, but in 1739,10 in his work on the perfect conductor, he deplores the decrease of its popularity in church music, from which it seems to be banished as useless. Gluck was the last composer of importance who scored for the cornet, as for instance in Orfeo, in Paride ed Elena, in Alceste and in Armide, &c. The great vogue of the curved cornet is not to be accounted for by its musical qualities, for it had a hard, hoarse, piercing sound, and it failed utterly in truth of intonation; these natural defects, moreover, could only be modified with great difficulty. Mersenne’s eulogium of the dessus, then more employed than the other cornets, can only be appreciated at its full value if we look upon the art of cornet playing as a lost art. “The dessus,” he says, “was used in the vocal concerts and to make the treble with the organ, which is ravishing when one knows how to play it to perfection like the Sieur Guiclet;” and again further on, “the character of its tone resembles the brilliance of a sunbeam piercing the darkness, when it is heard among the voices in churches, cathedrals or chapels.”11 Mersenne further observes that the serpent is the true bass of the cornet, that one without the other is like body without soul. A drawing in pen and ink of a curved cornet is given by Randle Holme in his Academy of Armoury (1688);12 and at the end of the description of the instrument he adds, “It is a delicate pleasant wind musick, if well played and humoured.” Giovanni Maria Artusi13 of Bologna, writing at the end of the 16th century, devotes much space to the cornet, explaining in detail the three kinds of tonguing used with the instrument. By tonguing is understood a method of articulation into the mouthpiece of flute, cornet à pistons or trumpet, of certain syllables which add brilliance to the tone. Artusi advocates (1) for the guttural effect, ler, ler, ler, der, ler, der, ler; ter, ler, ter; ler, ter, ler; (2) for the tongue effect, tere, tere, tere; (3) for the dental effect, teche, teche, teche, used by those who wish to strike terror into the hearts of the hearers—an effect, however, which offends the ear. A clue to the popularity of the instrument during the middle ages may perhaps be found in Artusi’s remark that this instrument is the most apt in imitating the human voice, but that it is very difficult and fatiguing to play; the musician, he adds elsewhere, should adopt an instrument to imitate the voice as much as possible, such as the cornetto and the trombone. He mentions two players in Venice, Il Cavaliero del Cornetto and M. Girolamo da Udine, who excelled in the art of playing the cornet.

In Germany during the 17th and 18th centuries, Zincken were used with trombones in churches to accompany the hymns. Examples of this instrument's use can be found in the sacred cantatas of J. S. Bach, where the cornet is included in the upper voice parts to enhance them. Johann Mattheson, the conductor of the opera in Hamburg, writing about the orchestra in 1713, provides a description of the Zinck as an orchestra member. However, in 1739, in his work on the ideal conductor, he laments the decline of its popularity in church music, from which it appears to have been excluded as unnecessary. Gluck was the last major composer to write for the cornet, as seen in Orfeo, Paride ed Elena, Alceste, and Armide, among others. The popularity of the curved cornet cannot be explained by its musical qualities, as it had a harsh, raspy, piercing sound, and it completely lacked accurate intonation; these natural flaws were also very difficult to correct. Mersenne’s praise of the dessus, which was used more than the other cornets at the time, can only be fully appreciated if we consider the art of cornet playing as a lost skill. "The dessus," he states, "was used in vocal performances and to match the treble with the organ, which is enchanting when played perfectly like the Sieur Guiclet;" he also adds, "the quality of its tone resembles the brilliance of a sunbeam cutting through the darkness when it’s heard among voices in churches, cathedrals, or chapels." Mersenne further notes that the serpent is the true bass of the cornet, and one without the other is like a body without a soul. A pen-and-ink drawing of a curved cornet is provided by Randle Holme in his Academy of Armoury (1688); and at the end of the description of the instrument, he adds, "It is a delicate, pleasant wind music if well played and nuanced." Giovanni Maria Artusi from Bologna, writing at the end of the 16th century, dedicates significant space to the cornet, explaining in detail the three types of tonguing used with the instrument. Tonguing refers to a method of articulation at the mouthpiece of the flute, cornet with pistons, or trumpet, using specific syllables that enhance the tone's brilliance. Artusi suggests (1) for a guttural effect, ler, ler, ler, der, ler, der, ler; ter, ler, ter; ler, ter, ler; (2) for a tongue effect, tere, tere, tere; (3) for a dental effect, teche, teche, teche, used by those who want to instill fear in their listeners—this effect, however, can be unpleasant to hear. A hint at the instrument's popularity during the Middle Ages may be found in Artusi’s comment that it is the most capable of imitating the human voice, but that it is very challenging and tiring to play; the musician, he adds elsewhere, should choose an instrument that closely resembles the voice, like the cornetto and the trombone. He notes two players in Venice, Il Cavaliero del Cornetto and M. Girolamo da Udine, who excelled in the art of playing the cornet.

Being derived from the horn of an animal through which lateral holes had been pierced, the curved cornet was probably the earlier, and when the instrument came to be copied in metal and in wood the straight cornet was the result of an attempt to simplify the construction. The evolution probably took place in Asia Minor, where tubes with conical bore were the rule, and the instrument was thence introduced into Europe. A straight Zinck, having a grotesque animal’s head at the bell-end, and six holes visible, is pictured in a miniature of the 11th century.14 What appears to be precisely the same kind of instrument, although differing widely in reality, the chaunter being reed-blown, is to be found in illuminated MSS. as the chaunter of the bagpipe, as for example in a royal roll of Henry III. at the British Museum,15 where it occurs twice played by a man on stilts. The grotesque was probably added to the chaunter in imitation of that on the straight Zinck. Two stille Zincken or cornetti muti are among the musical instruments represented in the triumphal procession of the emperor Maximilian I.16 (d. 1519), designed at his command by H. Burgmair under the superintendence of Albrecht Dürer.

The curved cornet likely originated from the horn of an animal with lateral holes pierced through it. When the instrument was made in metal and wood, the straight cornet emerged as an effort to simplify its design. This evolution probably occurred in Asia Minor, where conical bore tubes were common, and the instrument was then brought into Europe. A straight Zinck, featuring a quirky animal’s head at the bell-end with six visible holes, is depicted in an 11th-century miniature.14 A similar-looking instrument, although quite different in function since it uses a reed to produce sound, appears in illuminated manuscripts as the chaunter of the bagpipe. For instance, in a royal roll of Henry III at the British Museum,15 it is shown twice being played by a man on stilts. The grotesque design was likely added to the chaunter to mimic that on the straight Zinck. Two stille Zincken or cornetti muti are included among the musical instruments depicted in the triumphal procession of Emperor Maximilian I.16 (d. 1519), created at his request by H. Burgmair with the oversight of Albrecht Dürer.

(b) Cornet à Pistons, Cornet, Cornopaean (Fr. cornet à pistons; Ger. Cornett; Ital. cornetto), are the names of a modern brass wind instrument of the same pitch as the trumpet. Being a transformation of the old post-horn, the cornet should have a conical bore of wide diameter in proportion to the length of tube, but in practice usually only a small portion of the tube is conical, i.e. from the mouthpiece to the slide of the first valve and from the slide of the third valve to the bell. The tube of the cornet is doubled round upon itself. The cup-shaped mouthpiece is larger than that of the trumpet; the shape of the cup in conjunction with the length of the tube and the proportions of the bore determines the timbre of the instrument. The outline of the bottom of the cup, where it communicates with the bore, is of the greatest importance.17 If, as in the trumpet, it presents angles against which the column of air breaks, it produces a brilliant tone quality. In the cornet mouthpiece there are no angles at the bottom of the cup, which curves into the bore; hence the cornet’s loose, coarse quality of tone. The sound is produced by stretching the lips across the mouthpiece, and making them act as double reeds, set in vibration by the breath. There are no fixed notes on the cornet as in instruments with lateral holes, or with keys; the musical scale is obtained by means of the power the performer possesses—once he has learned how to use it—of producing the notes of the harmonic series by overblowing, i.e. by varying the tension of the lips and the pressure of breath. In the cornet this series is short, comprising only the harmonics from the 2nd to the 8th:

(b) Trumpet, Cornet, Cornucopian (Fr. cornet à pistons; Ger. Cornett; Ital. cornetto), are names for a modern brass wind instrument that sounds like a trumpet. It evolved from the old post-horn and typically has a conical bore that is wider in proportion to the tube's length, though in practice only part of the tube is conical—specifically from the mouthpiece to the first valve's slide and from the third valve's slide to the bell. The tube of the cornet loops back on itself. The cup-shaped mouthpiece is larger than a trumpet's, and its cup shape, combined with the tube's length and bore proportions, affects the instrument's timbre. The shape of the cup's bottom, where it connects with the bore, is crucial. If, like the trumpet, it has angles that disrupt the airflow, it creates a bright tone. In contrast, the cornet’s mouthpiece has no sharp angles at the bottom of the cup; it smoothly curves into the bore, giving the cornet its loose, mellow sound. To produce sound, players stretch their lips across the mouthpiece, causing them to vibrate like double reeds when they blow. Unlike instruments with fixed notes, the cornet doesn’t have defined pitches; players create musical scales using their skill—once they’ve learned how to control it—by producing notes from the harmonic series through overblowing, which involves adjusting lip tension and breath pressure. On the cornet, this series is limited, containing only harmonics from the 2nd to the 8th:



Harmonic series of the B♭ cornet—the 7th is slightly flat, a defect which the performer corrects, if he uses the note at all.



Harmonic series of the B♭ cornet—the 7th is slightly flat, a flaw that the player fixes if they use the note at all.

The intermediate notes completing the chromatic scale are obtained by means of three pistons which, on being depressed, open valves leading into supplementary wind-ways, which lengthen the original tube. The pitch of the instrument is thus lowered respectively one tone, half a tone, and one tone and a half. The action of the piston temporarily changes the key of the instrument and with it the notes of the harmonic series. Before a performer, therefore, can play a note he must know in which harmonic series it is best obtained and use the proper piston in conjunction with the requisite lip tension. By means of the pistons the compass of the cornet is thus extended from

The extra notes that complete the chromatic scale are produced using three pistons that, when pressed, open valves leading to additional airflow paths, which lengthen the original tube. This lowers the pitch of the instrument by one tone, half a tone, and one and a half tones, respectively. When a piston is activated, it temporarily changes the key of the instrument, along with the notes in the harmonic series. Therefore, before a player can hit a note, they need to know which harmonic series works best and use the correct piston along with the right lip tension. With the pistons, the range of the cornet is thus extended from

Real sounds for the cornet in C.




(The minims indicate the practical compass but the extension shown by the crotchets is possible to all good players.)




(The minims show the practical range, but the extension represented by the crotchets is achievable by all skilled players.)

The treble clef is used in notation, and in England the music for the cornet is usually written as sounded, but most French and German composers score for it as for a transposing instrument; for example, the music for the B♭ cornet is written in a key one tone higher than that of the composition.

The treble clef is used in music notation, and in England, the music for the cornet is typically written as played. However, most French and German composers write it as a transposing instrument; for instance, the music for the B♭ cornet is written a key up from the original piece.

The timbre of the cornet lies somewhere between that of the horn and the trumpet, having the blaring, penetrating quality of the latter without its brilliant noble sonorousness. The great favour with which the cornet meets is due to the facility with which it speaks, to the little fatigue it causes, and to the simplicity of its mechanism. We must, however, regret from the point of view of art that its success has been so great, and that it has ended in usurping in brass bands the place of the bugles, the tone colour of which is infinitely preferable as a foundation for an ensemble composed entirely of brass instruments. Even the symphonic orchestra has not been secure from its intrusion, and the growing tendency in some orchestras, notably in France, to allow the cornet to supersede the trumpet, to the great detriment of tone colour, is to be deplored. The cornet used in a rich orchestral harmony is of value for completing the chords of trumpets, or to undertake diatonic and chromatic passages which on account of their rapidity cannot easily be fingered by trombones or horns. The technical possibilities of the instrument are very great, almost unrivalled in the brass wind:—notes sustained, crescendo or diminuendo; diatonic and chromatic scale and arpeggio passages; leaps, shakes, and in fact all kinds of musical figures in any key, can be played with great facility on the three-valved cornet. Double tonguing is also practicable, the articulation with the tongue of the syllables ti-ke for double, and of ti-ke-ti for triple time producing a striking staccato effect.

The timbre of the cornet is somewhere between the horn and the trumpet, having the loud, piercing quality of the trumpet without its bright, noble sound. The cornet is so popular because it’s easy to play, doesn’t cause much fatigue, and has a simple design. However, it’s unfortunate from an artistic perspective that its success has overshadowed the bugle’s role in brass bands, whose tone color is much better as a base for a group made entirely of brass instruments. Even the symphonic orchestra hasn’t been spared from its influence, and the increasing trend in some orchestras, especially in France, to let the cornet take the trumpet’s place is regrettable and harms the overall sound. The cornet has its place in a rich orchestral harmony for completing trumpet chords or for playing rapid diatonic and chromatic passages that aren't easy for trombones or horns. The technical capabilities of the instrument are immense, nearly unmatched in brass: sustained notes, crescendo or diminuendo; diatonic and chromatic scales and arpeggios; leaps, shakes, and all kinds of musical figures in any key can be played with ease on the three-valved cornet. Double tonguing is also possible, articulating the syllables ti-ke for double and ti-ke-ti for triple time to create a striking staccato effect.

Fig. 3.—B♭ Cornet with enharmonic valves (Besson & Co.).
Fig. 4—B♭ Cornet with strictly conical bore throughout, Klussmann’s patent (Rudall, Carte & Co.).

The cornet was evolved in Germany, at the beginning of the 19th century, from the post-horn, by the application of the 173 newly invented pistons of Stoelzel and Bluemel patented in 1815. It was introduced into Great Britain and France about 1830. There were at first only two pistons—for a whole tone and for a half tone—from which there naturally resulted gaps in the chromatic scale of the instrument. The use of a combination of pistons (see Bombardon and Valves) fails to give acoustically correct intervals, because the length of tubing thus thrown open is not of the theoretical length required to produce the interval. A tube about 4 ft. long, such as that of the B♭ cornet, needs an additional length of about 3 in. to lower the pitch a semitone; but, if this cornet has already been lowered one tone to the key of A♭, the length of tube has increased some 6 in., and the 3-in. semitone piston no longer adds sufficient tubing to produce a semitone of correct intonation. To the performer falls the task of concealing the shortcomings of his instrument, and he therefore corrects the intonation by varying the lip tension. At first the cornet was supplied with a great many crooks for A, A♭, G, F, E, E♭ and D, but from the explanation now given, it will be readily understood that they were found unpractical for valve instruments, and all but the first two mentioned have been abandoned. The history of the cornet is a record of the endeavours of successive musical instrument makers to overcome this inherent defect in construction. The most ingenious and successful of these improvements are the following:—(1) The six-valve-independent system18 of Adolphe Sax, designed about 1850, by which a separate valve was used for each position, thus obviating the necessity of using combinations of pistons. This theoretically perfect system unfortunately introduced great difficulties in practice, the valves being made ascending instead of descending, and each piston cutting off a definite length of wind-way from the open tube, instead of adding to it. The system was eventually abandoned. (2) The Besson Registre giving eight independent positions, afterwards modified as the (3) Besson compensating system transpositeur, patented in England in 1859, which was considered so successful that the idea was extensively used by other makers. (4) The Boosey automatic compensating piston, invented by D. J. Blaikley, and patented in 1878, a very ingenious device whereby when two or more pistons are used simultaneously the length of the air column is automatically adjusted to the theoretical length required to ensure correct intonation. (5) Victor Mahillon’s automatic regulating pistons (pistons régulateur automatique) produced about 1886, the result of independent efforts in the same direction as Blaikley, and equally ingenious and effectual.19 Finally we have (6) more recently the Besson enharmonic valve system (fig. 3) with three pistons and six independent tuning slides which give the seven positions independently, thus realizing in a simple effectual manner all that Sax strove to accomplish with his six pistons. The enharmonic valves give all notes theoretically true; there are in addition separate means for adjusting each of the first six lengths, for although these lengths are theoretically correct there are always certain modifying conditions connected with brass instruments which render it essential to provide means for adjustment. All notes being true on this Besson cornet, they can be fingered to the greatest advantage for smoothness and rapidity. (7) Rudall, Carte & Co.’s cornet (fig. 4), with strictly conical bore (Klussmann’s patent) throughout the open tube and additional lengths from the mouthpiece to the bell, gives a perfect intonation and is at the same time easy to blow. There are no crooks to this cornet when constructed in B♭, but it may be instantaneously transposed into the key of A major by means of an undetachable slide guided by a piston rod.

The cornet was developed in Germany at the beginning of the 19th century from the post-horn, thanks to the newly invented pistons by Stoelzel and Bluemel, which were patented in 1815. It made its way to Great Britain and France around 1830. Initially, there were only two pistons—one for a whole tone and one for a half tone—which left gaps in the instrument's chromatic scale. Combining pistons (see Bombardon and Valves) fails to produce acoustically correct intervals because the length of tubing opened is not the theoretical length needed for the interval. A tube about 4 ft. long, like that of the B♭ cornet, requires an extra length of about 3 in. to lower the pitch by a semitone; however, if this cornet has already been lowered one tone to the key of A♭, the tube length increases by about 6 in., and the 3-in. semitone piston doesn’t add enough tubing to achieve a semitone of proper intonation. The performer must hide the instrument's shortcomings, correcting the intonation by varying lip tension. Initially, the cornet came with many crooks for A, A♭, G, F, E, E♭, and D, but as explained now, they were impractical for valve instruments, and all but the first two have been discarded. The cornet's history reflects the efforts of various instrument makers to fix this construction flaw. The most clever and effective improvements include: (1) The six-valve-independent system of Adolphe Sax, designed around 1850, where each position had a separate valve, eliminating the need for combinations of pistons. This theoretically flawless system unfortunately caused practical issues because the valves were made ascending instead of descending, and each piston cut off a specific length of airflow from the open tube rather than adding to it. The system was eventually dropped. (2) The Besson Registre, which provided eight independent positions, was later modified into (3) the Besson compensating system transpositeur, patented in England in 1859, and was so successful that its concept was widely adopted by other makers. (4) The Boosey automatic compensating piston, invented by D. J. Blaikley and patented in 1878, is a clever device that automatically adjusts the air column length to the theoretical length for correct intonation when two or more pistons are used together. (5) Victor Mahillon’s automatic regulating pistons (pistons régulateur automatique) developed around 1886 were the result of independent efforts similar to Blaikley’s, proving to be equally clever and effective. Finally, (6) more recently, we have the Besson enharmonic valve system (fig. 3) with three pistons and six independent tuning slides that independently provide the seven positions, effectively achieving everything Sax aimed for with his six pistons. The enharmonic valves produce all notes theoretically true, and there are additional means to adjust each of the first six lengths, as even though these lengths are theoretically correct, there are constants linked to brass instruments that make adjustment necessary. With all notes accurate on this Besson cornet, they can be played for optimal smoothness and speed. (7) Rudall, Carte & Co.’s cornet (fig. 4), featuring a strictly conical bore (Klussmann’s patent) throughout the open tube and additional lengths from the mouthpiece to the bell, ensures perfect intonation while also being easy to blow. There are no crooks on this B♭ cornet, but it can be instantly transposed into the key of A major using an undetachable slide guided by a piston rod.

(V. M.; K. S.)

1 See Marin Mersenne, L’Harmonie universelle (Paris, 1636-1637), bk. v., pp. 273-274.

1 See Marin Mersenne, The Universal Harmony (Paris, 1636-1637), bk. v., pp. 273-274.

2 See Eisel’s (Anon.) Musicus Αὐτοδίδακτος, oder der sich selbst informirende Musicus (Erfurt, 1738), p. 93 and table vi.

2 See Eisel’s (Anon.) Musicus Self-taught, or the Self-Taught Musician (Erfurt, 1738), p. 93 and table vi.

3 Sebastian Virdung, Musica getutscht und auszgezogen (Basel, 1511).

3 Sebastian Virdung, Musica getutscht und auszgezogen (Basel, 1511).

4 Michael Praetorius, Syntag. Music., vol. ii. De Organographia (Wolfenbüttel, 1618), pp. 25 and 41, pls. 8 and 13.

4 Michael Praetorius, Syntag. Music., vol. ii. De Organographia (Wolfenbüttel, 1618), pp. 25 and 41, pls. 8 and 13.

5 See Mersenne, loc. cit.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ See Mersenne, same source.

6 See Ad. MS. 30342, Brit. Museum, fol. 145. A tract in French containing pen and ink sketches of musical instruments, which dates from the 17th or perhaps the 18th century, and was formerly in the possession of the Jesuit college in Paris. Here the pédalle is the bass pommer, or hautbois, and the sackbut is indicated as second bass or basse-contre. As also in Mersenne, the cornets are curved.

6 See Ad. MS. 30342, Brit. Museum, fol. 145. A document in French containing pen and ink sketches of musical instruments, dating back to the 17th or possibly the 18th century, which was previously owned by the Jesuit college in Paris. Here, the pédalle refers to the bass pommer or hautbois, and the sackbut is shown as second bass or basse-contre. Like in Mersenne, the cornets are curved.

7 See Moritz Fürstenau, Geschichte der Musik und des Theaters am Hofe zu Dresden (Dresden, 1861-1862), p. 28.

7 See Moritz Fürstenau, History of Music and Theater at the Court of Dresden (Dresden, 1861-1862), p. 28.

8 See Michel Brenet, “Deux comptes de la Chapelle Musique des rois de France,” Sammelband der Intern. Mus. Ges., vi. 1 (Leipzig, 1904), pp. 20, 21, 29; and Archives nationales (Paris), Z. Ia. 486.

8 See Michel Brenet, “Two Accounts of the Music Chapel of the Kings of France,” Collection of the International Music Society, vi. 1 (Leipzig, 1904), pp. 20, 21, 29; and National Archives (Paris), Z. Ia. 486.

9 Das neu-eröffnete Orchester (Hamburg, 1713), p. 253.

9 The newly opened orchestra (Hamburg, 1713), p. 253.

10 Der vollkommene Kapellmeister (Hamburg, 1739).

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ The Perfect Conductor (Hamburg, 1739).

11 See Mersenne, op. cit., bk. v., p. 274.

11 See Mersenne, op. cit., bk. v., p. 274.

12 Part of book iii. in MS. Harleian, 2034, fol. 207b. Brit. Museum.

12 Part of book iii. in MS. Harleian, 2034, fol. 207b. Brit. Museum.

13 Delle imperfettioni della moderna musica (Venice, 1600), pp. 4, 5, 6 and 12b.

13 On the Imperfections of Modern Music (Venice, 1600), pp. 4, 5, 6 and 12b.

14 Gräfl. Schönborn Bibl. Pommersfelden, Cod. 2776, reproduced in E. Buhle’s Die musikalischen Instrumente in den Miniatur-Handschriften des Mittelalters, part i. (Leipzig, 1903) pl. 6 and p. 24, where other references will be found.

14 Graf Schönborn Library Pommersfelden, Cod. 2776, reproduced in E. Buhle’s The Musical Instruments in the Miniature Manuscripts of the Middle Ages, part i. (Leipzig, 1903) pl. 6 and p. 24, where you can find other references.

15 Royal Roll, 14 B. v. 13th century. See also Augustus Hughes-Hughes, Catalogue of MS. Music in the British Museum, part iii.

15 Royal Roll, 14 B. from the 13th century. See also Augustus Hughes-Hughes, Catalogue of MS. Music in the British Museum, part iii.

16 See “Triumphzug des Kaisers Maximilians I.,” Beilage zum 1 sten Bd. d. Jahrbuch der Samml. des Allerhöchsten Kaiserhauses (Vienna, 1883), part i. p. 26, and letterpress, Bd. i. pp. 154-181.

16 See “Triumph of Emperor Maximilian I.,” Supplement to Volume 1 of the Yearbook of the Collections of the Most High Imperial House (Vienna, 1883), part i. p. 26, and print, Vol. i. pp. 154-181.

17 See Victor Mahillon, Éléments d’acoustique musicale et instrumentale (Brussels, 1874), pp. 96, 97, &c., with diagrams, and Friedrich Zamminer, Die Musik und die musikalischen Instrumente, &c. (Giessen, 1855), p. 310, &c., with diagrams.

17 See Victor Mahillon, Elements of Musical and Instrumental Acoustics (Brussels, 1874), pp. 96, 97, &c., with diagrams, and Friedrich Zamminer, Music and Musical Instruments, &c. (Giessen, 1855), p. 310, &c., with diagrams.

18 For a fuller description of this system see Capt. C. R. Day, Descriptive Catalogue of Musical Instruments (London, 1891), p. 207, No. 406.

18 For a more detailed description of this system, see Capt. C. R. Day, Descriptive Catalogue of Musical Instruments (London, 1891), p. 207, No. 406.

19 Id., pp. 192-193.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Id., pp. 192-193.


CORNETO TARQUINIA (anc. Tarquinii), a town of Italy, in the province of Rome, 62 m. N.W. by rail from the town of Rome, 490 ft. above sea-level. Pop. (1901) 5273. Corneto probably arose after the ancient town had been destroyed by the Saracens. In the 10th century it began to acquire importance, and for some time was an independent commune. It is picturesquely situated, and commands a fine view. It possesses medieval fortifications, and no less than twenty-five towers are still standing in various parts of the town, which thus has a remarkably medieval appearance. The castle on the N. contains the Romanesque church of S. Maria in Castello, begun in 1121, with a fine portal of 1143, a ciborium of 1168 and a pulpit of 1209, both in “cosmatesque” work: the pavement in marble mosaic also is fine. There are several other Romanesque and Gothic churches in the town more or less restored. The oldest parts of the Palazzo Comunale date from about 1000. The Gothic Palazzo Vitelleschi (1439) contains remarkably rich windows. The municipal museum (which is to be transferred to this palace) and the Palazzo Bruschi, contain fine collections of Etruscan antiquities from the tombs of Tarquinii. Four miles to the S.W. is the Porto Clementino (perhaps the ancient Graviscae, the port of Tarquinii), with government saltworks, in which convicts are employed.

CORNETO TARQUINIA (formerly Tarquinii), a town in Italy, is located in the province of Rome, 62 miles northwest by train from the city of Rome, at an elevation of 490 feet above sea level. Population (1901) was 5,273. Corneto likely emerged after the ancient town was destroyed by the Saracens. Its significance grew in the 10th century, and for a time, it functioned as an independent commune. The town is charmingly positioned and offers a scenic view. It has medieval fortifications, and at least twenty-five towers are still standing in various areas, giving it a distinctly medieval look. The castle in the north houses the Romanesque church of S. Maria in Castello, which started construction in 1121 and features a beautiful portal from 1143, as well as a ciborium from 1168 and a pulpit from 1209, both made in the "cosmatesque" style; the marble mosaic pavement is also impressive. There are several other Romanesque and Gothic churches in the town that have been partially restored. The oldest sections of the Palazzo Comunale date back to around 1000. The Gothic Palazzo Vitelleschi (1439) showcases remarkably intricate windows. The municipal museum (which is set to be moved to this palace) and the Palazzo Bruschi house excellent collections of Etruscan artifacts from the tombs of Tarquinii. Four miles to the southwest is Porto Clementino (possibly the ancient Graviscae, the port of Tarquinii), with government saltworks employing convicts.

See L. Dasti, Notizie storiche archeologiche di Tarquinia e Corneto (Rome, 1878); for the cemeteries, Notizie degli Scavi, 1906, 1907.

See L. Dasti, Historical and Archaeological News of Tarquinia and Corneto (Rome, 1878); for the cemeteries, Reports of Excavations, 1906, 1907.


CORNICE (Fr. corniche, Ital. cornice), in architecture, the projection at the top of a wall, which is provided to throw off the rain water from the roof, beyond the face of the building. As employed in classic architecture it forms the upper part of the entablature of an order, and is there subdivided into bed mould, corona and cymatium. The term is also generally applied to any moulding projection which crowns the feature to which it is attached; thus doors and windows, internally as well as externally, have each their cornice, and the same applies to pieces of furniture (see also Masonry).

Crown molding (Fr. corniche, Ital. cornice), in architecture, is the part that sticks out at the top of a wall, designed to direct rainwater off the roof and away from the building. In classical architecture, it is the upper section of an entablature of an order and is divided into bed mould, corona, and cymatium. The term is also used more broadly to refer to any moulding that tops the feature it is attached to; for instance, both interior and exterior doors and windows have their own cornice, and the same goes for pieces of furniture (see also Masonry).


CORNIFICIUS, the author of a work on rhetorical figures, and perhaps of a general treatise (ars, τέχνη) on the art of rhetoric (Quintilian, Instit., iii. 1. 21, ix. 3. 89). He has been identified with the author of the four books of Rhetorica dedicated to a certain Q. Herennius and generally known under the title of Auctor ad Herennium. The chief argument in favour of this identity is the fact that many passages quoted by Quintilian from Cornificius are reproduced in the Rhetorica. Jerome, Priscian and others attributed the work to Cicero (whose De inventione was called Rhetorica prima, the Auctor ad Herennium, Rhetorica secunda), while the claims of L. Aelius Stilo, M. Antonius Gnipho, and Ateius Praetextatus to the authorship have been supported by modern scholars. But it seems improbable that the question of authorship will ever be satisfactorily settled. Internal indications point to the date of compositions as 86-82 B.C., the period of Marian domination in Rome. The unknown author, as may be inferred from the treatise itself, did not write to make money, but to oblige his relative and friend Herennius, for whose instruction he promises to supply other works on grammar, military matters and political administration. He 174 expresses his contempt for the ordinary school rhetorician, the hair-splitting dialecticians and their “sense of inability to speak, since they dare not even pronounce their own name for fear of expressing themselves ambiguously.” Finally, he admits that rhetoric is not the highest accomplishment, and that philosophy is far more deserving of attention. Politically, it is evident that he was a staunch supporter of the popular party.

CORNIFICIUS, is the author of a work on rhetorical figures, and possibly a general treatise (ars, art) on the art of rhetoric (Quintilian, Instit., iii. 1. 21, ix. 3. 89). He is often identified as the author of the four books of Rhetorica dedicated to a certain Q. Herennius, commonly known as Auctor ad Herennium. The main argument supporting this identification is that many passages cited by Quintilian from Cornificius appear in the Rhetorica. Jerome, Priscian, and others attributed the work to Cicero (whose De inventione was called Rhetorica prima, the Auctor ad Herennium, Rhetorica secunda), while modern scholars have backed the authorship claims of L. Aelius Stilo, M. Antonius Gnipho, and Ateius Praetextatus. However, it seems unlikely that the question of authorship will ever be conclusively resolved. Internal evidence suggests the works were written between 86-82 B.C., during the period of Marian dominance in Rome. The unknown author, as indicated in the treatise itself, did not write for profit, but to help his relative and friend Herennius, for whom he promises to provide other works on grammar, military topics, and political administration. He 174 expresses disdain for the typical school rhetorician, the overly meticulous dialecticians, and their "sense of inability to speak, since they hesitate to even say their own name for fear of being ambiguous." Ultimately, he concedes that rhetoric is not the highest skill and that philosophy deserves much more attention. Politically, it is clear that he was a strong supporter of the popular party.

The first and second books of the Rhetorica treat of inventio and forensic rhetoric; the third, of dispositio, pronuntiatio, memoria, deliberative and demonstrative rhetoric; the fourth, of elocutio. The chief aims of the author are conciseness and clearness (breviter et dilucide scribere). In accordance with this, he ignores all rhetorical subtleties, the useless and irrelevant matter introduced by the Greeks to make the art appear more difficult of acquisition; where possible, he uses Roman terminology for technical terms, and supplies his own examples of the various rhetorical figures. The work as a whole is considered very valuable. The question of the relation of Cicero’s De inventione to the Rhetorica has been much discussed. Three views were held: that the Auctor copied from Cicero; that they were independent of each other, parallelisms being due to their having been taught by the same rhetorician at Rome; that Cicero made extracts from the Rhetorica, as well as from other authorities, in his usual eclectic fashion. The latest editor, F. Marx, puts forward the theory that Cicero and the Auctor have not produced original works, but have merely given the substance of two τέχναι (both emanating from the Rhodian school); that neither used the τέχναι directly, but reproduced the revised version of the rhetoricians whose school they attended, the introductions alone being their own work; that the lectures on which the Ciceronian treatise was based were delivered before the lectures attended by the Auctor.

The first and second books of the Rhetorica discuss inventio and forensic rhetoric; the third covers dispositio, pronuntiatio, memoria, deliberative, and demonstrative rhetoric; the fourth focuses on elocutio. The main goals of the author are conciseness and clarity (breviter et dilucide scribere). To achieve this, he avoids all rhetorical complexities and the unnecessary, irrelevant content introduced by the Greeks to make the art seem harder to master; he uses Roman terminology for technical terms whenever possible and provides his own examples of various rhetorical figures. Overall, the work is seen as very valuable. The relationship between Cicero’s De inventione and the Rhetorica has sparked much debate. Three perspectives have emerged: that the Auctor copied from Cicero; that they were independent of each other, with similarities arising from having been taught by the same rhetorician in Rome; and that Cicero extracted information from the Rhetorica, along with other sources, in his typical eclectic style. The latest editor, F. Marx, proposes that neither Cicero nor the Auctor created original works, but rather condensed the content of two skills (both from the Rhodian school); that neither directly used the skills but reproduced the revised versions from the rhetoricians whose school they attended, with only the introductions being their original work; and that the lectures that inspired the Ciceronian treatise were given before the lectures attended by the Auctor.

The best modern editions are by C. L. Kayser (1860), in the Tauchnitz, and W. Friedrich (1889), in the Teubner edition of Cicero’s works, and separately by F. Marx (1894); see also De scholiis Rhetorices ad Herennium, by M. Wisen (1905). Full references to authorities will be found in the articles by Brzoska in Pauly-Wissowa, Realencyclopädie (1901); M. Schanz, Geschichte der römischen Litt., i. (2nd ed., pp. 387-394); and Teuffel-Schwabe, Hist. of Roman Lit. (Eng. trans., p. 162); see also Mommsen, Hist. of Rome, bk. iv. ch. 13.

The best modern editions are by C. L. Kayser (1860) in the Tauchnitz series, W. Friedrich (1889) in the Teubner edition of Cicero’s works, and separately by F. Marx (1894); also see De scholiis Rhetorices ad Herennium by M. Wisen (1905). You can find complete references to these sources in the articles by Brzoska in Pauly-Wissowa, Realencyclopädie (1901); M. Schanz, Geschichte der römischen Litt., i. (2nd ed., pp. 387-394); and Teuffel-Schwabe, Hist. of Roman Lit. (Eng. trans., p. 162); also refer to Mommsen, Hist. of Rome, bk. iv. ch. 13.


CORNING, ERASTUS (1794-1872), American capitalist, was born in Norwich, Connecticut, on the 14th of December 1794. In 1807 he became a clerk in a hardware store at Troy, New York, but in 1814 he removed to Albany, where he eventually became the owner of extensive ironworks, obtained a controlling interest in various banking institutions, and accumulated a large fortune. He was prominently connected with the early history of railway development in New York, became president of the Utica & Schenectady line, and was the principal factor in the extension and consolidation of the various independent lines that formed the New York Central system, of which he was president from 1853 to 1865. He was also interested in the building of the Michigan Central and the Chicago, Burlington & Quincy railways, and was president of the company which constructed the Sault Sainte Marie ship canal, providing a navigable waterway between Lakes Huron and Superior. He was prominent in politics as a Democrat, and, after serving as mayor of Albany from 1834 to 1837, and as state senator from 1842 to 1845, he was a representative in Congress in 1857-1859 and in 1861-1863, being re-elected for a third term in 1862, but resigning before the opening of the session. In 1861 he was a delegate to the Peace Congress, but when the Civil War actually began he loyally supported the Lincoln administration. He was a delegate to the New York constitutional convention of 1867, and was for many years vice-chancellor of the board of regents of the University of the State of New York. He died at Albany, New York, on the 9th of April 1872.

CORNING, ERASTUS (1794-1872), American entrepreneur, was born in Norwich, Connecticut, on December 14, 1794. In 1807, he started working as a clerk in a hardware store in Troy, New York. By 1814, he moved to Albany, where he eventually became the owner of extensive ironworks, gained significant interests in various banks, and built a large fortune. He played a key role in the early history of railway development in New York, becoming president of the Utica & Schenectady line, and was instrumental in the extension and consolidation of independent lines that formed the New York Central system, which he led from 1853 to 1865. He was also involved in the construction of the Michigan Central and the Chicago, Burlington & Quincy railways, and served as president of the company that built the Sault Sainte Marie ship canal, creating a navigable route between Lakes Huron and Superior. A prominent Democrat, he served as mayor of Albany from 1834 to 1837, as a state senator from 1842 to 1845, and was a representative in Congress from 1857-1859 and 1861-1863, re-elected for a third term in 1862 but resigning before the session began. In 1861, he was a delegate to the Peace Congress, but when the Civil War broke out, he supported the Lincoln administration. He was a delegate to the New York constitutional convention in 1867 and served for many years as vice-chancellor of the board of regents of the University of the State of New York. He passed away in Albany, New York, on April 9, 1872.


CORNING, a city of Steuben county, New York, U.S.A., in the S. part of the state, on the Chemung river, 10 m. W.N.W. of Elmira. Pop. (1890) 8550; (1900) 11,061, of whom 1410 were foreign-born; (1910) 13,730. Corning is served by the Erie, the Delaware, Lackawanna & Western, and the New York Central & Hudson River railways. Among the principal buildings and institutions are a fine city hall, a Federal building, a county court house, the Corning hospital, a free public library and St Mary’s orphan asylum (Roman Catholic). Corning is one of the principal markets in New York state for tobacco, which is extensively produced in the surrounding country. The principal industry is the making of cut and flint glass, and, of the several extensive plants devoted to this industry, that of the Corning Glass Works is one of the largest in the world. The city also has railway car shops and foundries, and among its manufactures are pressed brick, tile and terra-cotta, papier-mâché and lumber. The total value of the factory products in 1905 was $3,083,515, 35.7% more than in 1900. There were settlers on the site of Corning as early as 1789, but it was not until 1848 that it was incorporated as a village under its present name, given in honour of Erastus Corning, the railway builder. Corning was chartered as a city in 1890.

CORNING, is a city in Steuben County, New York, located in the southern part of the state along the Chemung River, about 10 miles west-northwest of Elmira. The population was 8,550 in 1890; 11,061 in 1900, of which 1,410 were foreign-born; and 13,730 in 1910. Corning is served by the Erie, Delaware, Lackawanna & Western, and New York Central & Hudson River railroads. Some of the main buildings and institutions include a beautiful city hall, a Federal building, a county courthouse, the Corning hospital, a free public library, and St. Mary’s orphan asylum (Roman Catholic). Corning is one of the main markets for tobacco in New York State, which is widely produced in the surrounding area. The leading industry here is the production of cut and flint glass, with the Corning Glass Works being one of the largest facilities in the world. The city also has railway car shops and foundries, and among its products are pressed brick, tile and terra-cotta, papier-mâché, and lumber. The total value of factory products in 1905 was $3,083,515, which is a 35.7% increase from 1900. There were settlers in the area of Corning as early as 1789, but it wasn't incorporated as a village until 1848 under its current name, honoring Erastus Corning, the railway builder. Corning was officially chartered as a city in 1890.

See C. H. M’Master, History of the Settlement of Steuben County (Bath, N.Y., 1853).

See C. H. M’Master, History of the Settlement of Steuben County (Bath, N.Y., 1853).


CORN LAWS. In England, legislation on corn was early applied both to home and foreign trade in this essential produce. Roads were so bad, and the chain of home trade so feeble, that there was often scarcity of grain in one part, and plenty in another part of the same kingdom. Export by sea or river to some foreign market was in many cases more easy than the carriage of corn from one market to another within the country. The frequency of local dearths, and the diversity and fluctuation of prices, were thus extreme. It was out of this general situation that the first corn laws arose, and they appear to have been wholly directed towards lowering the price of corn. Exportation was prohibited, and home merchandise in grain was in no repute or toleration. As long as the rent of land, including the extensive domains of the crown, was paid in kind, the sovereign, the barons and other landholders had little interest in the price of corn different from that of other classes of people, the only demand for corn being for consumption and not for resale or export. But as rents of land came to be paid in money, the interest of the farmer to be distinguished by a remove from that of the landowner, the difference between town and country to be developed, and the business of society to be more complex, the ruling powers of the state were likely to be actuated by other views; and hence the force which corn legislation afterward assumed in favour of what was deemed the agricultural interest. But during four centuries after the Conquest the corn law of England simply was that export of corn was prohibited, save in years of extreme plenty under forms of state licence, and that producers carried their surplus grain into the nearest market town, and sold it there for what it would bring among those who wanted it to consume; and the same rule prevailed in the principal countries of the continent of Europe. This policy, though, as one may argue from its long continuance, probably not felt to be acutely oppressive, was of no avail in removing the evils against which it was directed. On the contrary it prolonged and aggravated them. The prohibition of export discouraged agricultural improvement, and in so much diminished the security and liberality even of domestic supply; while the intolerance of any home dealing or merchandise in corn prevented the growth of a commercial and financial interest strong enough to improve the means of transport by which the plenty of one part of the same country could have come to the aid of the scarcity in another.

CORN LAWS. In England, laws regarding corn were developed early on to regulate both domestic and international trade in this vital commodity. The roads were so poor, and local trade so weak, that there were often shortages of grain in one part while there was plenty in another part of the same country. Transporting grain by sea or river to foreign markets was often easier than moving it between markets within the country. This led to frequent local shortages and extreme fluctuations in prices. From this situation, the first corn laws emerged, primarily aimed at lowering the price of corn. Exporting corn was banned, and trading grain domestically was not respected or tolerated. As long as land rents, including those of the crown's vast estates, were paid in kind, the interests of the sovereign, barons, and other landowners on corn prices were not different from those of other classes of people; corn was only needed for consumption, not for resale or export. However, as land rents began to be paid in money, farmers' interests became distinct from those of landowners, the divide between town and country grew, and society became more complex. This shift likely influenced the state’s ruling powers to adopt other priorities, leading to stronger support for legislation that favored what was considered the agricultural interest. For four centuries after the Conquest, England’s corn law simply stated that exporting corn was banned, except in years of extreme abundance under state licenses, and that producers had to take their surplus grain to the nearest market town and sell it for whatever price they could get from those who wanted it for consumption; this rule was similarly applied in many major European countries. Although one might argue that this long-standing policy wasn’t seen as overly oppressive, it did not effectively address the issues it aimed to resolve. In fact, it prolonged and worsened those problems. The export ban hindered agricultural advancement, undermining the stability and generosity of even domestic supply; while the rejection of any domestic trading or business in corn stifled the development of a robust commercial and financial interest that could improve transportation methods, allowing surplus from one area of the country to alleviate shortages in another.

Apart from this general feudal germ of legislation on corn, the history of the British corn laws may be said to have begun with the statute in the reign of Henry VI. (1436), by which exportation was permitted without state licence, English corn laws, 1436-1603. when the price of wheat or other corn fell below certain prices. The reason given in the preamble of the statute was that the previous state of the law had compelled farmers to sell their corn at low prices, which was no doubt true, but which also showed the important turn of the tide that had set in. J. R. M‘Culloch, in an elaborate article in the Commercial Dictionary, says that the fluctuation of the prices of corn in that age was so great, and beyond all present conception, that “it is 175 not easy to determine whether the exportation price of 6s. 8d. for wheat” [12s. 10d. in present money per quarter] “was above or below the medium price.” But while the medium price of the kingdom must be held to be unascertainable in a remote time, when the medium price in any principal market town of England did not agree with that of another for any year or series of years, one may readily perceive that the cultivators of the wheat lands in the south-eastern counties of England, for example, who could frequently have sold their produce in that age to Dutch merchants to better advantage than in their own market towns, or even in London, but were prohibited to export abroad, and yet had no means of distributing their supplies at home so as to realize the highest medium price in England, must have felt aggrieved, and that their barons and knights of the shire would have a common interest in making a strong effort to rectify the injustice in parliament. This object appears to have been in some measure accomplished by this statute, and twenty-seven years afterwards (1463) a decided step was taken towards securing to agriculturists a monopoly of the home market by a statute prohibitory of importation from abroad. Foreign import was to be permitted only at and above the point of prices where the export of domestic produce was prohibited. The landed interest had now adopted the idea of sustaining and equalizing the value of corn, and promoting their own industry and gains, which for four centuries, under various modifications of plan, and great changes of social and political condition, were to maintain a firm place in the legislation and policy of England. But there were many reasons why this idea, when carried into practice, should not have the results anticipated from it.

Aside from this general feudal basis for corn legislation, the history of British corn laws can be said to have started with the statute during Henry VI's reign (1436), which allowed exportation without government permission, English corn laws, 1436-1603. when the price of wheat or other corn dropped below certain levels. The preamble of the statute stated that previous laws had forced farmers to sell their corn at low prices, which was undoubtedly true, but it also indicated a significant shift occurring. J. R. M‘Culloch, in a detailed article in the Commercial Dictionary, points out that the price fluctuations during that time were so vast and unimaginable today that “it is 175 not easy to determine whether the export price of 6s. 8d. for wheat” [12s. 10d. in today's money per quarter] “was above or below the average price.” Although the average price in the kingdom is hard to determine for that period, especially when average prices in major market towns in England didn't align over any given years, it’s clear that wheat growers in the southeastern counties of England, for instance, who often could have sold their harvest to Dutch merchants for better prices than in their own towns or even in London, were frustrated by the export restrictions. They had no way to distribute their supplies at home to achieve the highest average prices in England and would have felt wronged, likely prompting their barons and knights to push for change in parliament. This goal seems to have been partially achieved with this statute, and twenty-seven years later (1463), a significant move was made to grant farmers a monopoly over the domestic market with a law that prohibited imports from abroad. Importation was allowed only at prices high enough to prevent the export of local produce. By this point, the landed interest had embraced the idea of stabilizing and balancing the value of corn to support their industry and profits, a concept that would remain influential in England's laws and policies for the next four centuries through various adjustments and significant social and political changes. However, there were many reasons why this idea, once implemented, did not yield the expected results.

The import of grain from abroad, even in times of dearth and high prices at home, could not be considerable as long as the policy of neighbouring countries was to prohibit export; nor could the export of native corn, even with the Dutch and other European ports open to such supplies, be effective save in limited maritime districts, as long as the internal corn trade was suppressed, not only by want of roads, but by legal interdict. The regulation of liberty of export and import by rates of price, moreover, had the same practical objection as the various sliding-scales, bounties, and other legislative expedients down to 1846, viz. that they failed, probably more in that age than in later times, to create a permanent market, and aimed only at a casual trade. When foreign supplies were needed, they were often not to be found; and when there was an excess of corn in the country a profitable outlet was both difficult and uncertain. It would appear, indeed, that during the Wars of the Roses the statutes of Henry VI. and Edward IV. had become obsolete; for a law regulating export prices in identical terms of the law of 1436 was re-enacted in the reign of Philip and Mary (1554). In the preceding reign of Edward VI., as well as in the succeeding long reign of Elizabeth, there were unceasing complaints of the decay of tillage, the dearth of corn, and the privations of the labouring classes; and these complaints were met by the same kind of measures—by statutes encouraging tillage, forbidding the enlargement of farms, imposing severer restrictions on storing and buying and selling of grain, and by renewed attempts to regulate export and import according to prices. In 1562 the price at which export might take place was raised to 10s. per quarter for wheat, and 6s. 8d. for barley and malt. This only lasted a few years, and in 1570 the export of wheat and barley was permitted from particular districts on payment of a duty of 1s. 8d. per quarter, although still liable to prohibition by the government or local authority, while it was entirely prohibited under the old regulations from other districts. Only at the close of Elizabeth’s reign (1603) did a spark of new light appear in a further statute, which removed the futile provisions in favour of tillage and against enlargement of pastoral farms, and rested the whole policy for promoting an equable supply of corn, while encouraging agriculture, on an allowed export of wheat and other grain at a duty of 2s. and 1s. 4d. when the price of wheat was not more than 20s., and of barley and malt 12s. per quarter. The import of corn appears to have been much lost sight of from the period of the statute of 1463. The internal state of England, as well as the policy of other countries of Europe, was unfavourable to any regular import of grain, though many parts of the kingdom were often suffering from dearth of corn. It is obvious that this legislation, carried over more than a century and a half, failed of its purpose, and that it neither promoted agriculture nor increased the supply of bread. So great a variance and conflict between the intention of statutes and the actual course of affairs might be deemed inexplicable, but for an explanation which a close economic study of the circumstances of the times affords.

The import of grain from other countries, even during times of shortage and high prices at home, couldn’t be significant as long as neighboring countries banned exports; nor could the export of local corn, even with Dutch and other European ports open to it, be effective except in limited maritime areas, as long as the internal corn trade was restricted, not only due to lack of roads but also by legal bans. The regulation of export and import freedom by price levels had the same practical issues as various sliding scales, bounties, and other legislative measures up to 1846, namely that they struggled, likely more in that era than in later times, to create a stable market, aiming instead for opportunistic trade. When foreign supplies were necessary, they were often unavailable; and when there was a surplus of corn in the country, finding a profitable outlet was both challenging and uncertain. It seems that during the Wars of the Roses, the statutes of Henry VI and Edward IV became outdated; for a law regulating export prices in the same terms as the 1436 law was reenacted in the reign of Philip and Mary (1554). In the previous reign of Edward VI, as well as in the lengthy reign of Elizabeth that followed, there were constant complaints about the decline in farming, the scarcity of corn, and the hardships faced by the working class; and these complaints were addressed with similar measures—by laws promoting farming, prohibiting the expansion of farms, imposing stricter rules on storing, buying, and selling grain, and renewed attempts to regulate exports and imports based on prices. In 1562, the export price limit was raised to 10s. per quarter for wheat and 6s. 8d. for barley and malt. This lasted only a few years, and in 1570, the export of wheat and barley was allowed from specific areas upon payment of a 1s. 8d. per quarter tax, although it was still subject to bans by the government or local authorities, while it remained completely banned from other regions under old regulations. Only by the end of Elizabeth’s reign (1603) did a glimmer of new hope appear in a further statute, which eliminated the ineffective provisions that favored farming and opposed the expansion of pasture farms, and established the entire policy for ensuring a stable corn supply, while promoting agriculture, based on an allowed export of wheat and other grains with a duty of 2s. and 1s. 4d. when the price of wheat was not more than 20s., and for barley and malt 12s. per quarter. The import of corn seems to have been largely overlooked since the statute of 1463. The internal situation in England, along with the policies of other European countries, was not conducive to any steady import of grain, although many parts of the kingdom frequently faced corn shortages. It’s clear that this legislation, spanning over a century and a half, failed to achieve its aims, and it did not promote agriculture nor increase the bread supply. The significant difference and conflict between the intent of the statutes and the actual situation might seem puzzling without an explanation that a close economic analysis of the historical circumstances provides.

Besides the general reasons of the failure already indicated, there were three special causes in active operation, which, though not seen at the period, have become distinct enough since. (1) A comparatively free export of wool had been permitted in England from time immemorial. It was subject neither to conditions of price nor to duties in the times under consideration, was easier of transport and much less liable to damage than corn, and, under the extending manufactures of France and the Low Countries, was sure of a foreign as well as a domestic market. Here was one description of rural produce on which there was the least embargo, and on which some reliance could be placed that it would in all circumstances bring a fair value; while corn, the prime rural produce, was subject as a commodity of merchandise to every difficulty, internally and externally, which meddling legislation and popular prejudice could impose. The numerous statutes enjoining tillage and discouraging pastoral farms—or in other words requiring that agriculturists should turn from what was profitable to what was unprofitable—had consequently no substantial effect, save in the many individual instances in which the effect may have been injurious. (2) The value of the standard money of the kingdom had been undergoing great depreciation from two opposite quarters at once. The pound sterling of England was reduced in weight of pure metal from £1 : 18 : 9 in 1436, the date of the first of the corn statutes, to 4s. 7¾d. in 1551, as far as can be estimated in present money, and to £1 : 0 : 6¾ under the restoration of the coinage in the following year. At the same time the greater abundance of silver, which now began to be experienced in Europe from the discovery of the South American mines, was steadily reducing the intrinsic value of the metal. Hence a general rise of prices remarked by Hume and other historians; and hence also it followed that a price of corn fixed for export or import at one period became always at another period more or less restrictive of export than had been designed. (3) The wages of labour would have followed the advance in the prices of commodities had wages been left free, but they were kept down by statute to the three or four pence per day at which they stood when the pound sterling contained one-fourth more silver, and silver itself was much more valuable. This was a refinement of cruelty. The feudal system was breaking up; a wage-earning population was rapidly increasing both in the farms and in the towns; but the spirit of feudalism remained, and the iron collar of serfdom was riveted round the necks of the labourers by these statutes many generations after they had become nominally freemen.1 The result was chronic privation and discontent among the common people, by which all the conditions of agriculture and trade in corn were further straitened and barbarized; and an age, in some high respects among the most brilliant in the annals of England, was marked by an enormous increase of pauperism, and by the introduction of the merciful but wasteful remedy of the Poor Laws.

Besides the general reasons for the failure already indicated, there were three specific causes actively at play, which, although not obvious at the time, have become clear since. (1) A relatively free export of wool had been allowed in England for a long time. It wasn't subject to price conditions or duties during the period in question, was easier to transport, and much less likely to get damaged compared to corn. With the growing manufactures in France and the Low Countries, it was assured of both foreign and domestic markets. This was one type of agricultural product that faced the least restrictions, and on which there was some confidence that it would always bring a fair value; meanwhile, corn, the primary agricultural product, faced every kind of obstacle, both internal and external, imposed by meddling legislation and public prejudice. The numerous laws mandating tillage and discouraging pastoral farming—essentially forcing farmers to switch from profitable endeavors to unprofitable ones—had little substantial effect, except in various individual cases where the outcome may have been harmful. (2) The value of the currency in the kingdom had been significantly decreasing due to two opposing factors. The pound sterling of England decreased in weight from £1:18:9 in 1436, when the first corn laws were established, to 4s. 7¾d. in 1551, as can be estimated in today's money, and to £1:0:6¾ after the restoration of coinage the following year. At the same time, the increased availability of silver from the discovery of South American mines was steadily lowering the intrinsic value of the metal. This led to a general rise in prices noted by Hume and other historians; as a result, a price for corn set for export or import at one time became more or less restrictive of export at another time than intended. (3) Wages for labor would have risen in line with the increase in commodity prices if they had been left free, but they were kept down by law to three or four pence per day, the rate established when the pound sterling contained one-fourth more silver, and when silver itself was much more valuable. This was an act of cruelty. The feudal system was falling apart; a wage-earning population was quickly growing both on farms and in towns; however, the spirit of feudalism lingered, and the iron grip of serfdom was tightened around the laborers by these laws many generations after they had officially become free. 1 The outcome was ongoing poverty and discontent among the common people, which further strained and degraded the conditions of agriculture and corn trade; thus, an era, remarkable in some ways among the most brilliant in England's history, was marked by a significant rise in poverty and the introduction of the merciful but wasteful solution of the Poor Laws.

The corn legislation of Elizabeth remained without change during the reign of James, the civil wars and the Commonwealth. But on the restoration of Charles II. in 1660, the question was resumed, and an act was passed of a more prohibitory character. 1660-1773. Export and import of corn, while nominally permitted, 176 were alike subjected to heavy duties—the need of the exchequer being the paramount consideration, while the agriculturists were no doubt pleased with the complete command secured to them in the home market. This act was followed by such high prices of corn, and so little advantage to the revenue, that parliament in 1663 reduced the duties on import to 9% ad valorem, while at the same time raising the price at which export ceased to 48s., and reducing the duty on export from 20s. to 5s. 4d. per quarter. In a few years this was found to be too much free-trade for the agricultural liking, and in 1670 prohibitory duties were re-imposed on import when the home price was under 53s. 4d., and a duty of 8s. between that price and 80s., with the usual make-weight in favour of home supply, that export should be prohibited when the price was 53s. 4d. and upwards. But complaints of the decline of agriculture continued to be as rife under this act as under the others, till on the accession of William and Mary, the landed interest, taking advantage of the Revolution as they had taken advantage of the Restoration to promote their own interests, took the new and surprising step of enacting a bounty on the export of grain. This evil continued to affect the corn laws of the kingdom, varied, on one occasion at least, with the further complication of bounties on import, until the 19th century. The duties on export being abolished, while the heavy duties on import were maintained, this is probably the most one-sided form which the British corn laws ever assumed, but it was attended with none of the advantages anticipated. The prices of corn fell, instead of rising. There had occurred at the period of the Revolution a depreciation of the money of the realm, analogous in one respect to that which marked the first era of the corn statutes (1436-1551), and forming one of the greatest difficulties which the government of William had to encounter. The coin of the realm was greatly debased, and as rapidly as the mint sent out money of standard weight and purity, it was melted down, and disappeared from the circulation. The influx of silver from South America to Europe had spent its action on prices before the middle of the century; the precious metals had again hardened in value; and for forty years before the Revolution the price of corn had been steadily falling in money price. The liberty of exporting wool had also now been cut down before the English manufactures were able to take up the home supply, and agriculturists were consequently forced to extend their tillage. When the current coin of the kingdom became wholly debased by clipping and other knaveries, there ensued both irregularity and inflation of nominal prices, and the producers and consumers of corn found themselves equally ill at ease. The farmers complained that the home-market for their produce was unremunerative and unsatisfactory; the masses of the people complained with no less reason that the money wages of labour could not purchase them the usual necessaries of life. Macaulay, in his History of England, says of this period, with little exaggeration, that “the price of the necessaries of life, of shoes, of ale, of oatmeal, rose fast. The labourer found that the bit of metal which, when he received it, was called a shilling, would hardly, when he purchased a pot of beer or a loaf of rye bread, go as far as sixpence.” The state of agriculture could not be prosperous under these conditions. But when the government of William surmounted this difficulty of the coinage, as they did surmount it, under the guidance of Sir Isaac Newton, with remarkable statesmanship, it necessarily followed that prices, so far from rising, declined, because, for one reason, they were now denominated in a solid metallic value. The rise of prices of corn attending the first years of the export bounty was consequently of very brief duration. The average price of wheat in the Winchester market, which in the ten years 1600-1699 was £2: 10s., fell in the ten years 1716-1725 to £1 : 5 : 4, and in the ten years 1746-1755 to £1 : 1 : 2¾. The system of corn law established in the reign of William and Mary was probably the most perfect to be conceived for advancing the agricultural interest of any country. Every stroke of the legislature seemed complete to this end. Yet it wholly failed of its purpose. The price of wheat again rose in 1750-1760 and 1760-1770 to £1 : 19 : 3¼ and £2 : 11 : 3¾, but many causes had meanwhile been at work, as invariably happens in such economic developments, the operation of which no statutes could embrace, either to control or to prevent. Between the reign of William and Mary and that of George III., the question of bounty on export of grain had, in the general progress of the country, fallen into the background, while that of the heavy embargoes on import had come to the front. Therefore it is that Burke’s Act of 1773, as a deliberate attempt to bring the corn laws into some degree of reason and order, is worthy of special mention. This statute permitted the import of foreign wheat at a nominal duty of 6d. when the home price was 48s. per quarter, and it stopped both the liberty to export and the bounty on export together when the home price was 44s. per quarter. The one blemish of this statute was the stopping export and cutting off bounty on export at the same point of price.

The corn laws from Elizabeth's time stayed the same during James's reign, the civil wars, and the Commonwealth. However, when Charles II was restored in 1660, the issue was revisited, resulting in a more prohibitive act. 1660-1773. While the export and import of corn were officially allowed, they were subject to steep duties—the needs of the treasury being the main focus. At the same time, farmers were likely satisfied with the stronghold they maintained in the domestic market. This law was followed by high corn prices and little benefit to the treasury, prompting Parliament in 1663 to reduce the import duties to 9% ad valorem, while increasing the price at which exports stopped to 48s. and cutting the export duty from 20s. to 5s. 4d. per quarter. A few years later, this was deemed too much free trade for the agricultural interests, and in 1670, prohibitive duties were reinstated on imports when the home price fell below 53s. 4d., along with an 8s. duty for prices between that and 80s., while maintaining the usual favor for home supply by prohibiting exports when prices were 53s. 4d. and up. However, complaints about agricultural decline continued just as they had under the previous acts, until William and Mary came to power. The landed interests seized the opportunity presented by the Revolution, just as they had with the Restoration, to institute a bounty on grain exports. This issue persisted within the kingdom's corn laws, occasionally complicated by bounties on imports, until the 19th century. With export duties abolished and heavy import duties still in place, this likely represented the most lopsided version of British corn laws ever, yet it did not yield the expected benefits. Corn prices dropped instead of rising. During the Revolution period, there was a depreciation of the realm's currency, similar in some ways to what had occurred during the initial era of corn statutes (1436-1551), which was one of the significant challenges for William's government. The nation's coinage was heavily debased, and as soon as the mint produced currency of standard weight and quality, it was melted down and removed from circulation. The influx of silver from South America to Europe had already impacted prices before mid-century; the value of precious metals had stabilized again. For forty years leading up to the Revolution, corn prices had been steadily decreasing in monetary terms. The ability to export wool had also been restricted before English manufacturing could meet domestic demand, causing farmers to expand their cultivation. As the kingdom's coinage became entirely debased due to clipping and other frauds, both irregular fluctuations and inflation of nominal prices occurred, leaving producers and consumers of corn feeling similarly unsettled. Farmers complained that their domestic market was unprofitable and unsatisfactory; the general population justifiably argued that their money wages could hardly cover their essential living costs. Macaulay, in his History of England, notes this period with little exaggeration, stating that “the price of essentials, like shoes, ale, and oatmeal, rose quickly. The laborer soon found that the piece of metal he received, called a shilling, barely stretched to cover a pot of beer or a loaf of rye bread.” Agriculture couldn't thrive under these circumstances. Yet when William's government overcame the currency problem, skillfully guided by Sir Isaac Newton, prices didn't rise as might have been expected; they actually fell because, among other reasons, they were now measured in solid metallic value. Consequently, the initial rise in corn prices that accompanied the export bounty was short-lived. The average price of wheat in the Winchester market, which was £2: 10s. for the decade from 1600-1699, fell to £1: 5: 4 for the decade from 1716-1725 and further down to £1: 1: 2¾ for the decade from 1746-1755. The corn law system established during William and Mary's reign was likely the most effective arrangement for advancing the agricultural interests of any country. Each legislative action appeared designed to serve this aim. Yet, it completely missed the mark. The price of wheat increased again from 1750-1760 and 1760-1770 to £1: 19: 3¼ and £2: 11: 3¾ respectively, but multiple factors, as is common in economic developments, were at play that no statutes could manage, control, or prevent. Between the reigns of William and Mary and George III, the issue of export bounties on grain faded in the broader context of the country's progress, while the heavy restrictions on imports gained prominence. As a result, Burke’s Act of 1773, which aimed to rationalize and order the corn laws, deserves special mention. This law allowed for the importation of foreign wheat at a nominal duty of 6d. when the domestic price was 48s. per quarter and simultaneously halted both the ability to export and the export bounty when the home price was 44s. per quarter. The main flaw of this legislation was stopping exports and cutting off the export bounty at the same price point.

Few questions have been more discussed or more differently interpreted than the elaborate system of corn laws dating from the reign of William and Mary. So careful an observer as Malthus was of opinion that the bounty on export had enlarged the area of subsistence. That it had large operation is sufficiently attested by the fact that, in the years from 1740 to 1751, bounties were paid out of the exchequer to the amount of £1,515,000, and in 1749 alone they amounted to £324,000. But the trade thus forced was of no permanence, and the British exports of corn, which reached a maximum of 1,667,778 quarters in 1749-1750, had fallen to 600,000 quarters in 1760 and continued to decrease.

Few questions have been discussed or interpreted in so many different ways as the complex system of corn laws established during the reign of William and Mary. A careful observer like Malthus believed that the bounty on exports had expanded the area of subsistence. The significant impact of this can be seen in the fact that between 1740 and 1751, bounties totaling £1,515,000 were paid from the treasury, with £324,000 paid out in 1749 alone. However, this trade was not sustainable, and British corn exports, which peaked at 1,667,778 quarters in 1749-1750, had dropped to 600,000 quarters by 1760 and continued to decline.

Burke’s Act lasted long enough to introduce a regular import of foreign grain, varying with the abundance or scarcity of the home harvest, yet establishing in the end a systematic preponderance of imports over exports. The period, 1791-1846. moreover, was marked by great agricultural improvements, by extensive reclamation of waste lands, and by an increased home produce of wheat, in the twenty years from 1773 to 1793, of nearly 2,000,000 quarters. Nor had the course of prices been unsatisfactory. The average price of British wheat in the twenty years was £2 : 6 : 3, and in only three years of the twenty was the price a fraction under £2. But the ideas in favour of greater freedom of trade, of which the act of 1773 was an indication, and of which another memorable example was given in Pitt’s commercial treaty with France, were overwhelmed in the extraordinary excitement caused by the French Revolution, and all the old corn law policy was destined to have a sudden revival. The landowners and farmers complained that an import of foreign grain at a nominal duty of 6d., when the price of wheat was only 48s., deprived them of the ascending scale of prices when it seemed due; and on this instigation an act was passed in 1791, whereby the price at which importation could proceed at the nominal duty of 6d. was raised to 54s., with a duty of 2s. 6d. from 54s. to 50s., and at 50s. and under 50s. a prohibitory duty of 24s. 3d. The bounty on export was maintained by this act, but exportation was allowed without bounty till the price reached 46s.; and the permission accorded by the statute of 1773 to import foreign corn at any price, to be reexported duty free, was modified by a warehouse duty of 2s. 6d. in addition to the duties on import payable at the time of sale, when the corn, instead of being re-exported, happened to be sold for home consumption. The legislative vigilance in this statute to prevent foreign bread from reaching the home consumer is remarkable. There were deficient home harvests for some years after 1791, particularly in 1795 and 1797, and parliament was forced to the new expedient of granting high bounties on importation. At this period the country was involved in a great war; all the customary commercial relations were violently disturbed; freight, insurance and other charges on import and export were multiplied fivefold; heavier and heavier taxes were imposed; and the capital resources of the kingdom were poured with a prodigality without precedent into the war channels. The consequence was that the price of corn, as of all other commodities, rose greatly: and the Bank of England having 177 stopped paying in specie in 1797, this raised nominal prices still more under the liberal use of bank paper in loans and discounts, and the difference that began to be established in the actual value of Bank of England notes and their legal par in bullion.

Burke’s Act lasted long enough to create a consistent import of foreign grain, adjusting based on the abundance or scarcity of local harvests, ultimately resulting in a steady influx of imports over exports. The timeframe, 1791-1846. was also marked by significant agricultural advancements, extensive reclamation of unused land, and a rising domestic wheat production that increased by nearly 2,000,000 quarters from 1773 to 1793. Prices during this period were generally favorable. The average price of British wheat over these twenty years was £2 : 6 : 3, and only in three of those years did the price fall slightly below £2. However, the push for more trade freedom, signaled by the act of 1773 and another notable example being Pitt's trade agreement with France, was overshadowed by the intense excitement of the French Revolution, leading to a quick revival of the old corn law policies. Landowners and farmers argued that importing foreign grain with a minimal duty of 6d., when wheat was priced at just 48s., denied them the rising prices they felt were justified; this led to an act passed in 1791 that raised the price for importing at the nominal duty of 6d. to 54s., with a duty of 2s. 6d. between 54s. and 50s., and a prohibitive duty of 24s. 3d. for prices at 50s. or below. The bounty on exports was retained by this act, but exporting was allowed without the bounty until prices reached 46s.; also, the permission granted by the law of 1773 to import foreign corn at any price for re-export duty-free was changed to include a warehouse duty of 2s. 6d. plus the import duties payable at the time of sale if the corn was sold for domestic use instead of being re-exported. The legislative effort in this law to prevent foreign bread from reaching local consumers is noteworthy. There were inadequate local harvests for several years following 1791, especially in 1795 and 1797, prompting Parliament to implement high bounties on imports. During this time, the country was engaged in a significant war; traditional trade relations were severely disrupted; costs for freight, insurance, and various charges on imports and exports surged fivefold; increasingly heavy taxes were imposed; and the kingdom's capital was poured into war efforts with unprecedented extravagance. As a result, the price of corn, along with that of other goods, skyrocketed: and since the Bank of England ceased paying in actual coins in 1797, this led to even higher nominal prices due to the liberal use of banknotes for loans and discounts, creating a gap between the actual value of Bank of England notes and their legal parity in bullion.

The average price of British wheat rose to £5 : 19 : 6 in 1801. So unusual a value must have led to a large extension of the area under wheat, and to much corn-growing on land that after great outlay was ill prepared for it. In the following years there were agricultural complaints; and in 1804, though in 1803 the average price of wheat had been as high as £2 : 18 : 10, an act was passed, so much more severe than any previous statute, that its object would appear to have been to keep the price of corn somewhere approaching the high range of 1801. A prohibitory duty of 24s. 3d. was imposed on the import of foreign wheat when the home price was 63s. or less; and the price at which the bounty was paid on export was lowered to 40s., while the price at which export might proceed without bounty was raised to 54s. Judging from the prices that ruled during the remaining period of the French wars, this statute would appear to have been effective for its end, though, under all the varied action of the times on a rise of prices, it would be difficult to assign its proper place in the general effect. The average price of wheat rose to £4 : 9 : 9 in 1805, and the bank paper price in 1812 was as high even as £6 : 6 : 6. The bullion prices from 1809 to 1813 ranged from 86s. 6d. to 100s. 3d. But it was foreseen that when the wars ended a serious reaction would ensue, and that the rents of land, and the general condition of agriculture, under the warlike, protective and monetary stimulation they had received, would be imperilled. In the brief peace of 1814 the average bullion price of British wheat fell to 55s. 8d. All the means of select committees of inquiry on agricultural distress, and new modifications of the corn laws, were again brought into requisition. The first idea broached in parliament was to raise the duties on foreign imports, as well as the prices at which they were to be leviable, and to abolish the bounty on export, while permitting freedom of export whatever the home price might be. The latter part of the scheme was passed into law in the session of 1814; but the irritation of the manufacturing districts against the new scale of import duties was too great to be resisted. In the subsequent session an act was passed, after much opposition, fixing 80s. (14s. more than during the wars) as the price at which import of wheat was to become free of duty.

The average price of British wheat jumped to £5 : 19 : 6 in 1801. Such an unusual price probably led to a significant increase in the area planted with wheat and a lot of corn farming on land that, despite heavy investment, was not well-suited for it. In the following years, there were complaints about agriculture; and in 1804, even though the average price of wheat had reached £2 : 18 : 10 in 1803, a law was passed that was much stricter than any previous one, seemingly aimed at keeping the corn prices close to the high levels of 1801. A prohibitive duty of 24s. 3d. was set on imported foreign wheat when the domestic price was 63s. or lower; and the price for which an export bounty was paid was dropped to 40s., while the price at which export could occur without a bounty was raised to 54s. Based on the prices during the rest of the French wars, this law seems to have achieved its goal, though with all the different factors affecting price increases at the time, it’s hard to pinpoint its exact impact. The average price of wheat rose to £4 : 9 : 9 in 1805, and by 1812, the bank paper price even hit £6 : 6 : 6. Bullion prices from 1809 to 1813 were between 86s. 6d. and 100s. 3d. However, it was anticipated that once the wars ended, there would be a significant downturn, putting the rents of land and the overall state of agriculture—boosted by war-related, protective, and monetary stimuli—at risk. During the brief peace of 1814, the average bullion price of British wheat fell to 55s. 8d. All the tools of select committees investigating agricultural distress and new changes to the corn laws were brought into play again. The initial proposal discussed in parliament was to raise the duties on foreign imports along with the prices at which they would apply, and to eliminate the export bounty while allowing free export regardless of the home price. The latter part of this plan was passed into law in the 1814 session; however, the resentment from the manufacturing districts against the new import duty scale was too strong to ignore. In the following session, a law was passed—after much resistance—establishing 80s. (14s. more than during the wars) as the price at which wheat imports would be duty-free.

This act of 1815 was intended to keep the price of wheat in the British markets at about 80s. per quarter; but the era of war and great expenditure of money raised by public loans had ended, the ports of the continent were again open to some measure of trade and to the equalizing effect of trade upon prices, the Bank of England and other banks of issue had to begin the uphill course of a resumption of specie payments, the nation had to begin to feel the whole naked weight of the war debt, and the idea of the protectors of a high price of corn was proved by the event to be an utter hallucination. The corn statutes of the next twenty years, though occupying an enormous amount of time and attention in the Houses of Parliament, may be briefly treated, for they are simply a record of the impotence of legislation to maintain the price of a commodity at a high point when all the natural economic causes in operation are opposed to it. In 1822 a statute was passed reducing the limit of prices at which importation could proceed to 70s. for wheat, 35s. for barley, 25s. for oats; but behind the apparent relaxation was a new scale of import duties, by which foreign grain was subjected to heavy three-month duties up to a price of 85s.,—17s. when wheat was 70s., 12s. when between 70s. and 80s., and 10s. when 85s., showing the grasping spirit of the would-be monopolizers of the home supply of corn, and their reluctance to believe in a lower range of value for corn as for all other commodities. This act never operated, for the reason that, with the exception in some few instances of barley, prices never were so high as its projectors had contemplated. The corn trade had passed rapidly beyond reach of the statutes by which it was to be so painfully controlled; and as there were occasional seasons of scarcity, particularly in oats, the king in council was authorized for several years to override the statutes, and do whatever the public interests might require.

This act of 1815 aimed to keep the price of wheat in the British markets at around 80 shillings per quarter. However, the period of war and massive spending funded by public loans had come to an end. Continental ports reopened for some trade, allowing market forces to affect prices. The Bank of England and other issuing banks had to start the challenging process of resuming specie payments, and the nation began to feel the full burden of its war debt. The supporters of high corn prices were proven to be completely out of touch with reality. The corn laws of the following twenty years, despite taking up a lot of time and discussion in Parliament, can be summarized simply: they showed how ineffective legislation was at maintaining high commodity prices when natural economic factors were against it. In 1822, a law was passed that lowered the import price limits to 70 shillings for wheat, 35 shillings for barley, and 25 shillings for oats. But beneath this apparent relaxation was a new scale of import duties, which imposed hefty three-month duties on foreign grain up to a price of 85 shillings—17 shillings when wheat was 70 shillings, 12 shillings between 70 and 80 shillings, and 10 shillings at 85 shillings. This reflected the greedy attitude of those trying to monopolize the domestic corn supply and their unwillingness to accept a lower value for corn compared to other goods. This act never worked effectively because, aside from a few cases of barley, prices never reached the levels its creators had envisioned. The corn trade quickly moved beyond the reach of the laws intended to control it, and during periods of scarcity, especially with oats, the king in council was allowed to override the laws and take whatever actions were necessary for the public good.

In 1827 Canning introduced a new system of duties, under which there would have been a fixed duty of 1s. per quarter when the price of wheat was at or above 70s., and an increased duty of 2s. for every shilling the price fell below 69s.; but though Canning’s resolutions were adopted by a large majority in the House of Commons, his death and the consequent change of ministers involved the failure of his scheme of corn duties. In the following year Charles Grant introduced another scale of import duties on corn, by which the duty was to be 23s. when the price was 64s., 16s. 8d. when the price was 69s., and only 1s. when the price was 73s. or above 73s. per quarter; and this became law the same year. This sliding scale was more objectionable, as a basis of foreign corn trade, than that of Canning, though not following so closely shilling by shilling the variation of prices, because of the abrupt leaps it made in the amount of duties leviable. For example, a merchant who ordered a shipment of foreign wheat when the home price was 70s. and rising to 73s., instead of having a duty of 1s. to pay, should on a backward drop of the home price to 69s. have 16s. 8d. of duty to pay. The result was to introduce wide and incalculable elements of speculation into all transactions in foreign corn. The prices during most part of this period were under the range at which import was practically prohibited. The average price of British wheat was 96s. 11d. in 1817, but from that point there was in succeeding years a rapid and progressive decline, varied only by the results of the domestic harvests, till in 1835 the average price of wheat was 39s. 4d., of barley 29s. 11d. and oats 22s. The import of foreign grain in these years consisted principally of a speculative trade, under a privilege of warehousing accorded in the statute of 1773, and extended in subsequent acts, by which the grain might be sold for home consumption on payment of the duties, or re-exported free, as suited the interest of the holders.

In 1827, Canning introduced a new duty system where there would be a fixed duty of 1s. per quarter when the price of wheat was at or above 70s., and an increased duty of 2s. for every shilling the price fell below 69s. However, despite Canning’s resolutions being adopted by a large majority in the House of Commons, his death and the subsequent change in ministers led to the failure of his corn duties plan. The following year, Charles Grant proposed a different scale of import duties on corn, where the duty would be 23s. when the price was 64s., 16s. 8d. when the price was 69s., and only 1s. when the price was 73s. or above 73s. per quarter; this law was enacted in the same year. This sliding scale was more problematic for foreign corn trade than Canning’s proposal, as it did not align as closely with price changes but instead made abrupt jumps in the duty amounts. For instance, a merchant ordering a shipment of foreign wheat when the home price was 70s. and rising to 73s. would have to pay a duty of 1s., but if the home price dropped back to 69s., the duty would increase to 16s. 8d. This created significant and unpredictable speculation in all foreign corn transactions. During most of this period, prices were below the level at which imports were almost entirely banned. The average price of British wheat was 96s. 11d. in 1817, but after that, there was a sharp and steady decline over the following years, with fluctuations only due to domestic harvests, until in 1835 the average price of wheat was 39s. 4d., barley 29s. 11d., and oats 22s. The import of foreign grain during these years was mainly driven by speculative trading, under a warehousing privilege set by the statute of 1773 and extended in later acts, allowing grain to be sold for home use upon payment of duties or re-exported for free, depending on the interests of the holders.

The act of 1822 admitted corn of the British possessions in North America under a favoured scale of duties, and in 1825 a temporary act was passed, allowing the import of wheat from these provinces at a fixed duty of 5s. per quarter, irrespective of the home price, which, if maintained, would have given some stability to the trade with Canada. The idea of a fixed duty on all foreign grain, however, appears to have grown in favour from about this period. It was included in the programme of import duty reforms of the Whig government in 1841, and fell with its propounders in the general election of that year. Sir Robert Peel, on succeeding to office, and commencing his remarkable career as a free-trade statesman, introduced and carried in 1842 a new sliding scale of duties somewhat better adjusted to the current values. But public opinion by this time was changing, and the prime minister, convinced, as he confessed, by the arguments of Cobden and the Anti-Corn-Law League, and stimulated into action by the failure of the potato crop in Ireland, put an effectual end to the history of the corn laws by the famous act of 1846. It was provided under this measure that the maximum duty on foreign wheat was to be immediately reduced to 10s. per quarter when the price was under 48s., to 5s. on barley when the price was under 26s., and to 4s. on oats when the price was under 18s., with lower duties as prices rose above these figures; but the conclusive part of the enactment was that in three years—on the 1st of February 1849—these duties were to cease, and all foreign corn to be admitted at a duty of 1s. per quarter, and all foreign meal and flour at a duty of 4½d. per cwt.—the same nominal imposts which were conceded to grain and flour of British possessions abroad from the date of the act. In 1869 even these nominal duties were abolished by Robert Lowe in a Customs Duties Act. In 1902 a registration duty of 3d. per cwt. was imposed on imported corn, and 5d. per cwt. on imported flour, in the expectation that such a duty would broaden the basis of taxation. The duty was, however, repealed the following year. But a low duty on imported foreign corn was made an essential part of the tariff reform scheme advocated by Mr. J. Chamberlain (q.v.) from 1903 onwards.

The act of 1822 allowed corn from British territories in North America to be imported at a favorable duty rate, and in 1825, a temporary act was created that permitted the import of wheat from these provinces at a set duty of 5s. per quarter, regardless of the home price, which, if kept, would have provided some stability to trade with Canada. However, the idea of a fixed duty on all foreign grain seemed to gain support from this time onward. It was part of the import duty reform agenda of the Whig government in 1841, but it was abandoned when they lost in the general election that year. When Sir Robert Peel took office and began his notable journey as a free-trade advocate, he introduced and passed a new sliding scale of duties in 1842 that was better aligned with current market values. By that time, public sentiment was shifting, and the prime minister, persuaded by the arguments of Cobden and the Anti-Corn-Law League, as well as motivated by the potato crop failure in Ireland, effectively ended the era of the corn laws with the significant act of 1846. This law stipulated that the maximum duty on foreign wheat would be immediately cut to 10s. per quarter when prices dropped below 48s., to 5s. on barley when under 26s., and to 4s. on oats when below 18s., with lower duties as prices increased above those levels; but the key point of the legislation was that in three years—on February 1, 1849—these duties would end, and all foreign corn would be allowed in at a duty of 1s. per quarter, and all foreign meal and flour at a duty of 4½d. per cwt.—the same nominal charges granted to grain and flour from British territories abroad from the date of the act. In 1869, even these nominal duties were removed by Robert Lowe through a Customs Duties Act. In 1902, a registration duty of 3d. per cwt. was imposed on imported corn, and 5d. per cwt. on imported flour, with the hope that this duty would broaden the tax base. However, it was repealed the next year. Yet a low duty on imported foreign corn became a crucial part of the tariff reform initiative promoted by Mr. J. Chamberlain from 1903 onward.

Foreign Corn Laws.—Freedom of export of corn from customs 178 duties has become the general rule of nearly all foreign countries. It is somewhat curious that Spain saw the advantage to her wheat-producing Spain. provinces of freedom of export of wheat as early as 1820, and three years afterwards extended this freedom to all “fruits of the soil” in Spain. The import duty on wheat, as on other grain, has varied from time to time. The tariff of 1882 fixed the duty at 2s. 3¼d. per cwt.; a law of February 1895 raised the duty to 4s. 3¼d. per cwt., at which rate it remained till 1898, when it was reduced to 2s. 5¼d., though in this same year, that of the war with the United States, it was for some three months suspended, owing to distress in the country. In 1899 it was raised to 3s. 3d., and by a law of March 1904 fixed at 6.00 pesetas per 100 kilos (2s. 5¼d. per cwt.) as long as the average price of wheat in the markets of Castile does not fall below 27.00 pesetas per 100 kilos (11s. per cwt.). The duty on rye, oats, barley and maize is 1s. 9½d. per cwt. The duty on flour varied from 3s. 4½d. per cwt. in 1882 to 7s. 0½d. in 1895; by the law of March 1904 it was fixed at 4s. 0¾d. per cwt. The duty on rice is 2s. 1¾d. per cwt. in the husk and 4s. 3¾d. not in the husk. Portugal. In Portugal the import duty on wheat was fixed by a law of May 1888 at 20 reis per kilo (4s. 7d. per cwt.). By a law of July 1889, as amended by laws of August 1891 and July 1899, importation is prohibited except in the event of the home-grown crop being insufficient, and even then permission is confined to millers. The duty, in the event of permission to import being accorded, is to be charged on a sliding scale intended to keep the cost of wheat to the millers, including the duty, at 60 reis (3¼d.) per kilo (2.2 ℔s.). Maize is subject to a duty of 4s. 1½d. per cwt., and rye, oats and barley to one of 3s. 8d. per cwt. By laws of July 1889 and August 1891 the importation of flour was prohibited except in the event of a strike of the mill-hands, and the duty was fixed at 6s. 2d. per cwt. Export and import of France. grain in France were prohibited down to the period of the repeal of the British corn laws, save when prices were below certain limits in the one case and above certain other limits in the other. But export of grain and flour from France has long been free of duty. On the other hand, import duties have varied considerably. By a law of 1881, the duty on wheat was fixed at 3d. per cwt.; this duty was raised in 1885 to 1s. 2¾d. per cwt. and again in 1887 to 2s. 0½d. By a law of 1894 the duty was fixed at 2s. 10¼d. per cwt. In 1898, owing to the sudden rise in the price of corn occasioned by the war between Spain and the United States, the duty was temporarily (the 4th of May to the 30th of June) suspended. By a law of 1873 free importation of rye, barley, maize and oats was permitted, but by a law of 1885 a duty was fixed at 7¼d. per cwt., and this was subsequently (1887) increased to 1s. 2¾d. In 1881 the duty on imported flour was as low as 5¾d. per cwt., but this was increased successively by laws of 1885, 1887, 1891 and 1892, and in 1894 was fixed at 4s. 5¾d. per cwt. at the rate of extraction of 70% and over; 5s. 5¾d. at 70 to 60%; and 6s. 6d. at 60% and under. In Belgium both the Belgium. export and import of wheat, rye, barley and maize are free of duty; so also were oats and flour. Since 1895, however, there has been a duty of 1s. 2½d. on oats, and of 9¾d. on flour. The policy of the Netherlands was, owing to the advantages Netherlands. possessed by its ports, long favourable to the import and export of grain. But for some years prior to 1845 there was a moderate sliding scale of import duties, and this gave place, on the ravages of the potato disease, to a low fixed duty; since 1877, however, the importation of cereals and Italy. flour has been free. In Italy there are no duties on the export of grain. The import duties show a progressive increase. In 1878 the import duty on wheat was 6¾d. per cwt.; this was increased to 1s. 2¾d. in 1888, and in 1894 to 3s. 0½d. As in Spain and France, there was a temporary reduction and suspension during 1898, on the Spanish-American war. The duty on rye, barley, oats and maize was fixed by the tariff of 1878 at 5½d. per cwt. By a decree of 1894 the duty on rye was raised to 1s. 10d.; that on barley, by a decree of 1896, to 1s. 7½d.; that on oats, by a decree of 1888, to 1s. 7½d.; and that on maize, by a decree of 1896, to 3s. 0½d. The duty on flour, fixed at 1s. 1½d., by the tariff of 1878, was raised to 2s. 5¼d. in 1888, to 3s. 6½d. in 1888, and to 5s. in 1894. In Germany, the duty on wheat and rye, as fixed by the tariff of 1879, was 6d. per cwt. In 1885 this Germany. was raised to 1s. 6¼d., and in 1888 to 2s. 6½d. By treaty in 1892 this was decreased to 1s. 9¼d. On oats the duty in 1879 was 6d. per cwt., increased to 9¼d. in 1885, and again, in 1888, to 2s. 0½d., but reduced to 1s. 5d. in 1892. On barley the duty in 1879 was 3d., in 1885 9¼d., in 1888 1s. 1¾d., and in 1892 1s. 0¼d. On maize, 3d. in 1879, 6d. in 1885, 1s. 0¼d. in 1888, and 9¾d. in 1892. On flour, 1s. 0¼d. in 1879, 3s. 9¾d. in 1885, 5s. 4d. in 1888, and 3s. 8½d. in 1892. The new German tariff of 1906 which formed the basis for the new German commercial treaties with Russia, Italy, Austria-Hungary, &c., and which was passed when the influence of the agrarian party was predominant, increased still more the import duties on cereals. Under this tariff there are two rates of duties: (1). Those of the new “general” tariff as applied to imports from all countries entitled to most favoured-nation treatment. (2). “Conventional” tariff rates, conceded to other states as the result of treaties. Under this tariff the “general” and “conventional” duties, respectively, on wheat are 3s. 9½d. and 2s. 9d.; on oats Austria-Hungary. and rye, 3s. 6½d. and 2s. 6¼d.; on “common baker’s produce,” 8s. 3d. and 5s. 2d. In Austria-Hungary the import duty on wheat and rye is, under the tariff of 1887, 1s. 6¼d. per cwt.; on barley and oats, 9¼d.; on maize, 6d., and on flour, 3s. 9¾d.

Foreign Corn Laws.—The freedom to export corn from customs duties has become the standard practice in nearly all foreign countries. It's interesting that Spain recognized the benefits of allowing wheat exports as early as 1820, and three years later, it extended this permission to include all “fruits of the soil” in Spain. The import duty on wheat, like other grains, has changed over time. The tariff of 1882 set the duty at 2s. 3¼d. per cwt.; a law from February 1895 increased the duty to 4s. 3¼d. per cwt., which stayed until 1898, when it was lowered to 2s. 5¼d. However, during the year of the war with the United States, it was suspended for about three months due to hardship in the country. In 1899, the duty was raised to 3s. 3d., and by a law in March 1904, it was set at 6.00 pesetas per 100 kilos (2s. 5¼d. per cwt.) as long as the average price of wheat in the markets of Castile doesn’t drop below 27.00 pesetas per 100 kilos (11s. per cwt.). The duty on rye, oats, barley, and maize is 1s. 9½d. per cwt. The duty on flour ranged from 3s. 4½d. per cwt. in 1882 to 7s. 0½d. in 1895; by the law of March 1904, it was set at 4s. 0¾d. per cwt. The duty on rice is 2s. 1¾d. per cwt. in the husk and 4s. 3¾d. not in the husk. Portugal. In Portugal, the import duty on wheat was set by a law in May 1888 at 20 reis per kilo (4s. 7d. per cwt.). A law from July 1889, amended by laws from August 1891 and July 1899, prohibits imports unless the domestic crop is insufficient, and even then, permission is limited to millers. If permission to import is granted, the duty will be charged on a sliding scale meant to keep the total cost of wheat to the millers, including the duty, at 60 reis (3¼d.) per kilo (2.2 ℔s.). Maize is subject to a duty of 4s. 1½d. per cwt., and rye, oats, and barley are charged 3s. 8d. per cwt. By the laws of July 1889 and August 1891, importing flour is restricted to situations involving a strike of mill workers, and the duty was set at 6s. 2d. per cwt. Export and import of France. grain in France were prohibited until the repeal of the British corn laws, except when prices were at certain lower limits for exports and higher limits for imports. However, the export of grain and flour from France has long been duty-free. In contrast, import duties have varied widely. A law from 1881 set the duty on wheat at 3d. per cwt.; this was raised in 1885 to 1s. 2¾d. per cwt. and again in 1887 to 2s. 0½d. A law from 1894 fixed the duty at 2s. 10¼d. per cwt. In 1898, due to a sudden rise in corn prices caused by the war between Spain and the United States, the duty was temporarily suspended (from May 4 to June 30). A law from 1873 allowed free importation of rye, barley, maize, and oats, but by a law from 1885, a duty of 7¼d. per cwt. was established, which was later (in 1887) increased to 1s. 2¾d. In 1881, the duty on imported flour was just 5¾d. per cwt., but this saw successive increases through laws from 1885, 1887, 1891, and 1892, reaching 4s. 5¾d. per cwt. in 1894, depending on the extraction rate. In Belgium, both the export and import of wheat, rye, barley, and maize are duty-free; so were oats and flour. However, since 1895, there has been a duty of 1s. 2½d. on oats and 9¾d. on flour. The policy of the Netherlands has long been favorable to the import and export of grain due to the advantages of its ports. Before 1845, there was a moderate sliding scale of import duties, which changed to a low fixed duty after the potato blight, but since 1877, the import of cereals and Italy. flour has been free. In Italy, there are no duties on the export of grain. The import duties have progressively increased. In 1878, the import duty on wheat was 6¾d. per cwt.; this was raised to 1s. 2¾d. in 1888, and 3s. 0½d. in 1894. Similar to Spain and France, there was a temporary reduction and suspension in 1898 due to the Spanish-American war. The duty on rye, barley, oats, and maize was set by the 1878 tariff at 5½d. per cwt. A decree from 1894 raised the duty on rye to 1s. 10d.; on barley, a decree from 1896 set it at 1s. 7½d.; on oats, a decree from 1888 set it at 1s. 7½d.; and on maize, a decree from 1896 set it at 3s. 0½d. The duty on flour, initially set at 1s. 1½d. by the 1878 tariff, was increased to 2s. 5¼d. in 1888, to 3s. 6½d. again in 1888, and to 5s. in 1894. In Germany, the duty on wheat and rye, as set by the tariff of 1879, was 6d. per cwt. This was raised to 1s. 6¼d. in 1885 and 2s. 6½d. in 1888. By treaty in 1892, the duty was reduced to 1s. 9¼d. The duty on oats in 1879 was 6d. per cwt., increasing to 9¼d. in 1885 and to 2s. 0½d. in 1888, later reduced to 1s. 5d. in 1892. The duty on barley in 1879 was 3d., raised to 9¼d. in 1885, to 1s. 1¾d. in 1888, and lowered to 1s. 0¼d. in 1892. For maize, it was 3d. in 1879, 6d. in 1885, 1s. 0¼d. in 1888, and 9¾d. in 1892. The duty on flour was 1s. 0¼d. in 1879, rising to 3s. 9¾d. in 1885, 5s. 4d. in 1888, and 3s. 8½d. in 1892. The new German tariff of 1906, which laid the groundwork for new German commercial treaties with Russia, Italy, Austria-Hungary, etc., and which was passed when the agrarian party held significant influence, further raised import duties on cereals. Under this tariff, there are two duty rates: (1) Those of the new “general” tariff applied to imports from all countries eligible for most favored nation treatment. (2) “Conventional” tariff rates granted to other states as a result of treaties. Under this tariff, the “general” and “conventional” duties on wheat are 3s. 9½d. and 2s. 9d.; on oats and rye, 3s. 6½d. and 2s. 6¼d.; on “common baker’s produce,” 8s. 3d. and 5s. 2d. In Austria-Hungary, the import duty on wheat and rye is, under the tariff of 1887, 1s. 6¼d. per cwt.; on barley and oats, 9¼d.; on maize, 6d., and on flour, 3s. 9¾d.

The great countries, famous for a production of raw materials much beyond their own means of consumption, are favourable, of course, to the utmost freedom of export. The empire United States. of China itself was never unwilling to sell to foreigners tea for which there was no domestic use. The United States promotes transit and export of grain, internally and externally, with all the intelligence and resources of a civilized people. Although the import duty on “breadstuffs” imposed by the United States tariff is very high, and is, possibly, a useful protection against the importation of “baker’s products,” yet it is to a certain extent unnecessary for a country which must dispose of its surplus by exportation. The same remark applies Russia. to Russia, whose exportation and importation are alike free, though there is an import duty on wheat flour of 2s. 11½d. per cwt. In the British colonies probably the only example of an export duty is that on rice in British India; India. it amounts to 3 annas per maund (4d. per cwt.). The import of grain into India is free. In Australia, New Zealand, Canada, and all mainly agricultural countries, there is no export duty. In each of these countries, however, there is an Australia, New Zealand, Canada. import duty; in the cases of Australia and New Zealand, designed, to a certain extent, as a precaution against possible rivalry on the part of the other. The Australian import duty is 1s. 6d. per cental (100 ℔ av.), and the New Zealand 9d. per cental. The Canadian import duties on grain are important only in the light of being a species of retaliation against similar duties imposed by the United States with the design of restricting inter-frontier exchange. The Canadian import duty is, on barley, 30% ad valorem; on buckwheat, rye and oats, 4.93d. per bushel, and on wheat, South Africa. 5.92d. per bushel. The South African production of cereal is still insufficient to meet the demand for home consumption, and there is a considerable grain importation. The import duty, which undoubtedly acts as an encouragement to home agriculture, is 1s. per cental. (See also Grain Trade.)

The major countries, known for producing raw materials far beyond their own consumption needs, obviously support complete freedom of export. The empire USA. of China was always willing to sell tea to foreigners that had no domestic use. The United States encourages the transit and export of grain, both domestically and internationally, with all the skills and resources of a developed nation. Although the import tax on “breadstuffs” set by the United States tariffs is quite high and possibly provides some protection against the import of “baker’s products,” it is somewhat unnecessary for a country that needs to sell off its surplus through exports. The same applies Russia. to Russia, which allows both export and import to flow freely, although there is a wheat flour import tax of 2s. 11½d. per cwt. In the British colonies, the only notable export tax is on rice in British India; India. it is 3 annas per maund (4d. per cwt.). Grain imports into India are tax-free. In Australia, New Zealand, Canada, and other primarily agricultural nations, there is no export tax. However, each of these countries has an Australia, NZ, Canada. import tax; in the cases of Australia and New Zealand, it serves partially as a precaution against potential competition from one another. The Australian import tax is 1s. 6d. per cental (100 ℔ av.), and New Zealand's is 9d. per cental. The Canadian import taxes on grain are significant mainly as a form of retaliation against similar taxes imposed by the United States meant to limit cross-border trade. In Canada, the import tax on barley is 30% ad valorem; on buckwheat, rye, and oats, it is 4.93d. per bushel, and on wheat, South Africa. it is 5.92d. per bushel. South Africa's cereal production is still not enough to satisfy local demand, leading to considerable grain imports. The import tax, which indeed encourages local agriculture, is 1s. per cental. (See also Grain Trade.)

(R. So.; T. A. I.)

1 M‘Culloch found from a comparison of the prices of corn and wages of labour in the reign of Henry VII. and the latter part of the reign of Elizabeth, that in the former period a labourer could earn a quarter of wheat in 20, a quarter of rye in 12, and a quarter of barley in 9 days; whereas, in the latter period, to earn a quarter of wheat required 48, a quarter of rye 32, and a quarter of barley 29 days’ labour.

1 M‘Culloch discovered that by comparing the prices of corn and labor wages during the reign of Henry VII and the later part of Elizabeth’s reign, he found that in the earlier period, a laborer could earn a quarter of wheat in 20 days, a quarter of rye in 12 days, and a quarter of barley in 9 days. However, in the later period, it took 48 days to earn a quarter of wheat, 32 days for a quarter of rye, and 29 days for a quarter of barley.


CORN-SALAD, or Lamb’s Lettuce, Valerianella olitoria (natural order Valerianaceae), a weedy annual, native of southern Europe, but naturalized in cornfields in central Europe, and not infrequent in Britain. In France it is used in salads during winter and spring as a substitute for lettuces, but it is less esteemed in England. The plant is raised from seed sown on a bed or border of light rich earth, and should be weeded and watered, as occasion requires, till winter, when it should be protected with long litter during severe frost. The largest plants should be drawn for use in succession. Sowing may be made every two or three weeks from the beginning of August till 179 October, and again in March, if required in the latter part of the spring. The sorts principally grown are the Round-leaved and the Italian; the last is a distinct species, Valerianella eriocarpa.

CORN-SALAD, or Lamb's Lettuce, Valerianella olitoria (family Valerianaceae), is a weedy annual plant native to southern Europe but has become common in cornfields across central Europe and is not uncommon in Britain. In France, it's used in salads during the winter and spring as an alternative to lettuce, but it's not as popular in England. The plant is grown from seeds sown in a bed or border of light, rich soil and should be weeded and watered as needed until winter, at which point it should be covered with long straw during severe frost. The largest plants should be picked for use in succession. Seeds can be sown every two to three weeks from early August until 179 October, and again in March if needed later in spring. The main varieties grown are the Round-leaved and the Italian; the latter is a different species, Valerianella eriocarpa.


CORNU, MARIE ALFRED (1841-1902), French physicist, was born at Orleans on the 6th of March 1841, and after being educated at the École Polytechnique and the École des Mines, became in 1867 professor of experimental physics in the former institution, where he remained throughout his life. Although he made various excursions into other branches of physical science, undertaking, for example, with J. B. A. Bailie about 1870 a repetition of Cavendish’s experiment for determining the mean density of the earth, his original work was mainly concerned with optics and spectroscopy. In particular he carried out a classical redetermination of the velocity of light by A. H. L. Fizeau’s method, introducing various improvements in the apparatus, which added greatly to the accuracy of the results. This achievement won for him, in 1878, the prix Lacaze and membership of the Academy of Sciences in France, and the Rumford medal of the Royal Society in England. In 1899, at the jubilee commemoration of Sir George Stokes, he was Rede lecturer at Cambridge, his subject being the undulatory theory of light and its influence on modern physics; and on that occasion the honorary degree of D.Sc. was conferred on him by the university. He died at Paris on the 11th of April 1902.

CORNU, MARIE ALFRED (1841-1902), a French physicist, was born in Orleans on March 6, 1841. After studying at the École Polytechnique and the École des Mines, he became a professor of experimental physics at the former institution in 1867, where he spent his entire career. Although he explored various areas of physical science, including a project around 1870 with J. B. A. Bailie to repeat Cavendish’s experiment to measure the average density of the Earth, his primary focus was on optics and spectroscopy. Notably, he conducted a significant re-evaluation of the speed of light using A. H. L. Fizeau’s method, making several enhancements to the equipment that greatly improved the accuracy of the findings. This accomplishment earned him the prix Lacaze, a membership in the Academy of Sciences in France in 1878, and the Rumford Medal from the Royal Society in England. In 1899, during the jubilee celebration of Sir George Stokes, he was the Rede lecturer at Cambridge, discussing the undulatory theory of light and its impact on modern physics; on this occasion, the university awarded him an honorary D.Sc. degree. He passed away in Paris on April 11, 1902.


CORNU COPIAE, later Cornucopia (“horn of plenty”), a horn; generally twisted, filled with fruit and flowers, or an ornament representing it. It was used as a symbol of prosperity and abundance, and hence in works of art it is placed in the hands of Plutus, Fortuna and similar divinities (for the mythological account see Amaltheia). The symbol probably originated in the practice of using the horns of oxen and goats as drinking-cups; hence the rhyton (drinking-horn) is often confounded with the cornu copiae. For its representation in works of art, in which it is very common, especially in those belonging to the Roman period, see article in Daremberg and Saglio’s Dictionnaire des Antiquités.

CORNUCOPIA, later Abundance (“horn of plenty”), is a twisted horn filled with fruit and flowers, or an ornament that represents it. It was a symbol of prosperity and abundance, and in art, it is often depicted in the hands of Plutus, Fortuna, and similar deities (for the mythological details, see Amaltheia). The symbol likely originated from using the horns of oxen and goats as drinking cups; therefore, the rhyton (drinking horn) is often confused with the cornu copiae. For its representation in art, which is quite common, especially during the Roman period, see the article in Daremberg and Saglio’s Dictionnaire des Antiquités.


CORNUS, an ancient town of Sardinia, of Phoenician origin, on the west coast, 18 m. from Tharros, and the same from Bosa. At the time of the Second Punic War it is spoken of as the principal city of the district, and its capture by the Romans was the last act in the suppression of the rebellion of 215 B.C., it having served as a place of refuge for the fugitives after the defeat of the combined forces of the rebels and the Carthaginians. The site of the ancient acropolis, covered with débris, may still be made out. Here were found three inscriptions in 1831, with dedications by the ordo, or town council, of Cornus to various patrons, from one of which it seems that it was a colony, though when it became so is unknown (Th. Mommsen, Corp. Inscr. Lat. X. 7915 sqq.). Unimportant remains of an aqueduct and (perhaps) of a church exist. Excavations in the necropolis of the Roman period are recorded by F. Nissardi, Notizie degli Scavi, 1887, p. 47. Phoenician rock-cut tombs may also be seen.

CORNUS, an ancient town in Sardinia, originally founded by the Phoenicians, located on the west coast, 18 miles from Tharros and the same distance from Bosa. During the Second Punic War, it was considered the main city of the area, and its capture by the Romans marked the end of the uprising in 215 B.C., as it had served as a refuge for those fleeing after the defeat of the combined rebel and Carthaginian forces. The site of the ancient acropolis, now covered in debris, can still be traced. In 1831, three inscriptions were discovered here, with dedications from the ordo, or town council, of Cornus to various patrons, suggesting that it was a colony, although the exact time it became one is unknown (Th. Mommsen, Corp. Inscr. Lat. X. 7915 sqq.). There are minor remains of an aqueduct and possibly a church. Excavations in the Roman period necropolis were documented by F. Nissardi, Notizie degli Scavi, 1887, p. 47. Phoenician rock-cut tombs can also be seen.


CORNUTUS, LUCIUS ANNAEUS, Stoic philosopher, flourished in the reign of Nero. He was a native of Leptis in Libya, but resided for the most part in Rome. He is best known as the teacher and friend of Persius, whose satires he revised for publication after the poet’s death, but handed them over to Caesius Bassus to edit, at the special request of the latter. He was banished by Nero (in 66 or 68) for having indirectly disparaged the emperor’s projected history of the Romans in heroic verse (Dio Cassius lxii. 29), after which time nothing more is heard of him. He was the author of various rhetorical works in both Greek and Latin (῾Ρητορικαὶ Τέχναι, De figuris sententiarum). Another rhetorician, also named Cornutus, who flourished A.D. 200-250 (or in the second half of the 2nd century) was the author of a treatise Τέχνη τοῦ πολιτικοῦ λόγου (ed. J. Graeven, 1890). A philosophical treatise, Theologiae Graecae compendium (of which the Greek title is uncertain; perhaps, Έλληνικὴ θεολογία, or Περὶ τῆς τῶν θεῶν φύσεως, though the latter may be the title of an abridgment of the former) is still extant. It is a manual of “popular mythology as expounded in the etymological and symbolical interpretations of the Stoics” (Sandys), and although marred by many absurd etymologies, abounds in beautiful thoughts (ed. C. Lang, 1881). Simplicius and Porphyry refer to his commentary on the Categories of Aristotle, whose philosophy he is said to have defended against an opponent Athenodorus in a treatise Άντιγραφὴπρὸς Άθηνόδωρον. His Aristotelian studies were probably his most important work. A commentary on Virgil (frequently quoted by Servius) and Scholia to Persius are also attributed to him; the latter, however, are of much later date, and are assigned by Jahn to the Carolingian period. Excerpts from his treatise De enuntiatione vel orthographia are preserved in Cassiodorus. The so-called Disticha Cornuti (ed. Liebl, Straubing, 1888) belong to the late middle ages.

CORNUTUS, LUCIUS ANNAEUS, was a Stoic philosopher who thrived during Nero's reign. Originally from Leptis in Libya, he mostly lived in Rome. He is best known as the teacher and friend of Persius, for whom he revised the satires for publication after the poet's death, but he handed them over to Caesius Bassus for editing at Bassus's specific request. He was exiled by Nero (around 66 or 68) for indirectly criticizing the emperor’s planned heroic history of the Romans in verse (Dio Cassius lxii. 29), and after that, we hear nothing more about him. He wrote various rhetorical works in both Greek and Latin (Rhetorical Techniques, De figuris sententiarum). Another rhetorician, also named Cornutus, who lived between A.D. 200-250 (or in the late 2nd century), authored a treatise titled Art of political discourse (ed. J. Graeven, 1890). A philosophical treatise, Theologiae Graecae compendium (the Greek title is uncertain; possibly Greek theology or About the nature of the gods, though the latter might be the title of an abridgment of the former) still exists. It acts as a manual of "popular mythology as interpreted through the etymological and symbolic views of the Stoics" (Sandys), and while it contains many nonsensical etymologies, it's filled with beautiful ideas (ed. C. Lang, 1881). Simplicius and Porphyry mention his commentary on Aristotle's Categories, which he purportedly defended against the opponent Athenodorus in a treatise titled Copy for Athinodoros. His studies on Aristotle were probably his most significant contributions. He is also credited with a commentary on Virgil (often referenced by Servius) and Scholia to Persius; however, the latter are much later and are attributed by Jahn to the Carolingian period. Excerpts from his treatise De enuntiatione vel orthographia are preserved in Cassiodorus. The so-called Disticha Cornuti (ed. Liebl, Straubing, 1888) are from the late middle ages.

See G. Martini, De L. Annaeo Cornuto (1825); O. Jahn, Prolegomena to his edition of Persius; H. von Arnim in Pauly-Wissowa’s Realencyclopädie, i. pt. ii. (1894); M. Schanz, Geschichte der römischen Litteratur, i. 2 (1901), p. 285; W. Christ, Geschichte der griechischen Litteratur (1898), pp. 702, 755; Teuffel-Schwabe, Hist. of Roman Literature (Eng. trans.), § 299, 2.

See G. Martini, De L. Annaeo Cornuto (1825); O. Jahn, Prolegomena to his edition of Persius; H. von Arnim in Pauly-Wissowa’s Realencyclopädie, i. pt. ii. (1894); M. Schanz, Geschichte der römischen Litteratur, i. 2 (1901), p. 285; W. Christ, Geschichte der griechischen Litteratur (1898), pp. 702, 755; Teuffel-Schwabe, Hist. of Roman Literature (Eng. trans.), § 299, 2.


CORNWALL, the capital of the united counties of Stormont, Dundas and Glengarry, Ontario, Canada, 67 m. S.W. of Montreal, on the left bank of the St Lawrence river. Pop. (1901) 6704. It is an important station on the Grand Trunk and the Ottawa & New York railways, and is a port of call for all steamers between Montreal and Lake Ontario ports. The surplus from the Cornwall canal furnishes excellent water privileges for its factories, which include cotton and woollen mills and grist and saw mills. The town has long been celebrated for its lacrosse club. On the opposite bank of the river is St Régis, inhabited chiefly by Indians of the Iroquois tribe.

CORNWALL, the capital of the combined counties of Stormont, Dundas, and Glengarry, Ontario, Canada, is located 67 miles southwest of Montreal, on the left bank of the St. Lawrence River. Population (1901) was 6,704. It serves as a key station on the Grand Trunk and Ottawa & New York railways and is a stop for all steamers traveling between Montreal and ports on Lake Ontario. The extra water from the Cornwall canal provides great water resources for its factories, which include cotton and wool mills as well as grist and saw mills. The town has been well-known for its lacrosse club for many years. Across the river is St. Régis, primarily home to members of the Iroquois tribe.


CORNWALL, the south-westernmost county of England, bounded N. and N.W. by the Atlantic Ocean, E. by Devonshire, and S. and S.W. by the English Channel. The area is 1356.6 sq. m. The most southerly extension is Lizard Point, and the most westerly point of the mainland Land’s End, but the county also includes the Scilly Isles (q.v.), lying 25 m. W. by S. of Land’s End. No county in England has a stronger individuality than Cornwall, whether in economic or social conditions, in history, nomenclature, tradition, or even in the physical characteristics of the land. Such individuality is hardly to be compassed within political boundaries, and in some respects it is shared by the neighbouring county of Devon, yet the traveller hardly feels its influence before passing west of the Tamar.

CORNWALL, is the southwesternmost county of England, bordered to the north and northwest by the Atlantic Ocean, to the east by Devonshire, and to the south and southwest by the English Channel. The area covers 1,356.6 square miles. The southernmost point is Lizard Point, and the westernmost point of the mainland is Land’s End, but the county also includes the Scilly Isles (q.v.), located 25 miles west by south of Land’s End. No county in England has a stronger identity than Cornwall, whether in terms of its economic and social conditions, history, naming, traditions, or even the physical features of the land. This uniqueness can’t be fully captured by political boundaries, and in some ways, it’s also found in the neighboring county of Devon, yet travelers don’t really feel its impact until they cross west of the Tamar.

Physically, Cornwall is a great promontory with a direct length of 75 m. from N.N.E. to S.S.W., and an extreme breadth, at the junction with Devonshire, of 45 m. The river Tamar here forms the greater part of the boundary, and its valley divides the high moors of Devonshire and the succession of similar broad-topped hills which form the backbone of the Cornish promontory. The scenery is full of contrast. To the west of Launceston the principal mass of high land rises to 1375 ft. in Brown Willy, the highest point in the county. This district is broken and picturesque, with rough tors or hills and boulders. A remarkable pile of rocks called the Cheese-wring, somewhat resembling an inverted pyramid in form, is seen on the moor north of Liskeard. This district is for the most part a region of furze and heather; but after passing Bodmin, the true Cornish moorland asserts itself, bare, desolate and impracticable, broken and dug into hillocks, which are sometimes due to early mining works, sometimes to more modern search for metals. The seventy miles from Launceston to Mount’s Bay have been called not untruly “the dreariest strip of earth traversed by any English high road.” There is hardly more cultivation on the higher ground west of Mount’s Bay, or in the Meneage or “rocky country,” the old Cornish name for the promontory which ends in the Lizard. Long combes and valleys, however, descend from this upper moorland towards the coast on both sides. These are in general well wooded, and, in the luxuriance of their vegetation, strongly characteristic. The small rivers traversing them in several cases enter fine estuaries, which ramify deeply into the land. Such are, on the south coast, the great estuary of the Tamar, and other streams, on which the port of Plymouth is situated (but only the western shore is Cornish), the Looe and Fowey rivers, Falmouth Harbour, the most important of the purely Cornish inlets and accessible for the largest vessels, and 180 the Helford river. On the north are the estuaries of the Camel and the Hayle, debouching into Padstow Bay and St Ives Bay respectively. The Fowey and Camel valleys almost completely break the continuation of the central high ground, and the uplands west of Mount’s Bay are similarly parted from the main mass by the low tract between Hayle and Marazion. Except at the mouth of a stream or estuary the coast is almost wholly rock-bound, and the cliff scenery is unsurpassed in England. Three different types are found. On the north coast, from Tintagel Head and Boscastle northward to Hartland Point in Devonshire, the dark slate cliffs, with their narrow and distorted strata, are remarkably rugged of outline, owing to the ease with which the waves fret the loosely-bound rock. On the south, in the beautiful little bays in the neighbourhood of the Lizard Point, the serpentine rock is noted for its exquisite colouring. Between Treryn and Land’s End, at the south-west, a majestic barrier of granite is presented to the sea. The beautiful Scilly Isles continue the line of the granite, and the intervening sea is said to have submerged a tract of land named Lyonesse, containing, according to tradition, 140 parish churches, and intimately connected with the Arthurian romances.

Physically, Cornwall is a large peninsula that stretches 75 miles from N.N.E. to S.S.W., with a maximum width of 45 miles where it connects with Devon. The river Tamar creates most of the boundary here, and its valley separates the high moors of Devon from a series of similar wide-topped hills that make up the core of the Cornish peninsula. The landscape is very varied. To the west of Launceston, the main high land rises to 1,375 feet at Brown Willy, the highest point in the county. This area is rugged and scenic, featuring rough hills and boulders. A remarkable rock formation called the Cheese-wring, which looks like an upside-down pyramid, can be found on the moor north of Liskeard. This region is mostly covered with gorse and heather, but after passing Bodmin, the true Cornish moorland takes over—it's barren, desolate, and hard to navigate, riddled with hillocks from past mining activities or modern quests for metals. The seventy miles from Launceston to Mount’s Bay have been aptly described as “the dreariest stretch of land crossed by any English highway.” There is hardly any farming on the higher ground west of Mount’s Bay or in the Meneage, the old Cornish name for the rugged peninsula that ends at the Lizard. Long valleys and combes descend from the upper moorland toward the coast on both sides. These areas are generally well-wooded and rich in vegetation, making them distinctly beautiful. The small rivers running through these valleys often flow into picturesque estuaries that extend deeply inland. On the south coast, there's the vast estuary of the Tamar and other rivers, where the port of Plymouth is located (though only the western shore is in Cornwall), as well as the Looe and Fowey rivers, Falmouth Harbour—which is the most significant purely Cornish inlet and accessible to the largest ships—and the Helford river. On the north side, the Camel and Hayle rivers flow into Padstow Bay and St Ives Bay, respectively. The Fowey and Camel valleys almost entirely interrupt the stretch of the central highlands, and the uplands west of Mount’s Bay are similarly separated from the main body of land by the low area between Hayle and Marazion. Except at the mouths of rivers or estuaries, the coastline is mainly rocky, and the cliffs provide some of the best coastal scenery in England. There are three different types of cliffs. On the north coast, from Tintagel Head and Boscastle northward to Hartland Point in Devon, the dark slate cliffs, with their narrow and twisted layers, are strikingly jagged, shaped by the relentless waves breaking against the loosely held rock. On the south, around the charming little bays near Lizard Point, the serpentine rock is known for its stunning colors. Between Treryn and Land’s End in the southwest, a stunning granite wall meets the sea. The lovely Scilly Isles continue this line of granite, and the sea between them is said to have once been a land called Lyonesse, believed to contain 140 parish churches and deeply connected to the legends of King Arthur.

Geology.—One of the most striking features of Cornwall is the presence of the four great masses of granite which rise up and form as many elevated areas out of a lower-lying region occupied by rocks almost entirely slaty in character, generally known as “Killas.” The granite is not the oldest of the Cornish rocks; these are found in the Lizard peninsula and are represented by serpentine, gabbro and metamorphic schists. With the exception of a small tract about Veryan and Gorran, of Ordovician age, all the sedimentary rocks, as far as a line joining Boscastle and South Petherwin, were formerly classed as Devonian; to the north of the line are the Culm measures—slates, grits and limestones—of Carboniferous age. The extensive spread of Killas is not, however, entirely Devonian, as it is shown on most maps. In the northern portion, Lower, Middle and Upper Devonian can be distinguished; the lower beds at Polperro, Looe and Watergate, the higher beds along the line indicated above. Farther south it has been shown that an older set of Palaeozoic rocks constitutes at least a part of the Killas; the Veryan series, with Caradoc fossils, is succeeded in descending order by the Portscatho series, the Falmouth series and the Mylor series; the lowest Devonian beds represented here by the Menaccan series, rest unconformably upon these Ordovician beds. Upper Silurian fossils have been found near Veryan. All these rocks have been subjected to severe thrusting from the south, consequently they are much contorted and folded. After this thrusting and folding had taken place, intrusions of diabase, &c., penetrated the sedimentary Strata in numerous places, but it was not until post-Carboniferous times that the granite masses were intruded. The principal granite masses are those of St Just and Land’s End, Penryn, St Austell and Bodmin Moor. To the granite Cornwall owes much of its prosperity; it has altered the Killas for some distance around each mass, and the veins of tin and copper ore, though richest in the Killas, are evidently genetically related to the granite. The principal metalliferous districts, Camborne, Redruth, St Just, &c., all lie near the granite margins. The china clay and china stone industry is dependent on the fact that the granite was itself altered in patches during the later phases of eruptive activity by the agency of boric and fluoric vapours which kaolinized the felspar of the granite. Later eruptions produced dykes of quartz-porphyry and other varieties, all locally called “elvans,” which penetrate both the granite and the Killas. Small patches of Pliocene strata are found at St Erth and St Agnes Beacon. Blown sand is an important feature at St Pirran, Lelant, Gwythian and elsewhere, and raised beaches are frequent round the coast. A characteristic Cornish deposit is the “Head,” an old consolidated scree or talus. Many rare minerals have been obtained from the mines and much tin ore has been taken from the river gravels. The river gravel at Carnon has yielded native gold.

Geology.—One of the most noticeable features of Cornwall is the four large granite formations that rise up and create elevated areas in a region mostly made up of slate-like rocks, generally referred to as “Killas.” The granite isn’t the oldest rock in Cornwall; the oldest is found in the Lizard Peninsula, represented by serpentine, gabbro, and metamorphic schists. Except for a small area around Veryan and Gorran, which is from the Ordovician period, all the sedimentary rocks up to a line connecting Boscastle and South Petherwin were previously classified as Devonian. North of that line are the Culm measures—slates, grits, and limestones—from the Carboniferous period. However, the widespread Killas is not entirely Devonian as shown on most maps. In the northern part, we can distinguish between Lower, Middle, and Upper Devonian. The lower beds are found at Polperro, Looe, and Watergate, while the higher beds are along the indicated line above. Further south, evidence shows that an older set of Palaeozoic rocks is part of the Killas; the Veryan series, containing Caradoc fossils, is followed in descending order by the Portscatho series, the Falmouth series, and the Mylor series. The lowest Devonian beds represented here by the Menaccan series rest unconformably on these Ordovician beds. Upper Silurian fossils have been discovered near Veryan. All these rocks have been subjected to intense thrusting from the south, resulting in significant contortion and folding. After this thrusting and folding occurred, diabase intrusions and others penetrated the sedimentary layers in several places, but it wasn't until post-Carboniferous times that the granite regions were intruded. The main granite formations are found at St Just and Land’s End, Penryn, St Austell, and Bodmin Moor. Cornwall owes much of its prosperity to the granite; it has transformed the Killas for some distance around each formation, and the veins of tin and copper ore, although richest in the Killas, are evidently genetically linked to the granite. The main metalliferous areas, like Camborne, Redruth, and St Just, are all located near the granite edges. The china clay and china stone industry relies on the fact that the granite underwent alteration in patches during later eruptive activities due to boric and fluoric vapors, which kaolinized the feldspar in the granite. Later eruptions led to the formation of quartz-porphyry dykes and other types, all locally known as “elvans,” which penetrate both the granite and the Killas. Small areas of Pliocene strata can be found at St Erth and St Agnes Beacon. Blown sand is a significant feature at St Pirran, Lelant, Gwythian, and other locations, and raised beaches are common along the coast. A distinctive Cornish deposit is the “Head,” a type of old consolidated scree or talus. Many rare minerals have been sourced from the mines, and a substantial amount of tin ore has been extracted from river gravels. The river gravel at Carnon has yielded native gold.

Climate.—The climate of Cornwall is peculiar. Snow seldom lies for more than a few days, and the winters are less severe than in any other part of England, the average temperature for January being 34° F. at Bude and 43.7° at Falmouth. The sea-winds, except in a few sheltered places, prevent timber trees from attaining to any great size, but the air is mild, and the lower vegetation, especially in the Penzance district, is almost southern in its luxuriance. Geraniums, fuchsias, myrtles, hydrangeas and camellias grow to a considerable size, and flourish through the winter at Penzance and round Falmouth; and in the Scilly Isles a great variety of exotics may be seen flourishing in the open air. Stone fruit, and even apples and pears, do not attain the same full flavour as in the neighbouring county, owing to the want of dry heat. The pinaster, the Pinus austriaca, Pinus insignis and other firs succeed well in the western part of the county. All native plants display a perfection of beauty hardly to be seen elsewhere, and the furze, including the double-blossomed variety, and the heaths, among which Erica vagans and ciliaris are characteristic, cover the moorland and the cliff summits with a blaze of the richest colour. On the whole the climate is healthy, though the prevalent westerly and south-westerly winds, bringing with them great bodies of cloud from the Atlantic, render it damp; the mean annual rainfall, though only 32.85 in. at Bude, reaches 44.41 at Falmouth, and 50.57 at Bodmin.

Climate.—The climate of Cornwall is unique. Snow rarely stays for more than a few days, and winters are milder than anywhere else in England, with average January temperatures of 34° F. at Bude and 43.7° at Falmouth. The sea winds, except in a few sheltered spots, prevent trees from growing too large, but the air is mild, and the lower vegetation, especially in the Penzance area, is almost lushly southern. Geraniums, fuchsias, myrtles, hydrangeas, and camellias grow quite large and thrive through the winter in Penzance and around Falmouth; in the Scilly Isles, a wide variety of exotic plants can be seen flourishing outdoors. Stone fruits, and even apples and pears, don't achieve the same full flavor as in the neighboring county due to a lack of dry heat. The pinaster, the Pinus austriaca, Pinus insignis, and other firs do well in the western part of the county. All native plants exhibit a beauty that's hard to find elsewhere, and the furze, including the double-blossomed variety, and the heaths, particularly Erica vagans and ciliaris, cover the moorland and cliff tops in a vibrant display of color. Overall, the climate is healthy, although the prevailing westerly and south-westerly winds, which bring large amounts of cloud from the Atlantic, make it damp; the average annual rainfall is only 32.85 inches at Bude, but reaches 44.41 at Falmouth and 50.57 at Bodmin.

Agriculture.—About seven-tenths of the total area is under cultivation, but oats form the only important grain-crop. Turnips, swedes and mangolds make up the bulk of the green crops. The number of cattle (chiefly of the Devonshire breed) is large, and many sheep are kept; nearly 60,000 acres of hill pasture being recorded. As regards agricultural produce, however, Cornwall is chiefly famous for the market-gardening carried on in the neighbourhood of Penzance, where the climate is specially suitable for the growth of early potatoes, broccoli and asparagus. These are despatched in large quantities to the London market; the Scilly Isles sharing in the industry. Fruit and flowers are also grown for the market. In the valleys the soil is frequently rich and deep; there are good arable and pasture farms, and the natural oak-wood of these coombes has been preserved and increased by plantation.

Agriculture.—About seventy percent of the total area is used for farming, but oats are the only significant grain crop. Turnips, swedes, and mangolds make up the majority of the vegetable crops. There is a large number of cattle (mainly of the Devonshire breed), and many sheep are raised; nearly 60,000 acres are designated as hill pasture. In terms of agricultural products, Cornwall is mainly known for the market gardening around Penzance, where the climate is particularly good for growing early potatoes, broccoli, and asparagus. These are shipped in large quantities to the London market, with the Scilly Isles also participating in this industry. Fruits and flowers are grown for the market as well. In the valleys, the soil is often rich and deep; there are good arable and pasture farms, and the natural oak woods in these coombes have been preserved and expanded through planting.

Mining.—The wealth of Cornwall, however, lies not so much in the soil, as underground and in the surrounding seas. Hence the favourite Cornish toast, “fish, tin and copper.” The tin of Cornwall has been known and worked from a period anterior to certain history. There is no direct proof that the Phoenician traders came to Cornwall for tin; though it has been sought to identify the Cassiterides (q.v.) or Tin Islands with the county or the Scilly Isles. By ancient charters the “tinners” were exempt from all jurisdiction (save in cases affecting land, life and limb) other than that of the Stannary Courts, and peculiar laws were enacted in the Stannary parliaments (see Stannaries). For many centuries a tax on the tin, after smelting, was paid to the earls and dukes of Cornwall. The smelted blocks were carried to certain towns to be coined, that is, stamped with the duchy seal before they could be sold. By an act of 1838 the dues payable on the coinage of tin were abolished, and a compensation was awarded to the duchy instead of them. The Cornish miners are an intelligent and independent body, and the assistance of a Cornishman has been found necessary to the successful development of mining in many parts of the world, while many miners have emigrated from Cornwall to more remunerative fields abroad. The industry has suffered from periods of depression, as before the accession of Queen Elizabeth, who introduced miners from Germany to resuscitate it; and in modern times the shallow workings, from which tin could be easily “streamed,” have become practically exhausted. The deeper workings to which the miners must needs have recourse naturally render production more costly, and the competition of foreign mines has been detrimental. The result is that the industry is comparatively less prosperous than formerly, and employs far fewer of the inhabitants. However, in the district of Camborne, Carn Brea, Illogan and Redruth, and near St Just in the extreme west, the mines are still active, while there are others of less importance elsewhere, as near Callington in the south-east. And when, as in 1906, circumstances affecting the production of foreign mines cause a rise in the price of tin, the Cornish mines enjoy a period of greater prosperity; the result being the recent reopening of many of the mines which had been closed for twenty years. The largest tin-mine is that of Dolcoath near Camborne. Copper is extracted at St Just and at Carn Brea; but the output has decreased much further than that of tin. As it lies deeper in the earth, and consequently could not be “streamed” for, it was almost unnoticed in the county until the end of the 15th century, and little attention was paid to it until the last years of the 17th. No mine seems to have been worked exclusively for copper before the year 1770; and up to that time the casual produce had been 181 bought by Bristol merchants, to their great gain, at rates from £2 : 10s. to £4 per ton. In 1718 John Coster gave a great impulse to the trade by draining some of the deeper mines, and instructing the men in an improved method of dressing the ore. The trade thereafter progressively increased, and in 1851 the mines of Devon and Cornwall together were estimated to furnish one-third of the copper raised throughout Europe, including the British Isles. Antimony ores and manganese are found, and some lead occurs, being worked without great result. Iron in lodes, as brown haematite, has been worked near Lostwithiel and elsewhere. In the St Austell district the place of tin and copper mining has been taken by that of the raising and preparation of china clay. Granite is largely quarried in various districts, as at Luxulian (between St Austell and Lostwithiel), and in the neighbourhood of Penryn. This is the material of London and Waterloo Bridges, the Chatham docks, and many other great works. It is for the most part coarse-grained, though differing greatly in different places in this respect. Fine slate is quarried and largely exported, as from the Delabole quarries near Tintagel. These slates were in great repute in the 16th century and earlier. Serpentine is quarried in the Lizard district, and is worked there into small ornamental objects for sale to visitors; it is in favour as a decorative stone. Pitchblende also occurs, and is mined for the extraction of radium.

Mining.—The wealth of Cornwall isn't just in its soil but underground and in the seas around it. That's why the popular Cornish toast is “fish, tin, and copper.” The tin from Cornwall has been known and mined since before recorded history. There's no solid evidence that Phoenician traders came to Cornwall for tin, although efforts have been made to link the Cassiterides (q.v.) or Tin Islands to this region or the Scilly Isles. According to ancient charters, the “tinners” were exempt from all authority (except in cases involving land, life, and limb) other than that of the Stannary Courts, where unique laws were established in the Stannary parliaments (see Stannaries). For centuries, a tax on tin, once it was smelted, was paid to the earls and dukes of Cornwall. The smelted blocks were taken to certain towns to be coined, which meant stamped with the duchy seal before they could be sold. An act in 1838 abolished the fees due for tin coinage and awarded compensation to the duchy instead. Cornish miners are an intelligent and independent group, and the help of a Cornishman has often been essential for successfully developing mining in many parts of the world, with many miners having emigrated from Cornwall to seek better opportunities abroad. The industry has faced periods of decline, such as before Queen Elizabeth's reign, when she brought in miners from Germany to revive it; and in recent times, the easier, shallow areas where tin could be easily “streamed” have mostly run dry. The deeper mines that miners now rely on are naturally more expensive to operate, and competition from foreign mines has further harmed the industry. As a result, mining is significantly less prosperous than it used to be and employs far fewer local residents. However, in areas like Camborne, Carn Brea, Illogan, Redruth, and near St Just in the far west, the mines remain in operation, along with other less significant ones near Callington in the southeast. When situations affecting foreign mines lead to a rise in tin prices, as happened in 1906, Cornish mines experience a period of renewed prosperity, resulting in many previously closed mines being reopened after twenty years. The biggest tin mine is Dolcoath near Camborne. Copper is extracted at St Just and Carn Brea, but its production has dropped more sharply than that of tin. Because it lies deeper underground and could not be easily “streamed,” copper was largely ignored in the county until the late 15th century, gaining little attention until the late 17th century. No mine seems to have focused exclusively on copper before 1770, and until then, copper produced by chance was sold to Bristol merchants at greatly profitable rates, ranging from £2:10s. to £4 per ton. In 1718, John Coster greatly boosted the trade by draining some deeper mines and teaching workers an improved way to process the ore. The trade then steadily grew, and by 1851, mines in Devon and Cornwall were estimated to provide one-third of all the copper mined in Europe, including the British Isles. Antimony ores and manganese can also be found, along with some lead, but these are not worked to great effect. Brown hematite iron has been mined near Lostwithiel and other places. In the St Austell area, tin and copper mining has been replaced by the extraction and processing of china clay. Granite is extensively quarried in various locations, such as Luxulian (between St Austell and Lostwithiel) and around Penryn. This granite is used in major constructions like London and Waterloo Bridges, the Chatham docks, and many other significant projects. It is mostly coarse-grained, although it varies greatly in different areas. Fine slate is quarried and widely exported from the Delabole quarries near Tintagel. These slates were highly prized in the 16th century and earlier. Serpentine is quarried in the Lizard district and crafted into small decorative items for sale to tourists; it is popular as a decorative stone. Pitchblende is also found and mined for radium extraction.

Fisheries.—The fisheries of Cornwall and Devon are the most important on the south-west coasts. The pilchard is in great measure confined to Cornwall, living habitually in deep water not far west of the Scilly Isles, and visiting the coast in great shoals,—one of which is described as having extended from Mevagissey to the Land’s End, a distance, including the windings of the coast, of nearly 100 m. In summer and autumn pilchards are caught by drift nets; later in the year they are taken off the northern coast by seine nets. Forty thousand hogsheads, or 120 million fish, have been taken in the course of a single season, requiring 20,000 tons of salt to cure them. Twelve millions have been taken in a single day; and the sight of this great army of fish passing the Land’s End, and pursued by hordes of dog-fish, hake, and cod, besides vast flocks of sea-birds, is most striking. The principal fishing stations are on Mount’s Bay and at St Ives, but boats are employed all along the coast. When brought to shore the pilchards are carried to the cellars to be cured. They are then packed in hogsheads, each containing about 2400 fish. These casks are largely exported to Naples and other Italian ports—whence the fisherman’s toast, “Long life to the pope, and death to thousands.” Besides pilchards, mackerel and herring are taken in great numbers, and conger eels of great size; mullet and John Dory may be mentioned. There is also a trade in “sardines,” young pilchards taking the place of the real Mediterranean fish.

Fisheries.—The fisheries in Cornwall and Devon are the most significant on the south-west coasts. The pilchard largely exists only in Cornwall, typically living in deep water just west of the Scilly Isles, and visits the coast in large schools—one of which was reported to stretch from Mevagissey to Land’s End, covering nearly 100 miles when following the coast’s curves. In summer and autumn, pilchards are caught using drift nets; later in the year, they are captured off the northern coast with seine nets. In a single season, as many as 40,000 hogsheads, or 120 million fish, have been caught, requiring 20,000 tons of salt for preservation. Twelve million have been caught in just one day, and the view of this massive group of fish passing Land’s End, chased by throngs of dogfish, hake, cod, and huge flocks of seabirds, is truly impressive. The main fishing spots are in Mount’s Bay and at St Ives, but boats operate all along the coast. Once landed, the pilchards are taken to cellars to be cured. They are then packed into hogsheads, each holding about 2,400 fish. These barrels are mainly exported to Naples and other Italian ports—hence the fisherman’s toast, “Long life to the pope, and death to thousands.” In addition to pilchards, a large number of mackerel and herring are caught, along with sizable conger eels; mullet and John Dory are also noteworthy. There is also a trade in “sardines,” which are young pilchards that substitute for the true Mediterranean fish.

Communications.—The principal ports are Falmouth and Penzance, but that of Hayle is of some importance, and there are large engineering works here. It lies on the estuary of the Hayle river, which opens into St Ives Bay, the township of Phillack adjoining on the north-east. A brisk coasting trade is maintained at many small ports along the coast. Communications are provided chiefly by the Great Western railway, the main line of which passes through the county and terminates at Penzance. Fowey, Penryn and Falmouth, and Helston on the south, and Bodmin and Wadebridge, Newquay and St Ives, are served by branch lines. A light railway runs from Liskeard to Looe. The north-eastern parts of the county (Launceston, Bude, Wadebridge) are served by the London & South-Western railway. Coaches are run in several districts during the summer, and in some parts, as in the neighbourhood of Penzance, and between Helston and the Lizard, the Great Western company provides a motor-car service to places beyond the reach of the railway. Many of the small seaside towns have become favourite holiday resorts, such as Bude, Newquay and St Ives, and the south-coast ports.

Communications.—The main ports are Falmouth and Penzance, but Hayle also has some significance, with large engineering works located there. It sits on the estuary of the Hayle River, which flows into St Ives Bay, with the township of Phillack to the north-east. A lively coasting trade is active at many small ports along the coast. The primary transportation is provided by the Great Western Railway, whose main line runs through the county and ends at Penzance. Fowey, Penryn, Falmouth, and Helston in the south, as well as Bodmin, Wadebridge, Newquay, and St Ives, are linked by branch lines. A light railway connects Liskeard to Looe. The northeastern parts of the county (Launceston, Bude, Wadebridge) are served by the London & South-Western Railway. Buses operate in several areas during the summer, and in some regions, like around Penzance and between Helston and the Lizard, the Great Western company offers a motor vehicle service to places not accessible by train. Many small seaside towns, including Bude, Newquay, and St Ives, have become popular holiday destinations, along with the south-coast ports.

Population and Administration.—The area of the ancient county is 868,220 acres, with a population in 1891 of 322,571, and in 1901 of 322,334. In 1861 the population was 369,390, and had shown an increase up to that census. The area of the administrative county is 886,384 acres. The county contains 9 hundreds. The municipal boroughs are Bodmin (pop. 5353), the county town; Falmouth (11,789), Helston (3088), Launceston (4053), Liskeard (4010), Lostwithiel (1331), Penryn (3190), Penzance (13,136), St Ives (6699), Saltash (3357), Truro (11,562), an episcopal city. The other urban districts are Callington (1714), Camborne (14,726), Hayle (1084), Looe (2548), Ludgvan (2274), Madron (3486), Newquay (3115), Padstow (1566), Paul (6332), Phillack (3881), Redruth (10,451), St Austell (3340), St Just (5646), Stratton and Bude (2308), Torpoint (4200), Wadebridge (2186). Small market and other towns, beyond those in the above lists, are numerous. Such are Calstock in the east, St Germans in the south-east near Saltash, St Blazey near St Austell, Camelford, St Columb Major, and Perranzabuloe in the north, with the mining towns of Gwennap and Illogan in the Redruth district and Wendron near Helston, all inland towns; while on the south coast may be mentioned Fowey and Mevagissey, on either side of St Austell Bay, and Marazion on Mount’s Bay, close by St Michael’s Mount. Cornwall is in the western circuit, and assizes are held at Bodmin. It has one court of quarter sessions, and is divided into 17 petty sessional divisions. The boroughs of Bodmin, Falmouth, Helston, Launceston, Liskeard, Penryn, Penzance, St Ives and Truro have separate commissions of the peace, and Penzance has a separate court of quarter sessions. The Scilly Isles are administered by a separate council, and form one of the petty sessional divisions. There are 239 civil parishes, of which 5 are in the Scilly Isles. Cornwall is in the diocese of Truro, and there are 227 ecclesiastical parishes or districts wholly or in part within the county. The parliamentary divisions are the North-Eastern or Launceston, South-Eastern or Bodmin, Mid or St Austell, Truro, North-Western or Camborne, and Western or St Ives, each returning one member; while the parliamentary borough of Penryn and Falmouth returns one member.

Population and Administration.—The area of the ancient county is 868,220 acres, with a population in 1891 of 322,571 and in 1901 of 322,334. In 1861, the population was 369,390 and had been increasing up until that census. The area of the administrative county is 886,384 acres. The county contains 9 hundreds. The municipal boroughs are Bodmin (pop. 5,353), the county town; Falmouth (11,789), Helston (3,088), Launceston (4,053), Liskeard (4,010), Lostwithiel (1,331), Penryn (3,190), Penzance (13,136), St Ives (6,699), Saltash (3,357), and Truro (11,562), an episcopal city. The other urban districts are Callington (1,714), Camborne (14,726), Hayle (1,084), Looe (2,548), Ludgvan (2,274), Madron (3,486), Newquay (3,115), Padstow (1,566), Paul (6,332), Phillack (3,881), Redruth (10,451), St Austell (3,340), St Just (5,646), Stratton and Bude (2,308), Torpoint (4,200), and Wadebridge (2,186). Many small market and other towns exist beyond those listed above, such as Calstock in the east, St Germans in the southeast near Saltash, St Blazey near St Austell, Camelford, St Columb Major, and Perranzabuloe in the north, along with the mining towns of Gwennap and Illogan in the Redruth district and Wendron near Helston, all of which are inland towns. On the south coast, Fowey and Mevagissey can be mentioned on either side of St Austell Bay, and Marazion on Mount’s Bay, close to St Michael’s Mount. Cornwall is in the western circuit, and assizes are held at Bodmin. It has one court of quarter sessions and is divided into 17 petty sessional divisions. The boroughs of Bodmin, Falmouth, Helston, Launceston, Liskeard, Penryn, Penzance, St Ives, and Truro have separate commissions of the peace, and Penzance has a separate court of quarter sessions. The Scilly Isles are managed by a separate council and form one of the petty sessional divisions. There are 239 civil parishes, of which 5 are in the Scilly Isles. Cornwall is part of the diocese of Truro, and there are 227 ecclesiastical parishes or districts wholly or partially within the county. The parliamentary divisions are the North-Eastern or Launceston, South-Eastern or Bodmin, Mid or St Austell, Truro, North-Western or Camborne, and Western or St Ives, each returning one member, while the parliamentary borough of Penryn and Falmouth returns one member.

Language.—The old Cornish language survives in a few words still in use in the fishing and mining communities, as well as in the names of persons and places, but the last persons who spoke it died towards the end of the 18th century. It belonged to the Cymric division of Celtic, in which Welsh and Armorican are also included. The most important relics of the language known to exist are three dramas or miracle plays, edited and translated by Edwin Norris, Oxford, 1859. A sketch of Cornish grammar is added, and a Cornish vocabulary from a MS. of the 13th century (Cotton MSS. Vespasian A. 14, p. 7a). (See Celt: Language and Literature.) It may be mentioned that the great numbers of saints whose names survive in the topography of the county are largely accounted for by the fact that here, as in Wales, it was the practice to canonize the founder of a church. The natives have many traits in common with the Welsh, such as their love of oratory and their strong tribal attachment to the county.

Language.—The old Cornish language still exists in a few words used in fishing and mining communities, as well as in the names of people and places, but the last speakers died toward the end of the 18th century. It was part of the Cymric branch of Celtic, which also includes Welsh and Armorican. The most notable remaining pieces of the language are three dramas or miracle plays, edited and translated by Edwin Norris, Oxford, 1859. A sketch of Cornish grammar is included, along with a Cornish vocabulary from a 13th-century manuscript (Cotton MSS. Vespasian A. 14, p. 7a). (See Celt: Language and Literature.) It’s worth noting that the many saints' names that survive in the county's geography are largely due to the practice, similar to Wales, of canonizing the founders of churches. The locals share many traits with the Welsh, such as their love for oratory and their strong tribal loyalty to the county.

History.—Cornwall was the last portion of British territory in the south to submit to the Saxon invader. Viewed from its eastern boundary it doubtless appeared less attractive than the rich, well-wooded lands of Wessex, while it unquestionably afforded greater obstacles in the way of conquest. In 815 Ecgbert directed his efforts towards the subjugation of the West-Welsh of Cornwall, and after eight years’ fighting compelled the whole of Dyvnaint to acknowledge his supremacy. Assisted by the Danes the Cornish revolted but were again defeated, probably in 836, at the battle of Hengestesdun, Hingston Down in Stoke-Climsland. Ninety years later Aethelstan banished the West-Welsh from Exeter and made the Tamar the boundary of their territory. The thoroughness of the Saxon conquest is evident from the fact that in the days of the Confessor nearly the whole of the land in Cornwall was held by men bearing English names. As the result of the Norman conquest less than one-twelfth of the land (exclusive of that held by the Church) remained in English hands. Six-sevenths of the manors were assigned to Robert, count of Mortain, and became the foundation of the territorial possessions and revenues of the earldom which was held until 1337, usually by special grant, by the sons or 182 near relatives of the kings of England. On the death of John of Eltham the last earl, in 1337, Edward the Black Prince was created duke of Cornwall. By the terms of the statute under which the dukedom was created the succession was restricted to the eldest son of the king, but in 1613, on the death of Prince Henry, an extended interpretation, given by the king’s advisers, enabled his brother Charles (afterwards Charles I.) to succeed as son of the king and next heir to the realm of England.

History.—Cornwall was the last part of British territory in the south to give in to the Saxon invader. From its eastern edge, it likely looked less appealing than the lush, wooded areas of Wessex, but it definitely posed greater challenges for conquest. In 815, Ecgbert focused on defeating the West-Welsh of Cornwall, and after eight years of fighting, he forced all of Dyvnaint to accept his rule. The Cornish, aided by the Danes, rebelled but were defeated again, probably in 836, at the battle of Hengestesdun, known today as Hingston Down in Stoke-Climsland. Ninety years later, Aethelstan expelled the West-Welsh from Exeter and set the Tamar River as the boundary of their land. The thoroughness of the Saxon conquest is clear, as by the time of the Confessor, nearly all the land in Cornwall was owned by men with English names. As a result of the Norman conquest, less than one-twelfth of the land (excluding that held by the Church) remained in English hands. Six-sevenths of the manors were given to Robert, Count of Mortain, forming the basis of the territorial holdings and revenues of the earldom, which was typically held until 1337 by special grant to the sons or 182 close relatives of the kings of England. When John of Eltham, the last earl, died in 1337, Edward the Black Prince was made duke of Cornwall. According to the statute that created the dukedom, the succession was limited to the eldest son of the king, but in 1613, upon the death of Prince Henry, a broader interpretation by the king’s advisers allowed his brother Charles (later Charles I) to succeed as the king’s son and the next heir to the kingdom of England.

Traces of jurisdictional differentiation anterior to Domesday survive in the names of at least five of the hundreds, although these names do not appear in the Survey itself. The hundreds into which the county was divided at the time of the Inquisitio Geldi were as follows:—Straton, which embraced the present hundreds of Stratton, Lesnewth and Trigg; Fawiton, approximately conterminous with West; Panton, now included in Pydasr, Tibeste, Wineton, Conarditon and Rileston, very nearly identical with Powder, Kerrier, Penwith and East. The shire court was held at Launceston except from about 1260 to 1386, when it was held at Lostwithiel. In 1716 the summer assize was transferred to Bodmin. Since 1836 both assizes have been held at Bodmin. The jurisdiction of the hundred courts became early attached to various manors, and their bailiwicks and bedellaries descended with the real estate of their owners. There is much obscurity concerning the early ecclesiastical organization. It is certain, however, that Cornwall had its own bishops from the middle of the 9th century until the year 1018, when the see was removed to Crediton. During the interval the see had been placed sometimes at Bodmin and sometimes at St Germans. In 1049 the see of the united dioceses of Devon and Cornwall was fixed at Exeter. Cornwall was formed into an archdeaconry soon after, and, as such, continued until 1876, when it was reconstituted a diocese with its see at Truro. The parishes of St Giles-on-the-Heath, North Petherwin and Wellington, wholly in Devon, and Boyton, partly in Devon and partly in Cornwall, which were portions of the ancient archdeaconry, and also the parishes of Broadwoodwidger and Virginstowe, both in Devon, which had been added to it in 1875, thus came to be included in the Truro diocese. The present archdeaconries of Bodmin embracing the eastern, and of Cornwall embracing the western portion of the newly constituted diocese were formed, by order in council, in 1878. Aethelstan’s enactment had doubtless roughly determined the civil boundary of the Celtic-speaking county. In 1386 disputes having arisen, a commission was appointed to determine the Cornish border between North Tamerton and Hornacot.

Traces of jurisdictional differences before Domesday can be found in the names of at least five of the hundreds, even though these names don’t appear in the Survey itself. The hundreds that made up the county at the time of the Inquisitio Geldi were: Straton, which included what is now the hundreds of Stratton, Lesnewth, and Trigg; Fawiton, roughly matching West; Panton, now part of Pydasr; Tibeste, Wineton, Conarditon, and Rileston, which closely resemble Powder, Kerrier, Penwith, and East. The shire court was typically held at Launceston, except from about 1260 to 1386, when it took place at Lostwithiel. In 1716, the summer assize was moved to Bodmin, and since 1836, both assizes have been held there. The jurisdiction of the hundred courts early on became connected to various manors, and the responsibilities and roles associated with those courts passed down with the real estate of their owners. There is quite a bit of uncertainty surrounding the early ecclesiastical organization; however, it is clear that Cornwall had its own bishops from the mid-9th century until 1018, when the see was moved to Crediton. During that time, the see was sometimes located in Bodmin and sometimes in St Germans. In 1049, the see of the united dioceses of Devon and Cornwall was established at Exeter. Cornwall was made into an archdeaconry soon after and remained one until 1876, when it was reestablished as a diocese with its see in Truro. The parishes of St Giles-on-the-Heath, North Petherwin, and Wellington, which are entirely in Devon, along with Boyton, which is partly in Devon and partly in Cornwall, were portions of the old archdeaconry. The parishes of Broadwoodwidger and Virginstowe, both in Devon and added in 1875, were also included in the Truro diocese. The current archdeaconries of Bodmin, covering the eastern part, and Cornwall, covering the western part of the newly formed diocese, were established by order in council in 1878. Aethelstan’s ruling likely defined the civil boundary of the Celtic-speaking county. In 1386, after disputes arose, a commission was appointed to settle the Cornish border between North Tamerton and Hornacot.

For the first four centuries after the Norman conquest the part played by Cornwall in England’s political history was comparatively unimportant. In her final attempt in 1471 to restore the fortunes of the house of Lancaster, Queen Margaret received the active support of the Cornish, who, under Sir Hugh Courtenay and Sir John Arundell, accompanied her to the fatal field of Tewkesbury, and in 1473 John de Vere, earl of Oxford, held St Michael’s Mount in her behalf until the following February, when he surrendered to John Fortescue. A rising of considerable magnitude in 1497 at the instigation of Thomas Flamank, occasioned by the levy of a tax for the Scottish war, was only repelled after the arrival of the insurgents at Blackheath in Kent. Perkin Warbeck, who landed at Whitsand Bay in the parish of Sennen, obtained general support in the same year. The imposition of the Book of Common Prayer and the abrogation of various religious ceremonies led to a rebellion in 1549 under Sir Humphry Arundell of Lanherne, the rebels, who knew little English, demanding the restoration of the Latin service, but a fatal delay under the walls of Exeter led to their early defeat and the execution of their leaders. During the Civil War of the 17th century Cornwall won much glory in the royal cause. In 1643 Sir Ralph Hopton, who commanded the king’s Cornish troops, defeated General Ruthen on Bradoc Down, while General Chudleigh, another parliamentary general, was repulsed near Launceston, and the earl of Stamford at Stratton. The whole county was thereby secured to the king. Led by Sir Beville Grenville of Stow the Cornish troops now marched into Somersetshire, where in the indecisive battle of Lansdowne they greatly distinguished themselves, but lost their brave leader. In July 1644 the earl of Essex marched into Cornwall and was followed soon afterwards by the king’s troops in pursuit. Numerous engagements were fought, in which the latter were uniformly successful. The troops of Essex were surrounded and their leader escaped in a boat from Fowey to Plymouth. In 1646, owing to dissensions amongst the king’s officers, and in particular to the refusal of Sir Richard Grenville to serve under Lord Hopton, and to the defection of Colonel Edgcumbe, the royal cause declined and became desperate. On the 16th of August 1646 articles of capitulation were signed by the defenders of Pendennis Castle.

For the first four centuries after the Norman conquest, Cornwall's role in England’s political history was relatively minor. In her final attempt in 1471 to restore the Lancaster family's fortunes, Queen Margaret received strong support from the Cornish, who, led by Sir Hugh Courtenay and Sir John Arundell, accompanied her to the deadly battlefield of Tewkesbury. In 1473, John de Vere, Earl of Oxford, held St Michael’s Mount on her behalf until February of the following year, when he surrendered to John Fortescue. A significant uprising in 1497, instigated by Thomas Flamank and sparked by a tax for the Scottish war, was only stopped after the insurgents reached Blackheath in Kent. Perkin Warbeck, who arrived at Whitsand Bay in the parish of Sennen, gained widespread support that same year. The introduction of the Book of Common Prayer and the cancellation of various religious ceremonies led to a rebellion in 1549, led by Sir Humphry Arundell of Lanherne. The rebels, who spoke little English, demanded the return of the Latin service, but a critical delay outside Exeter resulted in their quick defeat and the execution of their leaders. During the Civil War in the 17th century, Cornwall gained significant recognition for supporting the royal cause. In 1643, Sir Ralph Hopton, who led the king’s Cornish troops, defeated General Ruthen on Bradoc Down, while another parliamentary general, General Chudleigh, was turned back near Launceston, and the Earl of Stamford at Stratton. This secured the entire county for the king. Commanded by Sir Beville Grenville of Stow, the Cornish troops then marched into Somersetshire, where they distinguished themselves in the inconclusive battle of Lansdowne, but lost their brave leader. In July 1644, the Earl of Essex invaded Cornwall, soon followed by the king’s troops in pursuit. Many skirmishes occurred, in which the king's forces were consistently victorious. Essex's forces were surrounded, and he escaped by boat from Fowey to Plymouth. By 1646, due to disagreements among the king’s officers, especially Sir Richard Grenville's refusal to serve under Lord Hopton, and Colonel Edgcumbe's defection, the royal cause weakened and became dire. On August 16, 1646, articles of capitulation were signed by Pendennis Castle’s defenders.

Two members for the county were summoned by Edward I. to the parliament of 1295, and two continued to be the number of county members until 1832. Six boroughs—Launceston, Liskeard, Lostwithiel, Bodmin, Truro and Helston—were granted the like privilege by the same sovereign. To strengthen and augment the power of the crown as against the House of Commons, between 1547 and 1584, fifteen additional towns and villages received the franchise, with the result that, between the latter date and 1821, Cornwall sent no less than forty-four members to parliament. In 1821 Grampound lost both its members, and by the Reform Act in 1832 fourteen other Cornish boroughs shared the same fate. Cornwall was, in fact, notorious for the number of its rotten boroughs. In the vicinity of Liskeard “within an area, which since 1885 ... is represented by only one member, there were until 1832 nine parliamentary boroughs returning eighteen members. In this area, on the eve of the Reform Act, there was a population of only 14,224” (Porrit, Unreformed House of Commons, vol. i. p. 92). Bossiney, a village near Camelford, Camelford itself, Lostwithiel, East Looe, West Looe, Fowey and several others were disfranchised in 1832, but even until the act of 1885 Bodmin, Helston, Launceston, Liskeard and St Ives were separately represented, whereas Penzance was not. Until this act was passed Truro, and Penryn with Falmouth, returned two members each.

Two members from the county were called by Edward I to the parliament of 1295, and this number remained until 1832. Six boroughs—Launceston, Liskeard, Lostwithiel, Bodmin, Truro, and Helston—were given the same privilege by the same ruler. To strengthen the power of the crown against the House of Commons, between 1547 and 1584, fifteen additional towns and villages were granted voting rights, resulting in Cornwall sending a total of forty-four members to parliament from that time until 1821. In 1821, Grampound lost both of its members, and by the Reform Act in 1832, fourteen other Cornish boroughs lost their representation as well. Cornwall was actually well-known for its many rotten boroughs. Near Liskeard, “within an area, which since 1885 ... is represented by only one member, there were until 1832 nine parliamentary boroughs returning eighteen members. In this area, on the eve of the Reform Act, there was a population of only 14,224” (Porrit, Unreformed House of Commons, vol. i. p. 92). Bossiney, a village near Camelford, Camelford itself, Lostwithiel, East Looe, West Looe, Fowey, and several others were disenfranchised in 1832, but even until the act of 1885, Bodmin, Helston, Launceston, Liskeard, and St Ives were still separately represented, while Penzance was not. Until this act was passed, Truro and Penryn with Falmouth returned two members each.

Antiquities.—No part of England is so rich as Cornwall in prehistoric antiquities. These chiefly abound in the district between Penzance and the Land’s End, but they occur in all the wilder parts of the county. They may be classed as follows. (1) Cromlechs. These in the west of Cornwall are called “quoits,” with reference to their broad and flat covering stones. The largest and most important are those known as Lanyon, Mulfra, Chûn and Zennor quoits, all in the Land’s End district. Of these Chûn is the only one which has not been thrown down. Zennor is said to be the largest in Europe, while Lanyon, when perfect, was of sufficient height for a man on horseback to ride under. Of those in the eastern part of Cornwall, Trevethy near Liskeard and Pawton in the parish of St Breock are the finest. (2) Rude uninscribed monoliths are common to all parts of Cornwall. Those at Boleigh or Boleit, in the parish of St Buryan, S.W. of Penzance, called the Pipers, are the most important. (3) Circles, none of which is of great dimensions. The principal are the Hurlers, near Liskeard; the Boskednan, Boscawen-ûn, and Tregeseal circles; and that called the Dawns-ûn, or Merry Maidens, at Boleigh. All of these, except the Hurlers, are in the Land’s End district. Other circles that may be mentioned are the Trippet Stones, in the parish of Blisland, near Bodmin, and one at Duloe, near Liskeard. (4) Long alignments or avenues of stones, resembling those on Dartmoor, but not so perfect, are to be found on the moors near Rough Tor and Brown Willy. A very remarkable monument of this kind exists in the neighbourhood of St Columb Major, called the Nine Maidens. It consists of nine rude pillars placed in a line, but now imperfect, while near them is a single stone known as the Old Man. (5) Hut dwellings. Of these there are at least two kinds, those in the eastern part of the county resembling the beehive structures and enclosures of Dartmoor, and those in the west comprising “hut-clusters,” having a central court, and a surrounding wall sometimes of considerable height and thickness. The beehive masonry is also found in connexion with these, as are also (6) Caves, or 183 subterraneous structures, resembling those of Scotland and Ireland. (7) Cliff castles are a characteristic feature of the Cornish coast, especially in the west, such as Treryn, Mên, Kenedjack, Bosigran and others. These are all fortified on the landward side. At Treryn Castle is the Logan Stone, a mass of granite so balanced as to rock upon its support. (8) Hill castles, or camps, are very numerous. Castelan-Dinas, near St Columb, is the best example of the earthwork camp, and Chûn Castle, near Penzance, of the stone.

Antiquities.—No part of England is as rich in prehistoric antiquities as Cornwall. These are mainly found in the area between Penzance and the Land’s End, but they can be seen in all the rougher parts of the county. They can be categorized as follows. (1) Cromlechs. In western Cornwall, these are called “quoits,” referring to their broad and flat covering stones. The largest and most significant are known as Lanyon, Mulfra, Chûn, and Zennor quoits, all located in the Land’s End area. Of these, Chûn is the only one that hasn’t been toppled. Zennor is said to be the largest in Europe, while Lanyon, when intact, was high enough for a man on horseback to ride underneath. In the eastern part of Cornwall, Trevethy near Liskeard and Pawton in the parish of St Breock are the finest examples. (2) Rude uninscribed monoliths can be found throughout Cornwall. The ones at Boleigh or Boleit, in the parish of St Buryan, southwest of Penzance, known as the Pipers, are the most notable. (3) Circles, which are not particularly large, include the Hurlers near Liskeard; the Boskednan, Boscawen-ûn, and Tregeseal circles; and the one known as Dawns-ûn, or Merry Maidens, at Boleigh. All of these except the Hurlers are in the Land’s End area. Other circles worth mentioning are the Trippet Stones in the parish of Blisland near Bodmin and one at Duloe near Liskeard. (4) Long alignments or avenues of stones, similar to those on Dartmoor but not as well-preserved, can be found on the moors near Rough Tor and Brown Willy. A very notable monument of this kind is located near St Columb Major, called the Nine Maidens. It consists of nine rough pillars in a line, though they are now incomplete, and nearby is a single stone known as the Old Man. (5) Hut dwellings. There are at least two types, with those in the eastern part of the county resembling the beehive structures found on Dartmoor, and those in the west consisting of “hut-clusters” with a central courtyard and sometimes a tall, thick surrounding wall. The beehive masonry is also found in connection with these, as well as (6) Caves, or 183 subterranean structures, resembling those in Scotland and Ireland. (7) Cliff castles are a distinctive feature of the Cornish coast, especially in the west, such as Treryn, Mên, Kenedjack, Bosigran, and others. These are all fortified on the landward side. At Treryn Castle, there is the Logan Stone, a granite mass balanced to rock on its support. (8) Hill castles or camps are quite numerous. Castelan-Dinas near St Columb is the best example of an earthwork camp, while Chûn Castle near Penzance is a prime example of a stone fortification.

Early Christian remains in Cornwall include crosses, which occur all over the country and are of various dates from the 6th century onward; inscribed sepulchral stones, generally of the 7th and 8th centuries; and oratories. These last have their parallels in Ireland, which is natural, since from that country and Wales Cornwall was christianized. The buildings (also called baptisteries) are very small and rude, a simple parallelogram in form, always placed near a spring. The best example is St Piran’s near Perranzabuloe, which long lay buried in sand dunes. St Piran was one of the missionaries sent from Ireland by St Patrick in the 5th century, and became the patron saint of the tin-miners.

Early Christian remains in Cornwall include crosses, which can be found throughout the region and date from the 6th century onward; inscribed gravestones, mostly from the 7th and 8th centuries; and oratories. These oratories have parallels in Ireland, which makes sense, since Cornwall was Christianized by missionaries from that country and Wales. The buildings (also known as baptisteries) are very small and simple, typically rectangular in shape, and always located near a spring. The best example is St Piran’s near Perranzabuloe, which was buried under sand dunes for a long time. St Piran was one of the missionaries sent from Ireland by St Patrick in the 5th century and became the patron saint of tin miners.

The individuality of Cornwall is reflected in its ecclesiastical architecture. The churches are generally massive, plain structures of granite, built as it were to resist the storms which sweep up from the sea, low in the body, but with high unadorned towers. Within, a common feature is the absence of a chancel arch. In a few cases, of which Gwennap church is an illustration, where the body of the church lies low in a valley, there is a detached campanile at a higher level. The prevalent style is Perpendicular, much rebuilding having taken place in this period, but there are fine examples of the earlier styles. The west front and part of the towers of the church of St Germanus of Auxerre at St Germans form the best survival of Norman work in the county; there are good Norman doorways at Manaccan and Kilkhampton churches, and the church of Morwenstow, near the coast north of Bude, is a remarkable illustration of the same style. This church has the further interest of having had as its rector the Cornish poet Robert Stephen Hawker (1803-1875). The Early English style is not commonly seen, but the small church of St Anthony in Roseland, near the east shore of Falmouth harbour (with an ornate Norman door), and portions of the churches of Camelford and Manaccan, are instances of this period. Decorated work is similarly scanty, but the churches of Sheviock, in the south-east, and St Columb Major have much that is good, and that of St Bartholomew, Lostwithiel, has a beautiful and rich lantern and spire in this style surmounting an Early English tower, while the body of the church is also largely Decorated. Perpendicular churches are so numerous that it is only needful to mention those possessing some peculiar characteristic. Thus, the high ornamentation of Launceston and St Austell churches is unusual in Cornwall, as is the rich and graceful tower of Probus church. St Neot’s church, near Liskeard, has magnificent stained glass of the 15th and 16th centuries.

The unique character of Cornwall shines through in its church architecture. The churches are typically large, simple buildings made of granite, designed to withstand the storms that roll in from the sea. They have low bodies but feature tall, unembellished towers. Inside, a common trait is the lack of a chancel arch. In some instances, like Gwennap church, where the church sits low in a valley, there's a separate bell tower positioned at a higher level. The dominant style is Perpendicular, as many churches were rebuilt during this time, but there are also impressive examples of earlier styles. The west front and parts of the towers of St Germanus of Auxerre church at St Germans represent some of the best surviving Norman architecture in the county. Notable Norman doorways can be found at Manaccan and Kilkhampton churches, and Morwenstow church, located near the coast north of Bude, is a striking example of this style. This church is particularly interesting because it had the Cornish poet Robert Stephen Hawker (1803-1875) as its rector. The Early English style is rare, but the small St Anthony church in Roseland, near the eastern shore of Falmouth harbor (which features an ornate Norman door), along with parts of the churches in Camelford and Manaccan, represent this period. Decorated work is also limited, yet the churches in Sheviock, in the southeast, and St Columb Major showcase some impressive features, while St Bartholomew's church in Lostwithiel boasts a beautiful and intricate lantern and spire in this style atop an Early English tower, with the main body of the church being largely Decorated. There are so many Perpendicular churches that it's only necessary to highlight those with unique characteristics. For example, the highly decorative churches of Launceston and St Austell are unusual for Cornwall, as is the elegant and elaborate tower of Probus church. St Neot's church, near Liskeard, features stunning stained glass from the 15th and 16th centuries.

The ruined castles of Launceston, Trematon near Saltash, Restormel near Lostwithiel, and Tintagel, date, at least in part, from Norman times. St Michael’s Mount was at once a fortress and an ecclesiastical foundation. Pendennis Castle, Falmouth, is of the time of Henry VIII. The mansions of Cornwall are generally remarkable rather for their position than for architectural interest, but Trelawne, partly of the 15th century, near Looe, and Place House, a Tudor building, at Fowey, may be noted.

The ruined castles of Launceston, Trematon near Saltash, Restormel near Lostwithiel, and Tintagel date back, at least in part, to Norman times. St Michael’s Mount served as both a fortress and a religious site. Pendennis Castle in Falmouth was built during the time of Henry VIII. The mansions in Cornwall are usually more notable for their locations than for their architectural significance, but Trelawne, which is partly from the 15th century and located near Looe, and Place House, a Tudor structure in Fowey, are worth mentioning.

Authorities.—See Richard Carew, Survey of Cornwall (London, 1602); W. Borlase, Antiquities of Cornwall (Oxford, 1754 and 1769); D. Gilbert, Parochial History of Cornwall (London, 1837-1838), incorporating collections of W. Hals and Tonkin; J. T. Blight, Ancient Crosses in the East of Cornwall (London, 1858), and Churches of West Cornwall (London, 1865); G. C. Boase and W. P. Courtney, Bibliotheca Cornubiensis, a catalogue of the writings, both MS. and printed, of Cornishmen, and of works relating to Cornwall (Truro and London, 1864-1881); R. Hunt, Popular Romances and Drolls of the West of England (London, 1865); W. Bottrell, Traditions and Hearthside Stories of West Cornwall (Penzance, 1870-1873); J. H. Collins, Handbook to the Mineralogy of Cornwall and Devon (Truro, 1871); W. C. Borlase, Naenia Cornubiae (1872); Early Christianity in Cornwall (London, 1893); J. Bannister, Glossary of Cornish Names (London, 1878); W. P. Courtney, Parliamentary Representation of Cornwall to 1832 (London, 1889); G. C. Boase, Collectanea Cornubiensia (Truro, 1890); J. R. Allen, Old Cornish Crosses (Truro, 1896); A. H. Norway, Highways and Byways in Cornwall (1904); Lewis Hind, Days in Cornwall (1907); Victoria County History, Cornwall.

Authorities.—See Richard Carew, Survey of Cornwall (London, 1602); W. Borlase, Antiquities of Cornwall (Oxford, 1754 and 1769); D. Gilbert, Parochial History of Cornwall (London, 1837-1838), which includes collections from W. Hals and Tonkin; J. T. Blight, Ancient Crosses in the East of Cornwall (London, 1858), and Churches of West Cornwall (London, 1865); G. C. Boase and W. P. Courtney, Bibliotheca Cornubiensis, a catalogue of writings, both manuscript and printed, by Cornish people and about Cornwall (Truro and London, 1864-1881); R. Hunt, Popular Romances and Drolls of the West of England (London, 1865); W. Bottrell, Traditions and Hearthside Stories of West Cornwall (Penzance, 1870-1873); J. H. Collins, Handbook to the Mineralogy of Cornwall and Devon (Truro, 1871); W. C. Borlase, Naenia Cornubiae (1872); Early Christianity in Cornwall (London, 1893); J. Bannister, Glossary of Cornish Names (London, 1878); W. P. Courtney, Parliamentary Representation of Cornwall to 1832 (London, 1889); G. C. Boase, Collectanea Cornubiensia (Truro, 1890); J. R. Allen, Old Cornish Crosses (Truro, 1896); A. H. Norway, Highways and Byways in Cornwall (1904); Lewis Hind, Days in Cornwall (1907); Victoria County History, Cornwall.


CORNWALLIS, CHARLES CORNWALLIS, 1st Marquess (1738-1805), eldest son of Charles, 1st earl of Cornwallis (1700-1762), was born on the 31st of December 1738. Having been educated at Eton and Clare College, Cambridge, he entered the army. For some time he was member of parliament for Eye; in 1761 he served a campaign in Germany, and was gazetted to a lieutenant-colonelcy in the 12th Foot. In 1762 he succeeded to the earldom and estates of his father; in 1765 he was made aide-de-camp to the king and gentleman of the bedchamber; in 1766 he obtained a colonelcy in the 33rd Foot; and in 1770 he was appointed governor of the Tower. In public life he was distinguished by independence of character and inflexible integrity; he voted without regard to party, and opposed the ministerial action against Wilkes and in the case of the American colonies. But when the American War of Independence broke out, he accompanied his regiment across the Atlantic, and served not without success as major-general. In 1780 he was appointed to command the British forces in South Carolina, and in the same year he routed Gates at Camden. In 1781 he defeated Greene at Guilford Court House, and made a destructive raid into Virginia; but he was besieged at Yorktown by French and American armies and a French fleet, and was forced to capitulate on the 19th of October 1781. With him fell the English cause in the United States. He not only escaped censure, however, but in 1786 received a vacant Garter, and was appointed governor-general of India and commander-in-chief in Bengal. As an administrator he projected many reforms, but he was interrupted in his work by the quarrel with Tippoo Sahib. In 1791 he assumed in person the conduct of the war and captured Bangalore; and in 1792 he laid siege to Seringapatam, and concluded a treaty with Tippoo Sahib, which stripped the latter of half his realm, and placed his two sons as hostages in the hands of the English. For the permanent settlement of the land revenue under his administration, see Bengal. He returned to England in 1793, received a marquessate and a seat in the privy council, and was made master-general of the ordnance with a place in the Cabinet. In June 1798 he was appointed to the viceroyalty of Ireland, and the zeal with which he strove to pacify the country gained him the respect and good-will of both Roman Catholics and Orangemen. On the 17th of July a general amnesty was proclaimed, and a few weeks afterwards the French army under Humbert was surrounded and forced to surrender. In 1801 Cornwallis was replaced by Lord Hardwicke, and soon after he was appointed plenipotentiary to negotiate the treaty of Amiens (1802). In 1805 he was again sent to India as governor-general, to replace Lord Wellesley, whose policy was too advanced for the directors of the East India Company. He was in ill-health when he arrived at Calcutta, and while hastening up the country to assume command of the troops, he died at Ghazipur, in the district of Benares, on the 5th of October 1805. He was succeeded as 2nd marquess by his only son, Charles (1774-1823). On his death the marquessate became extinct, but the title of Earl Cornwallis passed to his uncle, James (1743-1824), who was bishop of Lichfield from 1781 until his death. His son and successor, James, the 5th earl, whose son predeceased him in 1835, died in May 1852, when the Cornwallis titles became extinct.

CORNWALLIS, CHARLES CORNWALLIS, 1st Marquess (1738-1805), the eldest son of Charles, 1st Earl of Cornwallis (1700-1762), was born on December 31, 1738. After being educated at Eton and Clare College, Cambridge, he joined the army. For a while, he was a member of Parliament for Eye; in 1761 he served in a campaign in Germany and was promoted to lieutenant-colonel in the 12th Foot. In 1762, he inherited his father's earldom and estates; in 1765 he became aide-de-camp to the king and a gentleman of the bedchamber; in 1766 he was given a colonelcy in the 33rd Foot; and in 1770 he was named governor of the Tower. In public life, he was known for his independence and unwavering integrity; he voted based on his beliefs rather than party lines, opposing the government's actions against Wilkes and concerning the American colonies. However, when the American War of Independence began, he went with his regiment across the Atlantic and served successfully as a major-general. In 1780, he was appointed to lead the British forces in South Carolina, where he defeated Gates at Camden that same year. In 1781, he beat Greene at Guilford Court House and made a devastating raid into Virginia; but he was besieged at Yorktown by French and American forces along with a French fleet, ultimately surrendering on October 19, 1781. This marked the downfall of the British cause in the United States. He not only avoided blame but in 1786 received a vacant Garter and was appointed governor-general of India and commander-in-chief in Bengal. As an administrator, he proposed many reforms but was interrupted by conflicts with Tippoo Sahib. In 1791, he personally took charge of the war and captured Bangalore; in 1792, he laid siege to Seringapatam and negotiated a treaty with Tippoo Sahib that took away half of his realm and placed his two sons as hostages to the British. For the permanent settlement of the land revenue during his administration, see Bengal. He returned to England in 1793, received a marquessate and a seat in the Privy Council, and became master-general of the ordnance with a Cabinet position. In June 1798, he was appointed viceroy of Ireland, and his dedication to calming the region earned him respect from both Roman Catholics and Orangemen. On July 17, a general amnesty was declared, and a few weeks later, the French army under Humbert was surrounded and forced to surrender. In 1801, Cornwallis was replaced by Lord Hardwicke, shortly after which he was named plenipotentiary to negotiate the Treaty of Amiens (1802). In 1805, he was once again sent to India as governor-general to succeed Lord Wellesley, whose policies were too progressive for the directors of the East India Company. He arrived in Calcutta in poor health, and while traveling upcountry to take command of the troops, he died in Ghazipur, in the Benares district, on October 5, 1805. He was succeeded as 2nd Marquess by his only son, Charles (1774-1823). Upon his death, the marquessate became extinct, but the Earl Cornwallis title passed to his uncle, James (1743-1824), who served as bishop of Lichfield from 1781 until his death. His son and successor, James, the 5th Earl, whose own son died before him in 1835, passed away in May 1852, leading to the extinction of the Cornwallis titles.

See W. S. Seton-Karr, The Marquess Cornwallis, “Rulers of India” Series (1890).

See W. S. Seton-Karr, The Marquess Cornwallis, “Rulers of India” Series (1890).


CORNWALLIS, SIR WILLIAM (1744-1819), British admiral, was the brother of the 1st Marquess Cornwallis, governor-general of India. He was born on the 20th of February 1744, and entered the navy in 1755. His promotion was naturally rapid, and in 1766 he had reached post-rank. Until 1779 he held various commands doing the regular work of the navy in convoy. In that year he commanded the “Lion” (64) in the fleet of Admiral Byron. The “Lion” was very roughly handled in the battle 184 off Grenada on the 6th of July 1779, and had to make her way alone to Jamaica. In March 1780 he fought an action in company with two other vessels against a much superior French force off Monti Cristi, and had another encounter with them near Bermuda in June. The force he engaged was the fleet carrying the troops of Rochambeau to North America, and was too strong for his squadron of two small liners, two fifty-gun ships and a frigate. After taking part in the second relief of Gibraltar, he returned to North America, and served with Hood in the actions at the Basse Terre of St Kitts, and with Rodney in the battle of Dominica on the 12th of April 1782. Some very rough verses which he wrote on the action have been printed in Leyland’s “Brest-Papers,” published for the Navy Record Society, which show that he thought very ill of Rodney’s conduct of the battle. In 1788 he went to the East Indies as commodore, where he remained till 1794. He had some share in the war with Tippoo Sahib, and helped to reduce Pondicherry. His promotion to rear-admiral dates from the 1st of February 1793, and on the 4th of July 1794 he became vice-admiral.

CORNWALLIS, SIR WILLIAM (1744-1819), British admiral, was the brother of the 1st Marquess Cornwallis, who served as governor-general of India. He was born on February 20, 1744, and joined the navy in 1755. His rise through the ranks was quick, and by 1766 he achieved post-rank. Until 1779, he held various commands, doing the standard work of the navy in convoy. That year, he commanded the “Lion” (64) in Admiral Byron's fleet. The “Lion” was heavily damaged in the battle 184 off Grenada on July 6, 1779, and had to make its way alone to Jamaica. In March 1780, he engaged in a battle alongside two other ships against a much larger French force off Monti Cristi, and had another clash with them near Bermuda in June. The force he faced was the fleet transporting Rochambeau’s troops to North America, which was too powerful for his squadron of two small liners, two fifty-gun ships, and a frigate. After participating in the second relief of Gibraltar, he returned to North America and served with Hood in the actions at Basse Terre, St Kitts, and with Rodney in the Battle of Dominica on April 12, 1782. Some very critical verses he wrote about the battle were published in Leyland’s “Brest-Papers,” released for the Navy Record Society, which indicate he disapproved of Rodney’s handling of the engagement. In 1788, he went to the East Indies as commodore, where he stayed until 1794. He played a role in the war with Tippoo Sahib and helped capture Pondicherry. He was promoted to rear-admiral on February 1, 1793, and became vice-admiral on July 4, 1794.

In the Revolutionary War his services were in the Channel. The most signal of them was performed on the 16th of June 1795, when he carried out what was always spoken of with respect as “the retreat of Cornwallis.” He was cruising near Brest with four sail of the line and two frigates, when he was sighted by a French fleet of twelve sail of the line, and many large frigates commanded by Villarat Joyeuse. The odds being very great he was compelled to make off. But two of his ships were heavy sailers and fell behind. He was consequently overtaken, and attacked on both sides. The rearmost ship, the “Mars” (74), suffered severely in her rigging and was in danger of being surrounded by the French. Cornwallis turned to support her, and the enemy, impressed by a conviction that he must be relying on help within easy reach, gave up the pursuit. The action affords a remarkable proof of the moral superiority which the victory of the 1st of June, and the known efficiency of the crews, had given to the British navy. The reputation of Cornwallis was immensely raised, and the praise given him was no doubt the greater because he was personally very popular with officers and men. In 1796 he incurred a court-martial in consequence of a misunderstanding and apparently some temper on both sides, on the charge of refusing to obey an order from the Admiralty. He was practically acquitted. The substance of the case was that he demurred on the ground of health at being called upon to go to the West Indies, in a small frigate, and without “comfort.” He became full admiral in 1799, and held the Channel command for a short interval in 1801 and from 1803 to 1806, but saw no further service. He was made a G.C.B. in 1815, and died on the 5th of July 1819. His various nicknames among the sailors, “Billy go tight,” given on account of his rubicund complexion, “Billy Blue,” “Coachee,” and “Mr Whip,” seem to show that he was regarded with more of affection than reverence.

In the Revolutionary War, his actions took place in the Channel. The most notable event happened on June 16, 1795, when he executed what was always referred to with respect as “the retreat of Cornwallis.” He was cruising near Brest with four ships of the line and two frigates when a French fleet of twelve ships of the line and many large frigates, commanded by Villarat Joyeuse, spotted him. Facing overwhelming odds, he had to flee. However, two of his ships were fast sailers and lagged behind. They were subsequently caught and attacked from both sides. The rearmost ship, the “Mars” (74), took heavy damage to her rigging and was at risk of being surrounded by the French. Cornwallis turned to assist her, and the enemy, believing he must have support nearby, abandoned the pursuit. This incident is a striking example of the moral advantage that the victory of June 1 and the known effectiveness of the crews had given to the British navy. Cornwallis's reputation greatly improved, and the praise he received was likely more significant because he was personally well-liked by both officers and crew. In 1796, he faced a court-martial due to a misunderstanding and some temper on both sides, related to a charge of refusing an order from the Admiralty. He was essentially acquitted. The crux of the case was that he expressed concerns about his health when ordered to sail to the West Indies in a small frigate without “comfort.” He became a full admiral in 1799 and held the Channel command briefly in 1801 and again from 1803 to 1806, but he did not see any further action. He was made a G.C.B. in 1815 and died on July 5, 1819. His various nicknames among the sailors, “Billy go tight,” due to his rosy complexion, “Billy Blue,” “Coachee,” and “Mr. Whip,” suggest that he was viewed with more affection than reverence.

See also Ralfe, Nav. Biog. i. 387; Naval Chronicle, vii. 1; Charnock, Biogr. Nav. vi. 523.

See also Ralfe, Nav. Biog. i. 387; Naval Chronicle, vii. 1; Charnock, Biogr. Nav. vi. 523.


CORO, a small city and the capital of the state of Falcón, Venezuela, 7 m. W. of La Vela de Coro (its port on the Caribbean coast), with which it is connected by rail, and 199 m. W.N.W. of Carácas. Pop. (1904, estimate) 9500. Coro stands on a sandy plain between the Caribbean and the Gulf of Venezuela, and near the isthmus connecting the peninsula of Paraguaná with the mainland. Its elevation above sea-level is only 105 ft., and its climate is hot but not unhealthy. The city is badly built, its streets are unpaved, and it has no public buildings of note except two old churches. Its water-supply is derived from springs some distance away. Coro is the commercial centre for an extensive district on the E. side of Lake Maracaibo and the Gulf of Venezuela, which exports large quantities of goat-skins, an excellent quality of tobacco, and some coffee, cacao, castor beans, timber and dyewoods. It was founded in 1527 by Juan de Ampués, who gave to it the name of Santa Ana de Coriana (afterwards corrupted to Santa Ana de Coro) in honour of the day and of the tribe of Indians inhabiting this locality. It was also called Venezuela (little Venice) because of an Indian village on the gulf coast built on piles over the shallow water; this name was afterwards bestowed upon the province of which Coro was the capital. Coro was also made the chief factory of the Welsers, the German banking house to which Charles V. mortgaged this part of his colonial possessions, and it was the starting-point for many exploring and colonizing expeditions into the interior. It was made a bishopric in 1536, and for a time Coro was one of the three most important towns on the northern coast. The seat of government was removed to Carácas in 1578 and the bishopric five years later. Coro is celebrated in Venezuelan history as the scene of Miranda’s first attempt to free his country from Spanish rule. It suffered greatly in the war which followed.

CORO, is a small city and the capital of Falcón state in Venezuela, located 7 miles west of La Vela de Coro (its port on the Caribbean coast), which it is connected to by rail, and 199 miles west-northwest of Caracas. The estimated population in 1904 was 9,500. Coro is situated on a sandy plain between the Caribbean and the Gulf of Venezuela, close to the isthmus that links the Paraguaná peninsula with the mainland. It sits at an elevation of only 105 feet above sea level, and while the climate is hot, it is not unhealthy. The city is poorly constructed, with unpaved streets and no significant public buildings apart from two old churches. Its water supply comes from springs located some distance away. Coro serves as the commercial center for a large area on the eastern side of Lake Maracaibo and the Gulf of Venezuela, which exports substantial amounts of goat skins, high-quality tobacco, and some coffee, cacao, castor beans, timber, and dyewoods. It was founded in 1527 by Juan de Ampués, who named it Santa Ana de Coriana (later shortened to Santa Ana de Coro) in honor of the day and the local tribe of Indigenous people. It was also called Venezuela (little Venice) because of an Indigenous village on the gulf coast built on stilts over shallow water; this name was later given to the province of which Coro was the capital. Coro was also established as the main trading post for the Welsers, a German banking house that Charles V mortgaged part of his colonial possessions to, and it served as the starting point for many exploration and colonization expeditions into the interior. It became a bishopric in 1536, and for some time, Coro was one of the three most important towns on the northern coast. The seat of government moved to Caracas in 1578, followed by the bishopric five years later. Coro is notable in Venezuelan history as the site of Miranda’s first attempt to liberate his country from Spanish rule, suffering greatly during the subsequent war.


COROMANDEL COAST, a name formerly applied officially to the eastern seaboard of India approximately between Cape Calimere, in 10° 17′ N., 79° 56′ E., and the mouths of the Kistna river. The shore, which is low, is without a single good natural harbour, and is at all times beaten by a heavy sea. Communication with ships can be effected only by catamarans and flat-bottomed surf-boats. The north-east monsoon, which lasts from October till April, is exceedingly violent for three months after its commencement. From April till October hot southerly winds blow by day; at night the heat is tempered by sea-breezes. The principal places frequented by shipping are Pulicat, Madras, Sadras, Pondicherry, Cuddalore, Tranquebar, Nagore, and Negapatam. The name Coromandel is said to be derived from Cholamandal, the mandal or region of the ancient dynasty of the Chola. Its official use has lapsed.

COROMANDEL COAST, was the official name for the eastern coastline of India, roughly between Cape Calimere at 10° 17′ N., 79° 56′ E., and the Kistna river's mouth. The shore is low, lacks any decent natural harbors, and is always hit by strong waves. Ships can only access the area using catamarans and flat-bottomed surf boats. The northeast monsoon, which runs from October to April, is extremely fierce for three months after it starts. From April to October, hot southerly winds blow during the day, while sea breezes cool things down at night. The main ports used by ships are Pulicat, Madras, Sadras, Pondicherry, Cuddalore, Tranquebar, Nagore, and Negapatam. The name Coromandel is believed to come from Cholamandal, referring to the region of the ancient Chola dynasty. Its official use has ended.


CORONA (Lat. for “crown”), in astronomy, the exterior envelope of the sun, being beyond the photosphere and chromosphere, invisible in the telescope and unrecognized by the spectroscope, except during a total eclipse (see Sun; Eclipse).

CORONA (Latin for “crown”), in astronomy, refers to the outer layer of the sun, located beyond the photosphere and chromosphere. It can't be seen through a telescope and isn't identified by a spectroscope, except during a total eclipse (see Sun; Eclipse).

Corona Borealis, also known as the Corona septentrionalis, and the Northern Crown or Garland, is a constellation of the Northern hemisphere, mentioned by Eudoxus (4th cent. B.C.) and Aratus (3rd cent. B.C.). In the catalogues of Ptolemy, Tycho Brahe, and Hevelius, eight stars are mentioned; but recent uranographic surveys have greatly increased this number. The most interesting members are: σ Coronae, a binary consisting of a yellow star of the 6th magnitude, and a bluish star of the 7th magnitude; R Coronae, an irregular variable star; and T Coronae or Nova Coronae, a temporary or new star, first observed in 1866. Corona Australis, also known as Corona meridionalis, or the Southern Crown, is a constellation of the Southern hemisphere, mentioned by Eudoxus and Aratus. In Ptolemy’s catalogue thirteen stars are described.

Corona Borealis, also called the Corona septentrionalis, and the Northern Crown or Garland, is a constellation in the Northern Hemisphere, referenced by Eudoxus (4th century B.C.) and Aratus (3rd century B.C.). In the catalogs of Ptolemy, Tycho Brahe, and Hevelius, eight stars are noted; however, recent surveys of the sky have significantly increased this count. The most notable stars include: σ Coronae, a binary system featuring a yellow star of 6th magnitude and a bluish star of 7th magnitude; R Coronae, an irregular variable star; and T Coronae or Nova Coronae, a temporary or new star first observed in 1866. Corona Australis, also known as Corona meridionalis, or the Southern Crown, is a constellation in the Southern Hemisphere, mentioned by Eudoxus and Aratus. Ptolemy’s catalog describes thirteen stars.

In physical science, coronae (or “glories”) are the coloured rings frequently seen closely encircling the sun or moon. Formerly classified by the ancient Greeks with halos, rainbows, &c., under the general group of “meteors,” they came to receive considerable attention at the hands of Descartes, Christiaan Huygens, and Sir Isaac Newton; but the correct explanation of coronae was reserved until the beginning of the 19th century, when Thomas Young applied the theories of the diffraction and interference of light to this phenomenon. Prior to Young, halos and coronae had not been clearly differentiated; they were both regarded as caused by the refraction of light by atmospheric moisture and ice, although observation had shown that important distinctions existed between these phenomena. Thus, while halos have certain definite radii, viz. 22° and 46°, the radii of coronae vary very considerably; also, halos are coloured red on the inside, whereas coronae are coloured red on the outside (see Halo).

In physical science, coronae (or “glories”) are the colored rings often seen surrounding the sun or moon. Previously classified by the ancient Greeks along with halos, rainbows, etc., as part of the general group of “meteors,” they gained significant attention from Descartes, Christiaan Huygens, and Sir Isaac Newton. However, the correct explanation of coronae wasn't discovered until the early 19th century when Thomas Young applied the theories of diffraction and interference of light to this phenomenon. Before Young, halos and coronae had not been clearly separated; both were thought to be caused by the refraction of light by atmospheric moisture and ice, even though observations indicated important differences between them. For example, while halos have specific radii, namely 22° and 46°, the radii of coronae can vary greatly; additionally, halos are colored red on the inside, while coronae are colored red on the outside (see Halo).

It has now been firmly established, both experimentally and mathematically, that coronae are due to diffraction by the minute particles of moisture and dust suspended in the atmosphere, and the radii of the rings depend on the size of the diffracting particles. (See Diffraction of Light.)

It is now clearly established, through both experiments and calculations, that coronas are caused by the diffraction from tiny particles of moisture and dust in the atmosphere, and the sizes of the rings depend on the size of the particles causing the diffraction. (See Diffraction of Light.)

Other meteorological phenomena caused by the diffraction of light include the anthelia, and the chromatic rings seen encircling shadows thrown on a bank of clouds, mist or fog. These appearances 185 differ from halos and coronae inasmuch as their centres are at the anti-solar point; they thus resemble the rainbow. The anthelia (from the Greek ἀντί, opposite, and ἥλιος, the sun) are coloured red on the inside, the outside being generally colourless owing to the continued overlapping of many spectra. The diameter increases with the size of the globules making up the mist. The chromatic rings seen encircling the “spectre of the Brocken” are similarly explained.

Other weather phenomena caused by the bending of light include the anthelia and the colorful rings seen around shadows cast on clouds, mist, or fog. These appearances 185 differ from halos and coronae because their centers are at the anti-solar point; they thus resemble a rainbow. The anthelia (from the Greek αντί, meaning opposite, and sun, meaning sun) are colored red on the inside, while the outside is generally colorless due to the overlapping of many spectra. The diameter increases with the size of the droplets making up the mist. The colorful rings seen around the “spectre of the Brocken” are explained in a similar way.

The blue colour of the sky (q.v.), supernumerary rainbows, and the gorgeous sunsets observed after intense volcanic disturbances, when the atmosphere is charged with large quantities of extremely minute dust particles (e.g. Krakatoa), are also explicable by the diffraction of light. (See Dust.)

The blue color of the sky (q.v.), extra rainbows, and the beautiful sunsets seen after major volcanic eruptions, when the atmosphere is filled with tiny dust particles (like from Krakatoa), can also be explained by the diffraction of light. (See Dust.)

See E. Mascart, Traité d’optique (1899-1903); J. Pernter, Meteorologische Optik (1902-1905).

See E. Mascart, Traité d’optique (1899-1903); J. Pernter, Meteorologische Optik (1902-1905).

In architecture, the term “corona” is used of that part of a cornice which projects over the bed mould and constitutes the chief protection to the wall from rain; it is always throated, and its soffit rises towards the wall. The term is also given to the apse or semicircular termination of the choir; as at Canterbury in the part called “Becket’s crown.” The large circular chandelier suspended in churches, of which the finest example is that given by Barbarossa to Aix-la-Chapelle, is often called a corona. The term is also used in botany of the crown-like appendage at the top of compound flowers, the diminutive being coronule.

In architecture, the term “corona” refers to the part of a cornice that extends over the bed mould, providing primary protection to the wall from rain; it always has a groove, and its underside slopes up toward the wall. This term is also used for the apse or semicircular end of the choir, like at Canterbury in the area called “Becket’s crown.” The large circular chandelier hanging in churches, with the most notable example being the one given by Barbarossa to Aix-la-Chapelle, is often referred to as a corona. In botany, the term describes the crown-like structure at the top of compound flowers, with the smaller version called coronule.


CORONACH (a Gaelic word, from comh, with, and ranach, wailing), the lamentation or dirge for the dead which accompanied funerals in the Highlands of Scotland and in Ireland. The more usual term in Ireland is “keen” or “keening.”

CORONACH (a Gaelic word, from comh, meaning with, and ranach, meaning wailing), refers to the lament or dirge for the dead that accompanied funerals in the Highlands of Scotland and in Ireland. The more common term in Ireland is “keen” or “keening.”


CORONADO, FRANCISCO VASQUEZ DE (c. 1500-c. 1545), Spanish explorer of the south-western part of the United States of America. He accompanied Antonio de Mendoza to New Spain in 1535; by a brilliant marriage, became a leading grandee, and in 1539 was appointed governor of the province of New Galicia. The report presented by Fray Marcos de Niza concerning the “Seven cities of Cibola” (now identified almost certainly with the Zuñi pueblos of New Mexico) aroused great interest in Mexico; Melchior Diaz was sent late in 1539 to retrace Fray Marcos’s route and report on his story; and an expedition under Coronado left Compostela for the “Seven Cities” in February 1540. This expedition consisted of a provision train and droves of live-stock; several hundred friendly Indians, Spanish footmen, and more than 250 horsemen. Coronado, with a part of this force, captured the “Seven Cities.” The fabled wealth, however, was not there. In the autumn (1540) Coronado was joined by the rest of his army. Meanwhile exploring parties were sent out: Tusayan, the Hopi or Moki (Moqui) country of north-eastern Arizona, was visited; Garcia Lopez de Cardenas discovered and described the Grand Canyon of the Colorado; and expeditions were sent along the Rio Grande (Tuguez), where the army wintered. The Indians revolted but were put down. The army, reinspirited by the tales of a plains-Indian slave1 about vast herds of cows (bison) on the plains, and about an Eldorado called “Quivira” far to the N.E., started thither in April 1541, and, with a few horsemen, penetrated at least to what is now central Kansas. Here Coronado found a few permanent settlements of Indians; in October he was again on the Rio Grande; and in the spring of 1542 he led his followers home. Thereafter he practically disappears from history. The first description of the bison and the prairie plains, the first trustworthy account of the Zuñi pueblos, the discovery of the Grand Canyon, a vast increase of the nominal dominion of Spain and Christianity (the priests did not return from Cibola), and a notable addition to geographical knowledge, which, however, was long forgotten, were the results of this expedition; which is, besides, for its duration and the vast distance covered, over mountains, desert and plains, one of the most remarkable expeditions in the history of American discovery. In connexion with it, in 1540, Hernando de Alarcon ascended the Gulf of California to its head and the Colorado river for a long distance above its mouth.

CORONADO, FRANCISCO VASQUEZ DE (c. 1500-c. 1545), Spanish explorer of the southwestern part of the United States. He went with Antonio de Mendoza to New Spain in 1535; through a successful marriage, he became a prominent nobleman, and in 1539 he was named governor of the province of New Galicia. The report from Fray Marcos de Niza about the “Seven Cities of Cibola” (now almost certainly identified with the Zuñi pueblos of New Mexico) sparked great interest in Mexico; Melchior Diaz was sent late in 1539 to retrace Fray Marcos’s route and verify his account; and an expedition led by Coronado departed from Compostela for the “Seven Cities” in February 1540. This expedition included a supply train and herds of livestock; several hundred friendly Indians, Spanish infantry, and over 250 horsemen. Coronado, with part of this force, captured the “Seven Cities.” However, the legendary riches were not there. In the fall of 1540, Coronado was joined by the remainder of his army. Meanwhile, exploratory groups were dispatched: the Tusayan region, home to the Hopi or Moki (Moqui) in northeastern Arizona, was visited; Garcia Lopez de Cardenas discovered and described the Grand Canyon of the Colorado; and expeditions were sent along the Rio Grande (Tuguez), where the army spent the winter. The Indians rebelled but were subdued. The army, encouraged by the tales of a plains-Indian slave about vast herds of buffalo (bison) on the plains, and an Eldorado called “Quivira” far to the northeast, set out in April 1541, and, with a few horsemen, reached at least what is now central Kansas. Here, Coronado found a few permanent Indian settlements; by October he was back on the Rio Grande; and in the spring of 1542, he led his followers home. After that, he virtually vanished from history. The expedition produced the first description of the bison and the plains, the first reliable account of the Zuñi pueblos, the discovery of the Grand Canyon, a significant expansion of Spain's and Christianity’s nominal territory (the priests did not return from Cibola), and a notable contribution to geographical knowledge, which, however, was largely forgotten. It is one of the most remarkable expeditions in the history of American exploration due to its duration and the vast distances traversed over mountains, deserts, and plains. In conjunction with this, in 1540, Hernando de Alarcon traveled up the Gulf of California to its source and a considerable distance up the Colorado River above its mouth.

All the essential sources with a critical narrative are available in G. P. Winship’s The Coronado Expedition (in the 14th Report of the United States Bureau of Ethnology, for 1892-1893, Washington, 1896), except the Tratado del descubrimiento de las Yndias y su conquesta of Juan Suarez de Peralta (written in the last third of the 16th century, republished at Madrid, 1878). See also especially Justo Zaragoza, Noticias historicas de la Nueva España (Madrid, 1878), the various writings of A. F. A. Bandelier (q.v.); General J. H. Simpson in Smithsonian Institution Report (Washington, 1869), with an excellent map; and Winship for a full bibliography. H. H. Bancroft’s account in his Pacific States (vols. 5, 10, 12) is less authoritative.

All the key sources with a critical narrative can be found in G. P. Winship’s The Coronado Expedition (in the 14th Report of the United States Bureau of Ethnology, for 1892-1893, Washington, 1896), except for the Tratado del descubrimiento de las Yndias y su conquista by Juan Suarez de Peralta (written in the late 16th century, republished in Madrid, 1878). Also, see especially Justo Zaragoza's Noticias historicas de la Nueva España (Madrid, 1878), the various writings of A. F. A. Bandelier (q.v.); General J. H. Simpson in the Smithsonian Institution Report (Washington, 1869), which includes a great map; and Winship for a complete bibliography. H. H. Bancroft’s account in his Pacific States (vols. 5, 10, 12) is less authoritative.


1 He was later killed for deception, and confessed that the Pecos Indians induced him to lure Coronado to destruction.

1 He was eventually killed for trickery and admitted that the Pecos Indians convinced him to lead Coronado to his downfall.


CORONATION (Lat. corona, crown), a solemnity whereby sovereigns are inaugurated in office. In pre-Christian times in Europe the king or ruler, upon his election, was raised on a shield, and, standing upon it, was borne on the shoulders of certain of the chief men of the tribe, or nation, round the assembled people. This was called the gyratio, and it was usually performed three times. At its conclusion a spear was placed in the king’s hand, and the diadem, a richly wrought band of silk or linen, which must not be confused with the crown (see Crown and Coronet), was bound round his forehead, as a token of regal authority. When Europe became Christian, a religious service of benediction was added to the older form, which, however, was not abandoned. Derived from the Teutons, the Franks continued the gyratio, and Clovis, Sigebert, Pippin and others were thus elevated to the royal estate. From a combination of the old custom with the religious service, the later coronation ceremonies were gradually developed. In the ceremonial procession of the English king from the Tower to Westminster (first abandoned at the coronation of James II.), in the subsequent elevation of the king into what was known as the marble chair in Westminster Hall, and in the showing of the king of France to the people, as also in the universal practice of delivering a sceptre to the new ruler, traces, it is thought, may be detected of the influence of the original function.

CORONATION (Lat. corona, crown), a ceremony where rulers are inaugurated into their roles. In pre-Christian Europe, when a king or ruler was elected, he was lifted on a shield and carried on the shoulders of a few prominent leaders from his tribe or nation around the gathered crowd. This was called the gyratio, and it typically happened three times. At the end of this, a spear was put in the king's hand, and the diadem, a beautifully crafted band made of silk or linen, which should not be confused with the crown (see Crown and Coronet), was tied around his forehead as a symbol of royal power. When Europe adopted Christianity, a blessing service was added to the old customs, which were not completely replaced. The Franks, influenced by the Teutons, continued the gyratio, and leaders like Clovis, Sigebert, and Pippin were elevated to royalty in this way. Over time, the combination of the ancient ritual and the religious service evolved into the coronation ceremonies we see later. In the ceremonial procession of the English king from the Tower to Westminster (which was first skipped at the coronation of James II), in the subsequent elevation of the king to what was known as the marble chair in Westminster Hall, and in the presentation of the king of France to the people, along with the common practice of handing a sceptre to the new ruler, it is believed we can see remnants of the original ritual.

The added religious service was naturally derived from the Bible, where mention is frequently made, in the Old Testament, of the anointing and crowning of kings. The anointing of the king soon came to be regarded as the most important, if not essential, feature of the service. By virtue of the unction which he received, the sovereign was regarded, in the middle ages, as a mixta persona, in part a priest, and in part a layman. It was a strange theory, and Lyndwode, the great English canonist, is cautious as to it, and was content to say that it was the opinion of some people. It gained very wide acceptance, and the anointed sovereign was generally regarded as, in some degree, possessed of the priestly character. By virtue of the unction he had received, the emperor was made a canon of St John Lateran and of St Peter at Rome, and also of the collegiate church of Aachen, while the king of France was premier chanoine of the primatial church of Lyons, and held canonries at Embrun, Le Mans, Montpellier, St Pol-de-Léon, Lodève, and other cathedral churches in France. There are, moreover, trustworthy records that, on more than one occasion, a king of France, habited in a surplice and choir robes, took part with the clergy in the services of some of those churches. Martène quotes an order, which directs that at the imperial coronation at Rome, the pope ought to sing the mass, the emperor read the gospel, and the king of Sicily, or if present the king of France, the epistle. Nothing like this was known in England, and a theory, which has prevailed of late, that the English sovereign is, in a personal sense, canon of St David’s, is based on a misconception. The canonry in question was attached to St Mary’s College at St David’s before the Reformation, and, at the dissolution of the college, became crown property, which it has remained ever since; but the king of England is not, and never was personally, a canon of St David’s, nor did he ever perform any quasi-clerical function.

The added religious service naturally came from the Bible, where the anointing and crowning of kings is often mentioned in the Old Testament. The anointing of the king soon became regarded as the most important, if not essential, part of the service. Because of the blessing he received, the sovereign was seen in the Middle Ages as a mixta persona, part priest and part layman. This was a strange theory, and Lyndwode, the notable English canonist, was cautious about it, admitting it was the opinion of some. Nonetheless, it became widely accepted, and the anointed sovereign was generally viewed as having some degree of priestly character. Through the blessing he received, the emperor was made a canon of St. John Lateran and of St. Peter in Rome, as well as of the collegiate church of Aachen. The king of France was the premier chanoine of the primatial church of Lyon and held canonries at Embrun, Le Mans, Montpellier, St Pol-de-Léon, Lodève, and other cathedral churches in France. Moreover, there are reliable records showing that on more than one occasion, a king of France, dressed in a surplice and choir robes, participated with the clergy in the services of some of those churches. Martène quotes an order stating that at the imperial coronation in Rome, the pope should sing the mass, the emperor should read the Gospel, and the king of Sicily, or if he was present, the king of France, should read the epistle. Nothing like this happened in England, and a more recent theory that the English sovereign is, in a personal sense, a canon of St. David’s is based on a misunderstanding. The canonry in question was attached to St. Mary’s College at St. David’s before the Reformation, and when the college was dissolved, it became crown property, which it remains today; however, the king of England is not, and never was personally, a canon of St. David’s, nor did he ever perform any quasi-clerical role.

At first a single anointing on the head was the practice, but afterwards other parts of the body, as the breast, arms, shoulders and hands received the unction. From a very early period in the West three kinds of oil have been blessed each year on Maundy Thursday, the oil of the catechumens, the oil of the sick, and the chrism. The last, a compound of olive oil and 186 balsam, is only used for the most sacred purposes, and the oil of the catechumens was that used for the unction of kings. In France, however, a legend gained credence that, as a special sign of divine favour, the Holy Dove had miraculously descended from heaven, bearing a vessel (afterwards called the Sainte Ampoule), containing holy oil, and had placed it on the altar for the coronation of Clovis. A drop of oil from the Sainte Ampoule mixed with chrism was afterwards used for anointing the kings of France. Similarly the chrism was introduced into English coronations, for the first time probably at the coronation of Edward II. To rival the French story another miracle was related that the Virgin Mary had appeared to Thomas Becket, and had given him a vessel with holy oil, which at some future period was to be used for the sacring of the English king. A full account of this miracle, and the subsequent finding of the vessel, is contained in a letter written in 1318 by Pope John XXII. to Edward II. The chrism was used in addition to the holy oil. The king was first anointed with the oil, and then signed on the head with the chrism. In all other countries the oil of the catechumens was alone used. In consequence of the use of chrism the kings of England and France were thought to be able to cure scrofula by the imposition of their hands, and hence arose the practice in those countries of touching for the king’s evil, as it was called. In England the chrism disappeared at the Reformation, but touching for the evil was continued till the accession of the house of Hanover in 1714.

At first, the practice was to anoint just the head, but later, other parts of the body, like the chest, arms, shoulders, and hands, were also anointed. From very early on in the West, three types of oil have been blessed each year on Maundy Thursday: the oil of the catechumens, the oil of the sick, and the chrism. The chrism, a mix of olive oil and 186 balsam, is reserved for the most sacred purposes, while the oil of the catechumens was used for the anointing of kings. In France, a legend emerged that, as a special sign of divine favor, the Holy Dove miraculously descended from heaven, carrying a vessel (later known as the Sainte Ampoule) with holy oil and placed it on the altar for Clovis's coronation. A drop of oil from the Sainte Ampoule mixed with chrism was later used to anoint the kings of France. The use of chrism was also introduced to English coronations, likely for the first time at Edward II’s coronation. To rival the French story, another miracle was recounted in which the Virgin Mary appeared to Thomas Becket and gave him a vessel with holy oil, which was to be used for the anointing of the English king in the future. A detailed account of this miracle and the subsequent discovery of the vessel is found in a letter written in 1318 by Pope John XXII to Edward II. The chrism was used alongside the holy oil. The king was first anointed with the oil, then signed on the head with the chrism. In all other countries, only the oil of the catechumens was used. Because of the use of chrism, the kings of England and France were believed to have the ability to cure scrofula by laying their hands on those afflicted, leading to the practice in those countries known as touching for the king’s evil. In England, the chrism disappeared during the Reformation, but the practice of touching for the evil continued until the accession of the house of Hanover in 1714.

The oldest of all existing rituals for the coronation of a king is contained in what is known as the Pontifical of Egbert, who was archbishop of York in the middle of the 8th century. The coronation service in it is entitled Missa pro rege in die benedictionis ejus, and the coronation ceremony is interpolated in the middle of the mass. After the Gospel the officiant recites some prayers of benediction, and then pours oil from a horn on the king’s head, while the anthem “Zadok the priest,” &c., is sung. After this the assembled bishops and nobles place a sceptre in the king’s hands, while a form of intercessory benediction is recited. Then the staff (baculus) is delivered to him, and finally a helmet (galea) is set upon his head, the whole assembly repeating thrice “May King N. live for ever. Amen. Amen. Amen.” The enthronement follows, with the kisses of homage and of fealty, and the mass, with special prayers, is concluded.

The oldest existing ritual for crowning a king is found in what’s called the Pontifical of Egbert, who was the archbishop of York in the mid-8th century. The coronation service in it is titled Missa pro rege in die benedictionis ejus, and the coronation ceremony is included in the middle of the mass. After the Gospel, the officiant recites some prayers of blessing and then pours oil from a horn onto the king’s head while the anthem “Zadok the priest,” etc., is sung. Following this, the gathered bishops and nobles place a scepter in the king’s hands while a form of intercessory blessing is recited. Next, the staff (baculus) is given to him, and finally, a helmet (galea) is placed on his head, with the entire assembly repeating three times, “May King N. live forever. Amen. Amen. Amen.” The enthronement follows, along with kisses of homage and loyalty, and the mass, including special prayers, is concluded.

Another coronation service of Anglo-Saxon date bearing, but with no good reason, the name of Æthelred II., has also been preserved, and is of importance as it spread from England to the continent, and was used for the coronations of the kings of France. It differs from the Egbert form as the coronation precedes the mass, while the use of a ring, and the definite allusion to a crown (corona not galea) occur in it. Joined to it is the form for the coronation of a queen consort. It may have been used for the crowning of Harold and of William the Conqueror.

Another coronation service from the Anglo-Saxon period, mistakenly attributed to Æthelred II, has also been preserved. This service is significant because it spread from England to the continent and was used for the coronations of French kings. It differs from the Egbert version in that the coronation takes place before the mass, and it includes the use of a ring and a clear reference to a crown (corona instead of galea). Along with it is the form for the coronation of a queen consort. It may have been used for the crowning of Harold and William the Conqueror.

A third English coronation form, of the 12th century, bears the name of Henry I., but also without good reason. The ceremonial is more fully developed, and the king is anointed on the head, breast, shoulders and elbows. The royal mantle appears for the first time, as does the sceptre. The queen consort is to be crowned secundum ordinem Romanum, and the whole function precedes the mass.

A third English coronation version from the 12th century is named after Henry I, although this is not entirely justified. The ceremony is more elaborate, and the king is anointed on his head, chest, shoulders, and elbows. The royal mantle is introduced for the first time, as well as the scepter. The queen consort is to be crowned secundum ordinem Romanum, and the entire event takes place before the mass.

The fourth and most important of all English coronation services is that of the Liber Regalis, a manuscript still in the keeping of the dean of Westminster. It was introduced in 1307, and continued in use till the Reformation, and, in an English translation and with the Communion service substituted for the Latin mass, it was used for the coronation of James I. In it the English coronation ceremonies reached their fullest development. The following is a bare outline of its main features:—

The fourth and most important of all English coronation services is the Liber Regalis, a manuscript still held by the dean of Westminster. It was introduced in 1307 and remained in use until the Reformation. An English translation, with the Communion service replacing the Latin mass, was used for the coronation of James I. In this document, the English coronation ceremonies reached their peak development. Here’s a basic outline of its main features:—

The ceremonies began the day before the coronation, the king being ceremonially conducted in a procession from the Tower of London to Westminster. There he reposed for the night, and was instructed by the abbot as to the solemn obligations of the kingly office. Early next morning he went to Westminster Hall, and there, among other ceremonies, as rex regnaturus was elevated into a richly adorned seat on the king’s bench, called the Marble Chair. Then a procession with the regalia was marshalled, and led into the abbey church, the king wearing a cap of estate on his head, and supported by the bishops of Bath and Durham. A platform with thrones, &c., having been previously prepared under the crossing, the king ascended it, and all being in order, the archbishop of Canterbury called for the Recognition, after which the king, approaching the high altar, offered a pall to cover it, and a pound of gold. Then a sermon appropriate to the occasion was preached by one of the bishops, the oath was administered by the archbishop, and the Veni Creator and a litany were sung. Then the king was anointed with oil on his hands, breast, between the shoulders, on the shoulders, on the elbows, and on the head; finally he was anointed with the chrism on his head. Thus blessed and anointed, the king was vested, first with a silk dalmatic, called the colobium sindonis, then a long tunic, reaching to the ankles and woven with great golden images before and behind, was put upon him. He then received the buskins (caligae), the sandals (sandalia), and spurs (calcaria), then the sword and its girdle; after this the stole, and finally the royal mantle, four-square in shape and woven throughout with golden eagles. Thus vested, the crown of St Edward was set on his head, the ring placed on his wedding finger, the gloves drawn over his hands, and the golden sceptre, in form of an orb and cross, delivered to him. Lastly, the golden rod with the dove at the top was placed in the king’s left hand. Thus consecrated, vested and crowned, the king kissed the bishops who, assisted by the nobles, enthroned him, while the Te Deum was sung. When a queen consort was also crowned, that ceremony immediately followed, and the mass with special collect, epistle, gospel and preface was said, and during it both king and queen received the sacrament in one kind. At the conclusion the king retired to a convenient place, surrounded with curtains, where the great chamberlain took off certain of the robes, and substituted others for them, and the archbishop, still wearing his mass vestments, set other crowns on the heads of the king and queen, and with these they left the church.

The ceremonies started the day before the coronation, with the king being led in a procession from the Tower of London to Westminster. He rested there for the night and was briefed by the abbot on the serious responsibilities of being king. Early the next morning, he went to Westminster Hall, where, among other rituals, as rex regnaturus, he was placed in a beautifully decorated seat on the king’s bench, known as the Marble Chair. Then a procession featuring the regalia was organized, and led into the abbey church with the king wearing a royal cap on his head, supported by the bishops of Bath and Durham. A platform with thrones was prepared under the crossing; the king ascended it, and once everything was ready, the archbishop of Canterbury called for the Recognition. After that, the king approached the high altar, offering a pall to cover it and a pound of gold. Then, one of the bishops delivered a sermon fitting for the occasion, the archbishop administered the oath, and the Veni Creator and a litany were sung. Next, the king was anointed with oil on his hands, chest, between his shoulders, on his shoulders, at his elbows, and on his head; finally, he was anointed with chrism on his head. Once blessed and anointed, the king was dressed, starting with a silk dalmatic, called the colobium sindonis, followed by a long tunic that reached his ankles and was decorated with large golden images on the front and back. He then received the buskins (caligae), sandals (sandalia), and spurs (calcaria), followed by the sword and its girdle; after this came the stole, and finally the royal mantle, which was square-shaped and intricately woven with golden eagles. Once dressed, the crown of St Edward was placed on his head, the ring was put on his wedding finger, gloves were drawn over his hands, and he was handed the golden scepter, shaped like an orb with a cross. Lastly, the golden rod topped with a dove was placed in his left hand. Thus consecrated, dressed, and crowned, the king kissed the bishops who, with help from the nobles, placed him on the throne as the Te Deum was sung. When a queen consort was also crowned, that ceremony immediately followed, with a mass including a special collect, epistle, gospel, and preface, during which both the king and queen received the sacrament. Afterward, the king moved to a private area surrounded by curtains, where the great chamberlain removed some of his robes and replaced them with others, while the archbishop, still in his mass vestments, placed additional crowns on the heads of the king and queen, and with these, they exited the church.

This service, in English, was used at the coronation of James I., Elizabeth having been crowned with the Latin service. Little change was made till 1685, when it was considerably altered for the coronation of James II. The Communion was necessarily omitted in the case of a Roman Catholic, but other changes were introduced quite needlessly by Archbishop Sancroft, and four years later the old order was still more seriously changed, with the result that the revisions of 1685 and 1689 have grievously mutilated the service, by confusing the order of its different sections, while the meaning of the prayers has been completely changed for no apparent reason. Alterations since then have been verbal rather than essential, but at each subsequent coronation some feature has disappeared, the proper preface having been abandoned at the coronation of Edward VII.

This service, in English, was used at the coronation of James I, while Elizabeth was crowned with the Latin service. There wasn't much change until 1685, when it was significantly altered for the coronation of James II. The Communion was necessarily left out for a Roman Catholic, but other changes were made unnecessarily by Archbishop Sancroft. Four years later, the original format was changed even more drastically, resulting in the revisions of 1685 and 1689 seriously damaging the service by mixing up the order of its different sections, while completely changing the meaning of the prayers for no clear reason. Changes since then have been mostly verbal rather than fundamental, but at every subsequent coronation, some feature has disappeared, with the proper preface being dropped at the coronation of Edward VII.

In connexion with the English coronation a number of claims to do certain services have sprung up, and before each coronation a court of claims is constituted, which investigates and adjudicates on the claims that are made. The most striking of all these services is that of the challenge made by the king’s champion, an office which has been hereditary in the Dymoke family for many centuries. Immediately following the service in the church a banquet was held in Westminster Hall, during the first course of which the champion entered the hall on horseback, armed cap-à-pie, with red, white and blue feathers in his helmet. He was supported by the high constable on his right, and the earl marshal on his left, both of whom were also mounted. On his appearance in the hall a herald in front of him read the challenge, the words of which have not materially varied at any period, as follows: “If any person, of what degree soever, high or low, shall deny or gainsay our sovereign lord ..., king of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, defender of the faith (son and), next heir unto our sovereign lord the last king deceased, to be the right heir to the imperial crown of this realm of Great Britain and Ireland, or that he ought not to enjoy the same; here is his 187 champion, who saith that he lieth, and is a false traitor, being ready in person to combat with him; and in this quarrel will adventure his life against him, on what day soever he shall be appointed.” The champion then threw down the gauntlet. The challenge was again made in the centre of the hall, and a third time before the high table, at which the king was seated. The king then drank to the champion out of a silver-gilt cup, with a cover, which he handed to him as his fee. The banquet was last held, and the challenge made, at the coronation of George IV. in 1821. The champion’s claim was admitted in 1902, but as there was no banquet the duty of bearing the standard of England was assigned to him. There is no record of the challenge having been ever accepted.

In connection with the English coronation, several claims to perform certain services have emerged, and before each coronation, a court of claims is established to investigate and decide on these claims. The most remarkable of these services is the challenge made by the king’s champion, an office that has been passed down through the Dymoke family for many centuries. Right after the service in the church, a banquet took place in Westminster Hall, during which the champion entered the hall on horseback, fully armed, with red, white, and blue feathers in his helmet. He was flanked by the high constable on his right and the earl marshal on his left, both also mounted. Upon his entrance to the hall, a herald in front of him read the challenge, which has not changed significantly over time, stating: “If any person, regardless of rank, high or low, denies or disputes our sovereign lord ..., king of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, defender of the faith (son and), next heir to our sovereign lord the last king deceased, as the rightful heir to the imperial crown of this realm of Great Britain and Ireland, or claims that he should not hold the same; here is his champion, who asserts that this is false and that he is a false traitor, ready in person to fight him; and in this matter, he will risk his life against him, on whatever day he is appointed.” The champion then threw down the gauntlet. The challenge was repeated in the center of the hall, and a third time in front of the high table where the king was seated. The king then offered a toast to the champion using a silver-gilt cup with a cover, which he gave to him as his fee. The last banquet held and the challenge made was at the coronation of George IV in 1821. The champion's claim was acknowledged in 1902, but since there was no banquet, the duty of carrying the standard of England was assigned to him. There’s no record of the challenge ever being accepted.

The revival of the western empire under Charlemagne was marked by his coronation by the pope at Rome in the year 800. His successors, for several centuries, went to Rome, where they received the imperial crown in St Peter’s from the pope, the crown of Lombardy being conferred in the church of St Ambrose (Sant’ Ambrogio) at Milan, that of Burgundy at Arles, and the German crown, which came to be the most important of all, most commonly at Aix-la-Chapelle. It must suffice to speak of the coronations at Rome and Aix-la-Chapelle. From Martène we learn the early form of the ceremony at Rome. The emperor was met at the silver door of St Peter’s, where the first coronation prayer was recited over him by the bishop of Albano. He was then conducted within the church, where in medio rotae majoris, the bishop Of Porto said the second prayer. Thence the emperor went to the confessio of St Peter, where the litany was said, and there, or before the altar of St Maurice, the bishop of Ostia anointed him on the right arm and between the shoulders. Then he ascended to the high altar, where the pope delivered the naked sword to him. This he flourished, and then sheathed in its scabbard. The pope then delivered the sceptre to the emperor, and placed the crown on his head. The ceremony was concluded by the coronation mass said by the pope. The custom of the emperors going to Rome to be crowned was last observed by Frederick III. in 1440, and after that the German coronation was alone celebrated. The form followed was mainly thus: the electors first met at Frankfort, under the presidency of the elector-archbishop of Mainz, and, the election having been made, the emperor was led to the high altar of the cathedral and seated at it. He was then conducted to a gallery over the entrance to the choir, where, seating himself with the electors, proclamation was made of the election, and on a subsequent day the coronation took place. If the coronation was performed, as it most commonly was, at Aix-la-Chapelle, then the archbishop of Cologne, as diocesan, was the chief officiant, and the emperor was presented to him by the two other clerical electors, the archbishops of Mainz and Trier. The emperor was anointed on the head, the nape of the neck, the breast, the right arm between the wrist and the elbow, and on the palms of both hands. After this, he was vested in what were called the imperial and pontifical robes, which included the buskins, a long alb, the stole crossed priest-wise over the breast, and the mantle. The regalia were then delivered to him, and the crown was set on his head conjointly by the three archbishop-electors. Mass was then said, during which the emperor communicated in one kind. When the coronation was performed at Aix-la-Chapelle, the emperor was at once made, at its conclusion, a canon of the church.

The revival of the Western Empire under Charlemagne was highlighted by his coronation by the Pope in Rome in 800. For several centuries afterward, his successors traveled to Rome to receive the imperial crown from the Pope at St. Peter’s, while the Crown of Lombardy was given at the Church of St. Ambrose (Sant' Ambrogio) in Milan, the Crown of Burgundy at Arles, and the German crown, which became the most significant, usually at Aix-la-Chapelle. We’ll focus on the coronations at Rome and Aix-la-Chapelle. From Martène, we learn about the early form of the ceremony in Rome. The emperor was met at the silver door of St. Peter’s, where the Bishop of Albano recited the first coronation prayer over him. He was then taken inside the church, where the Bishop of Porto recited the second prayer in medio rotae majoris. After that, the emperor went to St. Peter's confessio, where the litany was said, and there, or in front of the altar of St. Maurice, the Bishop of Ostia anointed him on the right arm and between the shoulders. Next, he ascended to the high altar, where the Pope handed him the naked sword. He flourished it and then sheathed it. The Pope then gave the sceptre to the emperor and placed the crown on his head. The ceremony concluded with the coronation mass performed by the Pope. The practice of emperors going to Rome for their coronation was last followed by Frederick III in 1440; afterward, the German coronation was celebrated exclusively. The process was generally as follows: the electors first gathered in Frankfurt, led by the Elector-Archbishop of Mainz. Once the election was made, the emperor was brought to the cathedral’s high altar and seated there. He was then taken to a gallery above the choir entrance, where, seated with the electors, the election was proclaimed, and the coronation took place on a later day. If the coronation occurred at Aix-la-Chapelle, the Archbishop of Cologne served as the chief officiant, and the emperor was presented to him by the other two clerical electors, the Archbishops of Mainz and Trier. The emperor was anointed on the head, nape of the neck, chest, right arm (between the wrist and elbow), and both palms. Afterwards, he donned what were called the imperial and pontifical robes, which included buskins, a long alb, a stole crossed over the chest, and the mantle. The regalia were then given to him, and the crown was placed on his head by the three archbishop-electors together. Mass was held, during which the emperor communicated in one kind. When the coronation was performed at Aix-la-Chapelle, the emperor was instantly made a canon of the church upon its conclusion.

The coronation form in France bore much resemblance, in its general features, to the English coronation, and was, it is believed originally based on the English form. The unction was given, first on the top of the head in the form of a cross, on the breast, between the shoulders, and at the bending and joints of both arms. Then, standing up, the king was vested in the dalmatic, tunic and royal robe, all of purple velvet sprinkled with fleurs-de-lys of gold, and representing, it was said, the three orders of subdeacon, deacon and priest. Then, kneeling again, he was anointed in the palms of the hands, after which the gloves, ring and sceptre were delivered. Then the peers were summoned by name to come near and assist, and the archbishop of Reims, taking the crown of Charlemagne from the altar, set it on the king’s head. After which the enthronement, and showing of the king to the people, took place. All the unctions were made with the chrism, mixed with a drop of oil from the Sainte Ampoule. After the enthronement, mass was said, and at its conclusion the king communicated in both kinds. The third day after the coronation, the king touched for the evil.

The coronation ceremony in France looked quite similar, in its main aspects, to the English coronation and is thought to have originally been based on the English style. The anointing was done first on the top of the head in the shape of a cross, on the breast, between the shoulders, and at the bends and joints of both arms. Then, while standing, the king was dressed in the dalmatic, tunic, and royal robe, all made of purple velvet adorned with gold fleurs-de-lys, which symbolized, it was said, the three orders of subdeacon, deacon, and priest. After kneeling again, he was anointed on the palms of his hands, after which he received the gloves, ring, and scepter. The peers were then called by name to come forward and assist, and the archbishop of Reims took the crown of Charlemagne from the altar and placed it on the king's head. After that, the enthronement took place, along with the presentation of the king to the people. All anointings were performed with chrism mixed with a drop of oil from the Sainte Ampoule. Following the enthronement, mass was held, and at the end, the king received communion in both forms. Three days after the coronation, the king performed the touch for those afflicted with the evil.

On the “11 Frimaire an 13” Napoleon and Josephine were jointly crowned at Paris, by the pope. Napoleon entered Notre-Dame wearing a crown, and before him were carried the imperial ornaments, to wit: ”la couronne de l’empereur, l’épée, la main de justice, le sceptre, le manteau de l’empereur, son anneau, son collier, le globe impérial, la couronne de l’impératrice, son manteau, son anneau.” Each of these was blessed, and delivered with a benediction to the emperor and empress, kneeling, side by side, to receive them, both having previously received the unction on the head and on each hand. Napoleon placed the crown on his head himself. Mass with special prayers followed.

On "11 Frimaire Year 13," Napoleon and Josephine were crowned together in Paris by the pope. Napoleon entered Notre-Dame wearing a crown, and in front of him were the imperial regalia: "the emperor's crown, the sword, the hand of justice, the scepter, the emperor's cloak, his ring, his collar, the imperial globe, the empress's crown, her cloak, her ring." Each of these items was blessed and presented with a prayer to the emperor and empress, who knelt side by side to receive them, having already been anointed on the head and each hand. Napoleon placed the crown on his own head. A mass with special prayers followed.

In Spain the coronation ceremony never assumed the fullness, or magnificence, that might have been expected. It was usually performed at Toledo, or in the church of St Jerome at Madrid, the king being anointed by the archbishop of Toledo. The royal ornaments were the sword, sceptre, crown of gold and the apple of gold, which the king himself assumed after the unction. In recent years the unction and coronation have been disused.

In Spain, the coronation ceremony never reached the level of grandeur that one might expect. It typically took place in Toledo or at the Church of St. Jerome in Madrid, where the king was anointed by the archbishop of Toledo. The royal regalia included a sword, scepter, golden crown, and a golden apple, which the king would take on himself after the anointing. In recent years, the anointing and coronation have been discontinued.

In Sweden the king was anointed and crowned at Upsala by the archbishop. The ceremony is now performed in the Storkyrka, at Stockholm, where the archbishop of Upsala anoints the king on the breast, temples, forehead and palms of both hands. The crown is placed on the king’s head by the archbishop and the minister of justice jointly, whereupon the state marshal proclaims: “Now is crowned king of the Swedes, Goths and Wends, he and no other.” When there is a queen consort, she is then anointed, crowned and proclaimed, in the same manner.

In Sweden, the king is anointed and crowned at Upsala by the archbishop. The ceremony now takes place in the Storkyrka in Stockholm, where the archbishop of Upsala anoints the king on his chest, temples, forehead, and palms of both hands. The archbishop and the minister of justice together place the crown on the king's head, after which the state marshal proclaims: “Now is crowned king of the Swedes, Goths, and Wends, he and no other.” If there is a queen consort, she is anointed, crowned, and proclaimed in the same way.

In Norway, according to the law of 1814, the coronation is performed in the cathedral at Trondhjem, when the Lutheran superintendent, or bishop, anoints the king. The crown is placed on the king’s head jointly by the bishop and the prime minister.

In Norway, according to the law of 1814, the coronation takes place in the cathedral in Trondhjem, where the Lutheran superintendent or bishop anoints the king. The crown is placed on the king’s head together by the bishop and the prime minister.

In Russia the coronation is celebrated at Moscow, and is full of religious significance. The tsar is anointed by the metropolitan, but places the crown on his head himself. He receives the sacrament among the clergy, the priestly theory of his office being recognized. In some other European countries the coronation ceremony, as in Austria and Hungary, is also performed with much significant ritual. In other countries, as Prussia, it is retained in a modified form; but in the remaining states such as Denmark, Belgium, Italy, &c., it has been abandoned, or never introduced.

In Russia, the coronation takes place in Moscow and is deeply religious. The tsar is anointed by the metropolitan but puts the crown on his own head. He receives the sacrament alongside the clergy, acknowledging the priestly nature of his role. In some other European countries, like Austria and Hungary, the coronation ceremony is also held with significant rituals. In other places, such as Prussia, it exists in a modified form; however, in countries like Denmark, Belgium, Italy, etc., it has been abandoned or was never implemented.

Authorities.—L. G. Wickham Legg, English Coronation Records; Roxburgh Club—Liber Regalis; Anon., A Complete Account of the Ceremonies observed in the Coronations of the Kings and Queens of England (London, 1727); F. Sandford, Description of the Coronation of James II. (1687); Menin, The Form, Order and Ceremonies of Coronations, trans. from the French (1727); Martène, De Antiquis Ecclesiae Ritibus, lib. ii.

Authorities.—L. G. Wickham Legg, English Coronation Records; Roxburgh Club—Liber Regalis; Anon., A Complete Account of the Ceremonies Observed in the Coronations of the Kings and Queens of England (London, 1727); F. Sandford, Description of the Coronation of James II. (1687); Menin, The Form, Order and Ceremonies of Coronations, translated from the French (1727); Martène, De Antiquis Ecclesiae Ritibus, book ii.

(T. M. F.)

CORONER, an ancient officer of the English common law, so called, according to Coke, because he was a keeper of the pleas of the crown (custos placitorum coronae). At what period the office of coroner was instituted is a matter of considerable doubt; some modern authorities (Stubbs, Select Charters, 260; Pollock and Maitland, Hist. Eng. Law, i. 519) date its origin from 1194, but C. Gross (Political Science Quarterly, vol. vii.) has shown that it must have existed before that date. The office was always elective, the appointment being made by the freeholders of the county assembled in county court. By the Statute of Westminster the First it was ordered that none but lawful and discreet knights should be chosen as coroners, and in one instance a person was actually removed from office for insufficiency of estate. Lands to the value of £20 per annum (the qualification for knighthood) were afterwards deemed sufficient to satisfy the requirements as to estate which ought to be insisted on in the case of a coroner. The complaint of Blackstone shows the transition of the office from its original dignified and honorary 188 character to a paid appointment in the public service, “Now, indeed, through the culpable neglect of gentlemen of property, this office has been suffered to fall into disrepute, and get into low and indigent hands; so that, although formerly no coroners would condescend to be paid for serving their country, and they were by the aforesaid Statute of Westminster expressly forbidden to take a reward, under pain of a great forfeiture to the king; yet for many years past they have only desired to be chosen for their perquisites; being allowed fees for their attendance by the statute 3 Henry VII. c. 1, which Sir Edward Coke complains of heavily; though since his time those fees have been much enlarged.” The mercenary character of the office, thus deprecated by Coke and Blackstone, is now firmly established, without, however (it need hardly be said), affording the slightest ground for such reflections as the above. The coroner is in fact a public officer, and like other public officers receives payment for his services. The person appointed is almost invariably a qualified legal or medical practitioner; how far one is a more “fit person” than another has frequently been a matter of dispute—a Bill of 1879, which, however, failed to pass, decided in favour of the legal profession. The property qualification for a county coroner (“having land in fee sufficient in the same county whereof he may answer to all manner of people,” 14 Ed. III. st. 1, c. 8), although re-enacted in the Coroners Act 1887, is now virtually dispensed with. The appointment is for life, but is vacated by the holder being made sheriff. A coroner may be removed by the writ de coronatore exonerando, for sufficient cause assigned, or the lord chancellor may, if he thinks fit, remove any coroner from his office for inability or misbehaviour in the discharge of his duty.

CORONER, an ancient officer of English common law, is so named, according to Coke, because he was a keeper of the pleas of the crown (custos placitorum coronae). There’s considerable uncertainty about when the coroner's office was established; some modern experts (Stubbs, Select Charters, 260; Pollock and Maitland, Hist. Eng. Law, i. 519) trace its origin back to 1194, but C. Gross (Political Science Quarterly, vol. vii.) demonstrated that it must have existed before that date. The position has always been elective, with appointments made by the county’s freeholders gathered in county court. The Statute of Westminster the First mandated that only lawful and discreet knights should be chosen as coroners, and in one instance, someone was actually removed from the position for not having enough estate. Lands valued at £20 per year (the requirement for knighthood) were later considered sufficient to meet the estate qualifications expected of a coroner. Blackstone's complaint illustrates the shift of the office from its original honorable and prestigious nature to a paid public role: “Now, indeed, due to the neglect of property-holding gentlemen, this office has fallen into disrepute and is held by individuals of low means; so much so that, whereas no coroners would ever dream of being paid for serving their country in the past, and the aforementioned Statute of Westminster explicitly forbade them from accepting payment under penalty of significant forfeiture to the king; yet for many years now, they have only sought to be chosen for the perks; being allowed fees for their attendance by statute 3 Henry VII. c. 1, which Sir Edward Coke heavily criticized; although since his time those fees have significantly increased.” The mercenary nature of the office, criticized by Coke and Blackstone, is now well established, yet it hardly warrants such reflections as the above. The coroner is essentially a public officer who, like other public officials, receives compensation for his services. The person appointed is almost always a qualified legal or medical professional; how one is deemed more “suitable” than another has often been disputed—a Bill from 1879, which ultimately failed to pass, favored the legal profession. The property requirement for a county coroner (“having land in fee sufficient in the same county whereof he may answer to all manner of people,” 14 Ed. III. st. 1, c. 8), while reintroduced in the Coroners Act 1887, is now largely overlooked. The appointment is for life but is relinquished if the individual becomes sheriff. A coroner may be removed through the writ de coronatore exonerando for good cause assigned, or the lord chancellor may choose to remove any coroner from office for incompetence or misconduct in their duties.

Coroners are of three kinds: (1) coroners by virtue of their office, e.g. the lord chief justice of the king’s bench is the principal coroner of England; the puisne judges of the king’s bench are sovereign coroners—they may exercise their jurisdiction within any part of the realm, even in the verge1 or other exempt liberties or franchises; (2) coroners by charter or commission, e.g. in certain liberties and franchises coroners are appointed by the crown or by lords holding a charter from the crown; (3) coroners by virtue of election, e.g. county and borough coroners. County coroners in England were, until 1888, elected by the freeholders, but by the Local Government Act 1888 the appointment was given to the county council, who may appoint any fit person, not being a county alderman or county councillor, to fill the office. By an act of 1860 the system of payment by fees, established by an act of 1843, was abolished and payment made by salary calculated on the average amount of the fees, mileage, and allowances usually received by the coroner for a period of five years, and the calculation revised every five years. In boroughs having a separate court of quarter sessions, and whose population exceeds 10,000, the coroner is appointed by the town council and is paid by fees. A county coroner must reside within his district or not more than two miles out of it. Deputy coroners are also appointed in both counties and boroughs, and the law relating to their appointment is contained in the Coroners Act 1892. The duties of a coroner were ascertained by 4 Edward I. st. 2:—“A coroner of our Lord the king ought to inquire of these things, first, when coroners are commanded by the king’s bailiffs or by the honest men of the county, they shall go to the places where any be slain, or suddenly dead or wounded, or where houses are broken, or where treasure is said to be found, and shall forthwith command four of the next towns, or five, or six, to appear before him in such a place; and when they are come thither, the coroner upon the oath of them shall inquire in this manner, that is, to wit, if it concerns a man slain, if they know when the person was slain, whether it were in any house, field, bed, tavern, or company, and if any, and who, were there, &c. It shall also be inquired if the dead person were known, or else a stranger, and where he lay the night before. And if any person is said to be guilty of the murder, the coroner shall go to their house and inquire what goods they have, &c.” Similar directions were given for cases of persons found drowned or suddenly dead, for attachment of criminals in cases of violence, &c. His functions are now, by the Coroners Act 1887, limited to an inquiry upon “the dead body of a person lying within his jurisdiction, where there is reasonable cause to suspect that such person has died either a violent or an unnatural death, or has died a sudden death of which the cause is unknown, or that such person has died in prison, or in such place or under such circumstances as to require an inquest in pursuance of any act” (S. 3), and upon treasure-trove (S. 36). The inquisition must be super visum corporis (that is, after “viewing the body”); the evidence is taken on oath; and any party suspected may tender evidence. The Coroners Act 1887, S. 21, gives power to the coroner to summon medical witnesses and to direct the performance of a post-mortem examination. The verdict must be that of twelve at least of the jury. If any person is found guilty of murder or other homicide, the coroner shall commit him to prison for trial; he shall also certify the material evidence to the court, and bind over the proper persons to prosecute or to give evidence at the trial. He may in his discretion accept bail for a person found guilty of manslaughter. Since the abolition of public executions, the coroner is required to hold an inquest on the body of any criminal on whom sentence of death has been carried into effect. The duty of coroners to inquire into treasure-trove (q.v.) is still preserved by the Coroners Act 1887, which, however, repealed certain other jurisdictions, as,—inquests of royal fish (whale, sturgeon) thrown ashore or caught near the coast; inquest of wrecks, and of felonies, except felonies on inquisitions of death. By the City of London Fire Inquests Act 1888 the duty is imposed upon the coroner for the city to hold inquests in cases of loss or injury by fire in the city of London and the liberties thereof situated in the county of Middlesex. This is a practice which exists in several European countries.

Coroners come in three types: (1) coroners due to their position, like the Lord Chief Justice of the King’s Bench, who is the main coroner of England; the junior judges in the King’s Bench also have the same authority—they can carry out their duties anywhere in the realm, even in exempt areas or special privileges; (2) coroners appointed by charter or commission, where in some privileges and areas, coroners are selected by the crown or by lords with a charter from the crown; (3) coroners elected, like county and borough coroners. Until 1888, county coroners in England were elected by landowners, but the Local Government Act 1888 gave the county council the power to appoint anyone suitable, as long as they are not an alderman or councillor, to that position. An 1860 act ended the fee payment system set up by a 1843 act, moving to a salary based on the average fees, travel costs, and allowances typically earned by the coroner over five years, with the calculation adjusted every five years. In boroughs with their own quarter sessions court and populations over 10,000, coroners are chosen by the town council and receive fees. A county coroner must live within their district or no more than two miles away. Deputy coroners are also appointed in both counties and boroughs, and their appointment process is outlined in the Coroners Act 1892. The responsibilities of a coroner were established by 4 Edward I. st. 2:—“A coroner of our Lord the king must investigate these matters; first, when coroners are called by the king’s agents or by respectable county citizens, they shall go to the locations where someone has been killed, suddenly died, or wounded, or where homes have been broken into, or where treasure is reported to have been found, and must promptly summon four, five, or six representatives from the nearest towns to appear before him at a designated place; and once they arrive, the coroner, on their oath, shall inquire if it concerns a killed person, if they know when the individual was killed, whether it occurred in a house, field, bed, tavern, or in company, and if anyone was present, etc. It must also be determined if the deceased was known or a stranger, and where they spent the night before. If someone is believed to be guilty of murder, the coroner must visit their home and investigate their belongings.” Similar directives were applied in cases where people were found drowned or died unexpectedly, for tracking criminals in cases of violence, etc. His powers are now defined by the Coroners Act 1887, which limits his inquiries to “the deceased individual lying within his jurisdiction, where there is reasonable cause to suspect that this person has died either a violent or unnatural death, a sudden death with an unknown cause, or has died in prison or under such circumstances that an inquest is required according to any act” (S. 3), as well as regarding treasure trove (S. 36). The investigation must be super visum corporis (that is, after “viewing the body”); evidence is gathered under oath; and any suspect may present evidence. The Coroners Act 1887, S. 21, allows the coroner to summon medical witnesses and to order a post-mortem examination. The verdict must be agreed upon by at least twelve jurors. If anyone is found guilty of murder or another form of homicide, the coroner will commit them to prison for trial; he will also certify the key evidence to the court and ensure that the appropriate individuals are bound over to prosecute or testify at the trial. He may, at his discretion, accept bail for someone found guilty of manslaughter. Since the end of public executions, the coroner must conduct an inquest on the body of any criminal who has been executed. The coroner’s duty to investigate treasure trove is still upheld by the Coroners Act 1887, which, however, removed certain other responsibilities, such as inquiries into royal fish (whales, sturgeons) washed ashore or caught near the coast; inquiries into shipwrecks, and felonies, except those connected to death inquiries. The City of London Fire Inquests Act 1888 mandates that the coroner for the city holds inquests in cases of loss or injury due to fire in London and its liberties located in the county of Middlesex. This practice is also found in several European countries.

In Scotland the duties of a coroner are performed by an officer called a procurator-fiscal.

In Scotland, the responsibilities of a coroner are handled by an officer known as a procurator-fiscal.

In the United States and in most of the colonies of Great Britain the duties of a coroner are substantially the same. In some cases his duties are more enlarged, his inquisition embracing the origin of fires; in others they are confined to holding inquests in cases of suspicious deaths. Unlike a coroner in England, he is elected generally only for a specified period.

In the United States and in most of Great Britain's colonies, the role of a coroner is pretty much the same. In some situations, their responsibilities are broader, including investigating the causes of fires; in other cases, they are limited to conducting inquests into suspicious deaths. Unlike coroners in England, they are typically elected for a set term.

Authorities.—Jervis, Office and Duties of Coroners (6th ed., 1898); R. H. Wellington, The King’s Coroner (2 vols., 1905-1906). In 1908 a committee was appointed to inquire into the law relating to coroners and coroners’ inquests and into the practice in coroners’ courts.

Authorities.—Jervis, Office and Duties of Coroners (6th ed., 1898); R. H. Wellington, The King’s Coroner (2 vols., 1905-1906). In 1908, a committee was set up to investigate the laws concerning coroners and coroners' inquests, as well as the practices in coroners' courts.

(T. A. I.)

1 Coroner of the Verge.—The verge comprised a circuit of 12 m. round the king’s court, and the coroner of the king’s house, called the coroner of the verge, has jurisdiction within this radius. By the Coroners Act 1887 the jurisdiction of the verge was abolished and became absorbed in that of the county, but the appointment of the king’s coroner was left with the lord steward, while his jurisdiction was limited to the precincts of the palace.

1 Coroner of the Verge.—The verge was an area with a 12-mile radius around the king’s court, and the coroner of the king’s house, known as the coroner of the verge, had authority within this area. The Coroners Act of 1887 eliminated the jurisdiction of the verge and merged it with that of the county, but the appointment of the king’s coroner remained with the lord steward, while his authority was restricted to the palace grounds.


CORONIUM, that constituent (otherwise unknown) of the sun’s corona, which emits the characteristic green coronal ray, of which the wave-length is 5303.

CORONIUM, is a component (otherwise unknown) of the sun's corona that emits the distinctive green coronal ray, with a wavelength of 5303.


COROT, JEAN-BAPTISTE CAMILLE (1796-1875), French landscape painter, was born in Paris, in a house on the Quai by the rue du Bac, now demolished, on the 26th of July 1796. His family were well-to-do bourgeois people, and whatever may have been the experience of some of his artistic colleagues, he never, throughout his life, felt the want of money. He was educated at Rouen and was afterwards apprenticed to a draper, but hated commercial life and despised what he called its “business tricks,” yet he faithfully remained in it until he was twenty-six, when his father at last consented to his adopting the profession of art. Corot learned little from his masters. He visited Italy on three occasions: two of his Roman studies are now in the Louvre. He was a regular contributor to the Salon during his lifetime, and in 1846 was “decorated” with the cross of the Legion of Honour. He was promoted to be officer in 1867. His many friends considered nevertheless that he was officially neglected, and in 1874, only a short time before his death, they presented him with a gold medal. He died in Paris, on the 22nd of February 1875, and was buried at Père Lachaise.

COROT, JEAN-BAPTISTE CAMILLE (1796-1875), French landscape painter, was born in Paris, in a house on the Quai by the rue du Bac, which is now demolished, on July 26, 1796. His family was well-off bourgeois, and unlike some of his fellow artists, he never experienced financial hardship throughout his life. He was educated in Rouen and was later apprenticed to a draper but disliked commercial life and scoffed at what he referred to as its “business tricks.” Still, he stuck with it until he turned twenty-six, at which point his father finally agreed to let him pursue a career in art. Corot learned very little from his teachers. He visited Italy three times: two of his studies from Rome are now held in the Louvre. He regularly contributed to the Salon during his lifetime and was awarded the cross of the Legion of Honour in 1846. He was promoted to officer in 1867. Despite this, many of his friends felt he was overlooked by official channels, and in 1874, shortly before his death, they presented him with a gold medal. He passed away in Paris on February 22, 1875, and was laid to rest at Père Lachaise.

Of the painters classed in the Barbizon school it is probable 189 that Corot will live the longest, and will continue to occupy the highest position. His art is more individual than Rousseau’s, whose works are more strictly traditional; more poetic than that of Daubigny, who is, however, Corot’s greatest contemporary rival; and in every sense more beautiful than J. F. Millet, who thought more of stern truth than of aesthetic feeling.

Of the painters associated with the Barbizon school, it's likely that Corot will endure the longest and will maintain the top position. His art is more unique than Rousseau’s, whose pieces are more conventional; more poetic than Daubigny’s, who is, however, Corot’s biggest contemporary competitor; and in every way more beautiful than J. F. Millet, who was more focused on harsh reality than on aesthetic appeal.

Corot’s works are somewhat arbitrarily divided into periods, but the point of division is never certain, as he often completed a picture years after it had been begun. In his first style he painted traditionally and “tight”—that is to say, with minute exactness, clear outlines, and with absolute definition of objects throughout. After his fiftieth year his methods changed to breadth of tone and an approach to poetic power, and about twenty years later, say from 1865 onwards, his manner of painting became full of “mystery” and poetry. In the last ten years of his work he became the Père Corot of the artistic circles of Paris, in which he was regarded with personal affection, and he was acknowledged as one of the five or six greatest landscape painters the world has ever seen, along with Hobbema, Claude, Turner and Constable. During the last few years of his life he earned large sums by his pictures, which became greatly sought after. In 1871 he gave £2000 for the poor of Paris (where he remained during the siege), and his continued charity was long the subject of remark. Besides landscapes, of which he painted several hundred, Corot produced a number of figure pictures which are much prized. These were mostly studio pieces, executed probably with a view to keep his hand in with severe drawing, rather than with the intention of producing pictures. Yet many of them are fine in composition, and in all cases the colour is remarkable for its strength and purity. Corot also executed a few etchings and pencil sketches. In his landscape pictures Corot was more traditional in his method of work than is usually believed. If even his latest tree-painting and arrangement are compared with such a Claude as that which hangs in the Bridgewater gallery, it will be observed how similar is Corot’s method and also how masterly are his results.

Corot’s works are somewhat loosely divided into periods, but the exact points of division are never clear, as he often finished a painting years after starting it. In his early style, he painted traditionally and “tight”—meaning with meticulous detail, clear outlines, and a precise definition of objects throughout. After turning fifty, his techniques shifted towards broader tones and a more poetic approach, and about twenty years later, from 1865 onwards, his painting style became filled with “mystery” and poetry. In the last ten years of his career, he became known as Père Corot in the artistic circles of Paris, where he was held in personal affection and recognized as one of the five or six greatest landscape painters ever, alongside Hobbema, Claude, Turner, and Constable. During the final years of his life, he made significant sums from his artworks, which became highly sought after. In 1871, he donated £2000 for the poor of Paris (where he stayed during the siege), and his ongoing charity was a topic of discussion for a long time. Besides landscapes, of which he painted several hundred, Corot created a number of figure paintings that are highly valued. These were mostly studio works, likely aimed at honing his skills in precise drawing rather than meant to be finished pieces. Still, many of them have great compositions, and in every case, the color is notable for its strength and purity. Corot also made a few etchings and pencil sketches. In his landscape paintings, Corot was more traditional in his working methods than is often thought. If you compare even his latest tree paintings with a Claude piece that hangs in the Bridgewater gallery, you will see how similar Corot’s methods are and how masterfully he achieved his results.

The works of Corot are scattered over France and the Netherlands, Great Britain and America. The following may be considered as the first half-dozen: “Une Matinée” (1850), now in the Louvre; “Macbeth” (1859), in the Wallace collection: “Le Lac” (1861); “L’Arbre brisé” (1865): “Pastorale—Souvenir d’Italie” (1873), in the Glasgow Corporation Art Gallery; “Biblis” (1875). Corot had a number of followers who called themselves his pupils. The best known are Boudin, Lepine, Chintreuil, Français and Le Roux.

The works of Corot are spread across France and the Netherlands, Great Britain, and America. Here are the first six notable pieces: “Une Matinée” (1850), now in the Louvre; “Macbeth” (1859), in the Wallace Collection; “Le Lac” (1861); “L’Arbre brisé” (1865); “Pastorale—Souvenir d’Italie” (1873), in the Glasgow Corporation Art Gallery; and “Biblis” (1875). Corot had several followers who referred to themselves as his pupils. The most well-known include Boudin, Lepine, Chintreuil, Français, and Le Roux.

Authorities.—H. Dumesnil. Souvenirs intimes (Paris, 1875); Roger-Milès, Les Artistes célèbres: Corot (Paris, 1891); Roger-Milès, Album classique des chefs-d’œuvres de Corot (Paris, 1895); J. Rousseau, Bibliothèque d’art moderne: Camille Corot (Paris, 1884); J. Claretie, Peintres et sculpteurs contemporains: Corot (Paris, 1884); Ch. Bigot, Peintres français contemporains: Corot (Paris, 1888); Geo. Moore, Ingres and Corot in Modern Painting (London, 1893); David Croal Thomson, Corot (4to, London, 1892); Mrs Schuyler van Rensselaer, “Corot,” Century Magazine (June 1889); Corot, The Portfolio (1870), p. 60, (1875) p. 146; R. A. M. Stevenson, “Corot as an Example of Style in Painting,” Scottish Art Review (Aug. 1888); Ethel Birnstigl and Alice Pollard, Corot (London, 1904); Alfred Robaut, L’Œuvre de Corot, catalogue raisonné et illustré, précédé de l’histoire de Corot et de ses œuvres par Étienne Morceau-Nélaton (Paris, 1905).

Authorities.—H. Dumesnil. Intimate Memories (Paris, 1875); Roger-Milès, Famous Artists: Corot (Paris, 1891); Roger-Milès, Classic Album of Corot's Masterpieces (Paris, 1895); J. Rousseau, Modern Art Library: Camille Corot (Paris, 1884); J. Claretie, Contemporary Painters and Sculptors: Corot (Paris, 1884); Ch. Bigot, Contemporary French Painters: Corot (Paris, 1888); Geo. Moore, Ingres and Corot in Modern Painting (London, 1893); David Croal Thomson, Corot (4to, London, 1892); Mrs Schuyler van Rensselaer, “Corot,” Century Magazine (June 1889); Corot, The Portfolio (1870), p. 60, (1875) p. 146; R. A. M. Stevenson, “Corot as an Example of Style in Painting,” Scottish Art Review (Aug. 1888); Ethel Birnstigl and Alice Pollard, Corot (London, 1904); Alfred Robaut, The Works of Corot, Illustrated Catalog and Commentary, Prefaced by the History of Corot and His Works by Étienne Morceau-Nélaton (Paris, 1905).

(D. C. T.)

CORPORAL. 1. (From Lat. corporalis, belonging to the corpus or body), an adjective appearing in several expressions, such as “corporal punishment” (see below), or in “corporal works of mercy,” for those acts confined to the succouring of the bodily needs, such as feeding the hungry, visiting the sick, rescuing captives. A “corporal oath” was sworn with the body in contact with a sacred object (see Oath).

CORPORAL. 1. (From Latin corporalis, related to the corpus or body), an adjective found in several phrases, like “corporal punishment” (see below), or in “corporal works of mercy,” referring to acts aimed at helping physical needs, such as feeding the hungry, visiting the sick, and freeing captives. A “corporal oath” was taken with the body in contact with a sacred object (see Oath).

2. (From Lat. corporalis, sc. palla, or corporale, sc. pallium), in the Roman Catholic Church, a small square linen cloth, which at the service of the Mass is placed on the altar under the chalice and paten. It was originally large enough to cover the whole surface of the altar, and was folded over so as to cover the chalice—a custom still observed by the Carthusians. The chalice is now, however, covered by another small square of linen, stiffened with cardboard, &c., known as the pall (palla). When not in use both corporal and pall are carried in a square silken pocket called the burse. The corporal must be blessed by the bishop, or by a priest with special faculties, the ritual prayers invoking the divine blessing that the linen may be worthy to cover and enwrap the body and blood of the Lord. It represents the winding-sheet in which Joseph of Arimathea wrapped the body of the dead Christ.

2. (From Lat. corporalis, sc. palla, or corporale, sc. pallium), in the Roman Catholic Church, a small square piece of linen that is placed on the altar under the chalice and paten during the Mass. It used to be large enough to cover the entire altar and was folded over to cover the chalice—a practice still followed by the Carthusians. Now, the chalice is covered by another small square piece of linen, stiffened with cardboard, etc., called the pall (palla). When not in use, both the corporal and the pall are kept in a square silk pouch known as the burse. The corporal must be blessed by the bishop or by a priest with special permissions, with ritual prayers asking for divine blessing so that the linen may be worthy to cover and enfold the body and blood of the Lord. It symbolizes the burial cloth in which Joseph of Arimathea wrapped the body of Christ after his death.

3. (Of uncertain derivation; the French form caporal, and Ital. caporale, point to an origin from capo, Italian for head; the New English Dictionary, however, favours the derivation from Lat. corpus, Ital. corpo, body), a non-commissioned officer of infantry, cavalry and artillery, ranking below a sergeant. This rank is almost universal in armies. In the 16th and 17th centuries there were corporals but no sergeants in the cavalry, and this custom is preserved in the three regiments of British household cavalry, the rank of sergeant being replaced by that of “corporal of horse,” and that of sergeant-major by “corporal-major.” In the 16th and early 17th centuries the title “corporal of the field” was often given to a superior officer who acted as a staff-officer to the sergeant-major-general. In the navy the “ship’s corporal,” formerly a semi-military instructor to the crew, is now a petty officer charged with assisting the master-at-arms in police duties on board ship.

3. (The origin is unclear; the French form caporal and the Italian caporale suggest it comes from capo, which means head in Italian; however, the New English Dictionary favors the derivation from the Latin corpus and Italian corpo, meaning body), a non-commissioned officer in the infantry, cavalry, and artillery, who ranks below a sergeant. This rank is nearly universal across armies. In the 16th and 17th centuries, there were corporals but no sergeants in the cavalry, and this tradition is upheld in the three regiments of the British household cavalry, where the rank of sergeant is replaced by “corporal of horse,” and the sergeant-major is referred to as “corporal-major.” In the 16th and early 17th centuries, the title “corporal of the field” was often assigned to a senior officer who served as a staff-officer to the sergeant-major-general. In the navy, the “ship’s corporal,” who used to be a semi-military instructor for the crew, is now a petty officer responsible for helping the master-at-arms with police duties on board the ship.


CORPORAL PUNISHMENT, chastisement inflicted by one person on the body (corpus) of another. By the common law of England, Scotland and Ireland, the infliction of corporal punishment is illegal unless it is done in self-defence or in defence of others, or is done either by some person having punitive authority over the person chastised or under the authority of a competent court of justice. Corporal punishment in defence of self or others needs no comment, except that, like all other acts done in defence, its justification depends on whether or not it was reasonably necessary for the protection of the person attacked. Among persons invested with punitive authority, mention must first be made of parents and guardians, and of teachers, who have, by implied delegation from the parents, and as incidental to the relation of master and pupil, powers of reasonable corporal punishment. Such powers are not limited to offences committed by the pupil upon the premises of the school, but extend to acts done on the way to and from school and during what may be properly regarded as school hours (Cleary v. Booth, 1893, 1 Q.B. 465). The rights of parents, guardians and teachers, in regard to the chastisement of children, were expressly recognized in English law by the Prevention of Cruelty to Children Act 1904 (§ 28). Poor law authorities and managers of reformatories are in the same position in this respect as teachers. The punitive authority of elementary school teachers is subject to the regulations of the education authority: that of poor law authorities to the regulation of the Home Office and the Local Government Board. A master has a right to inflict moderate chastisement upon his apprentice for neglect or other misbehaviour, provided that he does so himself, and that the apprentice is under age (Archbold, Cr. Pl., 23rd ed., 795). Where a legal right of chastisement is exercised immoderately, the person so exercising it incurs both civil and criminal liability.

CORPORAL PUNISHMENT, refers to physical punishment that one person inflicts on another's body (corpus). According to the common law in England, Scotland, and Ireland, corporal punishment is illegal unless it's enacted in self-defense, in defense of others, or by someone who has the authority to punish the person being chastised, or under the authority of a competent court. Punishment in self-defense or defense of others speaks for itself; like all acts of defense, its justification depends on whether it was reasonably necessary to protect the person who was attacked. Among those with the authority to punish, we first recognize parents, guardians, and teachers, who have been granted implicit authority from parents and possess the right to administer reasonable corporal punishment as part of their role. This authority is not limited to misdeeds that occur on school property but also extends to actions that take place on the way to and from school, as well as during what can be considered school hours (Cleary v. Booth, 1893, 1 Q.B. 465). English law formally acknowledged the rights of parents, guardians, and teachers regarding the chastisement of children through the Prevention of Cruelty to Children Act 1904 (§ 28). Poor law authorities and managers of reformatories hold the same position as teachers in this regard. The authority of elementary school teachers to punish is governed by regulations set by the education authority, while poor law authority penalties are regulated by the Home Office and the Local Government Board. A master can administer moderate punishment to his apprentice for neglect or other misconduct, provided he does it himself and the apprentice is underage (Archbold, Cr. Pl., 23rd ed., 795). If a legal right to punish is exercised excessively, the person doing so can face both civil and criminal liability.

In some of the older English legal authorities (e.g. Bacon, Abridg. tit. “Baron and Feme,” B), it was stated that a husband might inflict moderate corporal punishment on his wife in order to keep her “within the bounds of duty.” But these authorities were definitely discredited in 1891 in the case of R. v. Jackson (1 Q.B. 671). By the unmodified Mahommedan law, a husband may administer moderate corporal punishment to his wife; but it is doubtful whether this right could be legally exercised in British India (Wilson, Digest of Anglo-Mahommedan Law, 2nd ed., pp. 153, 154). In Hawkins’s Pleas of the Crown (Bk. 1, c. 63, § 29) it is laid down that “churchwardens, and perhaps private persons, may whip boys playing in church” during divine service. But while the right to remove such offenders is undoubted, the right of castigation could not now safely be exercised. At common law the master of a ship is entitled to inflict reasonable chastisement on a seaman for gross breach of 190 duty. But such offences are now specially provided for by the Merchant Shipping Act 1894 (§§ 220-238); and where the provisions of that statute are available, corporal punishment would probably be illegal.

In some older English legal texts (e.g. Bacon, Abridg. tit. “Baron and Feme,” B), it was mentioned that a husband could administer moderate physical punishment to his wife to keep her “within the bounds of duty.” However, these texts were clearly discredited in 1891 in the case of R. v. Jackson (1 Q.B. 671). Under unmodified Mahommedan law, a husband is allowed to give moderate physical punishment to his wife, but it is unclear if this right could actually be enforced in British India (Wilson, Digest of Anglo-Mahommedan Law, 2nd ed., pp. 153, 154). In Hawkins’s Pleas of the Crown (Bk. 1, c. 63, § 29), it states that “churchwardens, and perhaps private individuals, may whip boys playing in church” during worship. While it is clear that they can remove such offenders, the right to punish them physically can no longer be safely exercised. At common law, the captain of a ship has the right to impose reasonable punishment on a seaman for serious breaches of duty. However, such offenses are now specifically addressed by the Merchant Shipping Act 1894 (§§ 220-238), and when the provisions of that statute apply, physical punishment would likely be illegal.

As to corporal punishment in the army and navy, see articles Military Law; Navy. In civil prisons, whether they are convict prisons or local prisons, corporal punishment may not be inflicted except under sentence of a competent court, or except in the case of prisoners under sentence of penal servitude, or convicted of felony, or sentenced to hard labour, who have been guilty of mutiny or incitement to mutiny, or of gross personal violence to an officer or servant of the prison (Act of 1898, § 5). Flogging for these offences in prison may not be inflicted except by order of the board of visitors or visiting committee of the prison, made at a meeting specially constituted, and confirmed by a secretary of state (Prison Act of 1898, § 5; Convict Prison Rules 1899; Stat. R. and O. 1899, No. 321, rr. 77-79; Local Prison Rules 1899; Stat. R. and O. 1899, No. 322, rr. 84, 85). The mode of inflicting the punishment is prescribed by the Convict Prison Rules (rr. 82-85) and the Local Prison Rules (rr. 88-91), which limit the number of strokes and prescribe the instrument to be used for inflicting them, the cat or birch for prisoners over 18, and the birch for prisoners under 18.

As for corporal punishment in the army and navy, see articles Military Law; Navy. In civil prisons, whether they are for convicts or local inmates, corporal punishment can only be imposed under the order of a qualified court, or for prisoners serving penal servitude, those convicted of felonies, or those sentenced to hard labor who have committed mutiny, incitement to mutiny, or serious violence against a prison officer or staff member (Act of 1898, § 5). Flogging for these offenses in prison may only be carried out by order of the board of visitors or the visiting committee of the prison, made during a specially convened meeting, and confirmed by a secretary of state (Prison Act of 1898, § 5; Convict Prison Rules 1899; Stat. R. and O. 1899, No. 321, rr. 77-79; Local Prison Rules 1899; Stat. R. and O. 1899, No. 322, rr. 84, 85). The method of administering the punishment is set out in the Convict Prison Rules (rr. 82-85) and the Local Prison Rules (rr. 88-91), which restrict the number of lashes and specify the tools to be used, either the cat or birch for prisoners over 18, and the birch for those under 18.

Corporal punishment for breaches of prison discipline in Scottish prisons is not authorized by any statute nor under the Scottish Prison Rules (see Stat. R. and O. Revised, ed. 1904, vol. X. tit. “Prison, Scotland,” p. 60). In Irish convict prisons corporal punishment may be inflicted by order of justices specially appointed by the lord-lieutenant under § 3 of the Penal Servitude Act 1864, but the Irish Prison Rules of 1902 (Stat. R. and O. 1902, No. 590) contain no reference to this power.

Corporal punishment for violations of prison rules in Scottish prisons is not permitted by any law or under the Scottish Prison Rules (see Stat. R. and O. Revised, ed. 1904, vol. X. tit. “Prison, Scotland,” p. 60). In Irish convict prisons, corporal punishment can be administered by order of justices specifically appointed by the lord-lieutenant under § 3 of the Penal Servitude Act 1864, but the Irish Prison Rules of 1902 (Stat. R. and O. 1902, No. 590) do not mention this authority.

At common law, courts of justice had jurisdiction to impose a sentence of whipping on persons convicted on indictment for petty larceny or misdemeanours of the meaner kind (see 1 Bishop, Amer. Cr. Law, 8th ed., § 942). But they do not now impose such sentence except under statutory authority. The whipping of women was absolutely prohibited in 1820 by the Whipping of Female Offenders Abolition Act of that year. But there are numerous statutes authorizing the imposition of a sentence of whipping on male offenders. The following cases may be noted. 1. Adults: (a) who are incorrigible rogues (Vagrancy Act 1824, § 10); (b) who discharge fire-arms, &c., with intent to injure or alarm the sovereign (Treason Act 1842, § 2, and see 8 St. Tr. N.S. 1, and O’Connor’s Case, 1872, ib. p. 3 n.); (c) who are guilty of robbery with violence (Larceny Act 1861, § 43), or offences against § 21 of the Offences against the Person Act of 1861; there has been much controversy as to whether the Garrotters Act of 1861, which authorized the ordering of more than one whipping in the case of an offender over 16 years of age, was the effective cause of the diminution of the offences against which it was directed, but the best judicial opinion is in the affirmative. 2. Males under sixteen: (a) in any of the cases above noted; (b) for many statutory offences, e.g. larceny (Larceny Act 1861), malicious damage (Malicious Damage Act 1861, § 75; Criminal Law Amendment Act 1885, § 4); (c) by courts of summary jurisdiction (Summary Jurisdiction Act 1879, §§ 10, 11, and 1899; First Offenders Act 1887); if a boy is over 7 and under 12, not more than 6 strokes, if he is over 12, but under 14, not more than 12 strokes may be inflicted; the birch-rod is to be used, and the punishment is to be given by a police constable in the presence of a superior officer, and of the parent or guardian if he desire it.

At common law, courts had the authority to sentence individuals convicted of petty theft or minor offenses to whipping (see 1 Bishop, Amer. Cr. Law, 8th ed., § 942). However, they only impose such sentences now if there is a specific law allowing it. The whipping of women was completely banned in 1820 by the Whipping of Female Offenders Abolition Act. But there are many laws that allow whipping for male offenders. Here are some examples: 1. Adults: (a) those considered incorrigible rogues (Vagrancy Act 1824, § 10); (b) those who fire weapons with the intent to harm or scare the sovereign (Treason Act 1842, § 2, and see 8 St. Tr. N.S. 1, and O’Connor’s Case, 1872, ib. p. 3 n.); (c) those guilty of violent robbery (Larceny Act 1861, § 43), or offenses against § 21 of the Offences against the Person Act of 1861. There has been much debate on whether the Garrotters Act of 1861, which allowed multiple whippings for offenders over 16, actually resulted in a decrease in those crimes, but the prevailing opinion among judges is that it did. 2. Males under sixteen: (a) for any of the offenses mentioned above; (b) for many statutory offenses, such as theft (Larceny Act 1861), malicious damage (Malicious Damage Act 1861, § 75; Criminal Law Amendment Act 1885, § 4); (c) in summary courts (Summary Jurisdiction Act 1879, §§ 10, 11, and 1899; First Offenders Act 1887); if a boy is over 7 and under 12, he can receive a maximum of 6 strokes; if he is over 12 but under 14, he can receive up to 12 strokes; the birch-rod must be used, and the punishment is administered by a police constable in the presence of a superior officer and the parent or guardian if they wish to be there.

In Scotland the whipping of male offenders under 14 is regulated by the Prisons (Scotland) Act 1860, § 74, the Whipping Act 1862, and § 514 of the Burgh Police (Scotland) Act 1892; and offenders over 16 may not be whipped for offences against person or property (Whipping Act 1862, § 2).

In Scotland, the punishment of male offenders under 14 is governed by the Prisons (Scotland) Act 1860, § 74, the Whipping Act 1862, and § 514 of the Burgh Police (Scotland) Act 1892; offenders over 16 cannot be whipped for crimes against individuals or property (Whipping Act 1862, § 2).

In Ireland the law is in substance the same as in England; for special statutes see official Index to Statutes (ed. 1905), p. 985, art. Punishment, 6.

In Ireland, the law is essentially the same as in England; for specific statutes, see the official Index to Statutes (ed. 1905), p. 985, art. Punishment, 6.

The flogging of women is prohibited throughout British India (Code of Criminal Procedure, Act v. of 1898, § 393) and the British colonies, where the infliction of corporal punishment by judicial order is in the main regulated on the lines of modern English legislation. In some British colonies the list of offences punishable by whipping is larger than in England (see Queensland Criminal Code 1899, arts. 212, 213, 216).

The punishment of women through flogging is banned across British India (Code of Criminal Procedure, Act v. of 1898, § 393) and the British colonies, where judicial corporal punishment is mainly governed by contemporary English laws. In certain British colonies, the range of offenses that can be punished by whipping is broader than in England (see Queensland Criminal Code 1899, arts. 212, 213, 216).

In the United States whipping is not a legal punishment under the Federal Law (Revised Stats. U.S. § 5327). But in some of the states of the Union whipping is inflicted under statute, and is not held cruel or unusual within the Federal Constitution (1 Bishop, Amer. Crim. Law, 8th ed., § 947). In Delaware wife-beating and certain offences against property by males are punishable with flogging; and in Maryland the same punishment is applicable for wife-beating. Flogging is in force as a disciplinary measure in some penal institutions.

In the United States, whipping is not allowed as a punishment under Federal Law (Revised Stats. U.S. § 5327). However, in some states, whipping is legally permitted and is not considered cruel or unusual under the Federal Constitution (1 Bishop, Amer. Crim. Law, 8th ed., § 947). In Delaware, men can be punished with flogging for wife-beating and certain property crimes; similarly, Maryland applies the same punishment for wife-beating. Flogging is also used as a disciplinary method in some correctional facilities.

It has been suggested by Laurent (Principes de droit civil français (1870), vol. iv. § 275) that the express definition in the French Code Civil (arts. 371 et seq.) of parental rights over children excludes the power of corporal punishment. But this view is not generally accepted. The parental right of moderate chastisement is expressly reserved in the Civil Code of Spain (art. 155, 2). Flogging is not recognized as a legal punishment by the French Code Pénal, nor by the Penal Codes of Germany, Italy, Spain or Portugal. (See also Whipping or Flogging.)

It has been suggested by Laurent (Principes de droit civil français (1870), vol. iv. § 275) that the clear definition in the French Code Civil (arts. 371 et seq.) of parental rights over children excludes the authority to use corporal punishment. However, this view isn't widely accepted. The right of parents to impose moderate punishment is explicitly acknowledged in the Civil Code of Spain (art. 155, 2). Flogging is not recognized as a legal punishment by the French Code Pénal, nor by the Penal Codes of Germany, Italy, Spain, or Portugal. (See also Whipping or Flogging.)

(A. W. R.)

CORPORATION (from Lat. corporare, to form into a body, corpus, corporis), in English law, an association of persons which is treated in many respects as if it were itself a person. It has rights and duties of its own which are not the rights and duties of the individual members thereof. Thus a corporation may own land, but the individual members of the corporation have no rights therein. A corporation may owe money, but the corporators as individuals are under no obligation to pay the debt. The rights and duties descend to the successive members of the corporation. This capacity of perpetual succession is regarded as the distinguishing feature of corporations as compared with other societies. One of the phrases most commonly met with in law-books describes a corporation as a society with perpetual succession and a common seal. The latter point, however, is not conclusive of the corporate character.

CORPORATION (from Latin corporare, meaning to form into a body, corpus, corporis), in English law, is a group of people that is treated in many ways as if it were a single person. It has its own rights and responsibilities that are separate from those of its individual members. For instance, a corporation can own property, but the individual members do not have rights to that property. A corporation can also incur debt, but the members are not personally responsible for repaying it. The rights and responsibilities carry over to the future members of the corporation. This ability to continue existing indefinitely is considered the main characteristic that sets corporations apart from other types of organizations. One of the phrases you often see in legal texts describes a corporation as a society with perpetual succession and a common seal. However, the latter point is not definitive of what makes a corporation.

The legal attributes of a corporation have been worked out with great fulness and ingenuity in English law, but the conception has been taken full-grown from the law of Rome. The term in Roman law corresponding to the modern corporation is collegium; a more general term is universitas. A collegium or corpus must have consisted of at least three persons, who were said to be corporati—habere corpus. They could hold property in common and had a common chest. They might sue and be sued by their agent (syndicus or actor). There was a complete separation in law between the rights of the collegium as a body and those of its individual members. The collegium remained in existence although all its original members were changed. It was governed by its own by-laws, provided these were not contrary to the common law. The power of forming collegia was restrained, and societies pretending to act as corporations were often suppressed. In all these points the collegia of Roman closely resemble the corporations of English law. There is a similar parallel between the purposes for which the formation of such societies is authorized in English and in Roman law. Thus among the Roman collegia the following classes are distinguished:—(1) Public governing bodies, or municipalities, civitates; (2) religious societies, such as the collegia of priests and Vestal Virgins; (3) official societies, e.g. the scribae, employed in the administration of the state; (4) trade societies, e.g. fabri, pictores, navicularii, &c. This class shades down into the societates not incorporated, just as our own trading corporations partake largely of the character of ordinary partnerships. In the later Roman law the distinction of corporations into civil and ecclesiastical, into lay and eleemosynary, is recognized. The latter could not alienate without just cause, nor take land without a licence—a restriction which may be compared with modern statutes of mortmain. All these privileged societies are what we should call corporations aggregate. The corporation sole (i.e. consisting of only a single person) is a later refinement, for although Roman law held that the corporation subsisted in full force, notwithstanding that only one member survived, it did not impute to the successive holders of a public office the character of a corporation. When a public officer in English law is said to be a corporation sole, the meaning is that the rights acquired by him in that capacity descend to his successor in office, and not (as the case is where a public officer is not a corporation) to his ordinary legal representative. The best known instances of 191 corporation sole are the king and the parson of a parish. The conception of the king as a corporation is the key to many of his paradoxical attributes in constitutional theory—his invisibility, immortality, &c.

The legal characteristics of a corporation have been thoroughly developed in English law, but the idea was fully borrowed from Roman law. The term in Roman law that corresponds to the modern corporation is collegium; a more general term is universitas. A collegium or corpus must consist of at least three individuals, who were referred to as corporati—habere corpus. They could own property collectively and had a common fund. They could sue and be sued through their agent (syndicus or actor). There was a complete separation in law between the rights of the collegium as a whole and those of its individual members. The collegium continued to exist even if all its original members changed. It was governed by its own by-laws, provided those did not contradict common law. The ability to form collegia was limited, and groups pretending to act as corporations were often shut down. In all these aspects, the collegia of Rome closely resemble the corporations of English law. There is also a similar parallel between the purposes for which the formation of such societies is permitted under English and Roman law. Among the Roman collegia, the following categories are recognized: (1) Public governing bodies, or municipalities, civitates; (2) religious groups, like the collegia of priests and Vestal Virgins; (3) official societies, such as the scribae, involved in state administration; (4) trade associations, like fabri, pictores, navicularii, etc. This category transitions into unincorporated societates, just as our own trading corporations share many traits with regular partnerships. In later Roman law, corporations are distinguished into civil and ecclesiastical, lay and charitable. The latter could not transfer property without a valid reason, nor acquire land without a license—a restriction that can be compared to modern mortmain laws. All these privileged societies are what we would call corporations aggregate. The corporation sole (composed of just one person) is a later development; although Roman law maintained that the corporation remained fully active even if only one member persisted, it did not attribute the status of a corporation to the successive holders of a public office. When a public official in English law is referred to as a corporation sole, it means that the rights acquired by them in that role pass down to their successor in office, not (as is the case when a public officer is not a corporation) to their regular legal representative. The best-known examples of 191 corporation sole are the king and the parish priest. The idea of the king as a corporation is central to many of his seemingly contradictory qualities in constitutional theory—his invisibility, immortality, etc.

The term quasi-corporation is applied to holders for the time being of certain official positions, though not incorporated, as the churchwardens of a parish, guardians of the poor, &c.

The term quasi-corporation refers to people temporarily holding specific official roles, even though they aren't incorporated, like the churchwardens of a parish, guardians of the poor, etc.

The Roman conception of a corporation was kept alive by ecclesiastical and municipal bodies. When English lawyers came to deal with such societies, the corporation law of Rome admitted of easy application. Accordingly, in no department has English law borrowed so copiously and so directly from the civil law. The corporations known to the earlier English law were mainly the municipal, the ecclesiastical, and the educational and eleemosynary. To all of these the same principles, borrowed from Roman jurisprudence, were applied. The different purposes of these institutions brought about in course of time differences in the rules of the law applicable to each. In particular, the great development of trading companies under special statutes has produced a new class of corporations, differing widely from those formerly known to the law. The reform of municipal corporations has also restricted the operation of the principles of the older corporation law. These principles, however, still apply when special statutes have not intervened.

The Roman idea of a corporation was kept alive by church and local government bodies. When English lawyers started working with these organizations, the corporation law from Rome easily applied. As a result, English law has borrowed a lot directly from civil law. The types of corporations recognized by early English law mostly included local government, church, and educational or charitable organizations. The same principles, drawn from Roman law, were applied to all of them. Over time, the different functions of these institutions led to differences in the legal rules that applied to each. Specifically, the significant growth of trading companies under special laws has created a new category of corporations that are quite different from those previously recognized by the law. The reform of local government corporations has also limited the application of the older corporation law principles. However, these principles still apply when special laws have not been introduced.

The legal origin of corporation is ascribed by J. Grant (Treatise on the Law of Corporations, 1850) to five sources, viz. common law, prescription, act of parliament, charter and implication. Prescription in legal theory implies a grant, so that corporations by prescription would be reducible to the class of chartered or statutory corporations. A corporation is said to exist by implication when the purposes of a legally constituted society cannot be carried out without corporate powers. Corporations are thus ultimately traceable to the authority of charters and acts of parliament. The power of creating corporations by charter is an important prerogative of the crown, but in the present state of the constitution, when all the powers of the crown are practically exercised by parliament, there is no room for any jealousy as to the manner in which it may be exercised. The power of chartering corporations belonged also to subjects who had jura regalia, e.g. the bishops of Durham granted a charter of incorporation to the city of Durham in 1565, 1602 and 1780. The charter of a corporation is regarded as being of the nature of a contract between the king and the corporation. It will be construed more favourably for the crown, and more strictly as against the grantee. It cannot alter the law of the land, and it may be surrendered, so that, if the surrender is accepted by the crown and enrolled in chancery, the corporation is thereby dissolved. Great use was made of this power of the crown in the reigns of Charles II. and James II.

The legal origins of a corporation are attributed by J. Grant (Treatise on the Law of Corporations, 1850) to five sources: common law, prescription, acts of parliament, charters, and implications. In legal theory, prescription means a grant, so corporations established by prescription can be seen as similar to chartered or statutory corporations. A corporation is said to exist by implication when the goals of a legally formed society can't be achieved without corporate powers. Thus, corporations ultimately trace back to the authority of charters and acts of parliament. The ability to create corporations through charters is an important privilege of the crown, but given the current state of the constitution, where parliament practically exercises all the crown's powers, there’s no concern about how this power is used. The right to charter corporations also belonged to individuals with jura regalia; for example, the bishops of Durham issued charters of incorporation for the city of Durham in 1565, 1602, and 1780. A corporation's charter is seen as a contract between the king and the corporation. It will be interpreted more favorably for the crown and more strictly against the grantee. It cannot change the law of the land and can be surrendered, so if the crown accepts the surrender and it is recorded in chancery, the corporation is dissolved. This power of the crown was heavily utilized during the reigns of Charles II and James II.

Every corporation, it is said, must have a name, and it may have more names than one, but two corporations cannot have the same name. And corporations cannot change their name save by charter or some equivalent authority.

Every corporation, it is said, must have a name, and it can have more than one, but two corporations cannot share the same name. Additionally, corporations can only change their name through a charter or some equivalent authority.

The possession of a common seal, though, as already stated, not conclusive of the corporate character, is an incident of every corporation aggregate. The inns of courts have common seals, but they are only voluntary societies, not corporations. Generally speaking, all corporate acts affecting strangers must be performed under the common seal; acts of internal administration affecting only the corporators, need not be under seal. The rule has been defended as following necessarily from the impersonal character of a corporation; either a seal or something equivalent must be fixed upon so that the act of the corporation may be recognized by all.

The possession of a common seal, while not definitive proof of corporate status, is a characteristic of every collective corporation. The inns of court have common seals, but they are just voluntary societies, not actual corporations. Generally, all corporate actions affecting outsiders must be carried out under the common seal; actions related to internal management that only affect members don’t need to be sealed. This rule is justified by the impersonal nature of a corporation; either a seal or something similar must be used so that the corporation's actions can be recognized by everyone.

A corporation may be abolished by statute, but not by the mere authority of the crown. It may also become extinct by the disappearance of all its members or of any integral part, by surrender of charter if it is a chartered society, by process of law, or by forfeiture of privileges.

A corporation can be dissolved by law, but not just by the authority of the crown. It can also become extinct if all its members, or any essential part of it, disappear, by giving up its charter if it’s a chartered society, through legal processes, or by losing its privileges.

The power of the majority to bind the society is one of the first principles of corporation law, even in cases where the corporation has a head. It is even said that only by an act of parliament can this rule be avoided. The binding majority is that of the number present at a corporate meeting duly summoned.

The majority's power to bind the society is one of the fundamental principles of corporate law, even when the corporation has a leader. It's even suggested that this rule can only be overridden by an act of parliament. The binding majority consists of those present at a properly called corporate meeting.

In corporations which have a head (as colleges), although the head cannot veto the resolution of the majority, he is still considered an integral part of the society, and his death suspends its existence, so that a head cannot devise or bequeath to the corporation, nor can a grant be made to a corporation during vacancy of the headship.

In organizations that have a leader (like colleges), even though the leader can't block the majority's decision, they are still seen as a vital part of the organization. Their death puts the organization's existence on hold, meaning a leader can't create or pass anything down to the organization, and no grants can be made to the organization while the leadership position is vacant.

A corporation has power to make such regulations (by-laws) as are necessary for carrying out its purposes, and these are binding on its members and on persons within its local jurisdiction if it has any.

A corporation has the authority to create the necessary regulations (by-laws) to achieve its goals, and these rules are mandatory for its members and for individuals within its local jurisdiction, if applicable.

The power to acquire and hold land was incident to a corporation at common law, but its restriction by the statutes of mortmain dates from a very early period. The English law against mortmain was dictated by the jealousy of the feudal lords, who lost the services they would otherwise have been entitled to, when their land passed into the hands of a perpetual corporation. The vast increase in the estates of ecclesiastical corporations constituted by itself a danger which might well justify the operation of the restricting statutes.

The ability to acquire and own land was inherent to corporations in common law, but the limitations imposed by mortmain statutes have been around since a long time ago. English law against mortmain arose from the concerns of feudal lords, who were deprived of the services they would have had when land went to a permanent corporation. The significant growth of church corporations' estates posed a risk that could easily warrant the enforcement of these restrictive laws.

The Mortmain Acts applied only to cases of alienation inter vivos. There was no power to devise lands by will until 32 Henry VIII. c. 1 (1540), and when the power was granted corporations were expressly excluded from its benefits. No devise to a corporation, whether for its own use or in trust, was allowed to be good; land so devised went to the heir, either absolutely or charged with the trusts imposed upon it in the abortive devise. A modification, however, was gradually wrought by the judicial interpretations of the Charitable Trusts Act 1601, and it was held that a devise to a corporation for a charitable purpose might be a good devise, and would stand unless voided by the Mortmain Acts; so that no corporation could take land, without a licence, for any purpose or in any way; and no localised corporation could take lands by devise, save for charitable purposes. Then came the act of 1736, commonly but improperly called the Mortmain Act. Its effect was generally to make it impossible for land to be left by will for charitable uses, whether through a corporation or a natural person1. The Wills Act 1837 did not renew the old provision against devises to corporations, which therefore fell under the general law of mortmain. The law was consolidated by the Mortmain and Charitable Uses Act 1888, and the result is simply that corporations cannot take land for any purpose without a licence, and no licence in mortmain is granted by the crown, except in certain statutory cases in the interests of religion, charity or other definite public object.

The Mortmain Acts applied only to cases of property transfer inter vivos. There was no ability to will land until 32 Henry VIII. c. 1 (1540), and when this ability was granted, corporations were specifically excluded from benefiting. No bequest to a corporation, whether for its own use or in trust, was considered valid; land willed in this way would go to the heir, either outright or subject to the trusts specified in the failed will. However, a gradual change occurred due to judicial interpretations of the Charitable Trusts Act 1601, which established that a bequest to a corporation for a charitable purpose could be valid and would remain effective unless overturned by the Mortmain Acts. This meant that no corporation could acquire land without permission for any purpose or in any manner, and local corporations could only receive land by will for charitable purposes. Then came the act of 1736, commonly but inaccurately referred to as the Mortmain Act. Its overall effect was to make it practically impossible for land to be left by will for charitable uses, whether through a corporation or an individual.1. The Wills Act 1837 did not renew the earlier restriction against bequests to corporations, which then fell under the general laws of mortmain. The law was consolidated by the Mortmain and Charitable Uses Act 1888, leading to the conclusion that corporations cannot acquire land for any purpose without a license, and no license in mortmain is issued by the crown, except in specific statutory instances related to religion, charity, or other clearly defined public interests.

The power of corporations at common law to alienate their property is usually restricted, as is their power to lease it for more than a certain number of years, except by sanction of a public authority. The more important classes of corporations, however, are now governed by special statutes which exclude or modify the operation of the common law principles. The most considerable class of societies still unaffected by such special legislation are the Livery Companies (q.v.). Under Company will be found an account of the important enactments regulating joint-stock companies.

The ability of corporations at common law to sell their property is usually limited, just like their ability to lease it for more than a certain number of years, unless authorized by a public authority. However, the more significant types of corporations are now regulated by specific statutes that modify or exclude the common law principles. The largest group of organizations still not affected by this special legislation is the Livery Companies (q.v.). Under Company, you will find a summary of the important laws governing joint-stock companies.

The question to what extent the common law incidents of a corporation have been interfered with by special legislation has become one of much importance, especially under the acts relating to joint-stock companies. The most important case on this subject is that of Riche v. The Ashbury Railway Carriage Company, 1875 (L.R. 9 Ex. 224; L.R. 7 H.L. 653), in which, the judges of the exchequer chamber being equally divided, the decision of the court below was affirmed. The view taken by the affirming judges, viz. that the common law incidents of a corporation adhere unless expressly removed by the legislature, may be 192 illustrated by a short extract from the judgment of Mr Justice Blackburn:—

The question of how much special legislation has impacted the common law aspects of a corporation has become quite significant, particularly regarding the laws related to joint-stock companies. The key case in this area is Riche v. The Ashbury Railway Carriage Company, 1875 (L.R. 9 Ex. 224; L.R. 7 H.L. 653), where the judges of the exchequer chamber ended up equally split, resulting in the lower court's decision being upheld. The perspective of the judges who affirmed the decision was that the common law features of a corporation remain intact unless the legislature explicitly removes them. This can be illustrated by a brief excerpt from Justice Blackburn's judgment:—

“If I thought it was at common law an incident to a corporation that its capacity should be limited by the instrument creating it, I should agree that the capacity of a company incorporated under the act of 1862 was limited to the object in the memorandum of association. But if I am right in the opinion which I have already expressed, that the general power of contracting is an incident to a corporation which it requires an indication of intention in the legislature to take away, I see no such indication here. If the question was whether the legislature had conferred on a corporation, created under this act, capacity to enter into contracts beyond the provisions of the deed, there could be only one answer. The legislature did not confer such capacity. But if the question be, as I apprehend it is, whether the legislature have indicated an intention to take away the power of contracting which at common law would be incident to a body corporate, and not merely to limit the authority of the managing body and the majority of the share-holders to bind the minority, but also to prohibit and make illegal contracts made by the body corporate, in such a manner that they would be binding on the body if incorporated at common law, I think the answer should be the other way.”

“If I believed that, according to common law, a corporation's capacity should be restricted by the document that establishes it, I would agree that a company formed under the act of 1862 had its capacity limited to the purpose stated in the memorandum of association. However, if I'm correct in my earlier opinion that the general power to enter into contracts is a natural aspect of a corporation that requires a clear signal from the legislature to be removed, I don’t see any such indication here. If the question is whether the legislature granted a corporation formed under this act the ability to engage in contracts beyond what's stated in the deed, there could only be one answer: the legislature did not grant that ability. But if the question, as I believe it is, is whether the legislature has shown an intention to strip away the contracting power that would naturally belong to a corporate body under common law—not just to restrict the authority of the management and the majority of shareholders to bind the minority, but also to outright prohibit and render illegal contracts made by the corporate body in a way that they would still be enforceable if incorporated under common law—I think the answer should be the opposite.”

On the other hand, the House of Lords, agreeing with the three dissentient judges in the exchequer chamber, pronounced the effect of the Companies Act to be the opposite of that indicated by Mr Justice Blackburn, “It was the intention of the legislature, not implied, but actually expressed, that the corporations, should not enter, having regard to this memorandum of association, into a contract of this description. The contract in my judgment could not have been ratified by the unanimous assent of the whole corporation.” In such companies, therefore, objects beyond the scope of the memorandum of association are ultra vires of the corporation. The doctrine of ultra vires, as it is called, is almost wholly of modern and judicial creation. The first emphatic recognition of it appears to have been in the case of companies created for special purposes with extraordinary powers, by act of parliament, and, more particularly, railway companies. The funds of such companies, it was held, must be applied to the purposes for which they were created, and to no other. Whether this doctrine is applicable to the older or, as they are sometimes called, ordinary corporations, appears to be doubtful. S. Brice (Ultra Vires) writes:—

On the other hand, the House of Lords, agreeing with the three dissenting judges in the exchequer chamber, stated that the Companies Act had the opposite effect of what Mr. Justice Blackburn indicated. “The legislature's intention, which was not implied but actually expressed, was that corporations, based on this memorandum of association, should not enter into a contract of this nature. In my opinion, the contract could not have been approved by the unanimous consent of the entire corporation.” Therefore, in such companies, objectives that go beyond the scope of the memorandum of association are ultra vires of the corporation. The doctrine of ultra vires, as it is known, is almost entirely a modern and judicial concept. The first strong recognition of it seems to have occurred in the case of companies created for specific purposes with extraordinary powers granted by act of parliament, particularly railway companies. It was determined that the funds of such companies must be used for the purposes they were created for and nothing else. Whether this doctrine applies to older or, as they are sometimes referred to, ordinary corporations is unclear. S. Brice (Ultra Vires) writes:—

“Take, as a strong instance, a university or a London guild. Either can undoubtedly manage, invest, transform and expend the corporate property in almost any way it pleases, but if they proposed to exhaust the same on the private pleasures of existing members, or to abandon the promotion, the one of education, the other of their art and mystery, it is very probable, if not absolutely certain, that the court of chancery would restrain the same, as being ultra vires.”

“Take, for example, a university or a London guild. Both can definitely manage, invest, transform, and use their corporate property almost however they want. However, if they decided to deplete it for the personal enjoyment of current members, or to stop supporting education in one case and their craft in the other, it's very likely, if not completely certain, that the court of chancery would step in and prevent that, as it would be ultra vires.”


1 Devises to colleges are excepted from the operation of the act, but such devises must be for purposes identical with or closely resembling the original purposes of the college; and the exception from this act does not supersede the necessity for a licence in mortmain.

1 Donations to colleges are excluded from this law, but those donations must be for purposes that are the same as or very similar to the college's original goals; and this exception does not remove the requirement for a license in mortmain.


CORPS (pronounced as in French, from which it is taken, being a late spelling of cors, from Lat. corpus, a body; cf. “corpse”), a word in very general use since the 17th century to denote a body of troops, varying from a few hundred to the greater part of an army. In a special sense “corps” is used as synonymous with “army corps” (corps d’armée). The word is applied to any organized body, as in corps diplomatique, the general body of foreign diplomatic agents accredited to any government (see Diplomacy), or corps de ballet, the members of a troop of dancers at a theatre; so in esprit de corps, the common spirit of loyalty which animates any body of associated persons.

CORPS (pronounced like in French, which it comes from, being a later spelling of cors, from Latin corpus, meaning body; see “corpse”), is a term commonly used since the 17th century to refer to a group of troops, ranging from a few hundred to most of an army. In a specific context, “corps” is used interchangeably with “army corps” (corps d’armée). The term applies to any organized group, such as corps diplomatique, the collective group of foreign diplomatic agents assigned to any government (see Diplomacy), or corps de ballet, the performers in a dance company at a theater; and also in esprit de corps, the shared spirit of loyalty that motivates any group of people working together.


CORPSE (Lat. corpus, the body), a dead human body. By the common law of England a corpse is not the subject of property nor capable of holding property. It is not therefore larceny to steal a corpse, but any removal of the coffin or grave-cloths is otherwise, such remaining the property of the persons who buried the body. It is a misdemeanour to expose a naked corpse to public view, to prevent the burial of a dead body, or to disinter it without authority; also to bury or otherwise dispose of a dead body on which an inquest ought to be held, without giving notice to a coroner. Anyone who, having the means, neglects to bury a dead body which he is legally bound to bury, is guilty of a misdemeanour, but no one is bound to incur a debt for such a purpose. It is incumbent on the relatives and friends of a deceased person to provide Christian burial for him; failing relatives and friends, the duty devolves upon the parish. No corpse can be attached, taken in execution, arrested or detained for debt. See further Body-snatching, and Burial and Burial Acts.

CORPSE (Lat. corpus, the body), a dead human body. According to English common law, a corpse cannot be owned or hold property. Therefore, stealing a corpse isn’t considered larceny, but removing the coffin or burial shrouds is, as they remain the property of the individuals who buried the body. It is a misdemeanor to display a naked corpse in public, to obstruct the burial of a dead body, or to dig it up without permission; it is also a misdemeanor to bury or dispose of a dead body that should undergo an inquest without notifying a coroner. Anyone who neglects to bury a dead body they are legally responsible for, despite having the means to do so, commits a misdemeanor, but no one is required to incur debt for that purpose. It’s the responsibility of relatives and friends of the deceased to arrange for a Christian burial; if there are none, the duty falls to the parish. No corpse can be seized, executed, arrested, or held for debt. See further Body-snatching, and Burial and Burial Acts.


CORPULENCE (Lat. corpus, body), or Obesity (Lat. ob, against, and edere, to eat), a condition of the animal body characterized by the over-accumulation of fat under the skin and around certain of the internal organs. In all healthy persons a greater or less amount of fat is present in these parts, and serves important physiological ends, besides contributing to the proper configuration of the body (see Nutrition). Even a considerable measure of fatness, however inconvenient, is not inconsistent with a high degree of health and activity, and it is only when in great excess or rapidly increasing that it can be regarded as a pathological state (see Metabolic Diseases). The extent to which excess of fat may proceed is illustrated by numerous well-authenticated examples recorded in medical works, of which only a few can be here mentioned. Thus Bright, a grocer of Maldon, in Essex, who died in 1750, in his twenty-ninth year, weighed 616 ℔. Dr F. Dancel (Traité de l’obésité, Paris, 1863) records the case of a young man of twenty-two, who died from excessive obesity, weighing 643 ℔. In the Philosophical Transactions for 1813 a case is recorded of a girl of four years of age who weighed 256 ℔. But the most celebrated case is that of Daniel Lambert (q.v.) of Leicester, who died in 1809 in his fortieth year. He is said to have been the heaviest man that ever lived, his weight being 739 ℔ (52 st. 11 ℔). Health cannot be long maintained under excessive obesity, for the increase in bulk of the body, rendering exercise more difficult, leads to relaxation and defective nutrition of muscle, while the accumulations of fat in the chest and abdomen occasion serious embarrassment to the functions of the various organs in those cavities. In general the mental activity of the highly corpulent becomes impaired, although there have always been many notable exceptions to this rule.

CORPULENCE (Lat. corpus, body), or Overweight (Lat. ob, against, and edere, to eat), is a condition of the body characterized by the excessive accumulation of fat under the skin and around certain internal organs. All healthy individuals have some fat in these areas, which serves important physiological purposes and contributes to the body's shape (see Nutrition). Even a significant amount of fat, while inconvenient, isn’t necessarily incompatible with good health and activity, and it’s only when it becomes excessive or grows rapidly that it can be considered a medical issue (see Metabolic Diseases). The extent of excess fat can be seen in many documented cases in medical literature, of which only a few will be mentioned here. For instance, Bright, a grocer from Maldon, Essex, who died in 1750 at the age of twenty-nine, weighed 616 lbs. Dr. F. Dancel (Traité de l’obésité, Paris, 1863) reported the case of a twenty-two-year-old man who died from severe obesity, weighing 643 lbs. The Philosophical Transactions from 1813 recorded a case of a four-year-old girl who weighed 256 lbs. However, the most famous case is Daniel Lambert (q.v.) from Leicester, who died in 1809 at forty. He is said to have been the heaviest man ever, weighing 739 lbs (52 st. 11 lbs). Long-term excessive obesity makes it difficult to maintain health because the increased body mass makes exercise harder, leading to muscle weakness and poor nutrition while the fat buildup in the chest and abdomen severely impacts the function of various organs. Generally, the mental function of very overweight people tends to decline, though there have always been notable exceptions to this.

Various causes are assigned for the production of corpulence (see Metabolic Diseases). In some families there exists an hereditary predisposition to an obese habit of body, the manifestation of which no precautions as to living appear capable of averting. But it is unquestionable that certain habits favour the occurrence of corpulence. A luxurious, inactive, or sedentary life, with over-indulgence in sleep and absence of mental occupation, are well recognized predisposing causes. The more immediate exciting causes are over-feeding and the large use of fluids of any kind, but especially alcoholic liquors. Fat persons are not always great eaters, though many of them are, while leanness and inordinate appetite are not infrequently associated. Still, it may be stated generally that indulgence in food, beyond what is requisite to repair daily waste, goes towards the increase of flesh, particularly of fat. This is more especially the case when the non-nitrogenous (the fatty, saccharine and starchy) elements of the food are in excess. The want of adequate bodily exercise will in a similar manner produce a like effect, and it is probable that many cases of corpulence are to be ascribed to this cause alone, from the well-known facts that many persons of sedentary occupation become stout, although of most abstemious habits, and that obesity frequently comes on in the middle-aged and old, who take relatively less exercise than the young, in whom it is comparatively rare. Women are more prone to become corpulent than men, and appear to take on this condition more readily after the cessation of the function of menstruation.

Various reasons are given for why people gain weight (see Metabolic Diseases). In some families, there’s a genetic tendency towards obesity that no lifestyle changes seem able to prevent. However, it's clear that certain habits contribute to weight gain. A luxurious, inactive, or sedentary lifestyle, along with excessive sleeping and lack of mental engagement, are well-known factors that predispose individuals to obesity. The more immediate causes include overeating and consuming large amounts of fluids, especially alcoholic beverages. Not all overweight individuals eat excessively, although many do; on the other hand, being thin and having a strong appetite often go hand in hand. Generally speaking, eating more food than necessary to maintain daily bodily functions leads to weight gain, particularly fat gain. This is particularly true when the food contains too many non-nitrogenous (fatty, sugary, and starchy) components. A lack of adequate physical exercise can also lead to similar results, and many cases of obesity can likely be attributed to this reason alone, given that many people with sedentary jobs become overweight despite having very moderate eating habits, while obesity is common among middle-aged and older adults who tend to exercise less than younger individuals, where it's relatively rare. Additionally, women are more likely to become overweight than men and seem to adopt this condition more easily after they stop menstruating.

For the prevention of corpulence and the reduction of superfluous fat many expedients have been resorted to, and numerous remedies recommended. These have included bleeding, blistering, purging, starving (see Fasting), the use of different kinds of baths, and of drugs innumerable. The drinking of vinegar was long popularly, but erroneously, supposed to be a remedy for obesity. It is related of the marquis of Cortona, a noted general of the duke of Alva, that by drinking vinegar he so reduced his body from a condition of enormous obesity that he could fold his skin about him like a garment.

To prevent obesity and reduce excess fat, many methods have been tried and various remedies recommended. These have included bloodletting, blistering, purging, starving (see Fasting), various types of baths, and countless drugs. For a long time, drinking vinegar was mistakenly thought to be a solution for obesity. It is said that the Marquis of Cortona, a well-known general of the Duke of Alva, reduced his massive obesity by drinking vinegar to the point where he could fold his skin around himself like a garment.

In 1863 a pamphlet entitled “Letter on Corpulence, Addressed to the Public by William Banting,” in which was narrated the remarkable experience of the writer in accomplishing the reduction of his own weight in a short space of time by the adoption of a 193 particular kind of diet, started the modern dietetic treatment, at first called “Banting” after the author. After trying almost every known remedy without effect, Banting was induced, on the suggestion of Mr Harvey, a London aurist, to place himself upon an entirely new form of diet, which consisted chiefly in the removal, as far as possible, of all saccharine, starchy and fat food, the reduction of liquids, and the substitution of meat or fish and fruit in moderate quantity at each meal, together with the daily use of an antacid draught. Under this regimen his weight was reduced 46 ℔ in the course of a few weeks, while his health underwent a marked improvement. His experience, as might have been expected, induced many to follow his example; and since then various regimens have been propounded, all aiming at treating corpulence on modern physiological principles (see also Dietetics, Metabolic Diseases and Nutrition). It is important, however, to bear in mind that the treatment should be followed under medical advice and observation; for, however desirable it be to get rid of superabundant fat, it would be manifestly no gain were this to be achieved by the sacrifice of the general health.

In 1863, a pamphlet titled “Letter on Corpulence, Addressed to the Public by William Banting” was published, where the author shared his incredible experience of losing weight in a short period by following a specific diet. This began the modern approach to dieting, initially called “Banting” after him. After trying nearly every known remedy without success, Banting was encouraged by Mr. Harvey, a London ear specialist, to adopt a completely new diet. This diet mainly involved cutting out as much sugar, starch, and fatty foods as possible, reducing liquid intake, and replacing them with moderate amounts of meat or fish and fruit at every meal, along with a daily antacid drink. Following this regimen, he lost 46 pounds in just a few weeks, and his health significantly improved. Unsurprisingly, many were inspired to follow his lead, and since then, various diets have been developed, all aimed at addressing obesity through modern physiological principles (see also Dietetics, Metabolic Diseases, and Nutrition). However, it’s crucial to remember that any treatment should be undertaken with medical advice and supervision; while it’s certainly desirable to lose excess fat, doing so at the expense of overall health would be counterproductive.


CORPUS CHRISTI, a city and the county-seat of Nueces county, Texas, U.S.A., situated on Corpus Christi Bay opposite the mouth of the Nueces river, 192 m. W.S.W. of Galveston and about 150 m. S.S.E. of San Antonio. Pop. (1890) 4387; (1900) 4703, including 963 foreign-born and 460 negroes; (1910) 8299. It is served by the National of Mexico, the St Louis, Brownsville & Mexico, and the San Antonio & Aransas Pass railways. In 1908 the Federal government began work on a project to connect Corpus Christi harbour with Aransas Pass by a channel 8½ ft. deep at low water and 75 ft. wide at the bottom, following a natural depression between the two bays. Corpus Christi is a summer and winter resort, with a very dry equable climate (average annual mean, 70.2° F.) and good bathing on the horseshoe beach of Corpus Christi Bay. The city has an extensive coasting trade, and exports fruit, early vegetables, fish and oysters. There was a small Spanish settlement here at an early date, but no American settlement was made until after the Mexican War. Corpus Christi was the base from which General Zachary Taylor made his forward movement to the Rio Grande in 1846. It was chartered as a city in 1876.

CORPUS CHRISTI, is a city and the county seat of Nueces County, Texas, U.S.A., located on Corpus Christi Bay, directly across from the mouth of the Nueces River, 192 miles W.S.W. of Galveston and about 150 miles S.S.E. of San Antonio. Population: (1890) 4,387; (1900) 4,703, which includes 963 foreign-born and 460 African Americans; (1910) 8,299. The city is served by the National of Mexico, the St. Louis, Brownsville & Mexico, and the San Antonio & Aransas Pass railways. In 1908, the federal government started a project to connect Corpus Christi harbor with Aransas Pass via an 8½ ft. deep and 75 ft. wide channel at low water, following a natural depression between the two bays. Corpus Christi is a popular vacation spot, with a dry, stable climate (average annual mean, 70.2° F.) and great swimming on the horseshoe beach of Corpus Christi Bay. The city has a significant coastal trade, exporting fruit, early vegetables, fish, and oysters. There was a small Spanish settlement here early on, but American settlement didn’t occur until after the Mexican War. Corpus Christi served as the base for General Zachary Taylor's advance to the Rio Grande in 1846. It was incorporated as a city in 1876.


CORPUS CHRISTI, FEAST OF (Lat. festum corporis Christi, i.e. festival of the Body of Christ, Fr. fête-Dieu or fête du sacrement, Ger. Frohnleichnamsfest), a festival of the Roman Catholic Church in honour of the Real Presence of Christ in the sacrament of the altar, observed on the first Thursday after Trinity Sunday. The doctrine of transubstantiation was defined by the Lateran Council in 1215, and shortly afterwards the elevation and adoration of the Host were formally enjoined. This naturally stimulated the popular devotion to the Blessed Sacrament, which had been already widespread before the definition of the dogma. The movement was especially strong in the diocese of Liége, and when Julienne, prioress of Mont-Cornillon near Liége (1222-1258), had a vision in which the need for the establishment of a festival in honour of the Sacrament was revealed to her, the matter was taken up with enthusiasm by the clergy, and in 1246 Robert de Torote, bishop of Liége, instituted such a festival for his diocese. The idea, however, did not spread until, in 1261, Jacob Pantaleon, archdeacon of Liége, ascended the papal throne as Urban IV. By a bull of 1264 Urban made the festival, hitherto practically confined to the diocese of Liége, obligatory on the whole Church,1 and a new office for the festival was written by Thomas Aquinas himself. As yet the stress was laid on reverence for the Holy Sacrament as a whole; there is no mention in Urban’s bull of the solemn procession and exposition of the Host for the adoration of the faithful, which are the main features of the festival as at present celebrated. Urban’s bull was once more promulgated, at the council of Vienne in 1311, by Pope Clement V.; and the procession of the Host in connexion with the festival was instituted, if the accounts we possess are trustworthy, by Pope John XXII.

CORPUS CHRISTI, FEAST DAY (Lat. festum corporis Christi, meaning festival of the Body of Christ, Fr. fête-Dieu or fête du sacrement, Ger. Frohnleichnamsfest), is a celebration in the Roman Catholic Church that honors the Real Presence of Christ in the Eucharist, observed on the first Thursday after Trinity Sunday. The idea of transubstantiation was defined by the Lateran Council in 1215, and soon after, the elevation and worship of the Host became officially required. This naturally boosted the devotion to the Blessed Sacrament, which had already been widespread before the doctrine was declared. The movement was particularly strong in the diocese of Liège, and when Julienne, the prioress of Mont-Cornillon near Liège (1222-1258), had a vision revealing the need for a festival to honor the Sacrament, the clergy enthusiastically took up the cause. In 1246, Robert de Torote, the bishop of Liège, established such a festival for his diocese. However, the idea didn’t spread widely until 1261, when Jacob Pantaleon, the archdeacon of Liège, became Pope Urban IV. In a papal bull in 1264, Urban made the festival, which had mostly been limited to the diocese of Liège, obligatory for the entire Church, and Thomas Aquinas himself composed a new office for the festival. At that time, the emphasis was on reverence for the Holy Sacrament as a whole; Urban’s bull did not mention the solemn procession and exhibition of the Host for the adoration of the faithful, which are now central to the celebration. Urban's decree was reaffirmed at the council of Vienne in 1311 by Pope Clement V., and if the records we have are accurate, it was Pope John XXII who instituted the procession of the Host in connection with the festival.

From this time onwards the festival increased in popularity and in splendour. It became in effect the principal feast of the Church, the procession of the Sacrament a gorgeous pageant, in which not only the members of the trade and craft gilds, with the magistrates of the cities, took part, but princes and sovereigns. It thus became in a high degree symbolical of the exaltation of the sacerdotal power.2 In the 15th century the custom became almost universal of following the procession with the performance of miracle-plays and mysteries, generally arranged and acted by members of the gilds who had formed part of the pageant.

From this point on, the festival grew in popularity and grandeur. It effectively became the main feast of the Church, with the procession of the Sacrament turning into a stunning spectacle, featuring not just trade and craft guild members along with city magistrates, but also princes and rulers. This made it a strong symbol of the elevated status of the priestly power. In the 15th century, it became almost standard to follow the procession with miracle plays and mysteries, typically organized and performed by guild members who had participated in the pageant.

The rejection of the doctrine of transubstantiation at the Reformation naturally involved the suppression of the festival of Corpus Christi in the reformed Churches. Luther, in spite of his belief in the Real Presence, regarded it as the most harmful of all the medieval festivals and, though he fully realized its popularity, it was the first that he abolished. This attitude of the reformers towards the festival, however, intensified by their abhorrence of the traffic in indulgences with which it had become closely associated, only tended to establish it more firmly among the adherents of the “old religion.” The procession of the Host on Corpus Christi day became, as it were, a public demonstration of Catholic orthodoxy against Protestantism and later against religious Liberalism. In most countries where religious opinion is sharply divided the procession of Corpus Christi is therefore now forbidden, even when Catholicism is the dominant religion. In England occasional breaches of the law in this respect have been for some time tolerated, as in the case of the Corpus Christi procession annually held by the Italian community in London. An attempt to hold a public procession of the Host in connexion with the Eucharistic Congress at Westminster in 1908, however, was the signal for the outburst of a considerable amount of opposition, and was eventually abandoned owing to the personal intervention of the prime minister.

The rejection of the idea of transubstantiation during the Reformation naturally led to the cancellation of the Corpus Christi festival in reformed Churches. Luther, despite believing in the Real Presence, viewed it as the most harmful of all medieval festivals and, even though he recognized its popularity, it was the first one he got rid of. This attitude from the reformers towards the festival, which was intensified by their strong dislike of the selling of indulgences that had become closely tied to it, only made it more entrenched among those who adhered to the “old religion.” The procession of the Host on Corpus Christi day became a public display of Catholic orthodoxy against Protestantism and later against religious Liberalism. In many countries where religious beliefs are sharply divided, the Corpus Christi procession is now banned, even when Catholicism is the dominant faith. In England, occasional violations of this law have been tolerated for some time, such as the Corpus Christi procession held annually by the Italian community in London. However, an attempt to hold a public procession of the Host in connection with the Eucharistic Congress at Westminster in 1908 sparked a significant amount of opposition and was ultimately abandoned due to the direct intervention of the prime minister.


1 The pope’s decision, so the story goes, was hastened by a miracle. A priest, saying mass at the church of Santa Christina at Bolsena, was troubled, after the consecration, with grave doubts as to the truth of the doctrine of transubstantiation. His temptation was removed by the Host beginning to bleed, the blood soaking through the corporal into the marble of the altar.

1 The pope’s decision, or so the story goes, was sped up by a miracle. A priest, saying mass at the church of Santa Christina in Bolsena, was troubled, after the consecration, with serious doubts about the truth of the doctrine of transubstantiation. His temptation was lifted when the Host began to bleed, the blood soaking through the corporal into the marble of the altar.

2 Nothing caused more offence to Liberal sentiment in France after the Restoration than the spectacle of King Louis XVIII. walking and carrying a candle in the procession through the streets of Paris.

2 Nothing offended Liberal sentiment in France more after the Restoration than the sight of King Louis XVIII walking and holding a candle during the procession through the streets of Paris.


CORRAL (Span. from corro, a circle), a word used chiefly in Spanish America and the United States for an enclosure for cattle and horses, and also for a defensive circle formed of wagons against attacks from Indians. It is also used as a verb, meaning to drive into a corral, and so figuratively to enclose, hem in. The word is probably connected with the South African Dutch word kraal (q.v.). In Ceylon it is especially used for an enclosure meant for the capture of wild elephants. In this last sense of the word the corresponding term in India is keddah (q.v.).

CORRAL (from the Spanish word corro, meaning circle), is a term mainly used in Spanish-speaking countries and the United States for a fenced area for cattle and horses. It also refers to a defensive circle made from wagons to protect against attacks from Native Americans. As a verb, it means to drive animals into a corral, and in a broader sense, to enclose or confine. The word is likely related to the South African Dutch word kraal (see entry). In Sri Lanka, it specifically refers to an enclosure designed to capture wild elephants. In this context, the equivalent term in India is keddah (see entry).


CORREA, a genus of Australian plants belonging to the natural order Rutaceae, named after the Portuguese botanist José Francisco Correa da Serra. The plants are evergreen shrubs and extremely useful for winter flowering. They are increased by cuttings, and grown in a cool greenhouse in rough peaty soil, with a slight addition of loam and sand. After the plants have done flowering, they should all get a little artificial warmth, plenty of moisture, and a slight shade, while they are making their growth, during which period the tips of the young shoots should be nipped out when 6 or 8 in. long. When the growth is complete, a half-shady place outdoors during August and September will be suitable, with protection from parching winds and hot sunshine.

CORREA, is a genus of Australian plants in the Rutaceae family, named after the Portuguese botanist José Francisco Correa da Serra. These plants are evergreen shrubs that are highly valued for their winter blooms. They can be propagated from cuttings and are best grown in a cool greenhouse with rough peaty soil, mixed with a bit of loam and sand. Once the plants finish flowering, they should receive some artificial warmth, plenty of moisture, and a bit of shade while they grow. During this growth period, the tips of the young shoots should be pinched off when they reach 6 to 8 inches long. Once the growth is complete, a half-shaded outdoor spot is ideal during August and September, with protection from drying winds and intense sunlight.


CORREA DA SERRA, JOSÉ FRANCISCO (1750-1823), Portuguese politician and man of science, was born at Serpa, in Alemtejo, in 1750. Educated at Rome, he took orders under the protection of the duke of Alafoès, uncle of Mary I. of Portugal. In 1777 he returned to Lisbon, where he resided with his patron, with whose assistance he founded the Portuguese Academy of Sciences. Of this institution he was named perpetual secretary, and he received the privilege of publishing its transactions without reference to any censor whatever. His use of this right brought him into conflict with the Holy Office; and 194 consequently in 1786 he fled to France, and remained there till the death of Pedro III., when he again took up his residence with Alafoès. But having given a lodging in the palace to a French Girondist, he was forced to flee to England, where he found a protector in Sir Joseph Banks, and became a member of the Royal Society. In 1797 he was appointed secretary to the Portuguese embassy, but a quarrel with the ambassador drove him once more to Paris (1802), and in that city he resided till 1813, when he crossed over to New York. In 1816 he was made Portuguese minister-plenipotentiary at Washington, and in 1820 he was recalled home, appointed a member of the financial council, and elected to a seat in the Cortes. Three years after, and in the same year with the fall of the constitutional government, he died. Correa da Serra ranks high as a botanist, though he published no great special work. His principal claim to renown is the Colecção de livros ineditos da historia Portugueza, (4 vols., 1790-1816), an invaluable selection of documents, exceedingly well edited.

CORREA DA SERRA, JOSÉ FRANCISCO (1750-1823), Portuguese politician and scientist, was born in Serpa, Alemtejo, in 1750. He was educated in Rome and became a priest under the support of the Duke of Alafoès, the uncle of Mary I of Portugal. In 1777, he returned to Lisbon, where he lived with his patron, who helped him establish the Portuguese Academy of Sciences. He was named the permanent secretary of this institution and received the right to publish its proceedings without needing approval from any censor. His use of this privilege led to conflicts with the Holy Office; as a result, in 1786, he fled to France and stayed there until the death of Pedro III, at which point he returned to live with Alafoès. However, after providing shelter in the palace to a French Girondist, he had to escape to England, where he was supported by Sir Joseph Banks and became a member of the Royal Society. In 1797, he was appointed secretary to the Portuguese embassy, but a dispute with the ambassador led him back to Paris in 1802, where he lived until 1813, when he moved to New York. In 1816, he was made Portugal's minister-plenipotentiary in Washington, and in 1820 he was recalled home, appointed to the financial council, and elected to a seat in the Cortes. Three years later, in the same year that the constitutional government collapsed, he died. Correa da Serra is highly regarded as a botanist, despite not publishing any major works. His most notable contribution is the Colecção de livros ineditos da historia Portugueza, (4 vols., 1790-1816), an invaluable collection of documents that are exceedingly well edited.


CORREGGIO, or Coreggio, the name ordinarily given to Antonio Allegri (1494-1534), the celebrated Italian painter, one of the most vivid and impulsive inventors in expression and pose and the most consummate executants. The external circumstances of his life have been very diversely stated by different writers, and the whole of what has been narrated regarding him, even waiving the question of its authenticity, is but meagre.

CORREGGIO, or Correggio, the name commonly used for Antonio Allegri (1494-1534), the famous Italian painter, is known for being one of the most dynamic and passionate innovators in expression and pose, as well as an extremely skillful artist. The details about his life have been described in various ways by different authors, and overall, what has been told about him, even ignoring the issue of its accuracy, is quite limited.

The first controversy is as to his origin. Some say that he was born of poor and lowly parents; others, that his family was noble and rich. Neither account is accurate. His father was Pellegrino Allegri, a tradesman in comfortable circumstances, living at Correggio, a small city in the territory of Modena; his mother Bernardina Piazzoli degli Aromani, also of a creditable family of moderate means. Antonio was born at Correggio, and was carefully educated. He was not (as has been often alleged) strictly self-taught in his art—a supposition which the internal evidence of his pictures must of itself refute. They show a knowledge of optics, perspective, architecture, sculpture and anatomy. The last-named science he studied under Dr Giovanni Battista Lombardi, whom he is believed to have represented in the portrait currently named “II Medico del Correggio” (Correggio’s physician). It is concluded that he learned the first elements of design from his uncle, Lorenzo Allegri, a painter of moderate ability at Correggio, and from Antonio Bartolotti, named Tognino, and that he afterwards went to the school of Francesco Ferrari Bianchi (named Frarè), and perhaps to that of the successors of Andrea Mantegna in Mantua. He is said to have learned modelling along with the celebrated Begarelli at Parma; and it has even been suggested that, in the “Pietà” executed by Begarelli for the church of Santa Margherita, the three finest figures are the work of Correggio, but, as the group appears to have been completed three years after the painter’s death, there is very little plausibility in this story. Another statement connecting Begarelli with Correggio is probably true, namely, that the sculptor executed models in relief for the figures which the painter had to design on the cupolas of the churches in Parma. This was necessarily an expensive item, and it has been cited as showing that Correggio must have been at least tolerably well off,—an inference further supported by the fact that he used the most precious and costly colours, and generally painted on fine canvases or sometimes on sheets of copper.

The first controversy is about his origins. Some say he was born to poor and humble parents, while others claim his family was noble and wealthy. Neither account is accurate. His father was Pellegrino Allegri, a tradesman in comfortable circumstances, living in Correggio, a small city in the Modena area. His mother, Bernardina Piazzoli degli Aromani, also came from a respectable family of moderate means. Antonio was born in Correggio and received a careful education. He was not (as often claimed) completely self-taught in his art—this assumption is clearly refuted by the evidence in his paintings. They demonstrate knowledge of optics, perspective, architecture, sculpture, and anatomy. He studied anatomy under Dr. Giovanni Battista Lombardi, who is believed to be depicted in the portrait known as “Il Medico del Correggio” (Correggio's physician). It is said that he learned the basics of design from his uncle, Lorenzo Allegri, a moderately skilled painter in Correggio, and from Antonio Bartolotti, known as Tognino. He likely later attended the school of Francesco Ferrari Bianchi (called Frarè), and perhaps studied with the followers of Andrea Mantegna in Mantua. He is reported to have learned modeling alongside the famous Begarelli in Parma, and it has even been suggested that in the “Pietà” created by Begarelli for the church of Santa Margherita, the three most exquisite figures were the work of Correggio. However, since the group seems to have been completed three years after the painter's death, this claim is quite unlikely. Another connection between Begarelli and Correggio is probably true, namely that the sculptor made relief models for the figures that Correggio had to design on the domes of the churches in Parma. This was necessarily an expensive undertaking, and it suggests that Correggio must have been at least reasonably well-off—an inference further supported by the fact that he used the most precious and costly colors and generally painted on fine canvases or sometimes on sheets of copper.

The few certain early works of Correggio show a rapid progression towards the attainment of his own original style. Though he never achieved any large measure of reputation during his brief lifetime, and was perhaps totally unknown beyond his own district of country, he found a sufficiency of employers, and this from a very youthful age. One of his early pictures, painted in 1514 when he was nineteen or twenty years old, is a large altar-piece commissioned for the Franciscan convent at Carpi, representing the Virgin enthroned, with Saints; it indicates a predilection for the style of Leonardo da Vinci, and has certainly even greater freedom than similarly early works of Raphael. This picture is now in the Dresden gallery. Another painting of Correggio’s youth is the “Arrest of Christ.” A third is an Ancona (or triple altar-piece—the “Repose in Egypt, with Sts Bartholomew and John”) in the church of the Conventuali at Correggio, showing the transition from the painter’s first to his second style. Between 1514 and 1520 Correggio worked much, both in oil and in fresco, for churches and convents. In 1521 he began his famous fresco of the “Ascension of Christ,” on the cupola of the Benedictine church of San Giovanni in Parma; here the Redeemer is surrounded by the twelve apostles and the four doctors of the church, supported by a host of wingless cherub boys amid the clouds. This he finished in 1524, and soon afterwards undertook his still vaster work on another cupola, that of the cathedral of the same city, presenting the “Assumption of the Virgin,” amid an unnumbered host of saints and angels rapt in celestial joy. It occupied him up to 1530. The astounding boldness of scheme in these works, especially as regards their incessant and audacious foreshortenings—the whole mass of figures being portrayed as in the clouds, and as seen from below—becomes all the more startling when we recall to mind the three facts—that Correggio had apparently never seen any of the masterpieces of Raphael or his other great predecessors and contemporaries, in Rome, Florence, or other chief centres of art; that he was the first artist who ever undertook the painting of a large cupola; and that he not only went at once to the extreme of what can be adventured in foreshortening, but even forestalled in this attempt the mightiest geniuses of an elder generation—the “Last Judgment” of Michelangelo, for instance, not having been begun earlier than 1533 (although the ceiling of the Sixtine chapel, in which foreshortening plays a comparatively small part, dates from 1508 to 1512). The cupola of the cathedral has neither skylight nor windows, but only light reflected from below; the frescoes, some portions of which were ultimately supplied by Giorgio Gandini, are now dusky with the smoke of tapers, and parts of them, in the cathedral and in the church of St John, have during many past years been peeling off. The violent foreshortenings were not, in the painter’s own time, the object of unmixed admiration; some satirist termed the groups a “guazzetto di rane,” or “hash of frogs.” This was not exactly the opinion of Titian, who is reported to have said, on seeing the pictures, and finding them lightly esteemed by local dignitaries, “Reverse the cupola, and fill it with gold, and even that will not be its money’s worth.” Annibale Caracci and the Eclectics generally evinced their zealous admiration quite as ardently. Parma is the only city which contains frescoes by Correggio. For the paintings of the cupola of San Giovanni he received the moderate sum of 472 sequins; for those of the cathedral, much less proportionately, 350. On these amounts he had to subsist, himself and his family, and to provide the colours, for about ten years, having little time for further work meanwhile. Parma was in an exceedingly unsettled and turbulent condition during some of the years covered by Correggio’s labours there, veering between the governmental ascendancy of the French and of the Pope, with wars and rumours of wars, alarms, tumults and pestilence.

The few certain early works of Correggio show a quick development towards his own unique style. Although he never gained significant fame during his short life and was probably unknown outside his local area, he had enough employers from a very young age. One of his early paintings, created in 1514 when he was around nineteen or twenty, is a large altar piece commissioned for the Franciscan convent in Carpi, depicting the Virgin seated with Saints. It shows a preference for Leonardo da Vinci's style and demonstrates even more freedom than early works of Raphael. This painting is now in the Dresden gallery. Another piece from Correggio's youth is the "Arrest of Christ." A third work is an Ancona (or triple altar piece) titled "Repose in Egypt, with Sts Bartholomew and John," located in the church of the Conventuali at Correggio, marking the transition from his first to his second style. Between 1514 and 1520, Correggio created many works, both in oil and fresco, for churches and convents. In 1521, he began his famous fresco of the “Ascension of Christ” on the dome of the Benedictine church of San Giovanni in Parma; here, the Redeemer is surrounded by the twelve apostles and the four doctors of the church, supported by a group of wingless cherub boys among the clouds. He completed this in 1524 and soon after started on his larger work on another dome, that of the cathedral in the same city, depicting the "Assumption of the Virgin," surrounded by countless saints and angels in celestial joy. This project occupied him until 1530. The remarkable boldness in these works, especially regarding their continuous and daring foreshortenings—the entire mass of figures portrayed as if in the clouds and viewed from below—becomes even more impressive when we remember three facts: Correggio had seemingly never seen any masterpieces by Raphael or other great artists in Rome, Florence, or other major art centers; he was the first artist to take on the painting of a large dome; and he not only pushed the limits of what could be done in foreshortening but even surpassed the greatest talents of an earlier generation—the "Last Judgment" by Michelangelo, for instance, wasn’t started until 1533 (though the Sistine Chapel ceiling, where foreshortening plays a relatively minor role, was painted from 1508 to 1512). The cathedral dome has no skylight or windows, relying only on reflected light from below; the frescoes, some parts of which were later finished by Giorgio Gandini, are now dimmed by candle smoke, and some of them have been peeling off over the years in the cathedral and in St. John’s church. The extreme foreshortenings were not entirely appreciated in the painter’s time; a satirist referred to the groups as a “guazzetto di rane,” or “hash of frogs.” This was not the view of Titian, who reportedly remarked upon seeing the paintings and finding them undervalued by local authorities, “Reverse the dome, and fill it with gold, and even that won’t be its true worth.” Annibale Caracci and the Eclectics showed their serious admiration just as passionately. Parma is the only city with frescoes by Correggio. For the paintings on the dome of San Giovanni, he received the modest sum of 472 sequins; for the cathedral work, significantly less, at 350. These amounts had to support him and his family and cover the cost of colors for about ten years, giving him little time for further work in the meantime. Parma was in a very unsettled and turbulent state during some of the years of Correggio's work there, swinging between French and papal rule, amid wars and rumors of wars, alarms, disturbances, and pestilence.

Other leading works by Correggio are the following:—The frescoes in the Camera di San Paolo (the abbess’s saloon) in the monastery of S. Lodovico at Parma, painted towards 1519 in fresco,—“Diana returning from the Chase,” with auxiliary groups of lovely and vivacious boys of more than life size, in sixteen oval compartments. In the National Gallery, London, the “Ecce Homo,” painted probably towards 1520 (authenticity not unquestioned); and “Cupid, Mercury and Venus,” the latter more especially a fine example. The oil-painting of the Nativity named “Night” (“La Notte”), for which 40 ducats and 208 livres of old Reggio coin were paid, the nocturnal scene partially lit up by the splendour proceeding from the divine Infant. This work was undertaken at Reggio in 1522 for Alberto Pratoneris, and is now in the Dresden gallery. The oil-painting of St Jerome, termed also “Day” (“Il Giorno”), as contrasting with the above-named “Night.” Jerome is here with the Madonna and Child, the Magdalene, and two Angels, of whom one points out to the Infant a passage in the book held by the 195 Saint. This was painted for Briseida Bergonzi from 1527 onwards, and was remunerated by 400 gold imperials, some cartloads of faggots and measures of wheat, and a fat pig. It is now in the gallery at Parma. The “Magdalene lying at the entrance of her Cavern”: this small picture (only 18 in. wide) was bought by Augustus III. of Saxony for 6000 louis d’or, and is in Dresden. In the same gallery, the two works designated “St George” (painted towards 1532) and “St Sebastian.” In the Parma gallery, the Madonna named “della Scala,” a fresco which was originally in a recess of the Porta Romana, Parma; also the Madonna “della Scodella” (of the bowl, which is held by the Virgin—the subject being the Repose in Egypt): it was executed for the church of San Sepolcro. Both these works date towards 1526. In the church of the Annunciation, “Parma,” a fresco of the Annunciation, now all but perished. Five celebrated pictures painted or begun in 1532,—“Venus,” “Leda,” “Danaë,” “Vice,” and “Virtue”: the “Leda,” with figures of charming girls bathing, is now in the Berlin gallery, and is a singularly delightful specimen of the master. In Vienna, “Jupiter and Io.” In the Louvre, “Jupiter and Antiope,” and the “Mystic Marriage of St Catharine.” In the Naples Museum, the “Madonna Reposing,” commonly named “La Zingarella,” or the “Madonna del Coniglio” (Gipsy-girl, or Madonna of the Rabbit). On some of his pictures Correggio signed “Lieto,” as a synonym of “Allegri.” About forty works can be confidently assigned to him, apart from a multitude of others probably or manifestly spurious.

Other major works by Correggio include the following:—The frescoes in the Camera di San Paolo (the abbess's salon) in the monastery of S. Lodovico in Parma, painted around 1519 in fresco,—“Diana Returning from the Chase,” featuring groups of beautiful and lively boys larger than life, in sixteen oval compartments. In the National Gallery, London, is the “Ecce Homo,” likely painted around 1520 (though its authenticity is debated); and “Cupid, Mercury and Venus,” the latter being particularly noteworthy. The oil painting of the Nativity called “Night” (“La Notte”), for which 40 ducats and 208 livres of old Reggio coin were paid, depicts a nighttime scene partially illuminated by the glory radiating from the divine Infant. This work was created in Reggio in 1522 for Alberto Pratoneris and is now housed in the Dresden gallery. The oil painting of St. Jerome, also known as “Day” (“Il Giorno”), contrasts with the earlier “Night.” Here, Jerome is depicted with the Madonna and Child, Mary Magdalene, and two Angels, one of whom points out a passage in a book held by the Saint. This was painted for Briseida Bergonzi starting in 1527 and was compensated with 400 gold imperials, several cartloads of firewood, measures of wheat, and a fat pig. It is currently in the gallery at Parma. The “Magdalene Lying at the Entrance of Her Cavern”: this small painting (only 18 in. wide) was purchased by Augustus III of Saxony for 6000 louis d’or and is located in Dresden. In the same gallery are two works titled “St. George” (painted around 1532) and “St. Sebastian.” In the Parma gallery, there’s the Madonna known as “della Scala,” a fresco that was originally in a recess of the Porta Romana, Parma, as well as the Madonna “della Scodella” (of the bowl held by the Virgin—depicting the Rest in Egypt): it was created for the church of San Sepolcro. Both of these date to around 1526. In the Church of the Annunciation, “Parma,” there’s a fresco of the Annunciation that is now almost completely faded. Five notable pictures painted or begun in 1532 include—“Venus,” “Leda,” “Danaë,” “Vice,” and “Virtue”: the “Leda,” featuring figures of charming young women bathing, is now in the Berlin gallery and is a particularly delightful example of the master’s work. In Vienna, there’s “Jupiter and Io.” In the Louvre, you can find “Jupiter and Antiope,” and the “Mystic Marriage of St. Catherine.” In the Naples Museum, there’s the “Madonna Reposing,” commonly called “La Zingarella,” or the “Madonna del Coniglio” (Gipsy-girl, or Madonna of the Rabbit). On some of his paintings, Correggio signed “Lieto,” meaning “Allegri.” About forty works can be confidently attributed to him, aside from many others that are likely or clearly inauthentic.

The famous story that this great but isolated artist was once, after long expectancy, gratified by seeing a picture of Raphael’s, and closed an intense scrutiny of it by exclaiming “Anch’ io son pittore” (I too am a painter), cannot be traced to any certain source. It has nevertheless a great internal air of probability; and the most enthusiastic devotee of the Umbrian will admit that in technical bravura, in enterprizing, gifted, and consummated execution, not Raphael himself could have assumed to lord it over Correggio.

The well-known story that this great but lonely artist was once, after a long wait, thrilled to see a painting by Raphael and ended his intense examination of it by exclaiming, “Anch’ io son pittore” (I too am a painter), can't be pinpointed to any specific source. Still, it feels quite believable; even the most devoted fan of the Umbrian would agree that in technical bravura, in boldness, talent, and flawless execution, not even Raphael could claim to be superior to Correggio.

In 1520 Correggio married Girolama Merlino, a young lady of Mantua, who brought him a good dowry. She was but sixteen years of age, very lovely, and is said by tradition to have been the model of his Zingarella. They lived in great harmony together, and had a family of four children. She died in 1529. Correggio himself expired at his native place on the 5th of March 1534. His illness was a short one, and has by some authors been termed pleurisy. Others, following Vasari, allege that it was brought on by his having had to carry home a sum of money, 50 scudi, which had been paid to him for one of his pictures, and paid in copper coin to humiliate and annoy him; he carried the money himself, to save expense, from Parma to Correggio on a hot day, and his fatigue and exhaustion led to the mortal illness. In this curious tale there is no symptom of authenticity, unless its very singularity, and the unlikelihood of its being invented without any foundation at all, may be allowed to count for something. He is said to have died with Christian piety; and his eulogists (speaking apparently from intuition rather than record) affirm that he was a good citizen, an affectionate son and father, fond and observant of children, a sincere and obliging friend, pacific, beneficent, grateful, unassuming, without meanness, free from envy and tolerant of criticism. He was buried with some pomp in the Arrivabene chapel, in the cloister of the Franciscan church at Correggio.

In 1520, Correggio married Girolama Merlino, a young woman from Mantua, who came with a good dowry. She was just sixteen years old, very beautiful, and is said to have been the inspiration for his Zingarella. They lived together in great harmony and had four children. She passed away in 1529. Correggio himself died in his hometown on March 5, 1534. His illness was short, and some authors have called it pleurisy. Others, following Vasari, claim it was triggered by having to carry home a sum of 50 scudi, which he received for one of his paintings, paid in copper coins to humiliate him; he took the money himself to save on expenses and carried it from Parma to Correggio on a hot day, leading to his fatigue and eventual illness. This strange story lacks strong proof of authenticity, unless its uniqueness and the improbability of it being completely made up count for something. He is said to have died with Christian grace, and those who praised him (seemingly relying on intuition rather than records) claimed he was a good citizen, a loving son and father, fond of children, a sincere and helpful friend, peaceful, charitable, grateful, humble, without pettiness, free from envy, and tolerant of criticism. He was buried with some ceremony in the Arrivabene chapel, in the cloister of the Franciscan church at Correggio.

Regarding the art of Correggio from an intellectual or emotional point of view, his supreme gift may be defined as suavity,—a vivid, spontaneous, lambent play of the affections, a heartfelt inner grace which fashions the forms and features, and beams like soft and glancing sunshine in the expressions. We see lovely or lovable souls clothed in bodies or corresponding loveliness, which are not only physically charming, but are so informed with the spirit within as to become one with that in movement and gesture. In these qualities of graceful naturalness, not heightened into the sacred or severe, and of joyous animation, in momentary smiles and casual living turns of head or limb, Correggio undoubtedly carried the art some steps beyond anything it had previously attained, and he remains to this day the unsurpassed or unequalled model of pre-eminence. From a technical point of view, his supreme gift—even exceeding his prodigious faculty in foreshortening and the like—is chiaroscuro, the power of modifying every tone, from bright light to depth of darkness, with the sweetest and most subtle gradations, all being combined into harmonious unity. In this again he far distanced all predecessors, and defied subsequent competition. His colour also is luminous and precious, perfectly understood and blended; it does not rival the superb richness or deep intense glow of the Venetians, but on its own showing is a perfect achievement, in exact keeping with his powers in chiaroscuro and in vital expression. When we come, however, to estimate painters according to their dramatic faculty, their power of telling a story or impressing a majestic truth, their range and strength of mind, we find the merits of Correggio very feeble in comparison with those of the highest masters, and even of many who without, being altogether great have excelled in these particular qualities. Correggio never means much, and often, in subjects where fulness of significance is demanded, he means provokingly little. He expressed his own miraculous facility by saying that he always had his thoughts at the end of his pencil; in truth, they were often thoughts rather of the pencil and its controlling hand than of the teeming brain. He has the faults of his excellences—sweetness lapsing into mawkishness and affectation, empty in elevated themes and lasciviously voluptuous in those of a sensuous type, rapid and forceful action lapsing into posturing and self-display, fineness and sinuosity of contour lapsing into exaggeration and mannerism, daring design lapsing into incorrectness. No great master is more dangerous than Correggio to his enthusiasts; round him the misdeeds of conventionalists and the follies of connoisseurs cluster with peculiar virulence, and almost tend to blind to his real and astonishing excellences those practitioners or lovers of painting who, while they can acknowledge the value of technique, are still more devoted to greatness of soul, and grave or elevated invention, as expressed in the form of art.

Regarding Correggio's art from an intellectual or emotional standpoint, his greatest talent can be described as smoothness—a vibrant, spontaneous, and gentle play of emotions, a heartfelt inner grace that shapes the forms and features, radiating like soft and flickering sunlight in the expressions. We see beautiful or lovable souls dressed in bodies of matching charm, which are not only physically appealing but are so infused with the spirit within that they become one with that in movement and gesture. In these traits of graceful naturalness, not elevated into the sacred or severe, and in joyful energy, seen in fleeting smiles and casual shifts of head or limb, Correggio undoubtedly advanced art beyond anything seen before, and he remains to this day an unmatched model of excellence. From a technical perspective, his prime gift—even surpassing his remarkable ability in foreshortening and the like—is chiaroscuro, the skill to modify every tone, from bright light to deep darkness, with the softest and most subtle transitions, all melded into harmonious unity. Again, in this, he outpaced all predecessors and set a standard that future artists could not compete with. His color is also bright and rich, perfectly understood and blended; it doesn’t rival the stunning richness or deep intensity of the Venetians, but stands as a perfect achievement in harmony with his skills in chiaroscuro and vibrant expression. However, when we evaluate painters based on their dramatic ability, their knack for storytelling or conveying a grand truth, their range and mental strength, we find Correggio's merits quite lacking compared to the top masters, and even among many others who, while not completely great, excel in these specific qualities. Correggio never truly conveys much, and often, in subjects where depth of meaning is needed, he conveys strikingly little. He expressed his incredible ease by saying he always had his ideas at the end of his pencil; in reality, they often were ideas more about the pencil and its controlling hand than about a bustling mind. He has the flaws that come with his strengths—sweetness that turns into cloyingness and pretentiousness, emptiness in elevated themes and excessively sensual in topics of a more erotic nature, rapid and powerful action that degenerates into posing and self-indulgence, finesse and smoothness of outline that can become exaggerated and mannered, and bold design that can slip into inaccuracies. No great master poses more risk to his fans than Correggio; around him, the misdeeds of conventional artists and the follies of art lovers gather with particular intensity, potentially blinding those practitioners or enthusiasts of painting who, while they can appreciate the value of technique, are even more devoted to the greatness of spirit and serious or elevated ideas as expressed through art.

Correggio was the head of the school of painting of Parma, which forms one main division of the Lombardic school. He had more imitators than pupils. Of the latter one can name with certainty only his son Pomponio, who was born in 1521 and died at an advanced age; Francesco Capelli; Giovanni Giarola; Antonio Bernieri (who, being also a native of the town of Correggio, has sometimes been confounded with Allegri); and Bernardo Gatti, who ranks as the best of all. The Parmigiani (Mazzuoli) were his most highly distinguished imitators.

Correggio was the leader of the Parma painting school, which is a key part of the Lombard school. He had more followers than actual students. The only students that can be named with certainty are his son Pomponio, who was born in 1521 and lived to an old age; Francesco Capelli; Giovanni Giarola; Antonio Bernieri (who, being from Correggio as well, is sometimes confused with Allegri); and Bernardo Gatti, who is considered the best of them all. The Parmigiani (Mazzuoli) were his most notable followers.

A large number of books have been written concerning Correggio. The principal modern authority is Conrado Ricci, Life and Times of Correggio (1896); see also Pungileoni, Memorie storiche di Antonio Allegri (1817); Julius Meyer, Antonio Allegri (1870, English translation, 1876); H. Thode, Correggio (1898); Bigi, Vita ed opere (1881); Colnaghi, Correggio Frescoes at Parma (1845); Fagan, Works of Correggio (1873); and T. Sturge Moore, Correggio (1906) (a work which includes some adverse criticism on the views of Bernhard Berenson, in his Study of Italian Art, 1901, and elsewhere).

A lot of books have been written about Correggio. The main modern authority is Conrado Ricci, Life and Times of Correggio (1896); also check out Pungileoni, Memorie storiche di Antonio Allegri (1817); Julius Meyer, Antonio Allegri (1870, English translation, 1876); H. Thode, Correggio (1898); Bigi, Vita ed opere (1881); Colnaghi, Correggio Frescoes at Parma (1845); Fagan, Works of Correggio (1873); and T. Sturge Moore, Correggio (1906) (which includes some criticism of the views of Bernhard Berenson in his Study of Italian Art, 1901, and elsewhere).

(W. M. R.)

CORRENTI, CESARE (1815-1888), Italian revolutionist and politician, was born on the 3rd of January 1815, at Milan, of a poor but noble family. While employed in the public debt administration, he flooded Lombardy with revolutionary pamphlets designed to excite hatred against the Austrians, and in 1848 proposed the general abstention of the Milanese from smoking, which gave rise to the insurrection known as the Five Days. During the revolt he was one of the leading spirits of the operations of the insurgents. Until the reoccupation of Milan by the Austrians he was secretary-general of the provisional government, but afterwards he fled to Piedmont, whence he again distributed his revolutionary pamphlets throughout Lombardy, earning a precarious livelihood by journalism. Elected deputy in 1849, he worked strenuously for the national cause, supporting Cavour in his Crimean policy, although he belonged to the Left. After the annexation of Lombardy he was made commissioner for the liquidation of the Lombardo-Venetian debt, in 1860 was 196 appointed councillor of state, and received various other public positions, especially in connexion with the railway and financial administration. He veered round to the Right, and in 1867 and again in 1869 he held the portfolio of education; he played an important part in the events consequent upon the occupation of Rome, and helped to draft the Law of Guarantees. As minister of education he suppressed the theological faculties in the Italian universities, but eventually resigned office and allied himself with the Left again on account of conservative opposition to his reforms. His defection from the Right ultimately assured the advent of the Left to power in 1876; and while declining office, he remained chief adviser of Agostino Depretis until the latter’s death. On several occasions—notably in connexion with the redemption of the Italian railways, and with the Paris exhibition of 1878—he acted as representative of the government. In 1877 he was given the lucrative appointment of secretary of the order of Saints Maurice and Lazarus by Depretis, and in 1886 was created senator. He died at Rome on the 4th of October 1888. He left a considerable body of writings on a variety of subjects, none of which is of exceptional merit.

CORRENTI, CESARE (1815-1888), Italian revolutionary and politician, was born on January 3, 1815, in Milan, to a poor but noble family. While working in the public debt administration, he flooded Lombardy with revolutionary pamphlets meant to stir up hatred against the Austrians. In 1848, he proposed that the people of Milan stop smoking, which sparked the uprising known as the Five Days. During the revolt, he was one of the key leaders among the insurgents. Until the Austrians retook Milan, he was the secretary-general of the provisional government, but afterwards, he fled to Piedmont, where he continued distributing revolutionary pamphlets throughout Lombardy, making a modest living through journalism. Elected deputy in 1849, he worked hard for the national cause, supporting Cavour's Crimean policy, even though he was part of the Left. After Lombardy was annexed, he was appointed commissioner for settling the Lombardo-Venetian debt, became a state councillor in 1860, and held various other public positions, especially related to railway and financial administration. He shifted to the Right and held the education portfolio in both 1867 and 1869; he played an important role in the events following the occupation of Rome and helped draft the Law of Guarantees. As education minister, he abolished the theological faculties in Italian universities but eventually resigned due to conservative pushback against his reforms and re-aligned with the Left. His break from the Right ultimately led to the Left coming to power in 1876; while he turned down official positions, he remained the chief advisor to Agostino Depretis until the latter's death. He represented the government on several occasions—most notably regarding the redemption of the Italian railways and the 1878 Paris exhibition. In 1877, he was given the well-paying role of secretary of the order of Saints Maurice and Lazarus by Depretis, and in 1886, he was made a senator. He died in Rome on October 4, 1888. He left behind a significant amount of writings on various subjects, none of which stands out for exceptional quality.

See E. Massarani, Cesare Correnti nella vita e nelle opere (1890); and L. Carpi, Il Risorgimento italiano, vol. iv. (Milan, 1888).

See E. Massarani, Cesare Correnti nella vita e nelle opere (1890); and L. Carpi, Il Risorgimento italiano, vol. iv. (Milan, 1888).

(L. V.*)

CORRESPONDENCE (from med. scholastic Lat. correspondentia, correspondere, compounded of Lat. cum, with, and respondere, to answer; cf. Fr. correspondence), strictly a mutual agreement or fitness of parts or character, that which fits or answers to a requirement in another, or more generally a similarity or parallelism. In the 17th and 18th centuries the word was frequently applied to relations and communications between states. It is now, outside special applications, chiefly applied to the interchange of communications by letter, or to the letters themselves, between private individuals, states, business houses, or from individuals to the press. The “doctrine of correspondence or correspondences,” one of the leading tenets of Swedenborgianism, is that every natural object corresponds to and typifies some spiritual principle or truth, this being the only key to the true interpretation of Scripture. In mathematics, the term “correspondence” implies the existence of some relation between the members of two groups of objects. If each object of one group corresponds to one and only one object of the second, and vice versa, then a one-to-one correspondence exists between the groups. If each object of the first group corresponds to β objects of the second group, and each object of the second group corresponds to a objects of the first group, then an α to β correspondence exists between the two groups. For examples of the application of this notion see Curve.

CORRESPONDENCE (from medical scholastic Latin correspondentia, correspondere, combined with Latin cum, meaning with, and respondere, meaning to answer; see French correspondence), originally referred to a mutual agreement or compatibility of parts or character, something that meets or responds to a requirement in another, or more generally, a similarity or parallelism. In the 17th and 18th centuries, the term was often used to discuss relations and communications between states. Nowadays, aside from specific uses, it mainly refers to the exchange of communications by letter, or to the letters themselves, between private individuals, states, businesses, or from individuals to the media. The “doctrine of correspondence or correspondences,” a key principle of Swedenborgianism, posits that every natural object corresponds to and represents some spiritual principle or truth, which is the only way to properly interpret Scripture. In mathematics, the term “correspondence” indicates a relationship between elements of two groups of objects. If each object in one group matches with one and only one object in the second, and vice versa, then a one-to-one correspondence exists between the groups. If each object in the first group corresponds to β objects in the second group, and each object in the second group corresponds to α objects in the first group, then an α to β correspondence exists between the two groups. For examples of the application of this notion see Curve.


CORRÈZE, a department of south-central France, formed from the southern portion of the old province of Limousin, bounded N. by the departments of Haute-Vienne and Creuse, E, by Puy-de-Dôme, S.E. by Cantal, S. by Lot, and W. by Dordogne. Area, 2273 sq. m. Pop. (1906) 317,430. Corrèze is situated on the western fringe of the central plateau of France. It forms a hilly tableland elevated in the east and north, and intersected by numerous fertile river valleys, trending for the most part to the south and south-west. The highest points, many of which exceed 3000 ft., are found in the north, where the Plateau de Millevaches separates the basins of the Loire and the Garonne. Except for a small district in the extreme north, which is watered by the Vienne, Corrèze belongs to the basin of the Garonne. The Dordogne waters its south-eastern region. The Corrèze, from which the department takes its name, and the Vézère, of which the Corrèze is the chief tributary, rise in the Plateau de Millevaches, flow south-west, and unite to the west of Brive. The climate of Corrèze is, in general, cold, damp and variable, except in the south-west, where it is mild and agreeable. The majority of the inhabitants live by agriculture. About one-third of the department is arable land, most of which is found in the south-west. Rye, buckwheat and wheat (in the order named) are the most abundant cereals. Hemp, flax and tobacco are also grown. The more elevated regions of the north and east are given over to pasture, sheep being specially numerous on the Plateau de Millevaches. Pigs and goats are reared to a considerable extent; and poultry-farming and cheese-making are much practised. The vineyards of the neighbourhood of Brive produce wine of medium quality. Chestnuts, largely used as an article of food, walnuts and cider-apples are the chief fruits. Coal in small quantities, slate, building-stone and other stone are the mineral products, and clay, used in potteries and tile-works, is also worked. The most important industrial establishment is the government manufactory of fire-arms at Tulle. There are flour-mills, breweries, oil-works, saw-mills and dye-works; and hats (Bort), coarse woollens, silk, preserved foods, wooden shoes, chairs, paper and leather are manufactured. Coal and raw materials for textile industries are leading imports; live stock and agricultural products are the chief exports. The department is served by the Orléans railway, and the Dordogne is navigable. The department is divided into the arrondissements of Tulle, Brive and Ussel, containing 29 cantons and 289 communes. It belongs to the archdiocese of Bourges, the region of the XII. army corps, and the Académie (educational division) of Clermont-Ferrand. Its court of appeal is at Limoges. Tulle, the capital, and Brive are the principal towns of the department. Uzerche is a picturesque old town on the Vézère, with a Romanesque church, old houses, a gate and other remains of medieval fortifications. At Aubazine (or Obazine) there is a Romanesque church of the 12th century, formerly belonging to the celebrated Cistercian abbey, of which Étienne “of Obazine” (d. 1159 and subsequently beatified) was the founder and first abbot. It contains the fine sculptured tomb of the founder. To the same style belong the abbey church of Beaulieu, the south portal of which is elaborately carved, the abbey church of Meymac, and the abbey church of Vigeois. Treignac, with its church, bridge and ramparts of the 15th century, and Turenne, dominated by the ruins of the castle of the famous family of that name, are ancient and interesting towns. The dolmen at Espartignac and the cromlech of Aubazine are the chief megalithic remains in the department. A Roman eagle and other antiquities have been found close to Ussel, which at the end of the 16th century became the centre of the duchy of Ventadour.

CORRÈZE, is a department in south-central France, formed from the southern part of the old province of Limousin. It is bordered to the north by the Haute-Vienne and Creuse departments, to the east by Puy-de-Dôme, to the southeast by Cantal, to the south by Lot, and to the west by Dordogne. The area spans 2,273 square miles with a population of 317,430 as of 1906. Corrèze is located on the western edge of France's central plateau. It consists of a hilly tableland that is higher in the east and north, crossed by several fertile river valleys that mostly flow south and southwest. The highest points, many exceeding 3,000 feet, can be found in the north where the Plateau de Millevaches separates the Loire and Garonne river basins. Aside from a small area in the extreme north, which is fed by the Vienne, the majority of Corrèze is part of the Garonne basin. The Dordogne drains its southeastern area. The Corrèze River, after which the department is named, and the Vézère River, with Corrèze as its main tributary, originate in the Plateau de Millevaches, flow southwest, and merge to the west of Brive. The climate in Corrèze is generally cold, damp, and variable, except in the southwest where it is mild and pleasant. Most of the residents rely on agriculture for their livelihood. About one-third of the department consists of arable land, mostly in the southwest. Rye, buckwheat, and wheat (in that order) are the primary cereals grown, along with hemp, flax, and tobacco. The higher regions in the north and east are used for pasture, with sheep especially abundant on the Plateau de Millevaches. There is significant livestock farming, including pigs and goats, and practices like poultry farming and cheese-making are common. The vineyards near Brive produce wine of average quality. The main fruits include chestnuts, which are widely consumed, as well as walnuts and cider apples. The mineral products include small quantities of coal, slate, building stone, and clay, which is used in pottery and tile production. The main industrial establishment is the government armory in Tulle. Other industries include flour mills, breweries, oil mills, sawmills, and dye works, with products ranging from hats (Bort), coarse woolens, and silk to preserved foods, wooden shoes, chairs, paper, and leather goods. Coal and raw materials for textiles are the main imports, while livestock and agricultural products are the primary exports. The department is connected by the Orléans railway, and the Dordogne is navigable. It is divided into the arrondissements of Tulle, Brive, and Ussel, containing 29 cantons and 289 communes. It falls under the archdiocese of Bourges, the region of the 12th army corps, and the Académie (educational division) of Clermont-Ferrand. Its court of appeal is located in Limoges. Tulle, the capital, and Brive are the largest towns in the department. Uzerche is a charming old town on the Vézère, featuring a Romanesque church, historic houses, a gate, and other remnants of medieval fortifications. At Aubazine (or Obazine), there is a 12th-century Romanesque church that was once part of a famous Cistercian abbey founded by Étienne “of Obazine” (d. 1159 and later beatified). It houses a beautifully sculpted tomb of the founder. The abbey church of Beaulieu, known for its intricately carved south portal, the abbey church of Meymac, and the abbey church of Vigeois all belong to the same architectural style. Treignac, with its 15th-century church, bridge, and ramparts, and Turenne, overlooked by the ruins of the castle of the notable family of that name, are both ancient and fascinating towns. The dolmen at Espartignac and the cromlech of Aubazine are the primary megalithic remains in the department. A Roman eagle and other artifacts have been discovered near Ussel, which became the center of the duchy of Ventadour in the late 16th century.


CORRIB, LOUGH, a lake of western Ireland, in the counties Galway and Mayo. It lies N.W. and S.E., and is 27 m. long, including a long projecting arm at the north-west. The extreme breadth is 7 m., but the outline is extremely irregular, and the lough narrows near the centre to a few hundred yards. Lough Corrib is very shallow, hardly exceeding 30 ft. in depth at any point, and it is covered with islands, of which there are some 300. It lies 29 ft. above sea-level, and drains by the short river Corrib to Galway Bay. The large Lough Mask lies to its north and is connected with it by a partly subterranean channel. The scenery is pleasant, but the shores are low, except at the north-west, where the wild foothills of Joyce’s Country rise.

CORRIB, LOUGH, a lake in western Ireland, situated in the counties of Galway and Mayo. It runs northwest to southeast and is 27 miles long, including a long arm extending to the northwest. Its widest point is 7 miles, but its shape is very irregular, narrowing near the center to just a few hundred yards. Lough Corrib is quite shallow, with a maximum depth of about 30 feet at any point, and it has numerous islands, totaling around 300. The lake sits 29 feet above sea level and drains into Galway Bay via the short River Corrib. To the north lies the larger Lough Mask, which is connected to Corrib by a partially underground channel. The scenery is lovely, although the shores are generally low, except in the northwest where the rugged foothills of Joyce’s Country rise.


CORRIDOR (Fr. corridor, from Ital. corridore, Med. Lat. corridorium, a “running-place,” from currere, to run), a main passage in a large building, on which various apartments open. In public offices, prisons, workhouses, hospitals, &c., the corridors are usually of severe simplicity; but in mansions and palaces large corridors (galleries) are often adorned with works of art, whence comes the term “picture gallery” applied to many collections. The term “corridor carriage” is applied to the modern style of railway carriage in which a narrow passage connects the separate compartments, the object being to combine a certain degree of privacy for the traveller with access from one compartment to another whilst the train is in motion.

CORRIDOR (Fr. corridor, from Ital. corridore, Med. Lat. corridorium, meaning a “running place,” from currere, to run), a main passage in a large building, leading to various rooms. In public offices, prisons, workhouses, hospitals, etc., the corridors tend to be very simple; however, in mansions and palaces, large corridors (galleries) are often decorated with art, which is where the term “picture gallery” comes from, used for many collections. The term “corridor carriage” refers to the modern style of railway carriage where a narrow passage connects the separate compartments, aiming to provide some degree of privacy for the traveler while still allowing access from one compartment to another as the train moves.


CORRIE (Gaelic coire, cauldron; hence whirlpool, or circular hollow), a term used in the Highlands of Scotland for a steep-sided, rounded hollow in a mountain-side, from the lower part of which a stream usually issues as the outlet of a small lake ponded by glacial debris. Corrie-lakes are common in all glaciated mountain regions. (See Cirque.)

CORRIE (Gaelic coire, meaning cauldron; therefore a whirlpool or circular hollow), is a term used in the Highlands of Scotland to describe a steep-sided, rounded hollow in a mountainside, from which a stream typically flows as the outlet of a small lake created by glacial debris. Corrie lakes are common in all glaciated mountain regions. (See Cirque.)


CORRIENTES, a north-eastern province of the Argentine Republic, and part of a region known as the Argentine Mesopotamia, bounded N. by Paraguay, N.E. by Misiones (territory), E. by Brazil, S. by Entre Rios, and W. by Santa Fé and the 197 Chaco. Pop. (1895) 239,618; (1904 estimate) 299,479; area, 32,580 sq. m. Nearly one-third of the province is covered by swamps and lagoons, or is so little above their level as to be practically unfit for permanent settlement unless drained. The Iberá lagoon (c. 8500 sq. m., according to the Argentine Year Book for 1905-1906) includes a large part of the central and north-eastern departments, and the Maloya lagoon covers a large part of the north-western departments. Several streams flowing into the Paraná and Uruguay have their sources in these lagoons, the Iberá sending its waters in both directions. The southern districts of the province, however, are high and rolling, similar to the neighbouring departments of Entre Rios, and are admirably adapted to grazing and agriculture. The north-eastern corner is also high, but it is broken by ranges of hills and is heavily forested, like the adjacent territory of Misiones. The climate on the higher plains is sub-tropical, but in the northern swamps it is essentially tropical. Corrientes is the hottest province of Argentina, notwithstanding its large area of water and forest. The exports include cattle and horses, jerked beef, hides, timber and firewood, cereals and fruit. The principal towns are Corrientes, the capital; Goya, a flourishing agricultural town (1906 estimate, 7000) on a side channel of the Paraná, 150 m. S. of Corrientes, the seat of a modern normal school and the market-town of a prosperous district; Bella Vista (pop. 1906 estimate, 3000), prettily situated on the Paraná, 80 m. S. of Corrientes, the commercial centre of a large district; Esquina (pop. 1906 estimate, 3000) on the Paraná at the mouth of the Corrientes river, 86 m. S. of Goya, which exports timber and firewood from the neighbouring forest of Payubre; Monte Caseros (pop. 1906 estimate, 4000) on the Uruguay river, from which cattle are shipped to Brazil, the eastern terminus of the Argentine North-Eastern railway (which crosses the province in a N.W. direction to Corrientes), and a station on the East Argentine railway (which runs northward to Paso de Los Libres, opposite Uruguayana, Brazil and to San Tomé, and southward to a junction with the Entre Rios railways). A considerable district on the upper Uruguay was once occupied by prosperous Jesuit missions, all of which fell into decay and ruins after the expulsion of that order from the Spanish possessions in 1767. The population of the province is composed very largely of Indian and mixed races, and Guarani is still the language of the country people.

CORRIENTES, a northeastern province of Argentina, part of the region called Argentine Mesopotamia, is bordered to the north by Paraguay, to the northeast by Misiones (territory), to the east by Brazil, to the south by Entre Rios, and to the west by Santa Fé and the 197 Chaco. The population in 1895 was 239,618, with an estimated 299,479 in 1904; the area is 32,580 square miles. Almost one-third of the province is covered by swamps and lagoons or is low enough to be unsuitable for permanent settlement unless drained. The Iberá lagoon (about 8,500 square miles, according to the Argentine Year Book for 1905-1906) covers a large portion of the central and northeastern districts, and the Maloya lagoon spans much of the northwestern districts. Several streams that flow into the Paraná and Uruguay rivers originate from these lagoons, with the Iberá sending water in both directions. However, the southern districts of the province are high and rolling, similar to the nearby Entre Rios, making them ideal for grazing and agriculture. The northeastern corner is also elevated but features hills and dense forests, resembling the adjacent Misiones territory. The climate on the higher plains is subtropical, while the northern swamps are predominantly tropical. Corrientes is the hottest province in Argentina, despite its vast areas of water and forest. Exports include cattle and horses, jerked beef, hides, timber, firewood, cereals, and fruit. The main towns are Corrientes, the capital; Goya, a thriving agricultural town (estimated population in 1906, 7,000) located on a side channel of the Paraná, 150 miles south of Corrientes, which is home to a modern normal school and serves as a market town for a prosperous region; Bella Vista (estimated population in 1906, 3,000), beautifully located on the Paraná, 80 miles south of Corrientes, acting as the commercial hub for a large area; Esquina (estimated population in 1906, 3,000) by the Paraná at the mouth of the Corrientes River, 86 miles south of Goya, which exports timber and firewood from the nearby Payubre forest; and Monte Caseros (estimated population in 1906, 4,000) on the Uruguay River, from which cattle are shipped to Brazil, and serves as the eastern terminus of the Argentine North-Eastern railway (which crosses the province northwest to Corrientes), as well as a station on the East Argentine railway (which travels north to Paso de Los Libres, opposite Uruguayana, Brazil, and south to a junction with the Entre Rios railways). A significant area along the upper Uruguay was once home to prosperous Jesuit missions, all of which fell into decay after the order was expelled from Spanish territories in 1767. The province's population is predominantly made up of Indian and mixed races, and Guarani remains the language spoken by the rural population.


CORRIENTES (San Juan de Corrientes), a city and river port, and the capital of the above province, in the north of the Argentine Republic, on the left bank of the Paraná river, 20 m. below the junction of the Upper Paraná and Paraguay, and 832 m. N. of Buenos Aires. The name is derived from the siete corrientes (seven currents) caused by rocks in the bed of the river just above the town. Pop. (1895) 16,129; (1907 local estimate) 30,172, largely Indian and of mixed descent. The appearance of Corrientes is not equal to its commercial and political importance, the buildings both public and private being generally poor and antiquated. There are four churches, the more conspicuous of which are the Matriz and San Francisco. The government house, originally a Jesuit college, is an antiquated structure surrounding an open court (patio). There is a national college. The commercial importance of Corrientes results from its unusually favourable situation near the confluence of the Upper Paraná and Paraguay, and a short distance below the mouth of the Bermejo. The navigation of the Upper Paraná and Bermejo rivers begins here, and freight for the Upper Paraná and Chaco rivers is transhipped at Corrientes, which practically controls the trade of the extensive regions tributary to them. Corrientes is the western terminus of the Argentine North-Eastern railway, which crosses the province S.E. to Monte Caseros, where it connects with the East Argentine line running S. to Concordia and N. to San Tomé. The principal exports are timber, cereals, maté, sugar, tobacco, hides, jerked beef, fruit and quebracho.

CORRIENTES (San Juan de Corrientes), a city and river port, is the capital of the province mentioned above, located in the northern part of Argentina, on the left bank of the Paraná River, 20 meters below the junction of the Upper Paraná and Paraguay rivers, and 832 meters north of Buenos Aires. The name comes from the siete corrientes (seven currents) caused by rocks in the riverbed just above the town. Population (1895) was 16,129; (local estimate in 1907) 30,172, primarily Indigenous and people of mixed descent. The appearance of Corrientes does not match its commercial and political significance, as the public and private buildings are generally dilapidated and outdated. There are four churches, the most notable being the Matriz and San Francisco. The government building, which used to be a Jesuit college, is an old structure surrounding an open courtyard (patio). There is a national college. Corrientes' commercial significance comes from its favorable location near the confluence of the Upper Paraná and Paraguay rivers and just downstream from the Bermejo River's mouth. Navigation on the Upper Paraná and Bermejo rivers starts here, and cargo for the Upper Paraná and Chaco rivers is transferred at Corrientes, which effectively controls the trade for the vast areas that rely on them. Corrientes is the western end of the Argentine North-Eastern railway, which runs southeast to Monte Caseros, where it connects with the East Argentine line heading south to Concordia and north to San Tomé. The main exports include timber, cereals, maté, sugar, tobacco, hides, jerked beef, fruit, and quebracho.


CORRIGAN, MICHAEL AUGUSTINE (1839-1902), third archbishop of the Roman Catholic archdiocese of New York, in the United States, was born in Newark, New Jersey, on the 13th of August 1839. In 1859 he graduated at Mount St Mary’s College, Emmittsburg, Maryland, and began his studies for the priesthood as the first of the twelve students with whom the American College at Rome was opened. On the 19th of September 1863 he was ordained priest, and in 1864 obtained the degree of D.D. Returning to America, he was appointed professor of Dogmatic Theology and Sacred Scripture, and director of the ecclesiastical seminary of Seton Hall College at South Orange, New Jersey; soon afterwards he was made vice-president of the institution; and in 1868 became president, succeeding Rev. Bernard J. M‘Quaid (b. 1823), the first Roman Catholic bishop of Rochester. In October 1868 Corrigan became vicar-general of Newark, a diocese then including all the state of New Jersey. When Archbishop Bayley was transferred to the see of Baltimore in 1873, Pius IX. appointed Corrigan bishop of Newark. In 1876 he resigned the presidency of Seton Hall College. In 1880 Bishop Corrigan was made coadjutor, with the right of succession, to Cardinal McCloskey, archbishop of New York, under the title of archbishop of Petra; and thereafter nearly all the practical work of the archdiocese fell to his hands. He was at the time the youngest archbishop in the Catholic Church in America. On the death of Cardinal McCloskey in 1885 Archbishop Corrigan became metropolitan of the diocese of New York. He died on the 5th of May 1902. He was a scholar of much erudition, with great power of administrative organization, simple, generous and kindly in character. The earlier years of his archiepiscopate were disturbed by his controversy with Edward McGlynn (1839-1900), a New York priest (and a fellow-student with Corrigan at Rome), who disapproved of parochial schools, refused to go to Rome for examination, and was excommunicated in July 1887, but returned to the church five years later.

CORRIGAN, MICHAEL AUGUSTINE (1839-1902), the third archbishop of the Roman Catholic archdiocese of New York in the United States, was born in Newark, New Jersey, on August 13, 1839. In 1859, he graduated from Mount St Mary’s College in Emmitsburg, Maryland, and began his studies for the priesthood as the first of twelve students with whom the American College at Rome was opened. On September 19, 1863, he was ordained a priest, and in 1864 he earned the degree of D.D. Returning to America, he was appointed professor of Dogmatic Theology and Sacred Scripture, and director of the ecclesiastical seminary of Seton Hall College in South Orange, New Jersey; soon after, he became vice-president of the institution and in 1868 became president, succeeding Rev. Bernard J. M‘Quaid (b. 1823), the first Roman Catholic bishop of Rochester. In October 1868, Corrigan became vicar-general of Newark, a diocese that then included the entire state of New Jersey. When Archbishop Bayley was moved to the see of Baltimore in 1873, Pius IX appointed Corrigan bishop of Newark. In 1876, he resigned the presidency of Seton Hall College. In 1880, Bishop Corrigan was made coadjutor, with the right of succession, to Cardinal McCloskey, the archbishop of New York, under the title of archbishop of Petra; thereafter, nearly all the practical work of the archdiocese fell to him. At that time, he was the youngest archbishop in the Catholic Church in America. Following the death of Cardinal McCloskey in 1885, Archbishop Corrigan became the metropolitan of the diocese of New York. He died on May 5, 1902. He was a scholar with extensive knowledge, known for his strong administrative skills, and was simple, generous, and kind in character. The early years of his archiepiscopate were marked by controversy with Edward McGlynn (1839-1900), a New York priest (and a fellow student with Corrigan in Rome), who opposed parochial schools, refused to go to Rome for examination, and was excommunicated in July 1887, but later returned to the Church five years after.

See Michael Augustine Corrigan: A Memorial, with biographical sketch by John A. Mooney (New York, 1902).

See Michael Augustine Corrigan: A Memorial, with a biographical sketch by John A. Mooney (New York, 1902).


CORROSIVE SUBLIMATE, Mercuric Chloride, Perchloride of Mercury (HgCl2), a white solid obtained by the action of chlorine on mercury or calomel, by the addition of hydrochloric acid to a hot, strong solution of mercurous nitrate, Hg2(NO3)2 + 4HCl = 2HgCl2 + 2H2O + 2NO2, and, commercially, by heating a mixture of mercuric sulphate and common salt, the mercuric chloride subliming and being condensed in the form of small rhombic crystals. It melts at 288°, and boils at 303°; it is sparingly soluble in cold water, more so in hot; it is very soluble in alcohol and ether. It is soluble in hydrochloric acid forming compounds such as HgCl2·2HCl, 3HgCl2·4HCl, 2HgCl2·HCl, according to the temperature and concentration; it also forms double salts with many chlorides; sal alembroth, 2NH4Cl·HgCl2·H2O, is the compound with ammonium chloride. It absorbs ammonia to form HgCl2·NH3, which may be distilled without decomposition. Various oxychlorides are formed by digesting corrosive sublimate with mercuric oxide. Corrosive sublimate has important applications in medicine—as an astringent, stimulant, caustic and antiseptic (see Mercury).

CORROSIVE SUBLIMATE, Mercuric Chloride, Mercury Perchloride (HgCl2), is a white solid created when chlorine reacts with mercury or calomel, or by adding hydrochloric acid to a heated, concentrated solution of mercurous nitrate, Hg2(NO3)2 + 4HCl = 2HgCl2 + 2H2O + 2NO2. It’s also produced commercially by heating a mix of mercuric sulfate and table salt, causing mercuric chloride to sublimate and form small rhombic crystals. It melts at 288° and boils at 303°. It is only slightly soluble in cold water, but more soluble in hot water; it dissolves easily in alcohol and ether. It dissolves in hydrochloric acid to form compounds like HgCl2·2HCl, 3HgCl2·4HCl, 2HgCl2·HCl, depending on the temperature and concentration, and it forms double salts with many chlorides; sal alembroth, 2NH4Cl·HgCl2·H2O, is the compound formed with ammonium chloride. It absorbs ammonia to create HgCl2·NH3, which can be distilled without breaking down. Various oxychlorides develop when corrosive sublimate is digested with mercuric oxide. Corrosive sublimate has significant uses in medicine—as an astringent, stimulant, caustic, and antiseptic (see Mercury).


CORRUPT PRACTICES, a term used in English election law, as defined by the Corrupt and Illegal Practices Prevention Act 1883, to include bribery, treating, undue influence, personation, and aiding, abetting, counselling and procuring personation. Bribery and corruption at elections have been the subject of much legislation, statutes for their prevention have been passed in 1729, 1809, 1827, 1842, 1854, 1868 and 1883.

Corrupt practices, is a term from English election law, defined by the Corrupt and Illegal Practices Prevention Act 1883. It includes bribery, treating, undue influence, impersonation, and helping, encouraging, advising, and facilitating impersonation. Bribery and corruption during elections have been addressed by numerous laws, with statutes passed for their prevention in 1729, 1809, 1827, 1842, 1854, 1868, and 1883.

By the Corrupt and Illegal Practices Prevention Act 1883 (which incorporated the Corrupt Practices Prevention Act 1854, an act that repealed all former legislation) the following persons are to be deemed guilty of bribery:—

By the Corrupt and Illegal Practices Prevention Act 1883 (which included the Corrupt Practices Prevention Act 1854, an act that canceled all previous laws), the following individuals are to be considered guilty of bribery:—

1. Every person who shall directly or indirectly, by himself or by any other person on his behalf, give, lend, &c., or offer, promise, or promise to procure, &c., any money or valuable consideration to or for any voter or any other person in order to induce any voter to vote or refrain from voting, or shall corruptly do any such act on account of such voter having voted or refrained from voting at any election.

1. Anyone who directly or indirectly gives, lends, or offers any money or valuable item to a voter or anyone else to convince a voter to vote or not vote, or who does anything corrupt because a voter has voted or hasn’t voted in any election, shall be held accountable.

2. Every person who shall similarly give or procure or promise, 198 &c., any office, place or employment to or for any voter or other person in order to induce him to vote, &c.

2. Anyone who gives, arranges, or promises, 198 & etc., any job, position, or role to any voter or someone else to influence them to vote, & etc.

3. Every person who shall make any gift, loan, promise, &c., as aforesaid to any person to induce such person to procure the return of any person to serve in parliament or the vote of any voter.

3. Anyone who gives, loans, promises, etc., as mentioned above to anyone to encourage that person to bring back someone to serve in parliament or to influence any voter's decision.

4. Every person who shall, in consequence of such gift, procure or engage, promise or endeavour to procure the return of any person or the vote of any voter.

4. Anyone who, as a result of such a gift, tries to get or makes promises to bring back any person or the vote of any voter.

5. Every person who shall pay any money with the intent that it should be spent in bribery, or who shall pay money in repayment of any money wholly or in part expended in bribery.

5. Anyone who pays money with the intention that it will be used for bribery, or who pays back any money that was entirely or partially spent on bribery.

6. Every person who before or during an election shall receive or contract for any money, &c., for voting, or refraining, or agreeing to vote or to refrain from voting.

6. Anyone who before or during an election receives or makes a deal for any money, etc., for voting, not voting, or agreeing to vote or not vote.

7. Every person who, after the election, receives money, &c., on account of any person having voted or refrained, &c.

7. Anyone who, after the election, receives money, etc., because someone voted or chose not to vote, etc.

Treating.—Any person who corruptly by himself or by any other person either before, during or after an election, directly or indirectly gives or provides, or pays wholly or in part the expense of giving or providing any meat, drink or entertainment, or provision to or for any person in order to be elected, or for being elected, or for the purpose of corruptly influencing such person to give or refrain from giving his vote at an election, &c., shall be deemed guilty of treating, and every elector corruptly accepting such meat, drink, &c., shall also be guilty of treating.

Treating.—Anyone who corruptly, whether by themselves or through someone else, gives or provides, or pays in whole or in part for the cost of any food, drinks, entertainment, or provisions to any person before, during, or after an election, with the aim of being elected, being in office, or to corruptly influence that person to vote or not vote in an election, etc., will be considered guilty of treating. Additionally, any voter who corruptly accepts such food, drinks, etc., will also be guilty of treating.

Undue Influence.—Every person who shall directly or indirectly make use of or threaten to make use of any force, violence, &c., or inflict or threaten to inflict any temporal or spiritual injury, &c., upon any person to induce or compel such person to vote or refrain from voting, or who shall by abduction, duress, or any fraudulent device or contrivance impede or prevent the exercise of the franchise of any elector, or shall thereby compel, induce, &c., any elector to give or refrain from giving his vote, shall be guilty of undue influence.

Undue Influence.—Anyone who directly or indirectly uses or threatens to use any force, violence, etc., or inflicts or threatens to inflict any physical or emotional harm, etc., on someone to persuade or force them to vote or not vote, or who abducts, coerces, or employs any deceitful method to obstruct or prevent any voter from exercising their voting rights, or thereby forces or persuades any voter to cast or withhold their vote, will be guilty of undue influence.

Illegal, as distinguished from “corrupt,” practices are certain acts and omissions in regard to an election which are now prohibited, whether done or omitted, honestly or dishonestly. They may be classified under the following heads:—(1) Acts which are illegal practices by whomsoever committed. These are as follows: Payment or receipt or contracts to pay or receive money for conveyance of voters to or from the poll, on account of any committee room beyond the number allowed by the act, or to an elector for use of house or land to exhibit addresses, &c., or for exhibition by him (otherwise than in the ordinary course of his business of advertising agent) of such addresses, &c.; payment of election expenses otherwise than by or through the election agent, and payment otherwise than to a candidate or election agent of money provided by any other person for election expenses; voting or procuring to vote of any person prohibited from voting, if the person offending knows of the prohibition; knowingly publishing a false statement that a candidate has withdrawn, or publishing with a view to affect the return of a candidate a false statement as to his character or conduct. (2) Acts and omissions which are illegal practices in the case of candidates and agents only, being breaches of duties specially imposed on them. These are the payment or incurring expenses in excess of the maximum authorized by the legislature, the omitting without lawful excuse to make a return and declaration of expenses in due time, and the payment by an election agent of any election expense amounting to 40s. not vouched by bill of particulars and receipt, of any claim for expenses not sent in in due time, or of any such claim after the time allowed for payment thereof. (3) Acts which are illegal practices when done by a candidate or agent, and are a minor offence when done by any one else. These are illegal payments, employment and hiring, and printing, publishing or posting a bill, placard or poster not bearing on its face the name of the printer or publisher. Illegal payments are knowingly providing money for prohibited payments or expenses in excess of the maximum, corruptly inducing a candidate to withdraw by payment or promise of payment (the candidate so induced being guilty of the like offence), paying or agreeing to pay for torches, flags, banners, cockades, ribbons and other marks of distinction (the receiver being guilty of the like offence if he is aware of the illegality). Illegal employment is the employment for payment or promise of payment of persons beyond the number allowed by the legislature or for purposes not authorized. The employé is guilty of the like offence if he knows of the illegality. Illegal hiring is the letting or lending, or the employing, hiring, borrowing or using to carry voters to the poll of stage, or hackney carriages, or horses, or of carriages or horses ordinarily let for hire, and the hiring of committee rooms in premises licensed for the sale of intoxicants, in a club (not being a permanent political club) where intoxicants are sold, in premises where refreshments are ordinarily sold, or in a public elementary school in receipt of a parliamentary grant. Personation and aiding, abetting, &c., of personation are felonies punishable with two years’ imprisonment with hard labour. All other corrupt practices are indictable misdemeanours (in Scotland, crimes and offences) punishable with one year’s imprisonment, with or without hard labour, or a fine not exceeding £200. Conviction of any corrupt practice also renders the offender incapable for seven years of being registered as an elector, or voting at any election, parliamentary or other, in the United Kingdom, or of holding any public or judicial office, or of being elected to or sitting in the House of Commons; and any such office or seat held by him at the time is vacated. In the case of a parliamentary candidate, if an election court finds that there has been treating or undue influence by him, or any other corrupt practice with his knowledge or consent, he becomes incapable of ever being elected for the same constituency, and incurs the like incapacities as if he had been convicted on indictment; if it is found by the election court that he has been guilty by his agents of a corrupt practice, he becomes incapable for seven years of being elected for the same constituency. Illegal practices are offences punishable on summary conviction with a fine not exceeding £100, and with five years’ incapacity for being registered or voting as a parliamentary elector, or an elector to public office within the county or borough where the offence was committed. Illegal payments, employment and hiring, and printing and publishing of bills, &c., not bearing the printer’s or publisher’s name, are, when committed by any one who is not a candidate or agent, offences punishable on summary conviction with a fine not exceeding £100, but carry with them no incapacities. Where an election court finds that any illegal practice has been committed with the knowledge or consent of a parliamentary candidate, he becomes incapable for seven years of being elected to or sitting in the House of Commons for the same constituency. He incurs the like incapacity, limited to the duration of the parliament for which the election was held, if the election court finds that he was guilty by his agents of an illegal practice. A prosecution for any of the above offences cannot be instituted more than a year after the offence was committed, unless an inquiry by election commissioners takes place, in which case it may be instituted at any time within two years from the commission of the offence, not being more than three months after the date of the commissioners’ report.

Illegal practices, as different from “corrupt” ones, are certain actions or failures to act regarding an election that are now banned, regardless of whether they are done honestly or dishonestly. They can be grouped into the following categories:—(1) Actions that are illegal practices no matter who commits them. These include: paying or receiving money or contracts to pay for transporting voters to or from the polls, going beyond the allowed number of committee rooms by the law, or compensating an elector for using their property to display campaign materials, etc.; paying election expenses in ways other than through the election agent, and paying anything to someone other than a candidate or election agent for election-related expenses; voting or helping someone vote when they are banned from voting, if the offender knows about the ban; knowingly spreading false information that a candidate has withdrawn, or publishing false information about a candidate's character or behavior to affect the election outcome. (2) Actions and failures that are illegal practices specifically for candidates and agents, being violations of duties uniquely assigned to them. These include spending more than the maximum amount authorized by law, failing to submit a timely declaration of expenses without a valid excuse, and an election agent paying any election expense over 40s without proper invoices and receipts, failing to submit expense claims on time, or paying such claims after the deadline. (3) Actions that are illegal practices when performed by a candidate or agent but are lesser offenses when done by others. These include illegal payments, employment, hiring, and printing, publishing, or posting materials that do not clearly show the name of the printer or publisher. Illegal payments include knowingly providing money for forbidden expenses or for amounts exceeding the legal limit, corruptly persuading a candidate to withdraw by paying or promising money (with the candidate also guilty of this), or paying or agreeing to pay for items like torches, flags, banners, cockades, ribbons, and other marks of distinction (with the recipient guilty of the same if they know about the illegality). Illegal employment refers to hiring individuals beyond the number allowed by law or for unauthorized purposes. The employed person is also guilty of this if they are aware of the illegality. Illegal hiring involves lending or using vehicles to transport voters to the polls, such as stagecoaches or regular hire vehicles, and renting committee rooms in facilities licensed for selling alcohol, clubs that sell alcohol but are not permanent political clubs, places that usually sell refreshments, or public elementary schools receiving parliamentary funding. Personation and aiding or abetting personation are felonies punishable by up to two years of hard labor. All other corrupt practices are indictable misdemeanors (in Scotland, crimes and offenses) punishable by up to one year of imprisonment, with or without hard labor, or a fine not exceeding £200. Being convicted of any corrupt practice also makes the offender ineligible for seven years to register as an elector or vote in any election, parliamentary or otherwise, in the United Kingdom, or to hold any public or judicial office, or be elected to or sit in the House of Commons; any office or seat held by them at the time is vacated. For a parliamentary candidate, if an election court finds that there has been treating or undue influence by them, or any other corrupt practice with their knowledge or consent, they become permanently ineligible to be elected for the same constituency, facing the same restrictions as if convicted of a crime; if the court finds that their agents committed a corrupt practice, they become ineligible for seven years for that constituency. Illegal practices are punishable on summary conviction with a fine not exceeding £100, and with a five-year incapacity to be registered or vote as a parliamentary elector, or as an elector for public office in the county or borough where the offense occurred. Illegal payments, employment, hiring, and the printing and publishing of materials without the printer's or publisher's name, when committed by someone who is neither a candidate nor an agent, are offenses punishable by summary conviction with a fine not exceeding £100, but they do not carry any restrictions. If an election court finds that an illegal practice was committed with a parliamentary candidate's knowledge or consent, that candidate becomes ineligible for seven years for election to or sitting in the House of Commons for the same constituency. They also incur similar restrictions, limited to the duration of the parliament for which the election was held, if the court finds they were guilty by their agents of an illegal practice. Legal action for any of these offenses cannot be taken more than a year after the offense occurred, unless an inquiry by election commissioners takes place; in that case, proceedings can be initiated at any time within two years from when the offense was committed, but not later than three months after the commissioners' report date.

The law as to corrupt and illegal practices, as above stated, applies equally to parliamentary, municipal, county and parish council elections. Incapacities corresponding to those incurred by parliamentary candidates found guilty by an election court are incurred by municipal and other candidates in the like case, e.g. a municipal candidate found personally guilty of a corrupt practice is incapacitated forever, and a candidate found guilty by his agents is incapacitated for three years from holding corporate office in the borough.

The law regarding corrupt and illegal practices, as mentioned earlier, applies equally to elections for parliament, municipalities, counties, and parish councils. The disqualifications that apply to parliamentary candidates found guilty by an election court also apply to municipal and other candidates in similar situations. For example, if a municipal candidate is personally found guilty of a corrupt practice, they are permanently disqualified, while a candidate found guilty due to their agents' actions is disqualified for three years from holding any corporate office in the borough.

See Rogers, On Elections, 3 vols.; Fraser, Law of Parliamentary Elections.

See Rogers, On Elections, 3 vols.; Fraser, Law of Parliamentary Elections.


CORRY, a city of Erie county, Pennsylvania, U.S.A., 37 m. S.E. of Erie, in the N.W. part of the state, at an elevation of about 1430 ft. Pop. (1890) 5677; (1900) 5369 (671 foreign-born); (1910) 5991. It is served by the Erie and the Pennsylvania railways. Corry is situated in the midst of a fine farming region, which is rich in petroleum and natural gas, and 199 is widely known for its mineral springs. One mile W. of the city is a state fish hatchery, and there are fine trout streams in the neighbourhood. Among the city’s manufactures are steel, engines, locomotives, radiators, shovels, bricks, flour, furniture and leather. Corry was settled in 1860, and was incorporated as a borough in 1863 and as a city in 1866.

CORRY, is a city in Erie County, Pennsylvania, U.S.A., located 37 miles southeast of Erie, in the northwest part of the state, at an elevation of about 1430 feet. The population was 5,677 in 1890; 5,369 in 1900 (671 foreign-born); and 5,991 in 1910. It is served by the Erie and Pennsylvania railways. Corry is in the heart of a great farming region that is rich in petroleum and natural gas, and it is well-known for its mineral springs. One mile west of the city is a state fish hatchery, and there are excellent trout streams nearby. The city manufactures steel, engines, locomotives, radiators, shovels, bricks, flour, furniture, and leather. Corry was settled in 1860, incorporated as a borough in 1863, and became a city in 1866.


CORSAIR (through the Fr. from the Med. Lat. cursarius, a pirate; cursus, or cursa, from currere, to run, being Late Latin for a plundering foray), the name given by the Mediterranean peoples to the privateers of the Barbary coast who plundered the shipping of Christian nations; they were not strictly pirates, as they were commissioned by their respective governments, but the word came to be synonymous, in English, with “pirate.” The French word corsaire is still used for “privateer,” and guerre de course is applied to the use in naval warfare of “commerce-destroyers.” (See Pirate, Barbary Pirates and Privateer.)

CORSAIR (from the French derived from the Medieval Latin cursarius, meaning a pirate; cursus, or cursa, from currere, which means to run, being Late Latin for a plundering raid), is the term used by Mediterranean people for the privateers along the Barbary coast who attacked the shipping of Christian countries; they were not technically pirates, as they were authorized by their governments, but the term became synonymous in English with “pirate.” The French word corsaire is still used to mean “privateer,” and guerre de course refers to the use of “commerce-destroyers” in naval warfare. (See Pirate, Barbary Pirates and Privateer.)


CORSICA (Fr. Corse), a large island of the Mediterranean, forming a department of France. It is situated immediately to the north of Sardinia (from which it is separated by the narrow strait of Bonifacio), between 41° 21′ and 43° N. and 8° 30′ and 9° 30′ E. Area, 3367 sq.m. Pop. (1906) 291,160. Corsica lies within 54 m. W. of the coast of Tuscany, 98 m. S. of Genoa and 106 m. S.E. of the French coast at Nice. The extreme length of the island is 114 m. and its breadth 52 m. The greater part of the surface of Corsica is occupied by forest-clad mountains, whose central ridge describes a curve from N.W. to S.W., presenting its convexity towards the E. Secondary chains diverge in all directions from this main range, enclosing small basins both geographically and socially isolated; on the west and south of the island they either terminate abruptly on the shore or run out to a great distance into the sea, forming picturesque bays and gulfs, some of which afford excellent harbours. The highest peaks are the Monts Cinto (8881 ft.), Rotondo (8612), Paglia Orba (8284), Padro (7851) and d’Oro (7845). On the eastern side of the island, between Bastia and Porto Vecchio, there intervenes between the mountains and the sea a considerable tract of low and unhealthy, but fertile country, and the coast is fringed in places by lagoons.

CORSICA (Fr. Corse), a large island in the Mediterranean, is part of France. It's located just north of Sardinia (separated by the narrow Bonifacio Strait), between 41° 21′ and 43° N. and 8° 30′ and 9° 30′ E. It has an area of 3,367 square miles and a population of 291,160 as of 1906. Corsica is 54 miles west of the coast of Tuscany, 98 miles south of Genoa, and 106 miles southeast of the French coast near Nice. The island stretches 114 miles long and is 52 miles wide. Most of Corsica's landscape consists of forest-covered mountains, with a central ridge that curves from northwest to southwest, facing east. Secondary mountain ranges branch out in all directions from this main range, creating small, geographically and socially isolated basins. On the west and south coasts, these ranges either drop steeply to the shoreline or extend far into the sea, forming beautiful bays and gulfs, some of which provide excellent harbors. The highest peaks include Monts Cinto (8,881 ft.), Rotondo (8,612), Paglia Orba (8,284), Padro (7,851), and d’Oro (7,845). On the eastern side of the island, between Bastia and Porto Vecchio, there is a significant area of low, unhealthy but fertile land between the mountains and the sea, with parts of the coast bordered by lagoons.

Geology.—Corsica may be divided into two parts, which are geologically distinct, by a line drawn from Belgodere through Corte to the east coast near Favone. West of this line the island is composed chiefly of granite, with a large mass of granophyres, quartz porphyries and similar rocks forming the high mountains around Mt. Cinto; but between the Gulfs of Porto and Galeria, schists, limestones and anthracite, containing fossils of Upper Carboniferous age, occur. The famous orbicular diorite of Corsica is found near Sta. Lucia-di-Tallano in the arrondissement of Sartène. In the eastern part of the island the predominant rocks are schists of unknown age, with intrusive masses of serpentine and euphotide. Folded amongst the schists are Strips of Upper Carboniferous beds similar to those of the west coast. Overlying these more ancient rocks are limestones with Rhaetic and Liassic fossils, occurring in small patches at Oletta, Morosaglia, &c. Nummulitic limestone of Eocene age is found near St Florent, and occupies several large basins near the boundary between the granite and the schist. Miocene molasse with Clypeaster, &c., forms the plain of Aleria on the east coast, and occurs also at St Florent in the north and Bonifacio in the south. A small patch of Pliocene has been found near Aleria. The caves of Corsica, especially in the neighbourhood of Bastia, contain numerous mammalian remains, the commonest of which belong to Lagomys corsicanus, Cuv.

Geology.—Corsica can be split into two geologically different parts by a line drawn from Belgodere through Corte to the east coast near Favone. West of this line, the island mainly consists of granite, with significant amounts of granophyres, quartz porphyries, and similar rocks forming the high mountains around Mt. Cinto. However, between the Gulfs of Porto and Galeria, you’ll find schists, limestones, and anthracite containing fossils from the Upper Carboniferous period. The well-known orbicular diorite of Corsica is located near Sta. Lucia-di-Tallano in the Sartène area. In the eastern section of the island, the main rocks are schists of unknown age, along with intrusions of serpentine and euphotide. Interspersed among the schists are strips of Upper Carboniferous beds similar to those on the west coast. On top of these older rocks are limestones with Rhaetic and Liassic fossils, found in small patches at Oletta, Morosaglia, etc. Eocene-age nummulitic limestone is present near St Florent and fills several large basins at the boundary between the granite and the schist. Miocene molasse with Clypeaster and others makes up the plain of Aleria on the east coast, and can also be found at St Florent in the north and Bonifacio in the south. A small piece of Pliocene rock has been discovered near Aleria. The caves of Corsica, particularly around Bastia, hold numerous mammalian remains, with the most common being Lagomys corsicanus, Cuv.

See Hollande, “Géologie de la Corse,” Ann. sci. géol., vol. ix. (1877); Nentien, “Études sur les gîtes minéraux de la Corse,” Ann. Mines Paris, ser. 9, vol. xii. pp. 231-296, pi. v. (1897).

See Hollande, “Geology of Corsica,” Ann. Sci. Geol., vol. 9. (1877); Nentien, “Studies on the Mineral Deposits of Corsica,” Ann. Mines Paris, ser. 9, vol. 12, pp. 231-296, pl. 5. (1897).

Corsica is well watered by rivers and torrents, which, though short in their course, bring down large volumes of water from the mountains. The longest is the Golo, which rises in the pastoral region of Niolo, isolated among the mountains to the west of Corte and inhabited by a distinct population of obscure origin. It enters the sea on the east coast to the south of the salt-water lake of Biguglia; farther south, on the same side of the island, is the Tavignano, while on the west there are the Liamone, the Gravone and the Taravo. The other streams are all comparatively small. Owing to the rugged and indented outline of the western coast there are an unusual number of bays and harbours. Of the bays the most important are Porto, Sagone, Ajaccio and Valinco; of the ports, St Florent (San Fiorenzo), Ile Rousse (Isola Rossa), Calvi, Ajaccio and Propriano. On the eastern side, which is much less rugged and broken, the only harbours worth mentioning are those of Bastia and Porto Vecchio (the Portus Syracusanus of the ancients), and the only gulfs those of Porto Vecchio and Santa Manza. At the extreme south are the harbour and town of Bonifacio, giving name to the strait which separates Corsica from Sardinia.

Corsica has plenty of rivers and streams that, despite being short, carry large amounts of water from the mountains. The longest river is the Golo, which starts in the pastoral area of Niolo, tucked away among the mountains west of Corte and home to a unique population of unclear origin. It flows into the sea on the east coast, just south of the saltwater lake of Biguglia. Further south, on the same side of the island, is the Tavignano, while on the west side, there are the Liamone, Gravone, and Taravo. The other streams are relatively small. Due to the rough and uneven shape of the western coast, there are an unusual number of bays and harbors. The most significant bays are Porto, Sagone, Ajaccio, and Valinco; among the ports are St Florent (San Fiorenzo), Ile Rousse (Isola Rossa), Calvi, Ajaccio, and Propriano. On the eastern side, which is much less rugged, the only noteworthy harbors are Bastia and Porto Vecchio (the Portus Syracusanus of the ancients), and the only gulfs are those of Porto Vecchio and Santa Manza. At the far south are the harbor and town of Bonifacio, which gives its name to the strait separating Corsica from Sardinia.

The climate of the island ranges from warmth in the lowlands to extreme rigour in the mountains. The intermediate region is the most temperate and healthy. The mean annual temperature at Ajaccio is 63° F. The dominant winds are those from the south-west and south-east.

The island's climate varies from warm in the lowlands to extremely harsh in the mountains. The middle region is the most temperate and healthy. The average annual temperature in Ajaccio is 63° F. The prevailing winds come from the southwest and southeast.

There are mines of anthracite, antimony and copper; the island produces granite, building stone, marble, and amianthus, and there are salt marshes. Among other places Guagno, Pardina Guitera, and Orezza have mineral springs.

There are anthracite, antimony, and copper mines; the island produces granite, building stone, marble, and asbestos, and there are salt marshes. Other places with mineral springs include Guagno, Pardina Guitera, and Orezza.

The agriculture of Corsica suffers from scarcity of labour, due partly to the apathy of the inhabitants, and from scarcity of capital. The cultivation of cereals, despite the fertility of the soil, is neglected; wheat is grown to some extent, but in this respect, the population is dependent to a large degree on outside supplies. The culture of fruit, especially of the vine, cedrates, citrons and olives (for which the Balagne region, in the north-west, is noted), of vegetables and of tobacco, and sheep and goat rearing are the main rural industries, to which may be added the rearing of silk-worms. The exploitation of the fine forests, which contain the well-known Corsican pine, beeches, oaks and chestnuts, is also an important resource, but tends to proceed too rapidly. Chestnuts are exported, and, ground into flour, are used as food by the mountaineers. Most of the inhabitants are proprietors of land, but often the properties are so split up that many hours, or even a whole day, are spent in going from the vineyard or olive plantation to the arable land in the plain or the chestnut-wood in the mountain. A great part of the agricultural labour is performed by labourers from Tuscany and Lucca, who periodically visit the island for that purpose. Sheep of a peculiar breed, resembling chamois and known as mouflons, inhabit the more inaccessible parts of the mountains. The uncultivated districts are generally overgrown with a thick tangled underwood, consisting of arbutus, myrtle, thorn, laurel broom and other fragrant shrubs, and known as the maquis, the fragrance of which can be distinguished even from the sea.

The agriculture of Corsica struggles with a lack of labor, partly due to the indifference of the locals, and a shortage of capital. Although the soil is fertile, cereal farming is largely ignored; wheat is grown to some extent, but the population relies heavily on outside supplies. The main rural activities are fruit cultivation—especially vines, cedrates, citrons, and olives (notably in the Balagne region in the northwest)—as well as vegetable and tobacco farming, along with sheep and goat herding. Silk-worm raising is also included. The harvesting of the valuable forests, which include the famous Corsican pine, beeches, oaks, and chestnuts, is another significant resource, but it often happens too quickly. Chestnuts are exported and ground into flour for food by the mountain dwellers. Most inhabitants own land, but often their properties are so divided that they spend many hours, or even a whole day, traveling between their vineyards or olive groves and the arable land in the plains or the chestnut woods in the mountains. A large part of the agricultural work is done by laborers from Tuscany and Lucca, who visit the island periodically for that purpose. A unique breed of sheep, similar to chamois and known as mouflons, lives in the more remote areas of the mountains. The uncultivated areas are typically overgrown with dense, tangled underbrush made up of arbutus, myrtle, thorn, laurel, broom, and other fragrant shrubs, known as maquis, the scent of which can be detected even from the sea.

Fishing and shooting are allowed almost everywhere to the possessor of a government licence; special permission, where it is necessary, is easily obtained. Wild boars, stags, in the eastern districts, and hares as well as the mouflon are found, while partridges, quail, woodcock, wild duck and water-fowl are abundant. Trout and eels are the chief fish. The flesh of the Corsican blackbird is considered a delicacy. The fisheries of tunny, pilchard and anchovy are extensively prosecuted for the supply of the Italian markets; but comparatively few of the natives are engaged in this industry.

Fishing and hunting are allowed almost everywhere for anyone with a government license; special permission, when needed, can be easily obtained. Wild boars, stags in the eastern areas, and hares along with the mouflon can be found, while partridges, quail, woodcock, wild ducks, and other waterfowl are plentiful. Trout and eels are the main types of fish. The meat of the Corsican blackbird is considered a delicacy. The fishing for tuna, sardines, and anchovies is done extensively to supply the Italian markets, but relatively few locals are involved in this industry.

The Corsican is simple and sober but unenterprising; dignified and proud, he is possessed of a native courtesy, manifested in his hospitality to strangers, the refusal of which is much resented. He is, however, implacable towards his own countrymen when his enmity is once aroused, and the practice of the blood-feud or vendetta has not died out. Each individual is attached to some powerful family, and the influence of this usage is specially marked in politics, the individual voting with his clan on pain of arousing the vindictiveness of his fellow-members. Another dominant factor in social life in Corsica is the almost universal ambition on the part of the natives towards an official career, a tendency from which commerce and agriculture inevitably suffer.

The Corsican is straightforward and modest but lacks ambition; dignified and proud, he has a natural courtesy that shows in his hospitality to guests, which is greatly valued. However, he is unforgiving towards his fellow countrymen once he feels animosity, and the practice of blood feuds or vendetta is still alive. Each person is linked to a powerful family, and this connection heavily influences politics, as individuals vote with their clans to avoid inciting the anger of their peers. Another key aspect of social life in Corsica is the nearly universal desire among locals for an official career, a tendency that often harms trade and farming.

The manufactures of the island are of small importance. They include the extraction of gallic acid from chestnut-bark, the preparation of preserved citrons and other delicacies, and of macaroni and similar foods and the manufacture of fancy goods and cigars.

The products made on the island aren't very significant. They include extracting gallic acid from chestnut bark, preparing preserved citrons and other treats, making macaroni and similar foods, as well as producing fancy goods and cigars.

The chief ports are Bastia, Ajaccio and Ile Rousse. A railway 200 runs from Bastia to Ajaccio with branches to Calvi and Ghisonaccia, but, in general, lack of means of communication as well as of capital are a barrier to commercial activity. In 1905 imports reached a value of £113,000. The chief were tobacco furniture and wooden goods, wine, cereals, coal, cheese and bran. Exports were valued at £336,000, and included chestnut-extract, charcoal, timber, citrons and other fruits, seeds, casks, skins, chestnuts and tanning bark.

The main ports are Bastia, Ajaccio, and Ile Rousse. There’s a railway that goes from Bastia to Ajaccio with branches to Calvi and Ghisonaccia, but generally, the lack of transportation options and capital prevents commercial activity. In 1905, imports were worth £113,000. The main imports were tobacco, furniture and wooden goods, wine, cereals, coal, cheese, and bran. Exports totaled £336,000 and included chestnut extract, charcoal, timber, citrons and other fruits, seeds, barrels, hides, chestnuts, and tanning bark.

Corsica is divided into five arrondissements (chief towns—Ajaccio, Bastia, Calvi, Corte and Sartène), with 62 cantons and 364 communes. It forms part of the académie (educational circumscription) and archiepiscopal province of Aix (Bouches-du-Rhône) and of the region of the XV. army corps. The principal towns are Ajaccio, the capital and the seat of the bishop of the island and of the prefect; Bastia, the seat of the court of appeal and of the military commander; Calvi, Corte and Bonifacio. Other places of interest are St Florent, near which stand the ruins of the cathedral (12th century) of the vanished town of Nebbio; Murato, which has a church (12th or 13th century) of Pisan architecture, which is exemplified in other Corsican churches; and Cargese, where there is a Greek colony, dating from the 17th century. Near Lucciana are the ruins of a fine Romanesque church called La Canonica. Megalithic monuments are numerous, chief among them being the dolmen of Fontanaccia in the arrondissement of Sartène.

Corsica is split into five districts (main towns—Ajaccio, Bastia, Calvi, Corte, and Sartène), with 62 cantons and 364 communes. It is part of the académie (educational region) and the archiepiscopal province of Aix (Bouches-du-Rhône) and falls under the jurisdiction of the XV. army corps. The key towns are Ajaccio, the capital and home to the island’s bishop and prefect; Bastia, where the court of appeal and military commander are located; as well as Calvi, Corte, and Bonifacio. Other notable places include St Florent, near the ruins of the 12th-century cathedral from the now-gone town of Nebbio; Murato, which features a Pisan-style church from the 12th or 13th century found in other Corsican churches; and Cargese, where a Greek settlement was established in the 17th century. Near Lucciana are the remnants of a beautiful Romanesque church known as La Canonica. There are many megalithic monuments, the most significant being the dolmen of Fontanaccia in the Sartène district.

History.—The earliest inhabitants of Corsica were probably Ligurian. The Phocaeans of Ionia were the first civilized people to establish settlements there. About 560 B.C. they landed in the island and founded the town of Alalia. By the end of the 6th century, however, their power had dwindled before that of the Etruscans, who were in their turn driven out by the Carthaginians. The latter were followed by the Romans, who gained a footing in the island at the time of the First Punic War, but did not establish themselves there till the middle of the 2nd century B.C. Both Marius and Sulla founded colonies—the one at Mariana (near Lucciana) in 104, the second at Aleria in 88. In the early centuries of the Christian era Corsica formed one of the senatorial provinces of the Empire, but though it was in continuous commercial communication with Italy, it was better known as a place of banishment for political offenders. One of the most distinguished of those was the younger Seneca, who spent in exile there the eight years ending A.D. 49.

History.—The earliest inhabitants of Corsica were likely Ligurian. The Phocaeans from Ionia were the first civilized group to settle there. Around 560 B.C., they arrived on the island and founded the town of Alalia. However, by the end of the 6th century, their influence had declined in the face of the Etruscans, who were eventually driven out by the Carthaginians. The Romans followed the Carthaginians, establishing a presence on the island during the First Punic War, but they didn’t fully settle there until the middle of the 2nd century B.C. Marius and Sulla both founded colonies—Marius established one at Mariana (near Lucciana) in 104, while Sulla did so at Aleria in 88. In the early centuries of the Christian era, Corsica became one of the senatorial provinces of the Empire, and although it was in constant commercial contact with Italy, it was mostly known as a place of exile for political dissidents. One of the most notable exiles was the younger Seneca, who spent eight years in exile there, ending in A.D. 49.

During the break-up of the Roman empire in the West the possession of Corsica was for a while disputed between the Vandals and the Gothic allies of the Roman emperors, until in 469 Genseric finally made himself master of the island. For 65 years the Vandals maintained their domination, the Corsican forests supplying the wood for the fleets with which they terrorized the Mediterranean. After the destruction of the Vandal power in Africa by Belisarius, his lieutenant Cyril conquered Corsica (534) which now, under the exarchate of Africa, became part of the East Roman empire. The succeeding period was one of great misery. Goths and Lombards in turn ravaged the island, which in spite of the prayers of Pope Gregory the Great the exarch of Africa did nothing to defend; the rule of the Byzantines was effective only in grinding excessive taxes out of the wretched population; and, to crown all, in 713 the Mussulmans from the northern coast of Africa made their first descent upon the island. Corsica remained nominally attached to the East Roman empire until Charlemagne, having overthrown the Lombard power in Italy (774), proceeded to the conquest of the island, which now passed into the hands of the Franks. In 806, however, occurred the first of a series of Moorish incursions from Spain. Several times defeated by the emperor’s lieutenants, the Moors continually returned, and in 810 gained temporary possession of the island. They were crushed and exterminated by an expedition under the emperor’s son Charles, but none the less returned again and again. In 828 the defence of Corsica was entrusted to Boniface II., count of the Tuscan march, who conducted a successful expedition against the African Mussulmans, and returning to Corsica built a fortress in the south of the island which formed the nucleus of the town (Bonifacio) that bears his name. Boniface’s war against the Saracens was continued by his son Adalbert, after he had been restored to his father’s dignities in 846; but, in spite of all efforts, the Mussulmans seem to have remained in possession of part of the island until about 930. Corsica, of which Berengar II., king of Italy, had made himself master, became in 962, after his dethronement by Otto the Great, a place of refuge for his son Adalbert, who succeeded in holding the island and in passing it on to his son, another Adalbert. This latter was, however, defeated by the forces of Otto II., and Corsica was once more attached to the marquisate of Tuscany, of which Adalbert was allowed to hold part of the island in fee.

During the break-up of the Western Roman Empire, Corsica was contested for a time between the Vandals and the Gothic allies of the Roman emperors, until Genseric finally took control of the island in 469. The Vandals held power for 65 years, using the island's forests for the wood they needed to build fleets that terrorized the Mediterranean. After Belisarius destroyed Vandal power in Africa, his lieutenant Cyril conquered Corsica in 534, and it became part of the East Roman Empire under the Exarchate of Africa. The following period was marked by great suffering. The Goths and Lombards ravaged the island, and despite Pope Gregory the Great's prayers, the exarch of Africa did nothing to help; Byzantine rule only served to extract excessive taxes from the struggling population. To top it all off, in 713, Muslims from North Africa made their first attack on the island. Corsica remained nominally part of the East Roman Empire until Charlemagne defeated the Lombards in Italy in 774 and conquered the island, which then fell into Frankish hands. However, in 806, the first of many Moorish incursions from Spain occurred. The Moors were defeated multiple times by the emperor’s commanders but kept returning, and in 810 they temporarily took control of the island. They were crushed and eliminated by an expedition led by the emperor’s son Charles, but they continued to come back. In 828, the defense of Corsica was given to Boniface II, count of the Tuscan march, who led a successful expedition against the African Muslims. Upon returning to Corsica, he built a fortress in the southern part of the island, which became the nucleus of the town (Bonifacio) that bears his name. Boniface’s campaign against the Saracens was carried on by his son Adalbert, who regained his father's titles in 846. Despite their efforts, the Muslims seemed to maintain control of part of the island until around 930. Corsica, which Berengar II, king of Italy, had taken over, became a refuge for his son Adalbert after Berengar was dethroned by Otto the Great in 962. Adalbert managed to keep the island and pass it on to his son, also named Adalbert. However, this latter Adalbert was defeated by Otto II’s forces, and Corsica was once again attached to the marquisate of Tuscany, although Adalbert was permitted to hold part of the island as a fief.

The period of feudal anarchy now began, a general mellay of petty lords each eager to expand his domain. The counts of Cinarca, especially, said to be descended from Adalbert, aimed at establishing their supremacy over The Terra di Comune. the whole island. To counteract this and similar ambitions, in the 11th century, a sort of national diet was held, and Sambucuccio, lord of Alando, put himself at the head of a movement which resulted in confining the feudal lords to less than half of the island to the south, and in establishing in the rest, henceforth known as the Terra di Comune, a sort of republic composed of autonomous parishes. This system, which survived till the Revolution, is thus described by Jacobi (tom. i. p. 137), “Each parish or commune nominated a certain number of councillors who, under the name of ‘fathers of the commune,’ were charged with the administration of justice under the direction of a podestà, who was as it were their president. The podestas of each of the states or enfranchised districts chose a member of the supreme council charged with the making of laws and regulations for the Terra di Comune. This council or magistracy was called the Twelve, from the number of districts taking a share in its nomination. Finally, in each district the fathers of the commune elected a magistrate who, under the name of caporale, was entrusted with the defence of the interests of the poor and weak, with seeing that justice was done to them, and that they were not made the victims of the powerful and rich.”

The time of feudal chaos began, with numerous small lords eager to expand their territories. The Counts of Cinarca, believed to be descendants of Adalbert, aimed to assert their control over The Commune Land. the entire island. To combat these and similar ambitions, a sort of national assembly was convened in the 11th century, and Sambucuccio, lord of Alando, led a movement that limited the feudal lords to less than half of the island to the south. In the remaining area, known as the Terra di Comune, a republic made up of self-governing parishes was established. This system, which lasted until the Revolution, is described by Jacobi (tom. i. p. 137) as follows: “Each parish or commune selected a certain number of council members who, known as ‘fathers of the commune,’ were responsible for administering justice under the guidance of a podestà, who served as their president. The podestas from each state or free district chose a member of the supreme council responsible for creating laws and regulations for the Terra di Comune. This council or magistracy was called the Twelve, named after the number of districts participating in its selection. Finally, in each district, the fathers of the commune elected a magistrate who, called caporale, was tasked with protecting the interests of the poor and weak, ensuring they received justice, and preventing them from becoming victims of the powerful and wealthy.”

Meanwhile the south remained under the sway of the counts of Cinarca, while in the north feudal barons maintained their independence in the promontory of Cape Corso. Internal feuds continued; William, marquis of Massa, of Papal sovereignty the family known later as the Malaspina, was called in by the communes (1020), drove out the count of Cinarca, reduced the barons to order, and in harmony with the communes established a dominion which he was able to hand on to his son. Towards the end of the 11th century, however, the popes laid claim to the island in virtue of the donation of Charlemagne, though the Frankish conqueror had promised at most the reversion of the lands of the Church. The Corsican clergy supported the claim, and in 1077 the Corsicans declared themselves subjects of the Holy See in the presence of the apostolic legate Landolfo, bishop of Pisa. Pope Gregory VII. thereupon invested the bishop and his successors with the island, an investiture confirmed by Urban II. in 1190 and extended into a concession of the full sovereignty. The Pisans now took solemn possession of the island and their “grand judges” (judices) took the place of Rule of Pisa. the papal legates. Corsica, valued by the Pisans as by the Vandals as an inexhaustible storehouse of materials for their fleet, flourished exceedingly under the enlightened rule of the great commercial republic. Causes of dissension remained, however, abundant. The Corsican bishops repented their subjection to the Pisan archbishop; the Genoese intrigued at Rome to obtain a reversal of the papal gift to the rivals with whom they were disputing the supremacy of the seas. Successive popes followed conflicting policies in this respect; until in 1138 Innocent II., by way of compromise, divided the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of the island between the archbishops of Pisa and Genoa. This gave the Genoese great influence in Corsica, and the contest between the Pisans and Genoese began to distract the island. It was not, however, till 1195 that the Genoese, by capturing Bonifacio—a nest of pirates preying on the 201 commerce of both republics—actually gained a footing in the country. For twenty years the Pisans fought to recover the fortress for themselves, until in 1217 the pope settled the matter by taking it into his own hands.

Meanwhile, the south was controlled by the counts of Cinarca, while in the north, feudal lords maintained their independence on the Cape Corso promontory. Internal disputes persisted; William, Marquis of Massa, part of the family that would later be known as the Malaspina, was called in by the communes in 1020. He expelled the count of Cinarca, brought the barons under control, and worked with the communes to establish a rule that he was able to pass on to his son. Towards the end of the 11th century, though, the popes claimed the island based on Charlemagne's donation, despite the fact that the Frankish conqueror had promised at most only the reversion of Church lands. The Corsican clergy backed this claim, and in 1077, the Corsicans declared themselves subjects of the Holy See in front of the apostolic legate Landolfo, Bishop of Pisa. Pope Gregory VII then invested the bishop and his successors with the island, an investment confirmed by Urban II in 1190 and extended into a grant of full sovereignty. The Pisans then took formal possession of the island, and their “grand judges” (judices) replaced the papal legates. Corsica, valued by both the Pisans and the Vandals as a rich resource for their fleets, thrived under the enlightened rule of the great commercial republic. However, there were still plenty of reasons for conflict. The Corsican bishops regretted their subordination to the Pisan archbishop, and the Genoese were scheming in Rome to overturn the papal grant given to their rivals in the battle for dominance over the seas. Successive popes adopted contradicting policies in this matter; until in 1138, Innocent II, as a compromise, divided the island's ecclesiastical jurisdiction between the archbishops of Pisa and Genoa. This shift significantly increased Genoese influence in Corsica, and the competition between the Pisans and the Genoese began to destabilize the island. However, it wasn't until 1195 that the Genoese gained a foothold in the territory by capturing Bonifacio, a hub of pirates that were attacking the commerce of both republics. The Pisans fought for twenty years to reclaim the fortress until, in 1217, the pope took control of the situation himself.

Throughout the 13th century the struggle between Pisans and Genoese continued, reproducing in the island the feud of Ghibellines and Guelphs that was desolating Italy. In order to put a stop to the ruinous anarchy the chiefs of the Terra di Comune called in the marquis Isnard Malaspina; the Pisans set up the count of Cinarca once more; and the war between the marquis, the Pisans and Genoese dragged on with varying fortunes, neither succeeding in gaining the mastery. Then, in 1298, Pope Boniface VIII. added to the complication by investing King James of Aragon with the sovereignty of Corsica and of Sardinia. In 1325, after long delay, the Aragonese attacked and reduced Sardinia, with the result that the Pisans, their sea-power shattered, were unable to hold their own in Corsica. A fresh period of anarchy followed until, in 1347, a great assembly of caporali and barons decided to offer the sovereignty of the island to Genoa. A regular tribute was to be paid to the republic; the Corsicans were to preserve their laws and customs, under the council of Twelve in the north and a council of Six in the south; Corsican interests were to be represented at Genoa by an orator.

Throughout the 13th century, the conflict between the Pisans and Genoese continued, mirroring the feud between the Ghibellines and Guelphs that was devastating Italy. To put an end to the destructive chaos, the leaders of the Terra di Comune called in Marquis Isnard Malaspina; the Pisans reinstated the Count of Cinarca, and the war among the marquis, the Pisans, and Genoese dragged on with fluctuating outcomes, with neither side gaining control. Then, in 1298, Pope Boniface VIII complicated matters further by granting King James of Aragon sovereignty over Corsica and Sardinia. In 1325, after a long wait, the Aragonese launched an attack and captured Sardinia, resulting in the Pisans, their naval power broken, being unable to maintain their position in Corsica. A new period of anarchy followed until, in 1347, a large assembly of caporali and barons decided to offer the island's sovereignty to Genoa. A regular tribute was to be paid to the republic; the Corsicans would retain their laws and customs, overseen by a council of Twelve in the north and a council of Six in the south; Corsican interests would be represented in Genoa by an orator.

The Genoese domination, which began under evil auspices—for the Black Death killed off some two-thirds of the population—was not destined to bring peace to the island. The feudal barons of the south and the hereditary caporali Genoese domination. of the north alike resisted the authority of the Genoese governors; and King Peter of Aragon took advantage of their feuds to reassert his claims. In 1372 Arrigo, count of La Rocca, with the assistance of Aragonese troops, made himself master of the island; but his very success stirred up against him the barons of Cape Corso, who once more appealed to Genoa. The republic, busied with other affairs, hit upon the luckless expedient of investing with the governorship of the island a sort of chartered company, consisting of five persons, known as the Maona. They attempted to restore order by taking Arrigo della Rocca into partnership, with disastrous results. In 1380 four of the “governors of the Maona” resigned their rights to the Genoese republic, and Leonello Lomellino was left as sole governor. It was he who, in 1383, built Bastia on the north coast, which became the bulwark of the Genoese power in the island. It was not till 1401, after the death of Count Arrigo, that the Genoese domination was temporarily re-established.

The Genoese rule, which started under bad conditions—since the Black Death wiped out about two-thirds of the population—was not meant to bring peace to the island. The feudal barons in the south and the hereditary caporali Genoese control. in the north both resisted the authority of the Genoese governors; and King Peter of Aragon took advantage of their conflicts to reassert his claims. In 1372, Arrigo, count of La Rocca, with help from Aragonese troops, took control of the island; but his success turned the barons of Cape Corso against him, prompting them to appeal to Genoa once again. The republic, occupied with other matters, came up with the unfortunate idea of giving the governorship of the island to a sort of chartered company made up of five individuals, called the Maona. They tried to restore order by making Arrigo della Rocca a partner, with disastrous outcomes. In 1380, four of the “governors of the Maona” resigned their rights to the Genoese republic, leaving Leonello Lomellino as the sole governor. He was the one who, in 1383, built Bastia on the north coast, which became the stronghold of Genoese power on the island. It wasn’t until 1401, after Count Arrigo's death, that Genoese rule was temporarily re-established.

Meanwhile Genoa itself had fallen into the hands of the French, and in 1407 Leonello Lomellino returned as governor with the title of count of Corsica bestowed on him by Charles VI. of France. But Vincentello d’ Istria, who had gained distinction in the service of the king of Aragon, had captured Cinarca, rallied round him all the communes of the Terra di Comune, proclaimed himself count of Corsica at Biguglia and even seized Bastia. Lomellino was unable to make headway against him, and by 1410 all Corsica, with the exception of Bonifacio and Calvi, was lost to Genoa, now once more independent of France. A feud of Vincentello with the bishop of Mariana, however, led to the loss of his authority in the Terra di Comune; he was compelled to go to Spain in search of assistance, and in his absence the Genoese reconquered the island. Not, however, for long. The Great Schism was too obvious an opportunity for quarrelling for the Corsicans to neglect; and the Corsican bishops and clergy were more ready with the carnal than with spiritual weapons. The suffragans of Genoa fought for Benedict XIII., those of Pisa for John XXIII.; and when Vincentello returned with an Aragonese force he was able to fish profitably in troubled waters. He easily captured Cinarca and Ajaccio, came to terms with the Pisan bishops, mastered the Terra di Comune and built a strong castle at Corte; by 1419 the Genoese possessions in Corsica were again reduced to Calvi and Bonifacio.

Meanwhile, Genoa had fallen into the hands of the French, and in 1407, Leonello Lomellino returned as governor, receiving the title of Count of Corsica from Charles VI of France. However, Vincentello d’Istria, who had made a name for himself serving the King of Aragon, captured Cinarca, gathered all the communes of the Terra di Comune around him, declared himself Count of Corsica in Biguglia, and even took Bastia. Lomellino struggled to make progress against him, and by 1410, all of Corsica, except for Bonifacio and Calvi, was lost to Genoa, which was once again independent of France. A feud between Vincentello and the bishop of Mariana led to the loss of his authority in the Terra di Comune; he had to go to Spain seeking help, and during his absence, the Genoese reconquered the island. But not for long. The Great Schism presented a clear opportunity for conflict that the Corsicans could not ignore; the Corsican bishops and clergy were quicker to pick up weapons than to focus on spiritual matters. The suffragans of Genoa supported Benedict XIII, while those of Pisa backed John XXIII; and when Vincentello returned with Aragonese forces, he benefited from the chaos. He easily captured Cinarca and Ajaccio, made agreements with the Pisan bishops, took control of the Terra di Comune, and built a strong castle at Corte; by 1419, the Genoese holdings in Corsica were reduced again to just Calvi and Bonifacio.

At this juncture Alphonso of Aragon arrived, with a large fleet, to take possession of the island. Calvi fell to him; but Bonifacio held out, and its resistance gave time for the Corsicans, aroused by the tyranny and exactions of the Aragonese intervention. Aragonese, to organize revolt. In the end the siege of Bonifacio was raised, and the town, confirmed in its privileges, became practically an independent republic under Genoese protection. As for Vincentello he managed to hold his own for a while; but ultimately the country rose against him, and in 1435 he was executed as a rebel by the Genoese, who had captured him by surprise in the port of Bastia.

At this point, Alphonso of Aragon arrived with a large fleet to take control of the island. Calvi fell to him, but Bonifacio resisted, and this resistance gave the Corsicans, stirred up by the tyranny and demands of the Aragonese involvement. Aragonese, the time to organize a revolt. Eventually, the siege of Bonifacio was lifted, and the town, confirmed in its privileges, became almost an independent republic under the protection of Genoa. As for Vincentello, he managed to hold on for a while, but in the end, the country turned against him, and in 1435, he was executed as a rebel by the Genoese, who had captured him unexpectedly in the port of Bastia.

The anarchy continued, while rival factions, nominal adherents of the Aragonese and Genoese, contended for the mastery. Profiting by the disturbed situation, the Genoese doge, Janus da Fregoso, succeeded in reducing the island, his artillery securing him an easy victory over the forces of Count Paolo della Rocca (1441). To secure his authority he built and fortified the new city of San Fiorenzo, near the ruins of Nebbio. But again the Aragonese intervened, and the anarchy reached its height. An appeal to Pope Eugenius IV. resulted in the despatch of a pontifical army of 14,000 men (1444), which was destroyed in detail by a league of some of the caporali and most of the barons under the bold leadership of Rinuccio da Leca. A second expedition was more fortunate, and Rinuccio was killed before Biguglia. In 1447 Eugenius was succeeded on the papal throne by Nicholas V., a Genoese, who promptly made over his rights in Corsica, with all the strong places held by his troops, to Genoa. The island was now, in effect, divided between the Genoese republic; the lords of Cinarca, who held their lands in the south under the nominal suzerainty of Aragon; and Galeazzo da Campo Fregoso, who was supreme in the Terra di Comune.

The chaos continued as rival factions, who claimed to support the Aragonese and Genoese, fought for control. Taking advantage of the unstable situation, the Genoese doge, Janus da Fregoso, managed to take over the island, easily defeating Count Paolo della Rocca's forces with his artillery (1441). To solidify his power, he constructed and fortified the new city of San Fiorenzo, near the ruins of Nebbio. But once again, the Aragonese intervened, and the anarchy reached its peak. An appeal to Pope Eugenius IV resulted in the dispatch of a papal army of 14,000 men (1444), which was systematically destroyed by a coalition of some of the caporali and most of the barons under the daring leadership of Rinuccio da Leca. A second expedition had better luck, but Rinuccio was killed before Biguglia. In 1447, Eugenius was succeeded by Nicholas V., a Genoese, who quickly transferred his rights in Corsica, along with all the strongholds held by his troops, to Genoa. The island was now effectively divided between the Genoese republic; the lords of Cinarca, who governed their lands in the south under the nominal authority of Aragon; and Galeazzo da Campo Fregoso, who was in charge of the Terra di Comune.

An assembly of the chiefs of the Terra di Comune now decided to offer the government of the island to the Company or Bank of San Giorgio, a powerful commercial corporation established at Genoa in the 14th century.1 The bank The Bank of San Giorgio. accepted; the Spaniards were driven from the country; and a government was organized. But the bank soon fell foul of the barons, and began a war of extermination against them. Their resistance was finally broken in 1460, when the survivors took refuge in Tuscany. But order had scarcely been established when the Genoese Tommasinoda Campo Fregoso, whose mother was a Corsican, revived the claims of his family and succeeded in mastering the interior of the island (1462). Two years later the duke of Milan, Francesco Sforza, overthrew the power of the Fregoso family at Genoa, and promptly proceeded to lay claim to Corsica. His lieutenant had no difficulty in making the island accept the overlordship of the duke of Milan; but when, in 1466, Francesco Sforza died, a quarrel broke out, and Milanese suzerainty became purely Milanese intervention. nominal save in the coast towns. Finally, in 1484, Tommasino da Campo Fregoso persuaded the duke to grant him the government of the island. The strong places were handed over to him; he entered into marriage relations with Gian Paolo da Leca, the most powerful of the barons, and was soon supreme in the island.

The leaders of Terra di Comune decided to hand over the governance of the island to the Company or Bank of San Giorgio, a powerful commercial corporation founded in Genoa during the 14th century. The bank accepted the offer; the Spaniards were expelled from the territory, and a government was set up. However, the bank quickly clashed with the barons and started a war of extermination against them. Their resistance was finally crushed in 1460, when the survivors fled to Tuscany. Just as order was beginning to be restored, the Genoese Tommasinoda Campo Fregoso, whose mother was from Corsica, revived his family's claims and gained control of the island's interior in 1462. Two years later, the Duke of Milan, Francesco Sforza, toppled the Fregoso family's power in Genoa and swiftly claimed Corsica for himself. His lieutenant easily got the island to acknowledge the Duke of Milan's rule; however, when Francesco Sforza died in 1466, a dispute arose, and Milan's control became largely nominal except in the coastal towns. Finally, in 1484, Tommasino da Campo Fregoso convinced the duke to appoint him as the island's governor. The strategic locations were handed over to him; he formed a marital alliance with Gian Paolo da Leca, the most powerful of the barons, and soon became the dominant force on the island.

Within three years the Corsicans were up in arms again. A descendant of the Malaspinas who had once ruled in Corsica, Jacopo IV. (d’Appiano), was now prince of Piombino, and to him the malcontents applied. His brother Gherardo, count of Montagnano, accepted the call, proclaimed himself count of Corsica, and, landing in the island, captured Biguglia and San Fiorenzo; whereupon Tommasino da Campo Fregoso discreetly sold his rights to the bank of San Giorgio. No sooner, however, had the bank—with the assistance of the count of Leca—beaten Count Gherardo than the Fregoso family tried to repudiate their bargain. Their claims were supported by the count of Leca, and it cost the agents of the bank some hard fighting before the turbulent baron was beaten and exiled to Sardinia. Twice he returned, and he was not finally expelled from the country till 1501; it was not till 1511 that the other barons were crushed and 202 that the bank could consider itself in secure possession of the island.

Within three years, the Corsicans were in revolt again. A descendant of the Malaspinas who had once ruled in Corsica, Jacopo IV (d’Appiano), was now the prince of Piombino, and the discontented people turned to him for help. His brother Gherardo, the count of Montagnano, responded to the appeal, declared himself the count of Corsica, and, upon landing on the island, captured Biguglia and San Fiorenzo. Meanwhile, Tommasino da Campo Fregoso discreetly sold his rights to the Bank of San Giorgio. However, as soon as the bank—helped by the count of Leca—defeated Count Gherardo, the Fregoso family attempted to back out of their deal. Their claims were supported by the count of Leca, and it took significant effort from the bank's agents to finally defeat the unruly baron and have him exiled to Sardinia. He returned twice, and it wasn’t until 1501 that he was permanently removed from the country; it took until 1511 for the other barons to be subdued and for the bank to feel secure in its control of the island. 202

If the character of the Corsicans has been distinguished in modern times for a certain wild intractableness and ferocity, the cause lies in their unhappy past, and not least in the character of the rule established by the bank of San Giorgio. The power which the bank had won by ruthless cruelty, it exercised in the spirit of the narrowest and most short-sighted selfishness. Only a shadow of the native institutions was suffered to survive, and no adequate system of administration was set up in the place of that which had been suppressed. In the absence of justice the blood-feud or vendetta grew and took root in Corsica just at the time when, elsewhere in Europe, the progress of civilization was making an end of private war. The agents of the bank, so far from discouraging these internecine quarrels, looked on them as the surest means for preventing a general rising. Concerned, moreover, only with squeezing taxes out of a recalcitrant population, they neglected the defence of the coast, along which the Barbary pirates harried and looted at will; and to all these woes were added, in the 16th century, pestilences and disastrous floods, which tended still further to impoverish and barbarize the country.

If Corsicans have been seen as wild and tough in recent times, it’s largely due to their troubled history, especially under the rule of the Bank of San Giorgio. The power the bank gained through brutal cruelty was used with a narrow-minded, selfish approach. Only remnants of the original institutions were allowed to exist, and no proper administration replaced what had been dismantled. Without justice, the blood feud or vendetta took hold in Corsica just as Europe was moving away from private wars. Rather than stopping these violent disputes, the bank's agents viewed them as a way to prevent a larger uprising. More concerned with extracting taxes from a stubborn population, they ignored the defense of the coast, which suffered frequent attacks from Barbary pirates. Additionally, in the 16th century, plagues and devastating floods further impoverished and brutalized the country.

In these circumstances King Henry II. of France conceived the project of conquering the island. From Corsican mercenaries in French service, men embittered by wrongs suffered at the hands of the Genoese, he obtained all the necessary First French Intervention, 1553. information; by a treaty of alliance concluded at Constantinople (February 1, 1553) with Sultan Suleiman the Magnificent he secured the co-operation of the Turkish fleet. The combined forces attacked the island the same year; the citadel of Bastia fell almost without a blow, and siege was at once laid simultaneously to all the other fortresses. The capitulation of Bonifacio to the Turks, after an obstinate resistance, was followed by the treacherous massacre of the garrison; soon, of all the strong places, the Genoese held Calvi alone. At this juncture the emperor Charles V. intervened; a strong force of imperial troops and Genoese was poured into the island, and the tide of war turned. The details of the struggle that followed, in which the Corsican national hero Sampiero da Bastelica gained his first laurels, are of little general importance. Fortresses were captured and recaptured; and for three years French, Germans, Spaniards, Genoese and Corsicans indulged in a carnival of mutual slaughter and outrage. The outcome of all this was a futile reversion to the status quo. In 1556, indeed, the conclusion of a truce left Corsica—with the exception of Bastia—in the hands of the French, who proceeded to set up a tolerable government; but in 1559, by the treaty of Cateau-Cambrésis, the island was restored to the bank of San Giorgio, from which it was at once taken over by the Genoese republic.

In this situation, King Henry II of France came up with a plan to conquer the island. He got all the necessary information from Corsican mercenaries in French service, who were bitter about the wrongs they suffered at the hands of the Genoese. Through a treaty of alliance signed in Constantinople on February 1, 1553, with Sultan Suleiman the Magnificent, he secured the support of the Turkish fleet. The combined forces attacked the island later that same year; the citadel of Bastia fell almost without resistance, and they immediately laid siege to all the other fortresses. After intense resistance, Bonifacio surrendered to the Turks, leading to the treacherous massacre of its garrison. Soon, the Genoese only held Calvi of all the strongholds. At this point, Emperor Charles V intervened, sending a strong force of imperial troops and Genoese into the island, which turned the tide of war. The details of the ensuing struggle, in which Corsican national hero Sampiero da Bastelica made his early mark, are of little overall significance. Fortresses were captured and recaptured, and for three years, the French, Germans, Spaniards, Genoese, and Corsicans engaged in a chaotic cycle of mutual slaughter and violence. All of this ultimately led to a pointless return to the status quo. In 1556, the conclusion of a truce left Corsica—except for Bastia—in French hands, where they began to establish a decent government; however, in 1559, through the treaty of Cateau-Cambrésis, the island was returned to the bank of San Giorgio, which was then immediately taken over by the Genoese republic.

Trouble at once began again. The Genoese attempted to levy a tax which the Corsicans refused to pay; in violation of the terms of the treaty, which had stipulated for a universal amnesty, they confiscated the property of Sampiero da Bastelica. Sampiero da Bastelica. Hereupon Sampiero again put himself at the head of the national movement. The suzerainty of the Turk seemed preferable to that of Genoa, and, armed with letters from the king of France, he went to Constantinople to ask the aid of a fleet for the purpose of reducing Corsica to the status of an Ottoman province.2 All his efforts to secure foreign help were, however, vain; he determined to act alone, and in June 1564 landed at Valinco with only fifty followers. His success was at first extraordinary, and he was soon at the head of 8000 men; but ultimate victory was rendered impossible by the indiscipline among the Corsicans and by the internecine feuds of which the Genoese well knew how to take advantage. For over two years a war was waged in which quarter was given on neither side; but after the assassination of Sampiero in 1567 the spirit of the insurgents was broken. In 1568 an honourable peace, including a general amnesty, was arranged with the Genoese commander Giorgio Doria by Sampiero’s son Alphonso d’Ornano, who with 300 of his friends emigrated to France, where he rose to be a marshal under Henry IV.

Trouble started up again right away. The Genoese tried to impose a tax that the Corsicans refused to pay; they violated the treaty terms that promised a universal amnesty by confiscating the property of Sampiero di Bastelica. Sampiero da Bastelica. As a result, Sampiero once more took the lead in the national movement. The rule of the Turk seemed better than that of Genoa, and with letters from the king of France, he traveled to Constantinople to seek the support of a fleet to turn Corsica into an Ottoman province.2 However, all his efforts to gain foreign assistance were in vain; he decided to go it alone and landed at Valinco in June 1564 with only fifty followers. His initial success was remarkable, and he quickly gathered an army of 8,000 men; but ultimate victory was made impossible by the lack of discipline among the Corsicans and by the internal conflicts that the Genoese expertly exploited. For over two years, a war was fought with no mercy shown on either side; but after Sampiero was assassinated in 1567, the spirit of the insurgents was shattered. In 1568, an honorable peace, which included a general amnesty, was negotiated with the Genoese commander Giorgio Doria by Sampiero’s son Alphonso d’Ornano, who, along with 300 of his friends, moved to France, where he became a marshal under Henry IV.

From this time until 1729 Corsica remained at peace under the government of Genoa. It was, however, a peace due to lassitude and despair rather than contentment. The settlement of 1568 had reserved a large measure of autonomy to the Corsicans; during the years that followed this was withdrawn piecemeal, until, disarmed and powerless, they were excluded from every office in the administration. Nor did the Genoese substitute any efficient system for that which they had destroyed. In the absence of an effective judiciary the vendetta increased; in the absence of effective protection the sea-board was exposed to the ravages of the Barbary pirates, so that the coast villages and towns were abandoned and the inhabitants withdrew into the interior, leaving the most fertile part of the country to fall into the condition of a malarious waste. To add to all this, in 1576 the population had been decimated by a pestilence. Emigration en masse continued, and an attempt to remedy this by introducing a colony of Greeks in 1688 only added one more element of discord to the luckless island. To the Genoese Corsica continued to be merely an area to be exploited for their profit; they monopolized its trade; they taxed it up to and beyond its capacity; they made the issue of licences to carry firearms a source of revenue, and studiously avoided interfering with the custom of the vendetta which made their fiscal expedient so profitable.3

From this time until 1729, Corsica stayed peaceful under the rule of Genoa. However, this peace was more about weariness and hopelessness than actual satisfaction. The settlement of 1568 had granted the Corsicans a significant amount of autonomy, but over the years, that autonomy was gradually taken away until they were disarmed and powerless, shut out from all administrative positions. The Genoese didn’t replace the system they had demolished with anything effective. Without a proper judicial system, the vendetta grew; with no real protection, the coastline was vulnerable to attacks from Barbary pirates, leading to the abandonment of coastal villages and towns as people retreated inland, leaving the most fertile areas to become malarial wastelands. To make matters worse, in 1576, the population was ravaged by a plague. Mass emigration continued, and an attempt to fix this by bringing in a colony of Greeks in 1688 only stirred up more conflict on the unfortunate island. To the Genoese, Corsica was simply a resource to exploit for their gain; they controlled its trade, taxed it to the limit and beyond, turned the licensing of firearms into a revenue stream, and carefully avoided interfering with the practice of vendetta, which made their financial strategy so lucrative.3

In 1729 the Corsicans, irritated by a new hearth-tax known as the due seini, rose in revolt, their leaders being Andrea Colonna Ceccaldi and Luigi Giafferi. As usual, the Genoese were soon confined to a few coast towns; but the Revolt of 1729. intervention of the emperor Charles VI. and the despatch of a large force of German mercenaries turned the tide of war, and in 1732 the authority of Genoa was re-established. Two years later, however, Giacinto Paoli once more raised the standard of revolt; and in 1735 an assembly at Corte proclaimed the independence of Corsica, set up a constitution, and entrusted the supreme leadership to Giafferi, Paoli and Ceccaldi. Though the Genoese were again driven into the fortresses, lack of arms and provisions made any decisive success of the insurgents impossible, and when, on the 12th of March 1736, the German adventurer Baron Theodor von Neuhof arrived with a shipload of King Theodore of Corsica. muskets and stores and the assurance of further help to come, leaders and people were glad to accept his aid on his own conditions, namely that he should be acknowledged as king of Corsica. On the 15th of April, at Alesani, an assembly of clergy and of representatives of the communes, solemnly proclaimed Corsica an independent kingdom under the sovereignty of Theodore “I.” and his heirs. The new king’s reign was not fated to last long. The opéra bouffe nature of his entry on the stage—he was clad in a scarlet caftan, Turkish trousers and a Spanish hat and feather, and girt with a scimitar—did not, indeed, offend the unsophisticated islanders; they were even ready to take seriously his lavish bestowal of titles and his knightly order “della Liberazione”; they appreciated his personal bravery; and the fact that the Genoese government denounced him as an impostor and set a price on his head could only confirm him in their affection. But it was otherwise when the European help that he had promised failed to arrive, and, still worse, the governments with which he had boasted his influence disclaimed him. In November he thought it expedient to proceed to the continent, ostensibly in search of aid, leaving Giafferi, Paoli and Luca d’Ornano as regents. In spite of several attempts, he never succeeded in returning to the island. The Corsicans, weary of the war, opened negotiations with the Genoese; but the refusal of the latter to regard the islanders as other than rebels made a mutual agreement impossible. Finally the republic decided to seek the aid of France, and in July 1737 a treaty was signed by which the French king bound himself to reduce the Corsicans to order.

In 1729, the Corsicans, frustrated by a new hearth tax called the due seini, rebelled, led by Andrea Colonna Ceccaldi and Luigi Giafferi. As usual, the Genoese were quickly pushed into a few coastal towns; however, the intervention of Emperor Charles VI and the arrival of a large force of German mercenaries turned the tide of war, and by 1732, Genoa's authority was restored. Two years later, Giacinto Paoli raised the standard of revolt again, and in 1735, an assembly in Corte declared Corsica independent, created a constitution, and placed supreme leadership in the hands of Giafferi, Paoli, and Ceccaldi. Although the Genoese were again forced into their fortresses, a shortage of arms and supplies made it impossible for the insurgents to achieve any decisive victory. Then, on March 12, 1736, the German adventurer Baron Theodor von Neuhof arrived with a shipload of muskets and supplies, offering further assistance. The leaders and the people gladly accepted his help on his terms: he would be recognized as the king of Corsica. On April 15, at Alesani, an assembly of clergy and representatives from the communes officially declared Corsica an independent kingdom under the rule of Theodore “I” and his heirs. However, the new king’s reign was not meant to last long. The opéra bouffe style of his entrance—dressed in a scarlet caftan, Turkish trousers, a Spanish hat and feather, and armed with a scimitar—did not offend the simple islanders. They were even willing to take seriously his extravagant grants of titles and his chivalric order “della Liberazione.” They admired his personal bravery, and the Genoese government's declaration of him as an impostor, complete with a bounty on his head, only strengthened their loyalty. But things changed when the promised European assistance failed to arrive, and worse, the governments he claimed to influence rejected him. In November, he felt it necessary to go to the mainland, supposedly to seek help, leaving Giafferi, Paoli, and Luca d’Ornano as regents. Despite several attempts, he never managed to return to the island. Exhausted by the war, the Corsicans began negotiations with the Genoese; however, the latter's refusal to see the islanders as anything but rebels made a mutual agreement impossible. Ultimately, the republic decided to seek assistance from France, and in July 1737, a treaty was signed in which the French king committed to bringing the Corsicans under control.

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The object of the French in assisting the Genoese was not the acquisition of the island for themselves so much as to obviate the danger, of which they had long been aware, of its falling into the hands of another power, notably Great Intervention of France, 1738. Britain. The Corsicans, on the other hand, though ready enough to come to terms with the French king, refused to acknowledge the sovereignty of Genoa even when backed by the power of France. A powerful French force, under the comte de Boissieux, arrived in the spring of 1738, and for some months negotiations proceeded. But the effect of the French guarantee of Corsican liberties was nullified by the demand that the islanders should surrender their arms, and the attempt of Boissieux to enforce the order for disarmament was followed, in the winter of 1738-39, by his defeat at the hands of the Corsicans and by the cutting up of several isolated French detachments. In February 1739 Boissieux died. His successor, the marquis de Maillebois, arrived in March with strong reinforcements, and by a combination of severity and conciliation soon reduced the island to order. Its maintenance, however, depended on the presence of the French troops, and in October 1740 the death of the emperor Charles VI. and the outbreak of the War of the Austrian Succession necessitated their withdrawal. Genoese and Corsicans were once more left face to face, and the perennial struggle began anew.

The French were helping the Genoese not to take the island for themselves, but to prevent the risk, which they had long recognized, of it being seized by another power, especially Great Britain. The Corsicans, however, were willing to negotiate with the French king but refused to accept Genoa's rule, even with France's support. In the spring of 1738, a strong French force led by Comte de Boissieux arrived, and negotiations continued for a few months. However, the promise of French protection for Corsican freedoms was undermined by the demand that the islanders give up their weapons. When Boissieux tried to enforce this disarmament order, he was defeated by the Corsicans during the winter of 1738-39, and several isolated French units were cut off. Boissieux died in February 1739. His successor, Marquis de Maillebois, arrived in March with reinforcements, and through a mix of strictness and diplomacy, he quickly restored order on the island. However, this stability relied on the presence of French troops, and in October 1740, following the death of Emperor Charles VI. and the start of the War of the Austrian Succession, those troops were pulled back. The Genoese and Corsicans were once again left to face each other, and the ongoing conflict resumed.

In 1743 “King Theodore,” supported by a British squadron, made a descent on the island, but finding that he no longer possessed a following, departed never to return. The Corsicans, assembled in diet at Casinca, now elected Sardinian and British Intervention, 1746. Giampietro Gaffori and Alerio Matra as generals and “protectors of the fatherland” (protettori della patria), and began a vigorous onslaught on the Genoese strongholds. They were helped now by the sympathy and active aid of European powers, and in 1746 Count Domenico Rivarola, a Corsican in Sardinian service, succeeded in capturing Bastia and San Fiorenzo with the aid of a British squadron and Sardinian troops. The factious spirit of the Corsicans themselves was, however, their worst enemy. The British commander judged it inexpedient to intervene in the affairs of a country of which the leaders were at loggerheads; Rivarola, left to himself, was unable to hold Bastia—a place of Genoese sympathies—and in spite of the collapse of Genoa itself, now in Austrian hands, the Genoese governor succeeded in maintaining himself in the island. By the time of the signature of the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, in 1748, the situation of the island had again changed. Rivarola and Matra had departed, and Gaffori was left nominally supreme over a people torn by intestine feuds. Genoa, too, had expelled the Austrians with French aid, and, owing to a report that the king of Sardinia was meditating a fresh attempt to conquer the island, a strong French expedition under the marquis de Cursay had, at the request of the republic, occupied Calvi, Bonifacio, Ajaccio and Bastia. By the terms of the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, Renewed French Intervention. Corsica was once more assigned to Genoa, but the French garrison remained, pending a settlement between the republic and the islanders. In view of the intractable temper of the two parties no agreement could be reached; but Cursay’s personal popularity served to preserve the peace for a while. His withdrawal in 1752, however, was the signal for a general rising, and once more, at a diet held at Orezza, Gaffori was elected general and protector. In October of the following year, however, he fell victim to a vendetta and the nation was once more leaderless. His place was taken for a while by Clemente Paoli, son of Giacinto, who for a year or two succeeded, with the aid of other lieutenants of Gaffori, in holding the Genoese at bay. He was, however, by temperament unfitted to lead a turbulent and undisciplined people in time of stress, and in 1755, at his suggestion, his brother Pasquale was invited to come from Naples and assume the command.

In 1743, “King Theodore,” backed by a British fleet, landed on the island but, finding he had no followers left, left and never came back. The Corsicans gathered in a meeting at Casinca and elected Sardinian and British Intervention, 1746. Giampietro Gaffori and Alerio Matra as generals and “protectors of the fatherland” (protettori della patria), launching a fierce attack on the Genoese strongholds. They received sympathy and active support from European powers, and in 1746, Count Domenico Rivarola, a Corsican serving the Sardinians, managed to capture Bastia and San Fiorenzo with help from a British squadron and Sardinian troops. However, the internal divisions among the Corsicans were their biggest obstacle. The British commander found it impractical to get involved in a country where the leaders were in conflict; left to fend for himself, Rivarola was unable to hold Bastia—a place favored by the Genoese—and despite the fall of Genoa itself, now under Austrian control, the Genoese governor managed to stay in power on the island. By the time the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle was signed in 1748, the situation on the island had changed again. Rivarola and Matra had left, and Gaffori was left in nominal control of a people divided by internal disputes. Genoa had also expelled the Austrians with French help, and due to a report that the king of Sardinia was planning another attempt to take the island, a strong French expedition led by the marquis de Cursay occupied Calvi, Bonifacio, Ajaccio, and Bastia at the republic's request. According to the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, Renewed French Involvement. Corsica was assigned back to Genoa, but the French garrison stayed until an agreement could be made between the republic and the islanders. Given the stubborn nature of both parties, no agreement was reached; however, Cursay’s popularity helped keep the peace for a time. His departure in 1752, however, sparked a widespread uprising, and once again, at a meeting held in Orezza, Gaffori was elected general and protector. In October of the following year, he became a victim of a vendetta, and the nation was once again without a leader. For a while, Clemente Paoli, the son of Giacinto, took over, managing to keep the Genoese at bay with help from Gaffori's other lieutenants for a year or two. However, he was temperamentally ill-suited to lead a turbulent and undisciplined people in tough times, and in 1755, at his suggestion, his brother Pasquale was invited to come from Naples to take command.

The first task of Pasquale Paoli, elected general in April at an assembly at San Antonio della Casabianca, was to suppress the rival faction led by Emanuele Matra, son of Gaffori’s former colleague. By the spring of 1756 this was done, and the Corsicans were able to turn a united front against the Genoese. At this juncture the French, alarmed by a supposed understanding between Paoli and the British, once more intervened, and occupied Pasquale Paoli. Calvi, Ajaccio and San Fiorenzo until 1757, when their forces were once more called away by the wars on the continent. In 1758 Paoli renewed the attack on the Genoese, founding the new port of Isola Rossa as a centre whence the Corsican ships could attack the trading vessels of Genoa. The republic, indeed, was now too weak to attempt seriously to reassert its sway over the island, which, with the exception of the coast towns, Paoli ruled with absolute authority and with conspicuous wisdom. In the intervals of fighting he was occupied in reducing Corsican anarchy into some sort of civilized order. The vendetta was put down, partly by religious influence, partly with a stern hand; the surviving oppressive rights of the feudal signori were abolished; and the traditional institutions of the Terra di Comune were made the basis of a democratic constitution for the whole island.

The first task of Pasquale Paoli, elected leader in April at a meeting in San Antonio della Casabianca, was to eliminate the rival group led by Emanuele Matra, son of Gaffori’s former associate. By spring 1756, this was accomplished, and the Corsicans were able to present a united front against the Genoese. At this point, the French, worried about a supposed alliance between Paoli and the British, intervened again and took control of Calvi, Ajaccio, and San Fiorenzo until 1757, when their troops were called away due to the wars on the continent. In 1758, Paoli renewed the fight against the Genoese, establishing the new port of Isola Rossa as a base for Corsican ships to attack Genoese trading vessels. The republic was now too weak to seriously try to regain control over the island, which Paoli governed absolutely and wisely, except for the coastal towns. Between battles, he worked on bringing some order to Corsican chaos. The vendetta was suppressed, partly through religious influence and partly through a firm hand; the remaining feudal rights of the signori were eliminated; and the traditional institutions of the Terra di Comune were used as the foundation for a democratic constitution for the entire island.

As regarded the relations of Corsica all now depended on the attitude of France to which both Paoli and the republic made overtures. In 1764 a French expedition under the comte de Marbeuf arrived, and, by agreement with Corsica sold to France. Genoa, garrisoned three of the Genoese fortresses. Though Genoese sovereignty had been expressly recognized in the agreement authorizing this, it was in effect non-existent. French and Corsicans remained on amicable terms, and the inhabitants of the nominally Genoese towns actually sent representatives to the national consulta or parliament. The climax came early in 1767 when the Corsicans captured the Genoese island of Capraja, and occupied Ajaccio and other places, evacuated by the French as a protest against the asylum given to the Jesuits exiled from France. Genoa now recognized that she had been worsted in the long contest, and on the 15th of May 1768 signed a treaty selling the sovereignty of the island to France.

As for Corsica's relations, everything now depended on France's attitude, to which both Paoli and the republic reached out. In 1764, a French expedition led by the Comte de Marbeuf arrived and, by agreement with Corsica was sold to France. Genoa garrisoned three of its fortresses. Although Genoese sovereignty was formally recognized in the agreement that allowed this, it was essentially non-existent. The French and Corsicans maintained friendly relations, and the residents of the nominally Genoese towns even sent representatives to the national consulta or parliament. The peak moment came early in 1767 when the Corsicans captured the Genoese island of Capraja and occupied Ajaccio and other locations that the French had evacuated to protest the asylum provided to the Jesuits exiled from France. Genoa then realized it had lost the long battle and, on May 15, 1768, signed a treaty selling the island's sovereignty to France.

The Corsicans, intent on independence, were now faced with a more formidable enemy than the decrepit republic of Genoa. A section of the people indeed, were in favour of submission; but Paoli himself declared for resistance; and among those who supported him at the consulta summoned to discuss the question was his secretary Carlo Buonaparte, father of Napoleon Bonaparte, the future emperor of the French. Into the details of the war that followed, it is impossible to enter here; in the absence of the hoped-for help from Great Britain its issue could not be doubtful; and, though the task of the French was a hard one, by the summer of 1769 they were masters of the island. On the French conquest. 16th of June Pasquale and Clemente Paoli, with some 400 of their followers, embarked on a British ship for Leghorn. On the 15th of September 1770, a general assembly of the Corsicans was summoned and the deputies swore allegiance to King Louis XV.

The Corsicans, determined to be independent, now faced a tougher enemy than the aging republic of Genoa. Some members of the population actually favored submission; however, Paoli himself advocated for resistance. Among those who backed him at the consulta called to address the issue was his secretary Carlo Buonaparte, the father of Napoleon Bonaparte, who would later become the emperor of the French. It's impossible to go into the details of the ensuing war here; without the expected support from Great Britain, the outcome was predictable. Although the French had a challenging job ahead, by the summer of 1769, they had taken control of the island. On the French takeover. June 16, Pasquale and Clemente Paoli, along with about 400 of their followers, boarded a British ship bound for Leghorn. On September 15, 1770, a general assembly of the Corsicans was convened, and the delegates pledged loyalty to King Louis XV.

For twenty years Corsica, while preserving many of its old institutions, remained a dependency of the French crown. Then came the Revolution, and the island, conformed to the new model, was incorporated in France as a Corsica and the revolution of 1789. separate department (see Renucci, ii. p. 271 seq.). Paoli, recalled from exile by the National Assembly on the motion of Mirabeau, after a visit to Paris, where he was acclaimed as “the hero and martyr of liberty” by the National Assembly and the Jacobin Club, returned in 1790 to Corsica, where he was received with immense enthusiasm and acclaimed as “father of the country.” With the new order in the island, however, he was little in sympathy. In the towns branches of the Jacobin Club had been established, and these tended, as elsewhere, to usurp the functions of the regular organs of government and to introduce a new element of discord into a country which it had been Paoli’s life’s work to unify. Suspicions of his loyalty to revolutionary principles had already been spread at Paris by Bartolomeo Arena, a Corsican deputy and ardent Jacobin, so early as 1791; yet in 1792, after the fall of the monarchy, the French government, in its anxiety to secure Corsica, was rash enough to appoint him lieutenant-general of the forces and governor (capo comandante) of the island. Paoli accepted an office which he had refused two years before at the 204 hands of Louis XVI. With the men and methods of the Terror, however, he was wholly out of sympathy. Suspected of throwing obstacles in the way of the expedition despatched in 1793 against Sardinia, he was summoned, with the procurator-general Pozzo di Borgo, to the bar of the Convention. Paoli now openly defied the Convention by summoning the representatives of the communes Revolt under Paoli. to meet in diet at Corte on the 27th of May. To the remonstrances of Saliceti, who attended the meeting, he replied that he was rebelling, not against France, but against the dominant faction of whose actions the majority of Frenchmen disapproved. Saliceti thereupon hurried to Paris, and on his motion Paoli and his sympathizers were declared by the Convention hors la loi (June 26).

For twenty years, Corsica, while keeping many of its old institutions, remained a part of the French crown. Then came the Revolution, and the island, adapting to the new model, became a separate department of France (see Renucci, ii. p. 271 seq.). Paoli, brought back from exile by the National Assembly on Mirabeau's suggestion, returned to Corsica in 1790 after a visit to Paris where the National Assembly and the Jacobin Club celebrated him as "the hero and martyr of liberty." Upon his return, he was welcomed with great enthusiasm and hailed as "father of the country." However, he was not in favor of the new order on the island. Jacobin Club branches had formed in the towns, which, like elsewhere, tended to take over the roles of the regular government and introduced new conflicts into a country that had been Paoli’s life mission to unify. By 1791, suspicions about his loyalty to revolutionary principles had already started circulating in Paris, spread by Bartolomeo Arena, a Corsican deputy and passionate Jacobin. Nonetheless, in 1792, after the monarchy fell, the French government, eager to secure Corsica, recklessly appointed him lieutenant-general of the forces and governor (capo comandante) of the island. Paoli took on a position he had refused two years earlier from Louis XVI. However, he was completely against the methods and men of the Terror. Accused of hindering the expedition sent in 1793 against Sardinia, he was summoned, along with procurator-general Pozzo di Borgo, to appear before the Convention. Paoli then openly challenged the Convention by calling for representatives of the communes to meet in a gathering at Corte on May 27. In response to Saliceti's objections, who attended the meeting, he stated that he was rebelling not against France but against the controlling faction whose actions most French people disapproved of. Saliceti rushed to Paris, and based on his motion, the Convention declared Paoli and his supporters hors la loi (June 26).

Paoli had already made up his mind to raise the standard of revolt against France. But though the consulta at Corte elected him president, Corsican opinion was by no means united. Napoleon Bonaparte, whom Paoli had British occupation, 1794-1796. expected to win over to his views, indignantly rejected the idea of a breach with France, and the Bonapartes were henceforth ranked with his enemies. Paoli now appealed for assistance to the British government, which despatched a considerable force. By the summer of 1794, after hard fighting, the island was reduced, and in June the Corsican assembly formally offered the sovereignty to King George III. The British occupation lasted two years, the island being administered by Sir Gilbert Elliot. Paoli, whose presence was considered inexpedient, was invited to return to England, where he remained till his death. In 1796 Bonaparte, after his victorious Italian campaign, sent an expedition against Corsica. The British, weary of a somewhat thankless task, made no great resistance, and in October the island was once more in French hands. It was again occupied by Great Britain for a short time in 1814, but in the settlement of 1815 was restored to the French crown. Its history henceforth is part of that of France.

Paoli had already decided to raise the banner of revolt against France. However, while the consulta at Corte elected him president, public opinion in Corsica was far from united. Napoleon Bonaparte, whom Paoli hoped to convince, angrily rejected the idea of breaking away from France, and from that point on, the Bonapartes were seen as his enemies. Paoli then sought help from the British government, which sent a significant military force. By the summer of 1794, after intense fighting, the island was brought under control, and in June, the Corsican assembly officially offered sovereignty to King George III. The British occupation lasted two years, during which the island was governed by Sir Gilbert Elliot. Since Paoli's presence was deemed not ideal, he was invited to return to England, where he stayed until his death. In 1796, after his successful campaign in Italy, Bonaparte launched an expedition against Corsica. The British, tired of a rather thankless task, offered little resistance, and by October, the island was again in French hands. It was briefly occupied by Great Britain again in 1814, but in the settlement of 1815, it was returned to the French crown. Its history from then on became part of that of France.

See F. Girolami-Cortona, Géographie générale de la Corse (Ajaccio, 1893); A. Andrei, À travers la Corse (Paris, 1893); Forcioli-Conti, Notre Corse (Ajaccio, 1897); R. Le Joindre, La Corse et les Corses (Paris, 1904); F. O. Renucci, Storia di Corsica (2 vols., Bastia, 1833), fervidly Corsican, but useful; Antonio Pietro Filippini, Istoria di Corsica (1st ed., 1594; 2nd ed., corrected and illustrated with unpublished documents by G. C. Gregori, 5 vols., Pisa, 1827-1832); J. M. Jacobi, Hist. gén. de la Corse, 2 vols., (Paris, 1833-1835), with many unpublished documents; L. H. Caird, History of Corsica (London, 1899). Further works and references to articles in reviews, &c., are given in Ulysse Chevalier’s Répertoire des sources, &c., Topo-bibliographie, t. ii. s.v.

See F. Girolami-Cortona, Géographie générale de la Corse (Ajaccio, 1893); A. Andrei, À travers la Corse (Paris, 1893); Forcioli-Conti, Notre Corse (Ajaccio, 1897); R. Le Joindre, La Corse et les Corses (Paris, 1904); F. O. Renucci, Storia di Corsica (2 vols., Bastia, 1833), passionately Corsican, but useful; Antonio Pietro Filippini, Istoria di Corsica (1st ed., 1594; 2nd ed., corrected and illustrated with unpublished documents by G. C. Gregori, 5 vols., Pisa, 1827-1832); J. M. Jacobi, Hist. gén. de la Corse, 2 vols., (Paris, 1833-1835), with many unpublished documents; L. H. Caird, History of Corsica (London, 1899). Further works and references to articles in reviews, &c., are given in Ulysse Chevalier’s Répertoire des sources, &c., Topo-bibliographie, t. ii. s.v.


1 See “Conventions entre quelques seigneurs Corses et l’office de St Georges (1453),” in Bulletin soc. scientif. Corse (1881-1882), pp. 286, 305, 413, 501, 549 and (1883) 147; also the report of the deputies sent by the bank to Pope Nicholas V. in 1453, ib. p. 141.

1 See “Agreements Between a Few Corsican Lords and the Office of St. George (1453),” in Bulletin of the Scientific Society of Corsica (1881-1882), pp. 286, 305, 413, 501, 549 and (1883) 147; also the report from the deputies sent by the bank to Pope Nicholas V in 1453, ib. p. 141.

2 Hammer-Purgstall, Gesch. des Osmanischen Reichs (Pest, 1840), ii. 288.

2 Hammer-Purgstall, History of the Ottoman Empire (Pest, 1840), ii. 288.

3 Father Cancellotti, who visited every part of the island, estimated the number of murders committed in 20 years at 28,000 (quoted in the article on Corsica in La Grande Encyclopédie).

3 Father Cancellotti, who traveled all around the island, estimated that there were 28,000 murders over 20 years (quoted in the article on Corsica in La Grande Encyclopédie).


CORSICANA, a city and the county-seat of Navarro county, Texas, U.S.A., situated in the N.E. part of the state, about 55 m. S. of Dallas. Pop. (1890) 6285; (1900) 9313, of whom 2399 were of negro descent; (1910 census) 9749. It is served by the Houston & Texas Central, the St Louis South Western, and the Trinity & Brazos Valley railways. It is the centre of a large and productive wheat- and cotton-growing region, which has also numerous oil wells (with a total production in 1907 of 226,311 barrels). The city has two oil refineries, a large cotton gin and a cotton compress, and among its manufactures are cotton-seed oil, cotton-cloth, flour and ice. The total value of the factory product in 1905 was $1,796,805, being an increase of 50.3% since 1900. Natural gas is extensively used for fuel and for lighting. Corsicana is the seat of the Texas state orphan home and of an Odd Fellows widows’ and orphans’ home, and has a Carnegie library. Corsicana was named in honour of the wife of a Mexican, Navarro, who owned a large tract of land in the county and from whom the county was named. The first permanent settlement here was made in 1848, and Corsicana was incorporated as a village in 1850 and chartered as a city in 1871.

CORSICANA, is a city and the county seat of Navarro County, Texas, U.S.A., located in the northeastern part of the state, about 55 miles south of Dallas. Population (in 1890) was 6,285; (in 1900) 9,313, with 2,399 of African descent; (1910 census) 9,749. It is served by the Houston & Texas Central, the St. Louis Southwestern, and the Trinity & Brazos Valley railroads. Corsicana is the center of a large and productive wheat and cotton-growing area, which also has numerous oil wells (with a total production of 226,311 barrels in 1907). The city has two oil refineries, a large cotton gin, and a cotton compress, and its manufacturing includes cotton-seed oil, cotton cloth, flour, and ice. The total value of factory products in 1905 was $1,796,805, a 50.3% increase since 1900. Natural gas is widely used for fuel and lighting. Corsicana is home to the Texas state orphan home and an Odd Fellows widows' and orphans' home and has a Carnegie library. The city was named in honor of the wife of a Mexican, Navarro, who owned a large piece of land in the county and from whom the county got its name. The first permanent settlement here was established in 1848, and Corsicana was incorporated as a village in 1850 and chartered as a city in 1871.


CORSINI, the name of a Florentine princely family, of which the founder is said to be Neri Corsini, who flourished about the year 1170. Like other Florentine nobles the Corsini had at first no titles, but in more recent times they received many from foreign potentates and from the later grand dukes of Tuscany. The emperor Charles IV. created the head of the house a count palatine in 1371; the marquisate of Sismano was conferred on them in 1620, those of Casigliano and Civitella in 1629, of Lajatico and Orciatico in 1644, of Giovagallo and Tresana in 1652; in 1730 Lorenzo Corsini was elected pope as Clement XII., and conferred the rank of Roman princes and the duchy of Casigliano on his family, and in 1732 they were created grandees of Spain. They own two palaces in Florence, one of which on the Lung’ Arno Corsini contains the finest private picture gallery in the city, and many villas and estates in various parts of Italy.

CORSINI, is the name of a princely family from Florence, with Neri Corsini as its founder, who is said to have flourished around 1170. Like other noble families from Florence, the Corsini initially held no titles, but in more recent times, they received several from foreign rulers and the later grand dukes of Tuscany. The emperor Charles IV made the head of the family a count palatine in 1371; the marquisate of Sismano was granted to them in 1620, followed by the marquisates of Casigliano and Civitella in 1629, Lajatico and Orciatico in 1644, and Giovagallo and Tresana in 1652. In 1730, Lorenzo Corsini was elected pope as Clement XII, and he granted his family the title of Roman princes and the duchy of Casigliano. In 1732, they were made grandees of Spain. They own two palaces in Florence, one of which, located on the Lung’ Arno Corsini, houses the finest private art gallery in the city, along with numerous villas and estates throughout various parts of Italy.

See L. Passerini, Genealogia e storia della famiglia Corsini (Florence, 1858); A. von Reumont, Geschichte der Stadt Rom (Berlin, 1868); Almanach de Gotha.

See L. Passerini, Genealogy and History of the Corsini Family (Florence, 1858); A. von Reumont, History of the City of Rome (Berlin, 1868); Almanach de Gotha.

(L. V.*)

CORSON, HIRAM (1828-  ), American scholar, was born on the 6th of November 1828, in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. He held a position in the library of the Smithsonian Institution, Washington D.C. (1849-1856), was a lecturer on English literature in Philadelphia (1859-1865), and was professor of English at Girard College, Philadelphia (1865-1866), and in St John’s College, Annapolis, Maryland (1866-1870). In 1870-1871 he was professor of rhetoric and oratory at Cornell University, where he was professor of Anglo-Saxon and English literature (1872-1886), of English literature and rhetoric (1886-1890), and from 1890 to 1903 (when he became professor emeritus) of English literature, a chair formed for him. He edited Chaucer’s Legende of Goode Women (1863) and Selections from Chaucer’s Canterbury Tales (1896), and wrote a Hand-Book of Anglo-Saxon and Early English (1871), and, among other text-books, An Elocutionary Manual (1864), A Primer of English Verse (1892), and Introductions to the study of Browning (1886, 1889), of Shakespeare (1889) and of Milton (1899). The volume on Shakespeare and the Jottings on the Text of Macbeth (1874) contain some excellent Shakespearian criticism. He also published The University of the Future (1875), The Aims of Literary Study (1895), and The Voice and Spiritual Education (1896). He translated the Satires of Juvenal (1868) and edited a translation by his wife, Caroline Rollin (d. 1901), of Pierre Janet’s Mental State of Hystericals (1901).

CORSON, HIRAM (1828-  ), an American scholar, was born on November 6, 1828, in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. He worked in the library of the Smithsonian Institution in Washington, D.C. (1849-1856), served as a lecturer on English literature in Philadelphia (1859-1865), and was a professor of English at Girard College in Philadelphia (1865-1866) and at St. John’s College in Annapolis, Maryland (1866-1870). From 1870 to 1871, he held the position of professor of rhetoric and oratory at Cornell University, where he later became professor of Anglo-Saxon and English literature (1872-1886), of English literature and rhetoric (1886-1890), and from 1890 to 1903 (when he became professor emeritus) of English literature, a role created specifically for him. He edited Chaucer’s Legende of Goode Women (1863) and Selections from Chaucer’s Canterbury Tales (1896), and wrote a Hand-Book of Anglo-Saxon and Early English (1871), along with other textbooks, including An Elocutionary Manual (1864), A Primer of English Verse (1892), and Introductions to the study of Browning (1886, 1889), Shakespeare (1889), and Milton (1899). The book on Shakespeare and Jottings on the Text of Macbeth (1874) include some excellent Shakespearean criticism. He also published The University of the Future (1875), The Aims of Literary Study (1895), and The Voice and Spiritual Education (1896). He translated the Satires of Juvenal (1868) and edited a translation by his wife, Caroline Rollin (d. 1901), of Pierre Janet’s Mental State of Hystericals (1901).


CORSSEN, WILHELM PAUL (1820-1875), German philologist, was born at Bremen on the 20th of January 1820, and received his school education in the Prussian town of Schwedt, to which his father, a merchant, had removed. After spending some time at the Joachimsthal Gymnasium in Berlin, where his interest in philological pursuits was awakened by the rector, Meinike, he proceeded to the university, and there came especially under the influence of Böckh and Lachmann. His first important appearance in literature was as the author of Origines poesis romanae, by which he had obtained the prize offered by the “philosophical” or “arts” faculty of the university. In 1846 he was called from Stettin, where he had for nearly two years held a post in the gymnasium, to occupy the position of lecturer in the royal academy at Pforta (commonly called Schulpforta), and there he continued to labour for the next twenty years. In 1854 he won a prize offered by the Royal Prussian Academy of Sciences for the best work on the pronunciation and accent of Latin, a treatise which at once took rank, on its publication under the title of Über Aussprache, Vocalismus, und Betonung der lateinischen Sprache (1858-1859), as one of the most erudite and masterly works in its department. This was followed in 1863 by his Kritische Beiträge zur lat. Formenlehre, which were supplemented in 1866 by Kritische Nachträge zur lat. Formenlehre. In the discussion of the pronunciation of Latin he was naturally led to consider the various old Italian dialects, and the results of his investigations appeared in miscellaneous communications to Kuhn’s Zeitschrift für vergleichende Schriftforschung. Ill-health obliged him to give up his professorship at Pforta, and return to Berlin, in 1866; but it produced almost no diminution of his literary activity. In 1867 he published an elaborate archaeological study entitled the Alterthümer und Kunstdenkmale des Cistercienserklosters St Marien und der Landesschule Pforta, in which he gathers together all that can be discovered about the history of the Pforta academy, the German “Eton,” and in 1868-1869 he brought out a new edition of his 205 work on Latin pronunciation. From a very early period he had been attracted to the special study of Etruscan remains, and had at various times given occasional expression to his opinions on individual points; but it was not till 1870 that he had the opportunity of visiting Italy and completing his equipment for a formal treatment of the whole subject by personal inspection of the monuments. In 1874 appeared the first volume of Über die Sprache der Etrusker, in which with great ingenuity and erudition he endeavoured to prove that the Etruscan language was cognate with that of the Romans. Before the second volume (published posthumously under the editorship of Kuhn) had received the last touches of his hand, he was cut off in 1875 by a comparatively early death.

CORSSEN, WILHELM PAUL (1820-1875), a German philologist, was born in Bremen on January 20, 1820, and received his schooling in the Prussian town of Schwedt, where his father, a merchant, had moved. After spending some time at the Joachimsthal Gymnasium in Berlin, where the rector, Meinike, sparked his interest in philology, he went on to university, where he was especially influenced by Böckh and Lachmann. His first major work was Origines poesis romanae, for which he won a prize offered by the “philosophical” or “arts” faculty of the university. In 1846, he was invited from Stettin, where he had held a position at the gymnasium for nearly two years, to become a lecturer at the royal academy in Pforta (commonly known as Schulpforta), where he continued to work for the next twenty years. In 1854, he received a prize from the Royal Prussian Academy of Sciences for the best research on the pronunciation and accent of Latin, a treatise that immediately ranked as one of the most scholarly and skillful works in its field upon publication as Über Aussprache, Vocalismus, und Betonung der lateinischen Sprache (1858-1859). This was followed in 1863 by Kritische Beiträge zur lat. Formenlehre, which was expanded in 1866 by Kritische Nachträge zur lat. Formenlehre. While discussing Latin pronunciation, he was naturally led to examine the various old Italian dialects, and the results of his research appeared in various articles in Kuhn’s Zeitschrift für vergleichende Schriftforschung. Health issues forced him to resign from his professorship at Pforta and return to Berlin in 1866; however, this did not significantly reduce his literary output. In 1867, he published a detailed archaeological study titled Alterthümer und Kunstdenkmale des Cistercienserklosters St Marien und der Landesschule Pforta, where he compiled all that could be discovered about the history of the Pforta academy, often referred to as the German “Eton.” In 1868-1869, he released a new edition of his 205 work on Latin pronunciation. From an early age, he was interested in studying Etruscan remains and had occasionally shared his views on individual aspects; however, it wasn’t until 1870 that he had the chance to visit Italy and complete his research on the entire subject through personal examination of the monuments. In 1874, the first volume of Über die Sprache der Etrusker was published, in which he skillfully and knowledgeably argued that the Etruscan language was related to that of the Romans. Before the second volume (published posthumously under Kuhn's editorship) could receive the final touches from him, he passed away in 1875 at a relatively young age.


CORT, CORNELIS (1536-1578), Dutch engraver, was born at Horn in Holland, and studied engraving under Hieronymus Cockx of Antwerp. About 1565 he went to Venice, where Titian employed him to execute the well-known copperplates of St Jerome in the Desert, the Magdalen, Prometheus, Diana and Actaeon, and Diana and Calisto. From Italy he wandered back to the Netherlands, but he returned to Venice soon after 1567, proceeding thence to Bologna and Rome, where he produced engravings from all the great masters of the time. At Rome he founded the well-known school in which, as Bartsch tells us, the simple line of Marcantonio was modified by a brilliant touch of the burin, afterwards imitated and perfected by Agostino Caracci in Italy and Nicolas de Bruyn in the Netherlands. Before visiting Italy, Cort had been content to copy Michael Coxcie, F. Floris, Heemskerk, G. Mostaert, Bartholomäus Spranger and Stradan. In Italy he gave circulation to the works of Raphael, Titian, Polidoro da Caravaggio, Baroccio, Giulio Clovio, Muziano and the Zuccari. His connexion with Cockx and Titian is pleasantly illustrated in a letter addressed to the latter by Dominick Lampson of Liége in 1567. Cort is said to have engraved upwards of one hundred and fifty-one plates. In Italy he was known as Cornelio Fiammingo.

CORT, CORNELIS (1536-1578), a Dutch engraver, was born in Horn, Holland, and studied engraving under Hieronymus Cockx in Antwerp. Around 1565, he went to Venice, where Titian hired him to create the famous copperplates of St Jerome in the Desert, the Magdalen, Prometheus, Diana and Actaeon, and Diana and Calisto. After some time in Italy, he returned to the Netherlands but went back to Venice shortly after 1567, then moved on to Bologna and Rome, where he made engravings of works by all the great masters of his time. In Rome, he established a well-known school where, as Bartsch notes, the simple line style of Marcantonio was enhanced with a skilled touch from the burin, later imitated and refined by Agostino Caracci in Italy and Nicolas de Bruyn in the Netherlands. Before going to Italy, Cort was satisfied with copying Michael Coxcie, F. Floris, Heemskerk, G. Mostaert, Bartholomäus Spranger, and Stradan. In Italy, he popularized the works of Raphael, Titian, Polidoro da Caravaggio, Baroccio, Giulio Clovio, Muziano, and the Zuccari. His connections with Cockx and Titian are nicely shown in a letter sent to Titian by Dominick Lampson from Liège in 1567. It is said that Cort engraved over one hundred and fifty-one plates. In Italy, he was known as Cornelio Fiammingo.


CORTE, a town of central Corsica, 52 m. N.E. of Ajaccio by the railway between that town and Bastia. Pop. (1906) 4839. The upper town is situated on a precipitous rock overhanging the confluence of the Tavignano and Restonica, the rest of the town lying below it on both banks of the rivers. On the summit of the rock stands a citadel built by Vincentello d’Istria (see Corsica). Other interesting buildings are the house in which Pasquale Paoli lived while Corte was the seat of his government (1755 to 1769), and the house of another patriot, Giampietro Gaffori, whose wife defended it from the Genoese in 1750. There are statues of Paoli, of General Gaffori, and of General Arrighi di Casanova, duke of Padua (d. 1853). Corte is capital of an arrondissement of the island, has a subprefecture, a tribunal of first instance and a communal college, and manufactures alimentary paste. There are marble quarries in the vicinity, and the town has trade in wine and timber. In the 18th century Corte was the centre of the resistance to the Genoese, and it was the seat of a university erected by Paoli.

CORTE, a town in central Corsica, is located 52 miles northeast of Ajaccio along the railway that connects that town to Bastia. Population (1906): 4,839. The upper town is perched on a steep rock overlooking the junction of the Tavignano and Restonica rivers, while the rest of the town spreads out below on both sides of the rivers. At the top of the rock stands a citadel built by Vincentello d’Istria (see Corsica). Other notable buildings include the house where Pasquale Paoli lived when Corte was the headquarters of his government (from 1755 to 1769) and the home of another patriot, Giampietro Gaffori, whose wife defended it against the Genoese in 1750. There are statues of Paoli, General Gaffori, and General Arrighi di Casanova, Duke of Padua (d. 1853). Corte serves as the capital of an arrondissement on the island, has a subprefecture, a first-instance court, and a community college, and produces pasta. There are marble quarries nearby, and the town trades in wine and timber. In the 18th century, Corte was the center of resistance against the Genoese and was home to a university established by Paoli.


CORTE-REAL, JERONYMO (1533-1588), Portuguese epic poet, came of a noble Portuguese stock. Of the same family were Gaspar Corte-Real, who in 1500 and 1501 sailed to Labrador and the Arctic seas; and his brothers Miguel and Vasco. Their voyages opened the way for important Portuguese fisheries on the Newfoundland coast (see Henry Harrisse, Les Corte-Real et leurs voyages au Nouveau-Monde, and Gasper Corte-Real: la date exacte de sa dernière expédition au Nouveau-Monde, Paris, 1883). In his youth Jeronymo fought in Africa and Asia according to the custom of noblemen in that age. There is a tradition that he was present at the affair of Tangier on the 18th of May 1553, when D. Pedro de Menezes met his death. Returning home, it is supposed about 1570, he spent the rest of his days in retirement. In 1578 he placed his sword at the disposal of King Sebastian for the fatal expedition to Africa, but the monarch dispensed him from the journey (it is said) on account of his age, and in 1586 we find him acting as provedor of the Misericordia of Evora. He married D. Luiza da Silva, but left no legitimate issue. Corte-Real was painter as well as soldier and poet, and one of his pictures is still preserved in the church of S. Antão at Evora. His poetical works are believed to have been composed in his old age at the mansion on his estate near Evora, known as “Valle de Palma.” O Segundo cerco de Diu, an epic in 21 cantos, deals with the historic siege of that Indian island-fortress of the Portuguese. First printed in 1574, it had a second edition in 1783, while a Spanish version appeared at Alcalá in 1597. Austriada, an epic in 15 cantos celebrating the victory of Don John of Austria over the Turks at Lepanto, was written in Spanish and published in 1578. King Philip II. accepted the dedication in flattering terms and visited the poet when he came to Portugal. Naufragio de Sepulveda, an epic in 17 cantos, describes the tragic shipwreck on the South African coast and the death of D. Manoel de Sepulveda with his beautiful wife and young children, a disaster which drew some feeling stanzas from Camoens (Lusiads, v. 46). The poem was published four years after the death of Corte-Real by his heirs, and had two later editions, while a Spanish version appeared in Madrid in 1624 and a French in Paris in 1844. Auto dos quatro novissimos do homem is a short poem printed in 1768. Except the Naufragio de Sepulveda, which is highly considered in Portugal, Corte-Real’s poetry has hardly stood the test of time, and critics of later generations have refused to ratify the estimate formed by contemporaries, who considered him the equal, if not the superior, of Camoens. His lengthy epics suffer from a want of sustained inspiration, and are marred by an abuse of epithet, though they contain episodes of considerable merit, vigorous and well-coloured descriptive passages, and exhibit a pure diction.

CORTE-REAL, JERONYMO (1533-1588), Portuguese epic poet, came from a noble Portuguese family. His relatives included Gaspar Corte-Real, who sailed to Labrador and the Arctic seas in 1500 and 1501, and his brothers Miguel and Vasco. Their voyages paved the way for significant Portuguese fishing activities along the Newfoundland coast (see Henry Harrisse, Les Corte-Real et leurs voyages au Nouveau-Monde, and Gasper Corte-Real: la date exacte de sa dernière expédition au Nouveau-Monde, Paris, 1883). In his youth, Jeronymo fought in Africa and Asia, as was common for noblemen of that time. There's a tradition that he was present at the incident in Tangier on May 18, 1553, when D. Pedro de Menezes lost his life. It is believed that upon returning home around 1570, he spent his remaining years in retirement. In 1578, he offered his sword to King Sebastian for the ill-fated expedition to Africa, but the king reportedly excused him from going because of his age. By 1586, he was serving as provedor of the Misericordia of Evora. He married D. Luiza da Silva but had no legitimate children. Corte-Real was a painter as well as a soldier and poet, and one of his paintings is still kept in the church of S. Antão at Evora. His poetic works are thought to have been created in his old age at his estate near Evora, known as “Valle de Palma.” O Segundo cerco de Diu, an epic in 21 cantos, focuses on the historic siege of that Indian island fortress of the Portuguese. First published in 1574, it was reissued in 1783, and a Spanish version came out in Alcalá in 1597. Austriada, an epic in 15 cantos celebrating Don John of Austria's victory over the Turks at Lepanto, was written in Spanish and published in 1578. King Philip II accepted the dedication with flattering words and visited the poet during his trip to Portugal. Naufragio de Sepulveda, an epic in 17 cantos, recounts the tragic shipwreck off the South African coast and the demise of D. Manoel de Sepulveda along with his beautiful wife and young children, a disaster that inspired some poignant verses from Camoens (Lusiads, v. 46). The poem was published four years after Corte-Real's death by his heirs and saw two later editions, while a Spanish version was published in Madrid in 1624 and a French edition in Paris in 1844. Auto dos quatro novissimos do homem is a short poem printed in 1768. Except for Naufragio de Sepulveda, which is highly regarded in Portugal, Corte-Real’s poetry has not aged well, and later critics have not upheld the praise from his contemporaries, who viewed him as equal, if not superior, to Camoens. His lengthy epics lack sustained inspiration and are marred by excessive use of epithets, although they include episodes of notable merit, vigorous and vividly descriptive passages, and demonstrate pure diction.

See Subsidios para a biographia do poeta Jeronymo Corte-Real (Evora, 1899); also Ernesto do Canto’s Memoir on the family in Nos. 23 and 24 of the Archivo dos Azores, and Dr Sousa Viterbo’s Trabalhos nauticos dos Portuguezes, ii. 153 et seq.

See Subsidios para a biographia do poeta Jeronymo Corte-Real (Évora, 1899); also Ernesto do Canto’s Memoir on the family in Nos. 23 and 24 of the Archivo dos Azores, and Dr. Sousa Viterbo’s Trabalhos nauticos dos Portuguezes, ii. 153 et seq.

(E. Pr.)

CORTES, HERNAN or HERNANDO (1485-1547), Spanish soldier, the conqueror of Mexico, was born at Medellin, a small town of Estremadura, in 1485. He belonged to a noble family of decayed fortune, and, being destined for the law, was sent, at fourteen years of age, to the university of Salamanca; but study was distasteful to him, and he returned home in 1501, resolved to enter upon a life of adventure. He arranged to accompany Ovando, who had been appointed to the command of San Domingo, but was prevented from joining the expedition by an accident that happened to him in a love adventure. He next sought military service under the celebrated Gonsalvo de Córdoba, but a serious illness frustrated his purpose. At last, in 1504, he set out, according to his first plan, for San Domingo, where he was kindly received by Ovando. He was then only nineteen, and remarkable for a graceful physiognomy and amiable manners, as well as for skill and address in all military exercises. He remained in San Domingo, where Ovando had successively conferred upon him several lucrative and honourable employments, until 1511, when he accompanied Diego Velazquez in his expedition to the island of Cuba. Here he became alcalde of Santiago, and displayed great ability on several trying occasions.

CORTES, HERNAN or Hernando (1485-1547), Spanish soldier and conqueror of Mexico, was born in Medellin, a small town in Estremadura, in 1485. He came from a noble family that had fallen on hard times and was originally meant to study law, so he was sent at fourteen to the university of Salamanca. However, he found studying unappealing and returned home in 1501, determined to pursue a life of adventure. He planned to join Ovando, who had been appointed to lead San Domingo, but an accident during a romantic escapade kept him from joining the expedition. He then looked for military service under the famous Gonsalvo de Córdoba, but a serious illness got in the way of that goal. Eventually, in 1504, he set off, as he had originally intended, for San Domingo, where he was warmly welcomed by Ovando. At just nineteen, he was notable for his pleasing looks and friendly nature, as well as his skill and talent in military exercises. He stayed in San Domingo, where Ovando gradually gave him several well-paying and prestigious positions, until 1511, when he joined Diego Velazquez on his expedition to Cuba. There, he became the alcalde of Santiago and showed great ability in several challenging situations.

An opportunity was soon afforded him of showing his powers as a military leader. Juan Grijalva, lieutenant of Velazquez, had just discovered Mexico, but had not attempted to effect a settlement. This displeased the governor of Cuba, who superseded Grijalva, and entrusted the conquest of the newly discovered country to Cortes. The latter hastened his preparations, and, on the 18th of November 1518, he set out from Santiago, with 10 vessels, 600 or 700 Spaniards, 18 horsemen and some pieces of cannon. Scarcely had he set sail, however, when Velazquez recalled the commission which he had granted to Cortes, and even ordered him to be put under arrest; but the attachment of the troops, by whom he was greatly beloved, enabled him to persevere in spite of the governor; and on the 4th of March 1519 he landed on the coast of Mexico. Advancing along the gulf, sometimes taking measures to conciliate the natives, and sometimes spreading terror by his arms, he took possession of the town of Tobasco. The noise of the artillery, the appearance of the floating fortresses which had transported the Spaniards over the ocean, and the horses on which they fought, all new objects to the 206 natives, inspired them with astonishment mingled with terror and admiration; they regarded the Spaniards as gods, and sent them ambassadors with presents. Cortes here learned that the native sovereign was called Montezuma; that he reigned over an extensive empire, which had lasted for three centuries; that thirty vassals, called caciques, obeyed him; and that his riches were immense and his power absolute. No more was necessary to inflame the ambition of the invader, who did not hesitate to undertake the conquest of this great empire, which could only be effected by combining stratagem and address with force and courage. He laid the foundation of the town of Vera Cruz, caused himself to be elected captain-general of the new colony, and burned his vessels to cut off the possibility of retreat and show his soldiers that they must either conquer or perish. He then penetrated into the interior of the country, drew to his camp several caciques hostile to Montezuma, and induced these native princes to facilitate his progress. The republic of Tlaxcala, which was hostile to Montezuma, opposed him; but he routed its army, which had resisted all the forces of the Mexican empire, dictated peace on moderate terms and converted the people into powerful auxiliaries. His farther advance was in vain attempted to be checked by an ambuscade laid by the inhabitants of Cholula, on whom he took signal vengeance.

An opportunity soon arose for him to showcase his abilities as a military leader. Juan Grijalva, who was Velazquez's lieutenant, had just discovered Mexico but hadn’t tried to establish a settlement. This upset the governor of Cuba, who replaced Grijalva and entrusted the conquest of the newly found land to Cortes. Cortes quickly prepared, and on November 18, 1518, he set out from Santiago with 10 ships, 600 or 700 Spaniards, 18 horsemen, and some cannons. However, just after he set sail, Velazquez revoked Cortes’s commission and even ordered him to be arrested; but the loyalty of the troops, who greatly admired him, allowed him to continue despite the governor's order. On March 4, 1519, he landed on the coast of Mexico. Moving along the gulf, sometimes trying to win over the locals and at other times instilling fear through his weapons, he took control of the town of Tobasco. The sound of the artillery, the sight of the ships that had carried the Spaniards across the ocean, and the horses they rode—all new to the locals—filled them with awe, mixed with fear and admiration; they saw the Spaniards as gods and sent ambassadors with gifts. From here, Cortes learned that the native king was called Montezuma, that he ruled over a vast empire that had existed for three centuries, that thirty vassals known as caciques submitted to him, and that his wealth was immense and his power absolute. This was enough to stir the invader's ambition, and he quickly decided to undertake the conquest of this great empire, which would require a mix of cunning and strength along with courage. He began the town of Vera Cruz, got himself elected captain-general of the new colony, and burned his ships to eliminate the chance of retreat, showing his soldiers they had to either conquer or die. He then pushed into the interior, brought several caciques who opposed Montezuma to his camp, and persuaded these local leaders to help him. The republic of Tlaxcala, which opposed Montezuma, tried to stop him, but he defeated their army, which had resisted all the forces of the Mexican empire, dictated peace under fair terms, and turned the people into powerful allies. His further progress was unsuccessfully challenged by an ambush set by the people of Cholula, on whom he took swift revenge.

Surmounting all other obstacles he arrived, with 6000 natives and a handful of Spaniards, in sight of the immense lake on which was built the city of Mexico, the capital of the empire. Montezuma received him with great pomp, and his subjects, believing Cortes to be a descendant of the sun, prostrated themselves before him. The first care of Cortes was to fortify himself in one of the beautiful palaces of the prince, and he was planning how to possess himself of the riches of so opulent an empire, when intelligence reached him that a general of the emperor, who had received secret orders, had just attacked the garrison of Vera Cruz and killed several of his soldiers. The head of one of the Spaniards was sent to the capital. This event undeceived the Mexicans, who had hitherto believed the Spaniards to be immortal, and necessarily altered the whole policy of Cortes. Struck with the greatness of the danger, surrounded by enemies, and having only a handful of soldiers, he conceived and instantly executed a most daring project. Having repaired with his officers to the palace of the emperor, he announced to Montezuma that he must either accompany him or perish. Being thus master of the person of the monarch, he next demanded that the Mexican general and his officers who had attacked the Spaniards should be delivered into his hands; and when this had been done he caused these unfortunate men, who had only obeyed the orders of their sovereign, to be burned alive before the gates of the imperial palace. During this cruel execution Cortes entered the apartment of Montezuma, and caused him to be loaded with irons, in order to force him to acknowledge himself a vassal of Charles V. The unhappy prince yielded, and was restored to a semblance of liberty on presenting the fierce conqueror with 600,000 marks of pure gold, and a prodigious quantity of precious stones. Scarcely had he reaped the fruits of his audacity, however, when he was informed of the landing of a Spanish army, under Narvaez, which had been sent by Velazquez to compel him to renounce his command. In this emergency Cortes acted with his usual decision and courage. Leaving 200 men at Mexico, under the orders of his lieutenant (Alvarado), he marched against Narvaez, whom he defeated and made prisoner, and he then enlisted under his standard the Spanish soldiers who had been sent to attack him. On his return to the capital, however, he found that the Mexicans had revolted against the emperor and the Spaniards, and that dangers thickened around him. Montezuma perished in attempting to address his revolted subjects; the latter, having chosen a new emperor, attacked the headquarters of Cortes with the utmost fury, and, in spite of the advantage of firearms, forced the Spaniards to retire, as the only means of escaping destruction. Their rear-guard, however, was cut in pieces, and they suffered severely during the retreat, which was continued during six days. Elated with their success, the Mexicans offered battle in the plain of Otumba. This was what Cortes desired, and it proved their destruction. Cortes gave the signal for battle, and, on the 7th of July 1520, gained a victory which decided the fate of Mexico. Immediately afterwards he proceeded to Tlaxcala, assembled an auxiliary army of natives, subjected the neighbouring provinces, and then marched a second time against Mexico, which, after a gallant defence of several months, was retaken on the 13th of August 1521.

Surmounting all other obstacles, he arrived with 6,000 natives and a handful of Spaniards in sight of the massive lake where the city of Mexico, the capital of the empire, was built. Montezuma welcomed him with great pomp, and his subjects, believing Cortes to be a descendant of the sun, prostrated themselves before him. Cortes's first priority was to secure himself in one of the beautiful palaces of the prince, and while he was planning how to seize the riches of such an opulent empire, he received word that a general of the emperor, who had received secret orders, had just attacked the garrison of Vera Cruz and killed several of his soldiers. The head of one of the Spaniards was sent to the capital. This event disillusioned the Mexicans, who had previously believed the Spaniards to be immortal, and it changed Cortes's entire strategy. Realizing the severity of the situation, surrounded by enemies and having only a handful of soldiers, he came up with and immediately executed a daring plan. Going to the emperor's palace with his officers, he told Montezuma that he had to either accompany him or face death. With Montezuma now under his control, he demanded that the Mexican general and his officers who had attacked the Spaniards be handed over to him; when this was done, he had those unfortunate men, who had only followed their sovereign's orders, burned alive in front of the imperial palace. During this brutal execution, Cortes entered Montezuma's quarters and had him shackled to force him to admit that he was a vassal of Charles V. The unfortunate prince gave in and was granted a semblance of freedom after presenting the fierce conqueror with 600,000 marks of pure gold and a staggering amount of precious stones. Hardly had he enjoyed the fruits of his audacity when he learned of the arrival of a Spanish army under Narvaez, sent by Velazquez to force him to give up his command. In this crisis, Cortes acted with his usual decisiveness and bravery. Leaving 200 men in Mexico under his lieutenant (Alvarado), he marched against Narvaez, whom he defeated and captured, then recruited the Spanish soldiers who had been sent to attack him. However, upon returning to the capital, he found that the Mexicans had revolted against the emperor and the Spaniards, and dangers were closing in around him. Montezuma was killed while trying to address his rebellious subjects; they chose a new emperor and attacked Cortes's headquarters with fierce determination, forcing the Spaniards to retreat as the only way to escape destruction, despite their advantage with firearms. Their rear-guard was slaughtered, and they suffered heavily during a retreat that lasted six days. Encouraged by their success, the Mexicans offered battle in the plain of Otumba. This was what Cortes wanted, and it led to their downfall. Cortes signaled for battle, and on July 7, 1520, he won a victory that determined the fate of Mexico. Right after this, he went to Tlaxcala, gathered an auxiliary army of natives, subdued the surrounding provinces, and then marched against Mexico again, which was retaken on August 13, 1521, after a brave defense lasting several months.

These successes were entirely owing to the genius, valour and profound but unscrupulous policy of Cortes; and the account of them which he transmitted to Spain excited the admiration of his countrymen. The extent of his conquests, and the ability he had displayed, effaced the censure which he had incurred by the irregularity of his operations; and public opinion having declared in his favour, Charles V., disregarding the pretensions of Velazquez, appointed him governor and captain-general of Mexico, at the same time conferring on him the valley of Oaxaca, which was erected (1529) into a marquisate, with a considerable revenue. But although his power was thus confirmed by royal authority, and although he exerted himself to consolidate Spanish domination throughout all Mexico, the means he employed were such that the natives, reduced to despair, took arms against the Spaniards. This revolt, however, was speedily subdued, and the Mexicans were everywhere forced to yield to the ascendancy of European discipline and valour. Guatemotzin, who had been recognized as emperor, and a great number of caciques, accused of having conspired against the conquerors, were publicly executed, with circumstances of great cruelty, by order of Cortes. Meanwhile the court of Madrid, dreading the ambition and popularity of the victorious chief, sent commissioners to watch his conduct and thwart his proceedings; and whilst he was completing the conquest of New Spain his goods were seized by the fiscal of the Council of the Indies, and his retainers imprisoned and put into irons. Indignant at the ingratitude of his sovereign, Cortes returned in person to Spain to appeal to the justice of the emperor, and appeared there with great splendour. The emperor received him with every mark of distinction, and decorated him with the order of St Iago. Cortes returned to Mexico with new titles but diminished authority, a viceroy having been entrusted with the administration of civil affairs, whilst the military department, with permission to push his conquests, was all that remained to Cortes. This division of powers became a source of continual dissension, and caused the failure of the last enterprises in which he engaged. Nevertheless, in 1536, he discovered the peninsula of Lower California, and surveyed a part of the gulf which separates it from Mexico.

These achievements were entirely due to the brilliance, courage, and deeply strategic yet ruthless policies of Cortes; the report he sent back to Spain sparked admiration among his fellow countrymen. The scale of his conquests and the skills he showcased wiped away any criticism he faced for the irregularity of his actions. With public opinion now backing him, Charles V., ignoring Velazquez's claims, named him governor and captain-general of Mexico, granting him the valley of Oaxaca, which was established as a marquisate in 1529, complete with a significant income. However, even though his power was strengthened by royal endorsement, and he worked to solidify Spanish control throughout Mexico, the methods he used drove the natives to desperation, leading them to take up arms against the Spaniards. This uprising was quickly crushed, and the Mexicans were forced to submit to the dominance of European military discipline and bravery. Guatemotzin, recognized as emperor, and many caciques accused of conspiring against the conquerors were publicly executed with extreme cruelty by Cortes's order. Meanwhile, the court in Madrid, fearing the ambition and popularity of this victorious leader, dispatched commissioners to monitor his activities and undermine his efforts; while he was finalizing the conquest of New Spain, his properties were seized by the fiscal of the Council of the Indies, and his followers were imprisoned and shackled. Outraged by his sovereign's ingratitude, Cortes personally returned to Spain to seek justice from the emperor, arriving in great style. The emperor received him with all due honors and awarded him the Order of St. James. Cortes returned to Mexico with new titles but less authority, as a viceroy was placed in charge of civil administration, leaving Cortes with only the military affairs and the permission to continue his conquests. This division of power led to ongoing conflicts and contributed to the failure of his later endeavors. Nonetheless, in 1536, he discovered the peninsula of Lower California and mapped part of the gulf that separates it from Mexico.

At length, tired of struggling with adversaries unworthy of him, whom the court took care to multiply, he returned to Europe, hoping to confound his enemies. But Charles V. received him coldly. Cortes dissembled, redoubled the assiduity of his attendance on the emperor, accompanied him in the disastrous expedition to Algiers in 1541, served as a volunteer, and had a horse killed under him. This was his last appearance in the field, and if his advice had been followed the Spanish arms would have been saved from disgrace, and Europe delivered nearly three centuries earlier from the scourge of organized piracy. Soon afterwards he fell into neglect, and could scarcely obtain an audience. The story goes that, having forced his way through the crowd which surrounded the emperor’s carriage, and mounted on the door-step, Charles, astonished at an act of such audacity, demanded to know who he was. “I am a man,” replied the conqueror of Mexico proudly, “who has given you more provinces than your ancestors left you cities.” So haughty a declaration of important services ill-requited could scarcely fail to offend a monarch on whom fortune had lavished her choicest favours. Cortes, overwhelmed with disgust, withdrew from court, passed the remainder of his days in solitude, and died, near Seville, on the 2nd of December 1547.

At last, tired of dealing with opponents unworthy of him, who the court made sure to multiply, he returned to Europe, hoping to outsmart his enemies. But Charles V. welcomed him with indifference. Cortes pretended everything was fine, increased his efforts to be in the emperor's presence, joined him in the disastrous expedition to Algiers in 1541, served as a volunteer, and had a horse shot out from under him. This was his last appearance on the battlefield, and if his advice had been heeded, Spain would have avoided disgrace, and Europe would have been freed from organized piracy nearly three centuries earlier. Soon after, he fell into obscurity and could hardly get an audience. The story goes that, after forcing his way through the crowd around the emperor’s carriage and climbing onto the doorstep, Charles, shocked by his boldness, asked who he was. “I am a man,” replied the conqueror of Mexico proudly, “who has given you more provinces than your ancestors left you cities.” Such a haughty claim of significant, unappreciated service would likely offend a monarch favored by fortune. Cortes, filled with disgust, left the court, spent the rest of his days in solitude, and died near Seville on December 2, 1547.

The only writings of Cortes are five letters on the subject of his conquests, which he addressed to Charles V. The best edition of them is that of Don Francisco Antonio Lorenzana, archbishop of Mexico, entitled Historia de Nueva-España escrita par su esclarecido conquistador, Hernan Cortes, aumentada con otros documientos y notas (Mexico, 1770, 4to), a work the noble simplicity of which attests 207 the truth of the recital it contains. An English translation of the letters, edited by Francis A. MacNutt, was published in 1908. The conquests of Cortes have been described with pompous elegance by Antonio de Solis in his Historia de la conquista de Mejico (1684), and with more truth and simplicity by Bernardo Diaz del Castillo in his work under the same title (1632). See also Sir Arthur Helps’s Life of Hernando Cortes (2 vols., London, 1871), F. A. MacNutt’s Fernando Cortes (“Heroes of the Nations” Series, 1909), and the bibliography to Mexico.

The only writings of Cortes are five letters about his conquests, which he sent to Charles V. The best edition is by Don Francisco Antonio Lorenzana, the archbishop of Mexico, titled Historia de Nueva-España escrita par su esclarecido conquistador, Hernan Cortes, aumentada con otros documientos y notas (Mexico, 1770, 4to), a work whose noble simplicity confirms the truth of the account it contains. An English translation of the letters, edited by Francis A. MacNutt, was published in 1908. Cortes's conquests have been described with grand language by Antonio de Solis in his Historia de la conquista de Mejico (1684), and with more honesty and simplicity by Bernardo Diaz del Castillo in his work with the same title (1632). Also see Sir Arthur Helps’s Life of Hernando Cortes (2 vols., London, 1871), F. A. MacNutt’s Fernando Cortes (“Heroes of the Nations” Series, 1909), and the bibliography to Mexico.


CORTES, a Spanish term literally signifying the “courts,” and applied to the states, or assembly of the states, of the kingdom. (See Spain and Portugal.)

CORTES, is a Spanish term that literally means "courts," and it refers to the states or the assembly of the states within the kingdom. (See Spain and Portugal.)


CORTI, LODOVICO, Count (1823-1888), Italian diplomatist, was born at Gambarano on the 28th of October 1823. Early involved with Benedetto Cairoli in anti-Austrian conspiracies, he was exiled to Turin, where he entered the Piedmontese foreign office. After serving as artillery officer through the campaign of 1848, he was in 1850 appointed secretary of legation in London, whence he was promoted minister to various capitals, and in 1875 ambassador to Constantinople. Called by Cairoli to the direction of foreign affairs in 1878, he took part in the congress of Berlin, but unwisely declined Lord Derby’s offer for an Anglo-Italian agreement in defence of common interests. At Berlin he sustained the cause of Greek independence, but in all other respects remained isolated, and excited the wrath of his countrymen by returning to Italy with “clean hands.” For a time he withdrew from public life, but in 1881 was again sent to Constantinople by Cairoli, where he presided over the futile conference of ambassadors upon the Egyptian question. In 1886 he was transferred to the London embassy, but was recalled by Crispi in the following year through a misunderstanding. He died in Rome on the 9th of April 1888.

CORTI, LODOVICO, Count (1823-1888), Italian diplomat, was born in Gambarano on October 28, 1823. He got involved early on with Benedetto Cairoli in anti-Austrian conspiracies and was exiled to Turin, where he joined the Piedmontese foreign office. After serving as an artillery officer during the 1848 campaign, he was appointed secretary of legation in London in 1850. He was later promoted to minister in various capitals and became ambassador to Constantinople in 1875. Called by Cairoli to lead foreign affairs in 1878, he participated in the Berlin congress but foolishly turned down Lord Derby's offer for an Anglo-Italian agreement to defend shared interests. At Berlin, he backed the cause of Greek independence but remained isolated in other matters, earning the ire of his compatriots by returning to Italy with "clean hands." He stepped back from public life for a time but was sent back to Constantinople by Cairoli in 1881, where he chaired a useless conference of ambassadors on the Egyptian issue. In 1886, he was moved to the London embassy but was recalled by Crispi the following year due to a misunderstanding. He died in Rome on April 9, 1888.


CORTLAND, a city and the county-seat of Cortland county, New York, U.S.A., in the central part of the state, on Tioughnioga river, at the junction of its E. and W. branches. Pop. (1890) 8590; (1900) 9014, of whom 682 were foreign born; (1905) 11,272;(1910) 11,504. It is served by the Delaware, Lackawanna & Western and the Lehigh Valley railways. The Franklin Hatch library and a state normal and training school (opened in 1869) are in Cortland. The city has important manufactories of wire, and wire-cloth and netting (one of the largest in America), cabs, carriages and waggons, iron and steel, wall-paper, dairy supplies, corundum wheels, and clothing. The value of the city’s factory products increased from $3,063,828 in 1900 to $4,574,191 in 1905 or 49.3%. The town of Cortlandville, which formed a part of the Phelps and Gorham Purchase, was first settled in 1792, and until 1829 was a part of the town of Homer; from which in the latter year it was separated, and made the county-seat. In 1900 the village of Cortland in the town of Cortlandville was chartered as a city.

CORTLAND, is a city and the county seat of Cortland County, New York, U.S.A., located in the central part of the state, on the Tioughnioga River, where its eastern and western branches meet. Population: (1890) 8,590; (1900) 9,014, of which 682 were foreign-born; (1905) 11,272; (1910) 11,504. The city is served by the Delaware, Lackawanna & Western, and Lehigh Valley railroads. The Franklin Hatch Library and a state normal and training school (established in 1869) are located in Cortland. The city has significant manufacturing of wire, wire cloth and netting (one of the largest in America), cabs, carriages and wagons, iron and steel, wallpaper, dairy supplies, corundum wheels, and clothing. The value of the city’s factory products increased from $3,063,828 in 1900 to $4,574,191 in 1905, a rise of 49.3%. The town of Cortlandville, which was part of the Phelps and Gorham Purchase, was first settled in 1792 and was part of the town of Homer until 1829, when it became its own entity and the county seat. In 1900, the village of Cortland within the town of Cortlandville was chartered as a city.

See H. C. Goodwin, Cortland County and the Border Wars of New York (New York, 1859).

See H. C. Goodwin, Cortland County and the Border Wars of New York (New York, 1859).


CORTONA, a town and episcopal see of Italy, in the province of Arezzo, 18 m. S. by E. from the town of Arezzo by rail. The ancient and modern names are identical. Pop. (1901) of town, 3579; commune, 29,296. The highest point of Cortona, a medieval castle (Fortezza), is situated 2130 ft. above sea-level on a hill commanding a splendid view, and is approached by a winding road. It is surrounded by its ancient Etruscan walls, which for the greater part of the circuit are fairly well preserved. They are constructed of parallelepipedal blocks of limestone, finely jointed (though the jointing has often been spoilt by weathering), and arranged in regular courses which vary in size in different parts of the enceinte. Near the N.W. angle some of the blocks are 7 to 8½ ft. long and 2½ ft. high, while on the W. side they are a good deal smaller—sometimes only 1 ft. high (see F. Noack in Römische Mitteilungen, 1897, 184). Within the town are two subterranean vaulted buildings in good masonry, of uncertain nature, some other remains under modern buildings, and a concrete ruin known as the “Bagni di Bacco.” The museum of the Accademia Etrusca, a learned body founded by Ridolfino Venuti in 1726, is situated in the Palazzo Pretorio; it contains some Etruscan objects, among which may be specially noted a magnificent bronze lamp with 16 lights, of remarkably fine workmanship, found in 1740, at the foot of the hill, two votive hands and a few other bronzes, and a little gold jewellery. The library has a good MS. of Dante. The cathedral, originally a Tuscan Romanesque building of the 11th-12th centuries, is now a fine Renaissance basilica restored in the 18th century, containing some paintings by Luca Signorelli, a native of the place. Opposite is the baptistery, with three fine pictures by Fra Angelico. S. Margherita, just below the Fortezza, is an ugly modern building occupying the site of a Gothic church of 1294, and containing a fine original rose window and reliefs from the tomb of the saint by Angelo e Francesco di maestro Pietro d’Assisi. Other works by Signorelli are to be seen elsewhere in the town, especially in S. Domenico; Pietro Berettini (Pietro da Cortona, 1596-1669) is hardly represented here at all. Below the town is the massive tomb chamber (originally subterranean, but now lacking the mound of the earth which covered it) known as the Grotta di Pitagora (grotto of Pythagoras). To the E. is the church of S. Maria del Calcinaio, a fine early Renaissance building by Francesco di Giorgio Martini of Siena, with fine stained glass windows.

CORTONA, is a town and episcopal see in Italy, located in the province of Arezzo, 18 miles southeast of the town of Arezzo by rail. The ancient and modern names are the same. The population (1901) of the town was 3,579; the commune had 29,296. The highest point in Cortona is a medieval castle (Fortezza) sitting 2,130 feet above sea level on a hill that offers a stunning view, accessible via a winding road. It's surrounded by ancient Etruscan walls, which are mostly well-preserved along much of their length. These walls are made of rectangular limestone blocks, expertly jointed (although the joints have often deteriorated due to weathering), and arranged in regular courses that vary in size in different parts of the enclosure. Near the northwest angle, some blocks measure 7 to 8½ feet long and 2½ feet high, while on the west side, the blocks tend to be smaller—sometimes only 1 foot high (see F. Noack in Römische Mitteilungen, 1897, 184). Inside the town, there are two well-built subterranean vaulted structures of unclear purpose, additional remains hidden under modern buildings, and a concrete ruin known as the "Bagni di Bacco." The museum of the Accademia Etrusca, an academic organization founded by Ridolfino Venuti in 1726, is located in the Palazzo Pretorio; it houses several Etruscan artifacts, including a remarkable bronze lamp with 16 lights, skillfully crafted, discovered in 1740 at the base of the hill, two votive hands, a few other bronze items, and some small gold jewelry. The library holds a decent manuscript of Dante. The cathedral, originally a Tuscan Romanesque structure from the 11th-12th centuries, has been transformed into a beautiful Renaissance basilica that was restored in the 18th century, featuring some paintings by Luca Signorelli, a local artist. Across from it is the baptistery, adorned with three beautiful paintings by Fra Angelico. S. Margherita, positioned just below the Fortezza, is an unattractive modern building that stands where a Gothic church from 1294 once existed, containing a stunning original rose window and reliefs from the tomb of the saint by Angelo and Francesco di maestro Pietro d’Assisi. Other works by Signorelli can be found throughout the town, particularly in S. Domenico; however, Pietro Berettini (Pietro da Cortona, 1596-1669) is hardly represented here at all. Below the town lies the massive tomb chamber (originally underground, but now devoid of the earth mound that once covered it) known as the Grotta di Pitagora (grotto of Pythagoras). To the east is the church of S. Maria del Calcinaio, an impressive early Renaissance structure designed by Francesco di Giorgio Martini of Siena, featuring beautiful stained glass windows.

The foundation of Cortona belongs to the legendary period of Italy. It appears in history as one of the strongholds of the Etruscan power; but in Roman times it is hardly mentioned. Dionysius’s statement that it was a colony (i. 26) is probably due to confusion.

The foundation of Cortona is rooted in the legendary era of Italy. It shows up in history as one of the key strongholds of Etruscan power, but it’s barely mentioned during Roman times. Dionysius’s claim that it was a colony (i. 26) is likely a misunderstanding.

See G. Dennis, Cities and Cemeteries of Etruria (London, 1883), ii. 394 seq.; A. Della Cella, Cortona Antica (Cortona, 1900).

See G. Dennis, Cities and Cemeteries of Etruria (London, 1883), ii. 394 seq.; A. Della Cella, Cortona Antica (Cortona, 1900).

(T. As.)

CORUMBÁ, a town and river port of Brazil on the W. bank of the Paraguay river, 1986 m. above Buenos Aires and 486 m. above the Paraguayan frontier. Pop. (1890) 8414. Corumbá is a fortified military post, has the large Ladario naval arsenal, where small river boats are built and repaired, and is the commercial entrepôt of the state of Matto Grosso. It is near the Bolivian frontier and is strongly garrisoned. Although the climate is extremely hot, the neighbouring country has many large cattle farms. Corumbá is one of the most important places in the interior of Brazil.

CORUMBÁ, is a town and river port in Brazil located on the west bank of the Paraguay River, 1,986 kilometers above Buenos Aires and 486 kilometers above the Paraguayan border. Population (1890) was 8,414. Corumbá serves as a fortified military post and houses the large Ladario naval arsenal, where small river boats are built and repaired. It also functions as the commercial hub for the state of Mato Grosso. The town is close to the Bolivian border and has a strong military presence. Despite the extremely hot climate, the surrounding area has many large cattle ranches. Corumbá is one of the most significant locations in the interior of Brazil.


CORUNDUM, a mineral composed of native alumina (Al2O3). remarkable for its hardness, and forming in its finer varieties a valuable gem-stone. Specimens were sent from India to England in the 18th century, and were described in 1798 by the Hon. C. Greville under the name of corundum—a word which he believed to be the native name of the stone (Hindi, kurund; Tamil, kurundam; Sanskrit, kuruvinda, “ruby”). The finely coloured, transparent varieties include such gem-stones as the ruby and sapphire, whilst the impure granular and massive forms are known as emery. The term corundum is often restricted to the remaining kinds, i.e. those crystallized and crystalline varieties which are not sufficiently transparent and brilliant for ornamental purposes, and which were known to the older mineralogists as “imperfect corundum.” Such varieties were termed by J. Black, in consequence of their hardness, adamantine spar, but this name is now usually restricted to a hair-brown corundum, remarkable for a pearly sheen on the basal plane.

CORUNDUM, is a mineral made up of natural alumina (Al2O3) that is known for its hardness and forms valuable gemstones in its finer varieties. Specimens were sent from India to England in the 18th century and were described in 1798 by the Hon. C. Greville as corundum—a term he thought was the native name for the stone (Hindi, kurund; Tamil, kurundam; Sanskrit, kuruvinda, “ruby”). The beautifully colored, transparent varieties include gemstones like ruby and sapphire, while the impure granular and massive forms are referred to as emery. The term corundum is often specifically used for certain types, namely those crystallized and crystalline varieties that aren’t transparent or brilliant enough for decorative use, which older mineralogists called “imperfect corundum.” These varieties were named by J. Black, due to their hardness, as adamantine spar, but this name is now typically used for a hair-brown corundum known for its pearly sheen on the basal plane.

Fig. 1. Fig. 2.

Corundum crystallizes in the hexagonal system. In fig. 1, which is a form of ruby, the prism a is combined with a hexagonal pyramid n, a rhombohedron R, and the basal pinacoid C. In fig. 2, which represents a typical crystal of sapphire, the prism s is associated with the acute pyramids b, r, and a rhombohedron a. Other crystals show a tabular habit, consisting usually of the basal pinacoid with a rhombohedron, and it is notable that this habit is said to be characteristic of corundum which has consolidated from a fused magma. Corundum has no true 208 cleavage, but presents parting planes due to the structure of the crystal, which have been studied by Prof. J. W. Judd.

Corundum crystallizes in the hexagonal system. In fig. 1, which shows a form of ruby, the prism a is combined with a hexagonal pyramid n, a rhombohedron R, and the basal pinacoid C. In fig. 2, representing a typical sapphire crystal, the prism s is associated with the acute pyramids b, r, and a rhombohedron a. Other crystals display a tabular habit, typically consisting of the basal pinacoid with a rhombohedron, and it's interesting to note that this habit is said to be characteristic of corundum that has crystallized from fused magma. Corundum has no true 208 cleavage, but shows parting planes due to the crystal structure, which have been studied by Prof. J. W. Judd.

Next to diamond, corundum is the hardest known mineral. Its hardness is generally given as 9, but there are slight variations in different stones, sapphire being rather harder than ruby, and ruby than common corundum. The colours are very varied, and it is probable that iron is responsible for many of the tints, though chromium is a possible agent in certain cases. The transparent varieties are often distinguished as “Oriental” stones. (See Ruby and Sapphire.) Corundum is used largely for watch-jewels, and for bearings in electrical apparatus.

Next to diamond, corundum is the hardest mineral known. Its hardness is usually rated at 9, but there are slight variations among different gems, with sapphire being a bit harder than ruby, and ruby being harder than common corundum. The colors are very diverse, and it's likely that iron causes many of the shades, although chromium might be a factor in some cases. The transparent types are often referred to as “Oriental” stones. (See Ruby and Sapphire.) Corundum is widely used for watch jewels and bearings in electrical equipment.

The coloured corundums fit for gem-stones come chiefly from Ceylon, Burma, Siam and Montana. Coarse dull corundum is found in many localities, and usually has higher commercial value as an abrasive agent than emery, which is less pure. The coarse corundum, however, is often partially hydrated or otherwise altered, whereby its hardness is diminished. In India, where the native lapidaries use corundum-sticks and rubbers formed of the powdered mineral cemented with lac, it occurs in the Salem district, Madras, in Mysore and in Rewa. Large deposits of corundum exist in the United States, especially in N. Carolina and Georgia, where they are associated with peridotites, often near contact with gneiss. The mineral has been extensively worked, as at Corundum Hill, Macon county, N.C., near which, in 1871, were discovered numerous rubies, sapphires and pebbles of coarse corundum in the bed of a river. Corundum occurs also at many localities in Montana, where the crystals are often of gem quality. They are found mostly as loose crystals in gravel, but are known also in igenous rocks like andesite and lamprophyre. Prof. J. H. Pratt, who has studied the occurrence both in Montana and in N. Carolina, considers that the alumina was dissolved in a molten magma, from which it separated at an early period of consolidation, as illustrated by the experiments of J. Morozewicz. Corundum occurs also in Canada in an igneous rock, a nepheline-syenite, associated with Laurentian gneiss. Important deposits were discovered by the Geological Survey in 1896, in Hastings county, Ontario; and corundum is now worked there and in Renfrew county. New South Wales, Queensland and Victoria are other localities for corundum. The mineral is found also in the Urals and the Ilmen Mountains, in the Alps (in dolomite), in the basalts of the Rhine, and indeed as a subordinate rock-constituent corundum seems to enjoy a wide distribution, being found even in the British Isles.

The colored corundums suitable for gemstones mainly come from Ceylon, Burma, Siam, and Montana. Coarse, dull corundum is found in many places and usually has a higher commercial value as an abrasive than emery, which is less pure. However, coarse corundum is often partially hydrated or otherwise altered, which reduces its hardness. In India, where local lapidaries use corundum sticks and rubbers made of powdered mineral cemented with lac, it can be found in the Salem district, Madras, Mysore, and Rewa. Large deposits of corundum are in the United States, especially in North Carolina and Georgia, where they are associated with peridotites, often near contact with gneiss. The mineral has been extensively mined, particularly at Corundum Hill, Macon County, N.C., where numerous rubies, sapphires, and pebbles of coarse corundum were discovered in a riverbed in 1871. Corundum is also found in various locations in Montana, where the crystals are often of gem quality. They are mostly found as loose crystals in gravel but are also known in igneous rocks like andesite and lamprophyre. Prof. J. H. Pratt, who has studied occurrences in both Montana and North Carolina, believes that alumina was dissolved in molten magma, from which it separated early in the solidification process, as illustrated by the experiments of J. Morozewicz. Corundum also occurs in Canada in an igneous rock, nepheline-syenite, associated with Laurentian gneiss. Significant deposits were discovered by the Geological Survey in 1896 in Hastings County, Ontario, and corundum is now mined there and in Renfrew County. New South Wales, Queensland, and Victoria are other locations for corundum. The mineral is also found in the Urals and the Ilmen Mountains, in the Alps (in dolomite), in the basalts of the Rhine, and indeed, as a minor rock constituent, corundum seems to be widely distributed, even found in the British Isles.

See Joseph Hyde Pratt, “Corundum and its Occurrence and Distribution in the United States,” Bulletin U.S. Geol. Surv., No. 269 (1906); T. H. Holland, Economic Geology of India (2nd ed.), Part i. (1898).

See Joseph Hyde Pratt, “Corundum and its Occurrence and Distribution in the United States,” Bulletin U.S. Geol. Surv., No. 269 (1906); T. H. Holland, Economic Geology of India (2nd ed.), Part i. (1898).

(F. W. R.*)

CORUNNA, a maritime province in the extreme north-west of Spain; forming part of Galicia, and bounded on the E. by Lugo, S. by Pontevedra, W. and N. by the Atlantic Ocean. Pop. (1900) 653,556; area, 3051 sq. m. The coast of Corunna is exposed to the full force of the Atlantic; it forms one succession of fantastically shaped promontories, divided by bays and estuaries which often extend for many miles inland, with reefs and small islands in their midst. Though well lighted, this coast is very dangerous to navigation, gales and fogs being frequent in winter and spring. The most conspicuous headlands are Cape Ortegal and Cape de Vares, the most northerly points of the Spanish seaboard, and Capes Finisterre and Toriñana in the extreme west. The principal bays are those of Santa Marta, Ferrol and Corunna, on the north; Corcubion, Muros y Noya and Arosa, on the west. Wild and rugged though this region appears to travellers at sea, the mountains which overspread the interior are covered with forests and pastures, and watered by an abundance of small rivers and streams. The climate is mild and singularly equable, but the rainfall is very heavy. All the fruits and vegetables of northern Europe thrive in the sheltered valleys, and the cultivation of cherries, strawberries, peas and onions, for export, ranks among the most profitable local industries. Heavy crops of wheat, rye, maize and sugar-beet are raised. The wines of Corunna are heady and of inferior flavour. Cattle-breeding, once a flourishing industry, had greatly declined by the beginning of the 20th century, owing to foreign competition. All along the coast there are valuable fisheries of sardines, lobsters, cod, hake and other fish. Copper, tin and gold are procured in small quantities, and other minerals undoubtedly exist. The exports consist chiefly of farm produce and fish; the imports, of coal and textiles from England, petroleum from the United States, marble from Italy, salt fish from Norway and Newfoundland, and hides. The principal towns are Corunna, the capital and chief port (pop. 1900, 43,971); Ferrol (25,281), another seaport; Santiago de Compostela (24,120), famous as a place of pilgrimage; Carballo (13,032); Ortigueira (18,426) and Ribeira (12,218). These are described under separate headings. Along the coast there are numerous trading and fishing stations of minor importance. Railway communication is very defective. From Corunna a line passes south-eastward to Lugo and Madrid, and from Santiago another line goes southward to Vigo and Oporto; but the centre and the north-west of the province are, to a great extent, inaccessible except by road; and many, even of the main highways, are ill-constructed and ill-kept. Very few Spanish provinces have so high a birthrate, but the population increases very slowly owing to emigration. For a description of the peasantry, who are distinguished in may respects from those inhabiting other parts of Spain, see Galicia.

CORUNNA, is a coastal province located in the far northwest of Spain; it is part of Galicia and is bordered to the east by Lugo, to the south by Pontevedra, and on the west and north by the Atlantic Ocean. Population (1900) was 653,556, covering an area of 3051 square miles. The coast of Corunna faces the full force of the Atlantic, featuring a series of uniquely shaped promontories divided by bays and estuaries that often stretch many miles inland, containing reefs and small islands. Although well lit, this coastline is highly dangerous for navigation due to frequent gales and fog in winter and spring. The most notable headlands are Cape Ortegal and Cape de Vares, which are the northernmost points on the Spanish coastline, along with Capes Finisterre and Toriñana in the far west. The main bays include Santa Marta, Ferrol, and Corunna on the north; Corcubion, Muros y Noya, and Arosa on the west. Although this region seems wild and rugged to travelers at sea, the mountains in the interior are covered with forests and pastures, nourished by many small rivers and streams. The climate is mild and remarkably stable, but it experiences heavy rainfall. All fruits and vegetables common in northern Europe thrive in the protected valleys, and the farming of cherries, strawberries, peas, and onions for export is among the most profitable local industries. Abundant crops of wheat, rye, corn, and sugar beet are grown. The wines from Corunna are strong but of lesser quality. Cattle farming, which was once a significant industry, had significantly declined by the early 20th century due to foreign competition. The coastline boasts valuable fisheries for sardines, lobsters, cod, hake, and other fish. Copper, tin, and gold are extracted in small amounts, and other minerals likely exist. Exports consist mainly of agricultural products and fish; imports include coal and textiles from England, petroleum from the United States, marble from Italy, salt fish from Norway and Newfoundland, and hides. The main towns are Corunna, the capital and primary port (population 1900, 43,971); Ferrol (25,281), another seaport; Santiago de Compostela (24,120), famous as a pilgrimage site; Carballo (13,032); Ortigueira (18,426); and Ribeira (12,218). These towns are discussed under separate sections. The coast has numerous minor trading and fishing stations. Railway connections are poor. A line runs southeast from Corunna to Lugo and Madrid, while another line goes south from Santiago to Vigo and Oporto; however, much of the center and northwest of the province remains largely inaccessible except by road, and many of the main roads are poorly constructed and maintained. Very few Spanish provinces have such a high birth rate, but the population grows very slowly due to emigration. For a portrayal of the peasantry, who differ in many ways from those in other parts of Spain, see Galicia.


CORUNNA (Span. La Coruña; Fr. La Corogne; Eng. formerly often The Groyne), the capital of the province described above; in 43° 22′ N., and 8° 22′ W.; on the bay of Corunna, an inlet of the Atlantic Ocean. Pop. (1900) 43,971. The principal railways of north-western Spain converge on Corunna, and afford direct communication with Madrid and Oporto. Corunna consists of an upper and a lower town, built respectively on the eastern side of a small peninsula, and on the isthmus connecting the peninsula with the mainland. The upper town is the more ancient, and is still surrounded by walls and bastions, and defended by a citadel; but it has been gradually outgrown by the lower, which, though at first a mere fishing village, as its name of Pescaderia implies, is now comparatively well built, and has many broad and handsome streets. There is little remarkable in the public buildings, although the churches of Santiago and the Colegiata date respectively from the 12th and 13th centuries, and there are several convents, two hospitals, a palace for the captain-general of Galicia, a theatre, a school of navigation, an arsenal and barracks. The harbour is on the east. Though difficult to approach in stormy weather, it is completely sheltered, and accommodates vessels drawing 22 ft. It is defended by several forts, of which the most important are San Diego, on the east, and San Antonio, on the west. These fortifications are of little practical value on the landward side, as they are commanded by a hill which overlooks the town. The so-called Tower of Hercules, on the north, has been increased by modern additions to a height of nearly 400 ft., and is surmounted by a fine revolving light. Many foreign steamers call here, for emigrants or mails, on their way to South America. Upwards of 1200 merchant ships, mostly British, entered the port in 1905. The exports are chiefly agricultural produce, wine and fish; the imports are coal, colonial products, and manufactured goods. Chief among the industrial establishments is a state tobacco factory; the sardine and herring fisheries also employ a large number of the inhabitants.

CORUNNA (Span. La Coruña; Fr. La Corogne; Eng. formerly often The Groyne), the capital of the province mentioned earlier; located at 43° 22′ N and 8° 22′ W; on the bay of Corunna, an inlet of the Atlantic Ocean. Population (1900) was 43,971. The main railways in north-western Spain connect at Corunna, providing direct links to Madrid and Oporto. Corunna consists of an upper and a lower town, built on the eastern side of a small peninsula and the isthmus linking the peninsula with the mainland. The upper town is older and is still surrounded by walls and bastions, defended by a citadel; however, it has been gradually outpaced by the lower town, which started as a simple fishing village, as suggested by its name Pescaderia, but is now relatively well-developed with many wide and attractive streets. There isn't much remarkable about the public buildings, although the churches of Santiago and the Colegiata date from the 12th and 13th centuries, respectively. There are also several convents, two hospitals, a palace for the captain-general of Galicia, a theater, a school of navigation, an arsenal, and barracks. The harbor is located on the east. Although it's tricky to access during stormy weather, it is fully sheltered and accommodates vessels with a draft of 22 ft. It is protected by several forts, the most significant being San Diego on the east and San Antonio on the west. These fortifications have limited practical use on the land side, as they are overlooked by a hill that guards the town. The so-called Tower of Hercules, situated to the north, has been extended with modern additions to nearly 400 ft, topped with a large revolving light. Many foreign steamers stop here for emigrants or mail on their route to South America. Over 1,200 merchant ships, mostly British, entered the port in 1905. The main exports include agricultural products, wine, and fish; imports consist of coal, colonial goods, and manufactured items. The leading industrial establishment is a state tobacco factory, and the sardine and herring fisheries also employ many locals.

Corunna, possibly at first a Phoenician settlement, is usually identified with the ancient Ardobrica, a seaport mentioned by the 1st-century historian, Pomponius Mela, as in the country of the Artabri, from whom the name of Portus Artabrorum was given to the bay on which the city is situated. In the middle ages, and probably at an earlier period, it was called Caronium; and this name is much more probably the origin of the present designation than the Latin Columna which is sometimes put forward. The harbour has always been of considerable importance, but it is only in comparatively modern times that it has made a figure in history. In 1588 it gave shelter to the Invincible Armada; in 1598 the town was captured and burned by the British under Drake and Norris. In 1747, and again in 1805, the bay was the scene of a naval victory of the British over the French; and on the 16th of January 1809 a battle took place 209 in the neighbourhood, which is celebrated in British military annals (see Peninsular War). The French under Marshal Soult attempted to prevent the embarcation of the English under Sir John Moore, but were successfully repulsed in spite of their superior numbers. Moore was mortally wounded and died shortly afterwards. He was hastily buried in the ramparts near the sea; a monument in the Jardin de San Carlos raised by the British government commemorates his death. The town joined the revolutionary movement of 1820, but in 1823 it was forced to capitulate by French troops. In 1836 it was captured by the Carlists. Corunna suffered heavily when Spain was deprived of Cuba and Porto Rico by the Spanish-American War of 1898, for it had hitherto had a thriving trade with these colonies.

Corunna, likely originally a Phoenician settlement, is generally recognized as the ancient Ardobrica, a seaport mentioned by the 1st-century historian Pomponius Mela, located in the territory of the Artabri, from whom the name Portus Artabrorum was derived for the bay where the city is located. In the Middle Ages, and perhaps even earlier, it was called Caronium; this name is much more likely the source of the current name than the Latin Columna, which is sometimes suggested. The harbor has always been quite significant, but it has really only become notable in modern history. In 1588, it provided refuge for the Invincible Armada; in 1598, the town was taken and burned by the British led by Drake and Norris. In 1747 and again in 1805, the bay was the site of naval victories for the British over the French; and on January 16, 1809, a battle occurred 209 nearby, which is remembered in British military history (see Peninsular War). The French, commanded by Marshal Soult, tried to stop the English from boarding under Sir John Moore, but they were successfully pushed back despite being outnumbered. Moore was mortally wounded and died soon after. He was quickly buried in the ramparts by the sea; a monument in the Jardin de San Carlos, erected by the British government, honors his death. The town joined the revolutionary movement of 1820, but in 1823, it was forced to surrender to French troops. It was captured by the Carlists in 1836. Corunna suffered greatly when Spain lost Cuba and Puerto Rico during the Spanish-American War of 1898, as it had previously enjoyed a booming trade with these colonies.


CORVÉE, in feudal law, the term used to designate the unpaid labour due from tenants, whether free or unfree, to their lord; hence any forced labour, especially that exacted by the state, the word being applied both to each particular service and to the system generally. Though the corvée formed a characteristic feature of the feudal system, it was, as an institution, much older than feudalism, and was already developed in its main features under the Roman Empire. Thus, under the Roman system, personal services (operae) were due from certain classes of the population not only to the state but to private proprietors. Apart from the obligations (operae officiales) imposed on freedmen as a condition of their enfranchisement, which in the country usually took the form of unpaid work on the landlord’s domain, the semi-servile coloni were bound, besides paying rent in money or kind, to do a certain number of days’ unremunerated labour on that part of the estate reserved by the landed proprietor. The state also exacted personal labour (operae publicae), in lieu of taxes, from certain classes for such purposes as the upkeep of roads, bridges and dykes; while the inhabitants of the various regions were responsible for the maintenance of the posting system (cursus publicus), for which horses, carts or labour would be requisitioned.

CORVÉE, in feudal law, refers to the unpaid labor that tenants, whether free or unfree, owed to their lord; thus, it also means any forced labor, especially that required by the state. The term applies to both individual tasks and the broader system. While the corvée was a defining aspect of feudalism, as an institution it was much older and had already been established in its main features during the Roman Empire. Under the Roman system, personal services (operae) were owed by certain social classes not just to the state but also to private landowners. In addition to the obligations (operae officiales) imposed on freedmen as part of their emancipation—usually taking the form of unpaid work on the landlord’s estate—semi-servile coloni were required, in addition to paying rent in money or goods, to perform a specified number of days of unpaid labor on the portion of the estate reserved by the landowner. The state also demanded personal labor (operae publicae) instead of taxes from certain groups for activities such as maintaining roads, bridges, and dikes; meanwhile, residents across various regions were responsible for supporting the postal system (cursus publicus), which meant providing horses, carts, or labor when needed.

Under the Frankish kings, who in their administration followed the Roman tradition, this system was preserved. Thus for the repair of roads, or other public works, within their jurisdiction the counts were empowered to requisition the labour of the inhabitants of the pagus, while the missi and other public functionaries on their travels were entitled to demand from the population en route entertainment and the means of transport for themselves and their belongings. It was, however, the economic revolution which between the 6th and 10th centuries converted the Gallo-Roman estates into the feudal model, and the political conditions under which the officials of the Frankish empire developed into hereditary feudal nobles, that evolved the system of the corvée as it existed throughout the middle ages and, in some countries, survived far into the 19th century. The Roman estate had been cultivated by free farmers, by coloni, and by slave labour. Under Frankish rule the farmers became coloni or hospites, the slaves, serfs. The estate was now habitually divided into the lord’s domain (terra indominicata, dominicum) and a series of allotments (mansi), parcels of land distributed by lot to the cultivators of the domain, who held them, partly by payment of rent in money or kind, partly by personal service and labour on the domain, these obligations both as to their nature and amount being very rigorously defined and permanently fixed in the case of each mansus and passing with the land to each new tenant. They varied, of course, very greatly according to the size of the holding and the needs of the particular estate, but they possessed certain common characteristics which are everywhere found. Luchaire (Manuel, p. 346) divides all corvées into two broad categories, (1) corvées properly so called, (2) military services. The second of these, so far as the obligation to serve in the host (Hostis et equitatus) is concerned, was common to all classes of feudal society; though the obligation of villeins to keep watch and ward (gueta, warda) and to labour at the building or strengthening of fortifications (muragium, munitio castri) are special corvées. We are, however, mainly concerned with the first category, which may again be subdivided into two main groups, (1) personal service of men and women (manoperae, manuum operae, Fr. manœuvres, manual labour), (2) carriage (carroperae, carragia, carrata, &c., Fr. charrois), i.e. service rendered by means of carts, barrows or draught animals. These again were divided into fixed services (operae rigae) and exceptional services, demanded when the others proved insufficient. To these latter was given in the 8th century the name of operae corrogatae (i.e. requisitioned works, from rogare, to request.) From this term (corrupted into corvatae, curvadae, corveiae, &c.) is derived the word corvée, which was gradually applied as a general term for all the various services.

Under the Frankish kings, who followed Roman traditions in their administration, this system was maintained. For the repair of roads and other public works within their territories, the counts were allowed to require labor from the residents of the pagus. Meanwhile, the missi and other public officials on their journeys had the right to request food and transportation for themselves and their belongings from the people they encountered en route. However, it was the economic transformation between the 6th and 10th centuries that turned Gallo-Roman estates into the feudal system. The political circumstances that allowed the officials of the Frankish empire to become hereditary feudal nobles shaped the corvée system that existed throughout the Middle Ages and, in some regions, persisted well into the 19th century. The Roman estate had been farmed by free farmers, by coloni, and by slave labor. Under Frankish rule, the farmers became coloni or hospites, and the slaves became serfs. The estate was typically divided into the lord’s domain (terra indominicata, dominicum) and a collection of allotments (mansi), which were parcels of land distributed by lot to the cultivators of the domain. They held these lands, partly by paying rent in money or goods, and partly by providing personal service and labor on the domain. The specific obligations regarding the nature and amount of these services were strictly defined and fixed for each mansus, passing with the land to each new tenant. These obligations varied significantly based on the size of the holding and the needs of the particular estate, but they had certain common characteristics found everywhere. Luchaire (Manuel, p. 346) categorizes all corvées into two main groups: (1) corvées in the strict sense, and (2) military services. The second category, concerning the obligation to serve in the military (Hostis et equitatus), was shared by all classes of feudal society; however, the obligations of villeins to perform watch duty (gueta, warda) and to help build or reinforce fortifications (muragium, munitio castri) are specific corvées. We are primarily concerned with the first category, which can again be divided into two main groups: (1) personal service performed by men and women (manoperae, manuum operae, Fr. manœuvres, manual labor), and (2) transportation service (carroperae, carragia, carrata, etc., Fr. charrois), which involves services rendered using carts, wheelbarrows, or draft animals. These were further divided into regular services (operae rigae) and exceptional services, called upon when the regular ones were insufficient. In the 8th century, these exceptional services were referred to as operae corrogatae (meaning requisitioned works, from rogare, to request). From this term (which evolved into corvatae, curvadae, corveiae, etc.) came the word corvée, which gradually became a general term for all the various services.

As to the nature of these corvées it must be noted that in the middle ages the feudal lords had replaced the centralized state for all administrative purposes, and the services due to them by their tenants and serfs, were partly in the nature of rent in the form of labour, partly those which under the Roman and Frankish monarchs had been exacted in lieu of taxes, and which the feudal lords continued to impose as sovereigns of their domains. To the former class belonged the service of personal labour in the fields, of repairing buildings, felling trees, threshing corn, and the like, as well as the hauling of corn, wine or wood; to the latter belonged that of labouring on the roads, of building and repairing bridges, castles and churches, and of carrying letters and despatches. Corvées were further distinguished as real, i.e. attached to certain parcels of land, and personal, i.e. due from certain persons.

As for the nature of these corvées, it’s important to note that during the Middle Ages, feudal lords had taken over administrative functions from the centralized state. The services owed to them by their tenants and serfs were partly a form of rent paid through labor and partly those that had originally been collected as taxes under the Roman and Frankish kings, which the feudal lords continued to enforce as rulers of their lands. The first category included tasks like working in the fields, repairing buildings, cutting down trees, threshing grain, and transporting grain, wine, or firewood; the second category involved road work, building and fixing bridges, castles, and churches, as well as carrying letters and messages. Corvées were further classified as real, meaning attached to specific pieces of land, and personal, meaning owed by specific individuals.

In spite of the fact that the corvées were usually strictly defined by local custom and by the contracts of tenancy, and that, in an age when currency was rare, payment in personal labour was a convenience to the poor, the system was open to obvious abuses. With the growth of communal life in the towns the townsmen early managed to rid themselves of these burdensome obligations either by purchase, or by exchanging the obligation of personal work for that of supplying carts, draught animals and the like. In the country, however, the system survived all but intact; and, so far as it was modified, was modified for the worse. Whatever safeguards the free cultivators may have possessed, the serfs were almost everywhere—especially in the 10th and 11th centuries—actually as well as nominally in this respect at the mercy of their lords (corvéables à merci), there being no limit to the amount of money or work that could be demanded of them. The system was oppressive even when the nobles to whom these services were paid gave something in return, namely, protection to the cultivator, his family and his land; they became intolerable when the development of the modern state deprived the land-owners of their duties, but not of their rights. In the case of France, in the 17th century the so-called corvée royale was added to the burden of the peasants, i.e. the obligation to do unpaid labour on the public roads, an obligation made general in 1738; and this, together with the natural resentment of men at the fact that the land which their ancestors had bought was still subject to burdensome personal obligations in favour of people whom they rarely saw and from whom they derived no benefit, was one of the most potent causes of the Revolution. By the Constituent Assembly personal corvées were abolished altogether, while owners of land were allowed the choice of continuing real corvées or commuting them for money. The corvée as an incident of land tenure has thus disappeared in France. The corvée royale of repairing the roads, however, abolished in 1789, was revived, under the name of prestation, under the Consulate, by the law of 4 Thermidor an X., modified by subsequent legislation in 1824, 1836 and 1871. Under these laws the duty of keeping the roads in repair is still vested in the local communities, and all able-bodied men are called upon either to give three days’ work or its equivalent in money to this purpose. It is precisely the same system as that in force under the Roman Empire, and if it differ from the corvée it is mainly in the fact that the burden is equitably distributed, and that the work done is of actual value to those who do it.

Despite the fact that corvées were usually clearly defined by local customs and tenancy agreements, and that in a time when money was scarce, providing personal labor was a convenience for the poor, the system was prone to obvious abuses. As communal life developed in towns, townspeople quickly found ways to free themselves from these heavy obligations, either by buying their way out or by trading their requirement for personal work for the responsibility of providing carts, draft animals, and similar resources. In the countryside, however, the system remained largely intact, and the modifications that did occur often made things worse. Although free cultivators might have had some protections, serfs were, throughout much of the 10th and 11th centuries, practically and nominally at the mercy of their lords (corvéables à merci), with no limits on the amount of labor or money they could be made to provide. The system was oppressive even when nobles offered something in return, like protection for the cultivator, their family, and their land; it became unbearable when the emergence of the modern state stripped landowners of their responsibilities but not their rights. In France during the 17th century, the so-called corvée royale was added to the burdens of peasants—essentially requiring them to do unpaid work on public roads, which became mandatory in 1738. This, along with the natural resentment stemming from the fact that the land their ancestors had purchased remained tied to heavy personal obligations in favor of people they seldom encountered and from whom they gained no benefit, was one of the key triggers of the Revolution. The Constituent Assembly abolished personal corvées entirely, allowing landowners the option to continue real corvées or convert them into monetary payments. Thus, the corvée as part of land tenure has disappeared in France. However, the corvée royale for road repairs, which was abolished in 1789, was revived under the name prestation during the Consulate, by the law of 4 Thermidor an X., and was modified by subsequent legislation in 1824, 1836, and 1871. Under these laws, the responsibility for maintaining roads lies with local communities, and all able-bodied men are required to provide either three days of labor or its equivalent in money. This is essentially the same system that existed during the Roman Empire, and the main difference from the corvée lies in the fact that the burden is distributed more fairly and the work performed has actual value for those doing it.

As regards other countries, the corvée was everywhere, sooner or later, abolished with the serfdom of which it was the principal 210 incident (see Serfdom). Though so early as 1772 Maria Theresa had endeavoured to mitigate its hardships in her dominions (in Hungary unpaid labour was only to be demanded of the serfs on 52 days in the year!) it survived longest in the Austrian empire, being finally abolished by the revolution of 1848. The duty of personal labour on the public roads is, however, still maintained in other countries besides France. This was formerly the case in England also, where the occupiers of each parish who, by the common law, had access to the roads were responsible also for their upkeep. An act of 1555 imposed four days of forced labour for the repair of roads, and an act of Elizabeth (5 Eliz. c. 13) raised the number of days to six, or the payment of a composition instead. The system of turnpikes, dating from 1663, which gradually extended over the whole of England, lessened the burden of this system of taxation, so far as main roads were concerned, but the greater number of the local roads were subject to repair by statutory labour until the Highways Act 1835, by which highways were put under the direction of a parish surveyor, and the necessary expenses met by a rate levied on the occupiers of land. In Scotland, statutory labour on highways was created by an act of 1719, and abolished in 1883.

Regarding other countries, the corvée was eventually abolished everywhere along with serfdom, which was its main consequence (see Serfdom). Even as early as 1772, Maria Theresa tried to ease its harshness in her territories (in Hungary, unpaid labor was only required from serfs for 52 days a year!). However, it lasted the longest in the Austrian Empire, finally being eliminated by the revolution of 1848. The obligation for personal labor on public roads is still enforced in several countries besides France. This was also true in England, where the occupants of each parish, under common law, were responsible for road access and maintenance. An act from 1555 mandated four days of forced labor for road repairs, and an act during the reign of Elizabeth I (5 Eliz. c. 13) increased this requirement to six days or a fee instead. The turnpike system, which began in 1663 and gradually spread across England, eased the burden of this kind of taxation for major roads, but most local roads had to be maintained by statutory labor until the Highways Act of 1835, which placed highways under the supervision of a parish surveyor and funded necessary expenses through a tax on land occupiers. In Scotland, statutory labor on highways was established by an act in 1719 and abolished in 1883.

In Egypt, the corvée has been employed from time immemorial, more especially for the purpose of cleaning out the irrigation canals. In the days when only one harvest a year was reaped, this forced labour was not a very great burden, but the introduction of cotton and the sugar-cane under Mehemet Ali changed the conditions. These latter are crops which require watering at various seasons of the year, and very often the fellah was called away for work in the canals at times when his own crops required the utmost attention. Moreover, the inequality of the corvée added to the evil. In some districts it was possible to purchase exemption, and the more wealthy paid no more for the privilege than the humblest fellah, consequently the corvée fell with undue hardship on the poorer classes. Under the premiership of Riaz Pasha the corvée was gradually abolished in Egypt between the years 1888 and 1891, and a small rate on the land substituted to provide the labour necessary for cleaning the canals. The corvée is now employed only to a limited extent to guard the banks of the Nile during flood.

In Egypt, forced labor has been used for a very long time, especially for cleaning out the irrigation canals. When there was only one harvest a year, this labor wasn't too much of a burden, but the introduction of cotton and sugar cane under Mehemet Ali changed everything. These crops needed to be watered at different times throughout the year, and often farmers were pulled away to work on the canals just when their own crops needed their full attention. Additionally, the unequal nature of the forced labor made things worse. In some areas, people could pay to be exempt, so the wealthier individuals paid the same as the poorest farmers, which meant the burden fell unfairly on the poorer classes. Under Riaz Pasha's leadership, forced labor was gradually abolished in Egypt between 1888 and 1891, and a small tax on the land was introduced to fund the labor needed for canal maintenance. Now, forced labor is only used to a limited extent to protect the banks of the Nile during flooding.

See Du Cange, Glossarium inf. et med. Lat. s.v. “Corvatae”; A Luchaire, Manuel des institutions françaises (Paris, 1892), pp. 346-349; La Grande Encyclopédie, s.v., with bibliography. For further works see the bibliography to the article Serfdom.

See Du Cange, Glossarium inf. et med. Lat. s.v. “Corvatae”; A Luchaire, Manuel des institutions françaises (Paris, 1892), pp. 346-349; La Grande Encyclopédie, s.v., with bibliography. For further works, see the bibliography for the article Serfdom.


CORVEY, a place in the Prussian province of Westphalia, on the Weser, a mile north of the town of Höxter, with which it communicates by an avenue of lime trees. During the middle ages it was famous for its great Benedictine abbey, which was founded and endowed by the emperor Louis the Pious about 820, and received its name from having been first occupied by a body of monks coming from Corbie in Picardy. The bones of St Vitus, the patron saint of Saxony, were removed thither according to legend in 836, but apart from this attraction, Corvey became the centre of Christianity in Saxony and a nursery of classical studies. The abbot was a prince of the Empire, and Corvey was made a bishopric in 1783. In 1803 the abbey was secularized, in 1815 its lands were given to Prussia, and in 1822 they were bestowed on Victor Amadeus, landgrave of Hesse-Rotenburg, by whom they were bequeathed, in 1834, to Prince Victor of Hohenlohe-Schillingsfürst, duke of Ratibor. The abbey, which is now used as a residence, possesses a magnificent library of 150,000 volumes especially rich in old illustrated works, though the ancient collection due to the literary enthusiasm of the Benedictines is no longer extant. Here in 1517 the manuscript of the five first books of the Annals of Tacitus was discovered. Here Widukind wrote his Res gestae Saxonicae. Here, also, the librarian and poet Hoffmann von Fallersleben lived and worked. The Annales Corbejenses 648-1148 of the monks can be read in the Monumenta Germaniae historica, Band iii. The Chronicon Corbejense, published by A. C. Wedekind in 1823, has been declared by S. Hirsch and Waitz (Kritische Prüfung, Berlin, 1839) to be a forgery.

CORVEY, is a location in the Prussian province of Westphalia, along the Weser River, just a mile north of the town of Höxter, connected by an avenue lined with lime trees. In the Middle Ages, it was renowned for its large Benedictine abbey, which was founded and endowed by Emperor Louis the Pious around 820. The abbey got its name because it was first inhabited by monks from Corbie in Picardy. According to legend, the bones of St. Vitus, the patron saint of Saxony, were moved there in 836. Besides this attraction, Corvey became a center of Christianity in Saxony and a hub for classical studies. The abbot held the title of prince of the Empire, and Corvey was established as a bishopric in 1783. In 1803, the abbey was secularized, its lands were transferred to Prussia in 1815, and in 1822, they were given to Victor Amadeus, landgrave of Hesse-Rotenburg, who bequeathed them in 1834 to Prince Victor of Hohenlohe-Schillingsfürst, duke of Ratibor. The abbey, now functioning as a residence, boasts an impressive library of 150,000 volumes, particularly rich in old illustrated works, although the original collection, thanks to the literary passion of the Benedictines, is no longer available. Here in 1517, the manuscript of the first five books of the Annals of Tacitus was found. Here, Widukind wrote his Res gestae Saxonicae. The librarian and poet Hoffmann von Fallersleben also lived and worked here. The Annales Corbejenses 648-1148 by the monks can be found in the Monumenta Germaniae historica, Band iii. The Chronicon Corbejense, published by A. C. Wedekind in 1823, has been identified by S. Hirsch and Waitz (Kritische Prüfung, Berlin, 1839) as a forgery.

See P. Wigand, Geschichte der Abtei Korvey (Höxter, 1819); and M. Meyer, Zur ältern Geschichte Corveys und Höxters (Paderborn, 1893).

See P. Wigand, History of the Abbey of Korvey (Höxter, 1819); and M. Meyer, On the Early History of Corvey and Höxter (Paderborn, 1893).


CORVINUS, JÁNOS [John] (1473-1504), illegitimate son of Matthias Hunyadi, king of Hungary, and one Barbara, supposed to be the daughter of a burgess of Breslau. He took his name from the raven (corvus) in his father’s escutcheon. Matthias originally intended him for the Church, but on losing all hope of offspring from his consort Queen Beatrice, determined, towards the end of his life, to make the youth his successor on the throne. He loaded him with honours and riches, till he was by far the wealthiest magnate in the land. He publicly declared him his successor, created him a prince with vast apanages in Silesia, made the commandants of all the fortresses in the kingdom take an oath of allegiance to him, and tried to arrange a marriage for him with Bianca Maria Sforza of Milan, a project which was frustrated by the intrigues of Queen Beatrice. Matthias also intended to make the recognition of János as prince royal of Hungary by the emperor Frederick a condition precedent of relinquishing all or part of the conquered hereditary domains of the house of Habsburg; but his sudden death left the matter still pending, and the young prince suddenly found himself alone in the midst of enemies. The inexperienced and irresolute youth speedily became the victim of the most shameful chicanery. He was first induced formally to resign his claims to the throne, on the understanding that he was to be compensated with the crown of Bosnia. He was then persuaded to retire southwards with the royal treasures which Matthias had confided to him, whereupon an army immediately started in pursuit, scattered his forces, and robbed him of everything. Meanwhile the diet had elected Vladislav of Bohemia king (July 15, 1490), to whom János hastened to do homage, in order to save something from the wreck of his fortunes. He was also recognized as prince of Slavonia and duke of Troppau, but compelled to relinquish both titles five years later. On the invasion of Hungary by Maximilian, he shewed his loyalty to the crown by relinquishing into the hands of Vladislav the three important fortresses of Pressburg, Komárom and Tata, which had been entrusted to him by his father. But now, encouraged by his complacency, the chief dignitaries, headed by the palatine Stephen Zapolya, laid claim to nearly all his remaining estates and involved him in a whole series of costly processes. This they could do with perfect impunity, as they had poisoned the mind of the indolent and suspicious king against their victim. In 1496 Corvinus married Beatrice, the daughter of Bernard Frangepán. His prospects now improved, and in 1498 he was created perpetual ban of Croatia and Slavonia. From 1499 to 1502 he successfully defended Bosnia against the Turks, and in the following year aspired to the dignity of palatine, but was defeated by a combination of Queen Beatrice and his other enemies. He died on the 12th of October 1504, leaving one son, Prince Christopher, who died on the 17th of March 1505.

CORVINUS, JÁNOS [John] (1473-1504) was the illegitimate son of Matthias Hunyadi, the king of Hungary, and a woman named Barbara, who is believed to have been the daughter of a townsman from Breslau. He got his name from the raven (corvus) depicted on his father's coat of arms. Matthias initially planned for him to enter the Church, but after losing hope of having legitimate heirs with his consort Queen Beatrice, he decided, near the end of his life, to make János his successor to the throne. He showered him with honors and wealth, making him the richest noble in the country. He publicly named him his successor, elevated him to prince with significant lands in Silesia, made the commanders of all the fortresses in the kingdom pledge loyalty to him, and sought to arrange a marriage with Bianca Maria Sforza of Milan, a plan that was sabotaged by Queen Beatrice's schemes. Matthias also planned to make János's recognition as royal prince of Hungary by Emperor Frederick a condition for giving up all or part of the lands conquered from the Habsburgs; however, his sudden death left the situation unresolved, and János found himself isolated among adversaries. The inexperienced and indecisive young man quickly fell victim to disgraceful manipulation. He was first convinced to formally renounce his claims to the throne on the promise that he would receive the crown of Bosnia as compensation. Then, he was persuaded to retreat south with the royal treasures entrusted to him by Matthias, only to be pursued by an army that scattered his forces and stole everything he had. Meanwhile, the assembly elected Vladislav of Bohemia as king (July 15, 1490), and János hurried to pay his respects to salvage something from his misfortune. He was recognized as prince of Slavonia and duke of Troppau but was forced to give up both titles five years later. When Maximilian invaded Hungary, he showed his loyalty to the crown by handing over the three crucial fortresses of Pressburg, Komárom, and Tata, which his father had entrusted to him, to Vladislav. However, bolstered by his complacency, the leading nobles, led by the palatine Stephen Zapolya, aimed to seize nearly all of his remaining estates, embroiling him in numerous expensive legal battles. They did this without fear of consequences, having turned the lazy and suspicious king against him. In 1496, Corvinus married Beatrice, the daughter of Bernard Frangepán. His fortunes began to improve, and in 1498 he was made perpetual ban of Croatia and Slavonia. From 1499 to 1502, he successfully defended Bosnia against the Turks, and the following year sought the title of palatine but was defeated by a coalition of Queen Beatrice and his other enemies. He died on October 12, 1504, leaving behind one son, Prince Christopher, who died on March 17, 1505.

See Gyula Schönherr, János Corvinus Hunyadi (Hung.) (Budapest, 1894).

See Gyula Schönherr, János Corvinus Hunyadi (Hung.) (Budapest, 1894).

(R. N. B.)

CORVUS, MARCUS VALERIUS (c. 370-270 B.C.), Roman general of the early republican period. According to the legend a raven settled on his helmet during his combat with a gigantic Gaul, and distracted the enemy’s attention by flying in his face. He was twice dictator and six times consul, and occupied the curule chair twenty-one times. In his various campaigns he defeated successively the Gauls, the Volscians, the Samnites, the Etruscans and the Marsians. His most important victory (343) was over the Samnites at Mount Gaurus.

CORVUS, MARCUS VALERIUS (c. 370-270 B.C.), was a Roman general during the early republican era. According to legend, a raven landed on his helmet during his battle with a giant Gaul, distracting the enemy by flying in his face. He served as dictator twice and was consul six times, holding the curule chair a total of twenty-one times. Throughout his various campaigns, he defeated the Gauls, the Volscians, the Samnites, the Etruscans, and the Marsians. His most significant victory (343) came against the Samnites at Mount Gaurus.

See Livy vii. 26-42, x. 2-11.

See Livy vii. 26-42, x. 2-11.


CORWEN (“the white choir”), a market town of Merionethshire, Wales, on branches of the London & North Western and the Great Western railways; 10 m. from Llangollen, through the Glyn Dyfrdwy (Dee Vale). Pop. (1901) 2680. Telford’s road, raised on the lower Berwyn range side and overlooking the Dee, opens up the picturesqueness of Corwen, historically interesting from the reminiscences of Wales’s last struggle for independence under Owen Glendower. In the old parish church was traditionally Owen’s pew; his knife, fork and dagger, are at the neighbouring Rûg (Rhûg); his palace, 3 m. distant at Sychnant (dry stream). Here is the church dedicated to St 211 Julian, archbishop of St David’s (d. 1009), with “the college,” an almshouse endowed by William Eyton of Plâs Warren, Shropshire. The old British fort, Caer Drewyn, one of a chain of forts from Dyserth to Canwyd, is the supposed scene of Glendower’s retreat under Henry IV., and here Owen Cwynedd is said to have prepared to repulse Henry II. To the N.E. are the Clwyd hills; to the S. the Berwyn range, to the S.W. Arran Mawddy and Cadair (Cader) Idris; to the W. the two Arenigs; to the N.W. Snowdon. Corwen is a favourite station for artists and anglers. Besides the Dee, there are several streamlets, such as the Trystion, which forms the Rhaiadr Cynwyd (waterfall), the Ceudiog, and the Alwen.

CORWEN (“the white choir”), a market town in Merionethshire, Wales, located on branches of the London & North Western and the Great Western railways; 10 miles from Llangollen, through the Glyn Dyfrdwy (Dee Vale). Population (1901) was 2,680. Telford’s road, set along the lower Berwyn range and overlooking the Dee, enhances the charm of Corwen, which holds historical significance due to its connections to Wales’s last struggle for independence under Owen Glendower. In the old parish church, there's a spot traditionally known as Owen’s pew; his knife, fork, and dagger are at the nearby Rûg (Rhûg); his palace is 3 miles away at Sychnant (dry stream). The church is dedicated to St. 211 Julian, archbishop of St David’s (died 1009), along with “the college,” an almshouse founded by William Eyton of Plâs Warren, Shropshire. The ancient British fort, Caer Drewyn, is part of a line of forts stretching from Dyserth to Canwyd, and it’s believed to be where Glendower retreated during Henry IV's reign, while it’s also said that Owen Cwynedd prepared here to defend against Henry II. To the northeast are the Clwyd hills; to the south, the Berwyn range; to the southwest, Arran Mawddy and Cadair (Cader) Idris; to the west, the two Arenigs; and to the northwest, Snowdon. Corwen is a popular spot for artists and anglers. In addition to the Dee, there are several small streams, including the Trystion, which creates the Rhaiadr Cynwyd (waterfall), the Ceudiog, and the Alwen.


CORWIN, THOMAS (1794-1865), American statesman and orator, was born in Bourbon county, Kentucky, on the 29th of July 1794. In 1798 his father, Matthias Corwin (1761-1829), removed to what later became Lebanon, Ohio, where the son worked on a farm, read much, and in 1817 was admitted to the bar. As an advocate he was at once successful, but after 1831 he devoted his attention chiefly to politics, identifying himself first with the Whig and after 1858 with the Republican party. He was a member of the lower house of the Ohio legislature in 1821, 1822 and 1829, and of the national House of Representatives from 1831 to 1840; was governor of Ohio in 1840-1842; served in the United States Senate from 1845 to 1850; was secretary of the treasury in the cabinet of President Fillmore in 1850-1853; was again a member of the national House of Representatives from 1859 to 1861; and from 1861 to 1864 was minister of the United States to Mexico—a position of peculiar difficulty at that time. As a legislator he spoke seldom, but always with great ability, his most famous speech being that of the 11th of February 1847 opposing the Mexican War. In 1860 he was chairman of the House “Committee of Thirty-three,” consisting of one member from each state, and appointed to consider the condition of the nation and, if possible, to devise some scheme for reconciling the North and the South. He is remembered chiefly as an orator. Many anecdotes have been told to illustrate his kindliness, his inimitable humour, and his remarkable eloquence. He died at Washington, D.C., on the 18th of December 1865.

CORWIN, THOMAS (1794-1865), American statesman and speaker, was born in Bourbon County, Kentucky, on July 29, 1794. In 1798, his father, Matthias Corwin (1761-1829), moved to what would later become Lebanon, Ohio, where Thomas worked on a farm, read extensively, and gained admission to the bar in 1817. He found immediate success as a lawyer, but after 1831, he focused primarily on politics, aligning himself first with the Whig Party and later the Republican Party after 1858. He served in the Ohio House of Representatives in 1821, 1822, and 1829, and was a member of the national House of Representatives from 1831 to 1840; he was Ohio's governor from 1840 to 1842; served in the U.S. Senate from 1845 to 1850; was Secretary of the Treasury in President Fillmore's cabinet from 1850 to 1853; returned to the national House of Representatives from 1859 to 1861; and from 1861 to 1864 was the U.S. Minister to Mexico—a particularly challenging role at that time. As a legislator, he spoke rarely but always with great skill, his most notable speech being on February 11, 1847, in opposition to the Mexican War. In 1860, he chaired the House "Committee of Thirty-three," which included one member from each state, created to assess the nation's condition and, if possible, develop a plan for reconciling the North and South. He is mainly remembered as a speaker. Numerous anecdotes highlight his kindness, unique humor, and exceptional eloquence. He passed away in Washington, D.C., on December 18, 1865.

See the Life and Speeches of Thomas Corwin (Cincinnati, 1896), edited by Josiah Morrow; and an excellent character sketch, Thomas Corwin (Cincinnati, 1881), by A. P. Russell.

See the Life and Speeches of Thomas Corwin (Cincinnati, 1896), edited by Josiah Morrow; and an excellent character sketch, Thomas Corwin (Cincinnati, 1881), by A. P. Russell.


CORY, WILLIAM JOHNSON (1823-1892), English schoolmaster and author, son of Charles Johnson of Torrington, Devonshire, was born on the 9th of January 1823. He was educated at Eton and King’s College, Cambridge. At Cambridge he gained the chancellor’s medal for an English poem on Plato in 1843, and the Craven Scholarship in 1844. In 1845, after graduating at the university, he was made an assistant master at Eton, where he remained for some twenty-six years. He has been called “the most brilliant Eton tutor of his day.” He had a great influence on his pupils, and he defended the Etonian system against the criticism of Matthew James Higgins. In 1872, having inherited an estate at Halsdon and assumed the name of Cory, he left Eton. He married late in life, and after four years spent in Madeira he settled in 1882 at Hampstead. He died on the 11th of June 1892. He proved his genuine lyrical power in Ionica (1858), which was republished with some additional poems in 1891. He also produced Lucretilis (1871), a work on the writing of Latin verses; Iophon (1873), on Greek Iambics; and Guide to Modern History from 1815 to 1835 (1882). Extracts from the Letters and Journals of William Cory, which contains much paradoxical and suggestive criticism, were edited by F.W. Cornish and published by private subscription in 1897.

CORY, WILLIAM JOHNSON (1823-1892), was an English schoolmaster and author, born to Charles Johnson of Torrington, Devonshire, on January 9, 1823. He studied at Eton and King’s College, Cambridge, where he won the chancellor’s medal for an English poem about Plato in 1843, along with the Craven Scholarship in 1844. After graduating in 1845, he became an assistant master at Eton, a position he held for about twenty-six years. He was known as “the most brilliant Eton tutor of his day.” He had a significant impact on his students and defended the Etonian system against criticism from Matthew James Higgins. In 1872, after inheriting an estate at Halsdon and taking on the name Cory, he left Eton. He married later in life, and after spending four years in Madeira, he settled in Hampstead in 1882. He passed away on June 11, 1892. His genuine lyrical talent was showcased in Ionica (1858), which was republished with some additional poems in 1891. He also wrote Lucretilis (1871), a guide on writing Latin verses; Iophon (1873), on Greek Iambics; and Guide to Modern History from 1815 to 1835 (1882). Selected excerpts from the Letters and Journals of William Cory, which includes much paradoxical and thought-provoking criticism, were edited by F.W. Cornish and published by private subscription in 1897.

His elder brother, Charles Wellington Johnson Furse (1821-1900), who, on the death of his father in 1854, took the name of Furse, was canon and archdeacon of Westminster from 1894 till his death. The artist Charles Wellington Furse, A.R.A. (1868-1904), was a son of Archdeacon Furse.

His older brother, Charles Wellington Johnson Furse (1821-1900), who adopted the name Furse after their father's death in 1854, was the canon and archdeacon of Westminster from 1894 until his death. The artist Charles Wellington Furse, A.R.A. (1868-1904), was a son of Archdeacon Furse.


CORYATE, THOMAS (1577?-1617), English traveller and writer, was born at Odcombe, Somersetshire, where his father, the Rev. George Coryate, prebendary of York Cathedral, was rector. Educated at Westminster school and at Oxford, he became a kind of court fool, eventually entering the household of Prince Henry, the eldest son of James I. In 1611 he published a curious account of a prolonged walking tour undertaken in 1608, under the title of Coryate’s Crudities hastily gobbled up in Five Months Travels in France, Italy, &c. At the command of Prince Henry, verses in mock praise of the author, and intended originally to persuade some bookseller to undertake the publication of the Crudities, were added to the volume. These commendatory verses, written in a number of languages, and some in a mixture of languages, by Ben Jonson, Donne, Chapman, Drayton and others, were afterwards published (1611) by themselves as the Odcombian Banquet. The book contains a clear and interesting account of Coryate’s travels, and, being the first of its kind, was extremely popular. It is now very rare, and the copy in the Chetham library is said to be the only perfect one. In the same year was published a second volume of a similar kind, Coryats Crambe, or his Coleworte twice Sodden. In 1612 he set out on another journey, which also was mostly performed on foot. He visited Greece, the Holy Land, Persia and India; from Agra and Ajmere he sent home an account of his adventures. Some of his letters were published in 1616 under the title of Letters from Asmere, the Court of the Great Mogul, to several Persons of Quality in England, and some fragments of his writings were included in Purchas his Pilgrimes in 1625. Coryate was a curious and observant traveller; he gives accounts of inscriptions he had copied, of the antiquities of the towns he passed through, and of manners and customs, from the Italian pronunciation of Latin to the new-fangled use of forks. He acquired a knowledge of Turkish, Persian and Hindustani in the course of his travels, and on being presented by the English ambassador, Sir Thomas Roe, to the Great Mogul, he delivered a speech in Persian. His journeys were performed at small expense, for he says that he spent only three pounds between Aleppo and Agra, and often lived “competently” for a penny a day. Coryate died at Surat in 1617.

Coryate, Thomas (1577?-1617), English traveler and writer, was born in Odcombe, Somersetshire, where his father, the Rev. George Coryate, was a prebendary of York Cathedral and the rector. He was educated at Westminster School and Oxford, and he became somewhat of a court jester, eventually joining the household of Prince Henry, the eldest son of James I. In 1611, he published a fascinating account of a long walking trip he took in 1608, titled Coryate’s Crudities hastily gobbled up in Five Months Travels in France, Italy, &c. At the request of Prince Henry, verses written in mock praise of the author—originally meant to convince a bookseller to publish the Crudities—were added to the book. These verses, written in several languages and some mixed languages, by Ben Jonson, Donne, Chapman, Drayton, and others, were later published on their own in 1611 as Odcombian Banquet. The book provides a clear and engaging account of Coryate’s travels and was very popular as the first of its kind. It is now quite rare, with the copy in the Chetham Library said to be the only complete one. The same year, a second similar volume, Coryats Crambe, or his Coleworte twice Sodden, was published. In 1612, he embarked on another journey, primarily on foot, visiting Greece, the Holy Land, Persia, and India; from Agra and Ajmere, he sent home accounts of his adventures. Some of his letters were published in 1616 under the title Letters from Asmere, the Court of the Great Mogul, to several Persons of Quality in England, and some of his writings were included in Purchas his Pilgrimes in 1625. Coryate was an inquisitive and observant traveler; he documented inscriptions he copied, the antiquities of the towns he passed through, and the customs, such as the Italian pronunciation of Latin and the trendy use of forks. He learned Turkish, Persian, and Hindustani during his travels, and when he was introduced to the Great Mogul by the English ambassador, Sir Thomas Roe, he delivered a speech in Persian. He managed to travel on a tight budget, claiming he only spent three pounds between Aleppo and Agra and often lived “reasonably” on a penny a day. Coryate passed away in Surat in 1617.

Coryate’s Crudities, with his letters from India, was reprinted from the edition of 1611 in 1776, and at the Glasgow University Press (2 vols., 1905). The Odcombian Banquet was ridiculed by John Taylor, the Water Poet, in his Laugh and be Fat, or a Commentary on the Odcombian Banket (1613) and two other satires.

Coryate’s Crudities, along with his letters from India, was reprinted from the 1611 edition in 1776, and again at the Glasgow University Press (2 vols., 1905). The Odcombian Banquet was mocked by John Taylor, the Water Poet, in his Laugh and be Fat, or a Commentary on the Odcombian Banquet (1613) and in two other satires.


CORYBANTES (Gr. Κορύβαντες), in Greek mythology, half divine, half demonic beings, bearing the same relation to the Asiatic Great Mother of the Gods that the Curetes bear to Rhea. From their first appearance in literature, they are already often identified or confused with them, and are distinguished only by their Asiatic origin and by the more pronouncedly orgiastic nature of their rites. Various accounts of their origin are given: they were earth-born, sons of Cronus, sons of Zeus and Calliope, sons of Rhea, of Ops, of the Great Mother and a mystic father, of Apollo and Thalia, of Athena and Helios. Their names and number were as indistinct even to the ancients as those of the Curetes and Idaean Dactyli. Like the Curetes, Dactyli, Telchines and Cabeiri (q.v.), however, they represent primitive gods of procreative significance, who survived in the historic period as subordinate deities associated with a form of the Great Mother goddess, their relation to the Great Mother of the Gods, Cybele, being comparable with that of Attis (q.v.). They may have been represented or impersonated by priests in her rites as Attis was, but they were also, like him, not actual priests in the first instance, but objects of worship in which a frenzied dance, with accompaniment of flute music, the beating of tambourines, the clashing of cymbals and castanets, wild cries and self-infliction of wounds—the whole culminating in a state of ecstasy and exhaustion—were the most prominent features. The dance of the Corybantic priests, like that of the priests who represented the Curetes, may have originated in a primitive faith in the power of noise to avert evil. Its psychic effect, both upon the dancer and upon the mystic about whom he danced during the initiation of the Cybele-Attis mysteries, made it a widely known and popular feature of the cult.

CORYBANTES (Gr. Κορύβαντες), in Greek mythology, are beings that are part divine and part demonic, related to the Asiatic Great Mother of the Gods in the same way that the Curetes are related to Rhea. From their first mention in literature, they were often mixed up with the Curetes and are mainly distinguished by their Asiatic roots and the more intensely orgiastic nature of their rituals. There are various stories about their origins: they were said to be born from the earth, the sons of Cronus, the sons of Zeus and Calliope, the sons of Rhea, Ops, the Great Mother and a mysterious father, or the offspring of Apollo and Thalia, or Athena and Helios. Even in ancient times, their names and number were as vague as those of the Curetes and the Idaean Dactyli. Like the Curetes, Dactyli, Telchines, and Cabeiri (q.v.), they symbolize primitive gods of fertility who continued to exist in historical times as lesser deities linked to a version of the Great Mother goddess, with their relationship to the Great Mother of the Gods, Cybele, being similar to that of Attis (q.v.). They may have been represented or impersonated by priests in her ceremonies, similar to Attis, but like him, they were initially not actual priests but objects of worship. Their worship involved a frenzied dance accompanied by flute music, tambourine beats, cymbal clashes, castanet sounds, wild shouts, and self-inflicted wounds—the whole performance reaching a peak of ecstasy and exhaustion. The dance of the Corybantic priests, like that of the priests representing the Curetes, might have originated from a primitive belief in the ability of noise to ward off evil. Its psychological impact, both on the dancer and on the mystic around whom he danced during the Cybele-Attis initiation rituals, made it a widely recognized and popular aspect of the cult.

In art the Corybantes appear, usually not more than two or three in number, fully armed and executing their orgiastic 212 dance in the presence of the Great Mother, her lions and Attis. They sometimes appear with the child Dionysus, between whose cult and that of the Mother there was a close affinity.

In art, the Corybantes often show up, usually two or three of them, fully armed and performing their wild dance in front of the Great Mother, her lions, and Attis. They sometimes appear alongside the child Dionysus, whose worship had a strong connection to that of the Mother. 212

(G. Sn.)

CORYDON, a town and the county-seat of Harrison county, Indiana, U.S.A., on Indian Creek, about 21 m. W. by S. of Louisville, Kentucky. Pop. (1900) 1610; (1910) 1703. Corydon is served by the Louisville, New Albany & Corydon railway, which connects at Corydon Junction, 8 m. N., with the Southern railway. There are sulphur springs here, and the town is a summer and health resort. Wyandotte Cave is several miles W. of Corydon. Corydon is in an agricultural region, and there are valuable quarries in the neighbourhood; among the town’s manufactures are waggons, and building and lithographic stone. Corydon was settled about 1805, and was the capital of Indiana Territory from 1813 to 1816, and of the state until 1824. The convention which framed the first state constitution met here in June 1816. The original state house, an unpretentious two-storey stone building, is still standing. Corydon was captured by the Confederates during Gen. Morgan’s raid on the 9th of July 1863.

Corydon, is a town and the county seat of Harrison County, Indiana, U.S.A., located on Indian Creek, about 21 miles west-southwest of Louisville, Kentucky. Population: (1900) 1,610; (1910) 1,703. Corydon is served by the Louisville, New Albany & Corydon Railway, which connects at Corydon Junction, 8 miles north, with the Southern Railway. There are sulfur springs here, making the town a summer and health resort. Wyandotte Cave is several miles west of Corydon. Corydon is in an agricultural area and has valuable quarries nearby; among the town's industries are wagons and building and lithographic stone. Corydon was settled around 1805 and was the capital of Indiana Territory from 1813 to 1816, and of the state until 1824. The convention that created the first state constitution took place here in June 1816. The original state house, a simple two-story stone building, is still standing. Corydon was captured by Confederates during General Morgan's raid on July 9, 1863.


CORYPHAEUS (from Gr. κορυφήkoruphê, the top of the head), in Attic drama, the leader of the chorus. Hence the term (sometimes in an Anglicized form “coryphe”) is used for the chief or leader of any company or movement. In 1856 in the university of Oxford there was founded the office of Coryphaeus or Praecentor, whose duty it was to lead the musical performances directed by the Choragus (q.v.). The office ceased to exist in 1899.

Coryphaeus (from Gr. topkoruphê, meaning the top of the head), in Attic drama, refers to the leader of the chorus. As a result, the term (sometimes in an Anglicized form “coryphe”) is used for the chief or leader of any group or movement. In 1856, the University of Oxford established the position of Coryphaeus or Praecentor, whose responsibility was to lead the musical performances directed by the Choragus (q.v.). This position was discontinued in 1899.


COS, or Stanko (Ital. Stanchio, Turk. Istan-keui, by corruption from Εἰς τὰν Κῶ), an island in that part of the Turkish archipelago which was anciently known as the Myrtoan Sea, not far from the south-western corner of Asia Minor, at the mouth of the Gulf of Halicarnassus, or Bay of Budrum. Its total length is about 25 m. and its circumference about 74. Its population is estimated at about 10,000, of whom nearly all are Greeks.

COS, or Stanko (Italian Stanchio, Turkish Istan-keui, derived from To Kos), is an island in the part of the Turkish archipelago that was formerly called the Myrtoan Sea. It's located not far from the southwestern corner of Asia Minor, at the entrance of the Gulf of Halicarnassus, or the Bay of Budrum. The island is approximately 25 miles long with a circumference of about 74 miles. Its population is estimated to be around 10,000, nearly all of whom are Greeks.

A considerable chain of mountains, known to the ancients as Oromedon, or Prion, extends along the southern coast with hardly a break except near the island of Nisyros; so that the greatest versant and most important streams turn towards the north. The whole island is little more than a mass of limestone, and consequently unites great aridity in the drier mountain regions with the richest fertility in the alluvial districts. As the attention of the islanders is mainly directed to the culture of their vineyards, which yield the famous sultana raisins, a considerable proportion of the arable land is left untouched, though wheat, barley and maize are sown in some quarters, and melons and sesamum seed appear among the exports. The Cos lettuce is well known. Fruit, especially grapes, is exported in large quantities to Egypt, mostly in local sailing boats. The wild olive is abundant enough, but neglected; and cotton, though it thrives well, is grown only in small quantities. As the principal harbour, in spite of dredging operations, is fit only for smaller vessels, the island is not of so much commercial importance as it would otherwise be; but since 1868 it has been regularly visited by steamers. The only town in the island is Cos, or Stanko, at the eastern extremity, remarkable for its fortress, founded by the knights of Rhodes, and for the gigantic plane-tree in the public square. The fortress preserves in its walls a number of interesting architectural fragments. The plane-tree has a circumference of about 30 ft., and its huge and heavy branches have to be supported by pillars; of its age there is no certain knowledge, but the popular tradition connects it with Hippocrates. The town is supplied by an aqueduct, about 4 m. in length, with water from a hot chalybeate spring, which is likewise named after the great physician of the island. The villages of Pyli and Kephalas are interesting, the former for the Greek tomb of a certain Charmylos, and the latter for a castle of the knights of St John and the numerous inscriptions that prove that it occupies the site of the chief town of the ancient deme of Isthmos. The most interesting site on the island is the precinct of Asclepius, which was excavated in 1900-1904 on the slope of Mount Prion, about 2 m. from the town of Cos. It consists of three terraces, the uppermost containing a temple, a cypress grove and porticoes; the middle, which is the earliest portion, two or three temples, an altar, and other buildings; and the lower a kind of sacred agora enclosed by porticoes. The precinct had been enlarged and reconstructed at various times. The earliest buildings on the middle terrace probably date from the 6th century B.C. The temple on the upper terrace, with the imposing flight of steps by which it is approached, seems to belong to the 2nd century B.C. when the whole precinct was enlarged and reconstructed. After a destructive earthquake, the whole appears to have been rebuilt by Xenophon, the physician and poisoner of the emperor Claudius. The final destruction was brought about by the earthquake of A.D. 554. Among other things the precinct contains a fountain of water with medicinal properties. It is doubtful whether this water is brought from Burinna, the famous fountain of Hippocrates in the mountain above.

A significant range of mountains, referred to by ancient peoples as Oromedon or Prion, stretches along the southern coast with little interruption except near the island of Nisyros; as a result, the most important rivers flow northward. The entire island is primarily composed of limestone, which leads to a stark contrast between the arid conditions in the dryer mountain areas and the fertile lands in the alluvial zones. The islanders primarily focus on cultivating their vineyards, known for producing the famous sultana raisins, leaving a substantial amount of arable land unused, although some areas do grow wheat, barley, and maize, with melons and sesame seeds appearing among the exports. The Cos lettuce is well-known. Fruity exports, especially grapes, are shipped in large amounts to Egypt, mainly via local sailing boats. Wild olives are plentiful but often overlooked, and while cotton grows well, it is cultivated only in limited quantities. The main harbor, despite dredging efforts, can only accommodate smaller vessels, resulting in the island being less commercially significant than it could be; however, since 1868, it has been regularly frequented by steamers. The only town on the island is Cos, or Stanko, located at the eastern tip, noted for its fortress built by the Knights of Rhodes and for the massive plane tree in the public square. The fortress retains several fascinating architectural remnants within its walls. The plane tree measures about 30 ft. in circumference, and its large, heavy branches need to be supported by columns; while its precise age is uncertain, local tradition links it to Hippocrates. The town is served by a 4-mile-long aqueduct that brings water from a hot chalybeate spring, also named after the famous physician of the island. The villages of Pyli and Kephalas are noteworthy, with the former housing the Greek grave of a man named Charmylos and the latter featuring a castle built by the Knights of St. John and numerous inscriptions confirming it is located on the site of the ancient deme of Isthmos. The most fascinating site on the island is the sanctuary of Asclepius, excavated between 1900 and 1904 on the slope of Mount Prion, about 2 miles from the town of Cos. It consists of three levels: the highest has a temple, a cypress grove, and porticoes; the middle level, which is the oldest, contains two or three temples, an altar, and other structures; and the lowest level features a sacred agora surrounded by porticoes. The sanctuary has been expanded and renovated multiple times. The earliest buildings on the middle terrace likely date back to the 6th century B.C. The temple on the upper terrace, which is approached by a grand set of steps, appears to have been built in the 2nd century B.C. during a period of significant expansion and restoration of the entire area. After a devastating earthquake, it seems the whole site was reconstructed by Xenophon, a physician and poisoner of Emperor Claudius. The final destruction came from the earthquake in A.D. 554. Among other features, the sanctuary houses a fountain with healing properties. It is unclear if this water comes from Burinna, the renowned fountain of Hippocrates located in the nearby mountains.

History.—Cos was a Dorian colony with a large contingent of settlers from Epidaurus who took with them their Asclepius cult and made their new home famous for its sanatoria. The other chief sources of the island’s wealth lay in its wines, and in later days, in its silk manufacture. Its early history is obscure. During the Persian wars it was ruled by tyrants, but as a rule it seems to have been under an oligarchic government. In the 5th century it joined the Delian League, and after the revolt of Rhodes served as the chief Athenian station in the south-eastern Aegean (411-407). In 366 a democracy was instituted. After helping, in the Social War (357-355), to weaken Athenian power it fell for a few years to the Carian prince Maussollus. In the Hellenistic age Cos attained the zenith of its prosperity. Its alliance was valued by the kings of Egypt, who used it as an outpost for their navy to watch the Aegean. As a seat ef learning it rose to be a kind of provincial branch of the museum of Alexandria, and became a favourite resort for the education of the princes of the Ptolemaic dynasty; among its most famous sons were the physician Hippocrates, the painter Apelles, the poets Philetas and, perhaps, Theocritus (q.v.). Following the lead of its great neighbour, Rhodes, Cos generally displayed a friendly attitude towards the Romans; in A.D. 53 it was made a free city. In A.D. 1315 it was occupied by the Knights of St John; in 1523 it passed under Ottoman sway. Except for occasional incursions by corsairs and some severe earthquakes the island has rarely had its peace disturbed.

History.—Cos was a Dorian colony that had a large group of settlers from Epidaurus who brought their Asclepius worship with them, making their new home famous for its health resorts. The main sources of the island's wealth came from its wines, and later, its silk production. Its early history is unclear. During the Persian wars, it was governed by tyrants, but generally, it seems to have been under an oligarchic government. In the 5th century, it joined the Delian League, and after Rhodes rebelled, it served as the main Athenian base in the southeastern Aegean (411-407). In 366, a democracy was established. After helping to weaken Athenian power in the Social War (357-355), it fell for a few years to the Carian prince Maussollus. During the Hellenistic period, Cos reached the peak of its prosperity. The kings of Egypt valued its alliance, using it as a base for their navy to monitor the Aegean. It became a hub of learning, nearly a provincial branch of the museum of Alexandria, and a popular destination for educating the princes of the Ptolemaic dynasty. Among its most famous figures were the physician Hippocrates, the painter Apelles, and the poets Philetas and possibly Theocritus (q.v.). Following the example of its great neighbor Rhodes, Cos generally had a friendly attitude towards the Romans; in A.D. 53, it was declared a free city. In A.D. 1315, it was taken over by the Knights of St John; in 1523, it came under Ottoman control. Aside from occasional pirate raids and some major earthquakes, the island has usually enjoyed peace.

Authorities.—L. Ross, Reisen nach Kos, &c. (Halle, 1852), pp. 11-29, and Reisen auf den griechischen Inseln (Stuttgart, 1840-1845), ii. 86 ff.; O. Rayet, Mémoire sur l’île de Cos (Paris, 1876); M. Dubois, De Co Insula (Paris and Nancy, 1884); W. Paton and E. Hicks, The Inscriptions of Cos (Oxford, 1891); B. V. Head, Historia Numorum (Oxford, 1887), pp. 535-537; Archäol. Anzeiger, 1905, i.; for coins see also Numismatics: Greek, § “Calymna and Cos.”

Authorities.—L. Ross, Travels to Kos, &c. (Halle, 1852), pp. 11-29, and Travels in the Greek Islands (Stuttgart, 1840-1845), ii. 86 ff.; O. Rayet, Memoir on the Island of Cos (Paris, 1876); M. Dubois, On the Island of Cos (Paris and Nancy, 1884); W. Paton and E. Hicks, The Inscriptions of Cos (Oxford, 1891); B. V. Head, History of Coins (Oxford, 1887), pp. 535-537; Archäol. Anzeiger, 1905, i.; for coins see also Numismatics: Greek, § “Calymna and Cos.”

(E. Gr.; M. O. B. C.)

COSA, an ancient city of Etruria, on the S.W. coast of Italy, close to the Via Aurelia, 4½ m. E.S.E. of the modern town of Orbetello. Apparently it was not an independent Etruscan town, but was founded as a colony by the Romans in the territory of the Volceientes, whom they had recently conquered, in 273 B.C. The town was strongly fortified, and the walls, about a mile in circuit, with three gates, and seventeen projecting rectangular towers at intervals, are in places preserved to a height of over 30 ft. on the outside, and 15 on the inside. The lower part is built of polygonal, the upper of rectangular, blocks, and the masonry is of equal fineness all through, so that a difference of date cannot be assumed; such a change of technique is not without parallel in Greece (F. Noack in Römische Mitteilungen, 1897, 194). Within the city no remains are visible. The place was of importance as a fortress; it was approached by a branch road which diverged from the Via Aurelia at the post station of Succosa, at the foot of the hill on which the town stood. The harbour, too, was of some importance. In the 5th century we hear of it as deserted, and in the 9th a town called Ansedonia took its place for a short time, but itself soon perished, though it has left its name to the ruins.

COSA, is an ancient city in Etruria, located on the southwestern coast of Italy, near the Via Aurelia, 4½ miles east-southeast of the modern town of Orbetello. It seems it wasn't an independent Etruscan town but was actually established as a colony by the Romans in the territory of the Volceientes, whom they had recently defeated, in 273 B.C. The town was heavily fortified, with walls that stretch about a mile around, featuring three gates and seventeen rectangular towers at regular intervals, some of which are still standing over 30 feet high on the outside and 15 feet on the inside. The lower part of the walls is made of polygonal blocks, while the upper part consists of rectangular blocks, and the quality of the masonry is consistent throughout, so it's difficult to pin down different construction dates; this shift in building technique is seen in Greece as well (F. Noack in Römische Mitteilungen, 1897, 194). There are no visible remains within the city itself. The site was significant as a fortress, reachable by a branch road that split from the Via Aurelia at the post station of Succosa, located at the base of the hill where the town was built. The harbor was also somewhat important. By the 5th century, it was noted as abandoned, and in the 9th century, a town called Ansedonia briefly occupied the area but soon faded away, although its name survives in the ruins.

See G. Dennis, Cities and Cemeteries of Etruria (London, 1883), ii. 245.

See G. Dennis, Cities and Cemeteries of Etruria (London, 1883), ii. 245.

(T. As.)

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COSEL, or Kosel, a town of Germany, in the Prussian province of Silesia, at the junction of the Klodnitz and the Oder, 29 m. S.E. of Oppeln by rail. Pop. (1905) 7085. It has an Evangelical and a Roman Catholic church, an old château and a grammar-school (Progymnasium). Its industries are of some importance, including a manufactory of cellulose (employing 1200 hands), steam saw- and flour-mills and a petroleum refinery. There is a lively trade by river.

COSEL, or Kosel, a town in Germany located in the Prussian province of Silesia, at the meeting point of the Klodnitz and the Oder rivers, is 29 miles southeast of Oppeln by train. The population was 7,085 in 1905. The town features both an Evangelical and a Roman Catholic church, an old château, and a grammar school (Progymnasium). Its industries are quite significant, including a cellulose factory (employing 1,200 people), steam sawmills, flour mills, and a petroleum refinery. There is a bustling trade via the river.

The first record of Cosel dates from 1286. From 1306 to 1359 it was the seat of an independent duchy held by a cadet line of the dukes of Teschen. In 1532 it fell to the emperor, was several times besieged during the Thirty Years’ War, and came into Prussian possession by the treaty of Breslau in 1742. Frederick II. converted it into a fortress, which was besieged in vain by the Austrians in 1758, 1759, 1760 and 1762. In 1807 it withstood another siege, by the Bavarian allies of Napoleon. The fortifications were razed and their site converted into promenades in 1874.

The first record of Cosel dates back to 1286. From 1306 to 1359, it served as the capital of an independent duchy held by a branch of the dukes of Teschen. In 1532, it came under the emperor's control, was besieged several times during the Thirty Years' War, and entered Prussian hands with the treaty of Breslau in 1742. Frederick II turned it into a fortress, which was unsuccessfully attacked by the Austrians in 1758, 1759, 1760, and 1762. In 1807, it endured another siege by the Bavarian allies of Napoleon. The fortifications were demolished, and the area was turned into promenades in 1874.


COSENZ, ENRICO (1812-1898), Italian soldier, was born at Gaeta, on the 12th of January 1812. As captain of artillery in the Neapolitan army he took part in the expedition sent by Ferdinand II. against the Austrians in 1848; but after the coup d’état at Naples he followed General Guglielmo Pepe in disobeying Ferdinand’s order for the withdrawal of the troops, and proceeded to Venice to aid in defending that city. As commandant of the fort of Marghera, Cosenz displayed distinguished valour, and after the fall of the fort assumed the defence of the Piazzale, where he was twice wounded. Upon the fall of Venice he fled to Piedmont, where he remained until, in 1859, he assumed the command of a Garibaldian regiment. In 1860 he conducted the third Garibaldian expedition to Sicily, defeated two Neapolitan brigades at Piale (August 23), and marched victoriously upon Naples, where he was appointed minister of war, and took part in organizing the plébiscite. During the war of 1866 his division saw but little active service. After the war he repeatedly declined the portfolio of war. In 1881, however, he became chief of the general staff, and held that position until a short time before his death at Rome on the 7th of August 1898.

COSENZ, ENRICO (1812-1898), an Italian soldier, was born in Gaeta on January 12, 1812. As a captain of artillery in the Neapolitan army, he participated in the expedition sent by Ferdinand II against the Austrians in 1848; however, after the coup d’état in Naples, he followed General Guglielmo Pepe in disobeying Ferdinand's order to withdraw the troops and went to Venice to help defend the city. As the commander of the fort of Marghera, Cosenz showed remarkable bravery, and after the fort fell, he took over the defense of the Piazzale, where he was wounded twice. After Venice fell, he escaped to Piedmont, where he stayed until 1859 when he took command of a Garibaldian regiment. In 1860, he led the third Garibaldian expedition to Sicily, defeated two Neapolitan brigades at Piale (August 23), and marched victoriously into Naples, where he was appointed Minister of War and participated in organizing the plébiscite. During the war of 1866, his division had very little active engagement. After the war, he turned down the position of Minister of War several times. However, in 1881, he became the chief of the general staff and held that role until shortly before his death in Rome on August 7, 1898.


COSENZA (anc. Consentia), a town and archiepiscopal see of Calabria, Italy, the capital of the province of Cosenza, 755 ft. above sea-level, 43 m. by rail S. by W. of Sibari, which is a station on the E. coast railway between Metaponto and Reggio. Pop. (1901) town, 13,841; commune, 20,857. It is situated on the slope of a hill between the Crati and Busento, just above the junction, and is commanded by a castle (1250 ft.). The Gothic cathedral, consecrated in 1222, on the site of another ruined by an earthquake in 1184, goes back to French models in Champagne, and is indeed unique in Italy. It contains the Gothic tomb of Isabella of Aragon, wife of Philip III. of France, and also the tomb of Louis III., duke of Anjou; but it has been spoilt by restoration both inside and out. S. Domenico has a fine rose window. The Palazzo del Tribunale (law courts) is a fine building, and the upper town contains several good houses of rich proprietors of the province; while the lower portion is unhealthy. Earthquakes, and a fire in 1901, have done considerable damage to the town.

COSENZA (formerly Consentia), is a town and archiepiscopal see in Calabria, Italy, serving as the capital of the province of Cosenza, located 755 ft. above sea level, 43 miles by rail south-southwest of Sibari, which is a station on the eastern coast railway between Metaponto and Reggio. Population (1901): town, 13,841; commune, 20,857. It is perched on the slope of a hill between the Crati and Busento rivers, just above their confluence, and is dominated by a castle (1250 ft.). The Gothic cathedral, consecrated in 1222 on the site of an earlier one destroyed in an earthquake in 1184, is inspired by French designs from Champagne and is quite unique in Italy. It houses the Gothic tomb of Isabella of Aragon, wife of Philip III. of France, as well as the tomb of Louis III., duke of Anjou; however, it has been marred by restoration work both inside and out. The S. Domenico church features a beautiful rose window. The Palazzo del Tribunale (law courts) is an impressive building, and the upper town has several fine homes owned by wealthy residents of the province, while the lower part of the town is considered unhealthy. Earthquakes and a fire in 1901 have caused significant damage to the town.

The ancient Consentia is first named as the burial place of Alexander of Epirus in about 330 B.C. In 204 it became Roman, though it was more under the influence of Greek culture. It is mentioned by Strabo as the chief town of the Bruttii, and frequently spoken of in classical authors as an important place. It lay on the Via Popillia. Varro speaks of its apple trees which gave fruit twice in the year and Pliny praises its wine also. It is the more surprising that in the whole of its territory no inscriptions, either Greek or Latin, have ever been found, those that are recorded by some writers being fabrications. in A.D. 410 Alaric fell in battle here and was buried, it is said, in the bed of the Busento, which was temporarily diverted and then allowed to resume its natural course. Cosenza became an archbishopric in the 11th century. In 1461 it was taken by Roberto Orsini, and suffered severely. It was the home of a scientific academy founded by the philosopher Bernardino Telesio (1509-1588). In 1555-1561 it was the centre of the persecution by the Inquisition of the Waldenses who had settled there towards the end of the 14th century.

The ancient Consentia is first mentioned as the burial site of Alexander of Epirus around 330 B.C. In 204, it became part of Rome, but it was largely influenced by Greek culture. Strabo refers to it as the main town of the Bruttii, and it is frequently noted by classical authors as an important location. It was situated on the Via Popillia. Varro mentions its apple trees that produced fruit twice a year, and Pliny praises its wine as well. It's surprising that within its entire territory, no inscriptions in either Greek or Latin have ever been found; those that some writers mention are fabrications. In A.D. 410, Alaric fell in battle here and is said to have been buried in the bed of the Busento, which was temporarily redirected before being allowed to flow back to its natural course. Cosenza became an archbishopric in the 11th century. In 1461, it was taken by Roberto Orsini and suffered greatly. It was home to a scientific academy founded by the philosopher Bernardino Telesio (1509-1588). Between 1555 and 1561, it was the center of the Inquisition's persecution of the Waldenses who had settled there toward the end of the 14th century.

(T. As.)

COSHOCTON, a city and the county-seat of Coshocton county, Ohio, U.S.A., at the confluence of the Tuscarawas and the Walhonding rivers, with the Muskingum river, and about 70 m. E.N.E. of Columbus. Pop. (1890) 3672; (1900) 6473 (364 foreign-born); (1910) 9603. It is served by the Pennsylvania, the Pittsburg, Cincinnati, Chicago & St Louis (controlled by the Pennsylvania), and the Wheeling & Lake Erie railways. The city is built on a series of four broad terraces, the upper one of which has an elevation of 824 ft. above sea-level, and commands pleasant views of the river and the valley. It has a public library. Coshocton is the commercial centre of an extensive agricultural district and has manufactories of paper, glass, flour, china-ware, cast-iron pipes and especially of advertising specialities. The municipality owns and operates its water-works. Coshocton occupies the site of a former Indian village of the same name—the chief village of the Turtle tribe of the Delawares. This village was destroyed by the whites in 1781. The first settlement by whites was begun in 1801; and in 1802 the place was laid out as a town and named Tuscarawas. In 1811, when it was made the county-seat, the present name was adopted. Coshocton was first incorporated in 1833.

COSHOCTON, is a city and the county seat of Coshocton County, Ohio, U.S.A., located where the Tuscarawas and Walhonding rivers meet, and approximately 70 miles east-northeast of Columbus. Population: (1890) 3,672; (1900) 6,473 (364 foreign-born); (1910) 9,603. It is served by the Pennsylvania, Pittsburgh, Cincinnati, Chicago & St. Louis (owned by the Pennsylvania), and Wheeling & Lake Erie railroads. The city is built on a series of four wide terraces, with the upper one standing 824 feet above sea level, offering nice views of the river and the valley. It has a public library. Coshocton is the commercial hub of a large agricultural area and has factories that produce paper, glass, flour, china, cast-iron pipes, and especially advertising specialties. The city owns and operates its own water supply system. Coshocton stands on the site of a former Indian village of the same name, which was the main village of the Turtle tribe of the Delawares. This village was destroyed by settlers in 1781. The first settlement by whites began in 1801, and in 1802, the area was laid out as a town and named Tuscarawas. In 1811, it became the county seat and the name was changed to Coshocton. Coshocton was incorporated for the first time in 1833.


COSIN, JOHN (1594-1672), English divine, was born at Norwich on the 30th of November 1594. He was educated at Norwich grammar school and at Caius College, Cambridge, where he was scholar and afterwards fellow. On taking orders he was appointed secretary to Bishop Overall of Lichfield, and then domestic chaplain to Bishop Neile of Durham. In December 1624 he was made a prebendary of Durham, and in the following year archdeacon of the East Riding of Yorkshire. In 1628 he took his degree of D.D. He first became known as an author in 1627, when he published his Collection of Private Devotions, a manual stated to have been prepared by command of Charles I., for the use of the queen’s maids of honour.1 This book, together with his insistence on points of ritual in his cathedral church and his friendship with Laud, exposed him to the suspicions and hostility of the Puritans; and the book was rudely handled by William Prynne and Henry Burton. In 1628 Cosin took part in the prosecution of a brother prebendary, Peter Smart, for a sermon against high church practices; and the prebendary was deprived. In 1634 Cosin was appointed master of Peterhouse, Cambridge; and in 1640 he became vice-chancellor of the university. In October of this year he was promoted to the deanery of Peterborough. A few days before his installation the Long Parliament had met; and among the complainants who hastened to appeal to it for redress was the ex-prebendary, Smart. His petition against the new dean was considered; and early in 1641 Cosin was sequestered from his benefices. Articles of impeachment, were, two months later, presented against him, but he was dismissed on bail, and was not again called for. For sending the university plate to the king, he was deprived of the mastership of Peterhouse (1642). He thereupon withdrew to France, preached at Paris, and served as chaplain to some members of the household of the exiled royal family. At the Restoration he returned to England, was reinstated in the mastership, restored to all his benefices, and in a few months raised to the see of Durham (December 1660). At the convocation in 1661 he played a prominent part in the revision of the prayer-book, and endeavoured with some success to bring both prayers and rubrics into completer agreement with ancient liturgies. He administered his diocese with conspicuous ability and success for about eleven years; and applied a large share of his revenues to the promotion of the interests of the Church, of schools and of charitable institutions. He died in London on the 15th of January 1672.

COSIN, JOHN (1594-1672), English clergyman, was born in Norwich on November 30, 1594. He was educated at Norwich grammar school and Caius College, Cambridge, where he was a scholar and later became a fellow. After being ordained, he was appointed secretary to Bishop Overall of Lichfield and then domestic chaplain to Bishop Neile of Durham. In December 1624, he became a prebendary of Durham, and the following year, he was made archdeacon of the East Riding of Yorkshire. In 1628, he earned his D.D. degree. He first gained recognition as an author in 1627 when he published his Collection of Private Devotions, a manual reportedly prepared at the request of Charles I. for the use of the queen’s maids of honour.1 This book, along with his emphasis on ritual practices in his cathedral church and his friendship with Laud, led to suspicions and hostility from the Puritans; the book was harshly criticized by William Prynne and Henry Burton. In 1628, Cosin participated in the prosecution of a fellow prebendary, Peter Smart, for giving a sermon against high church practices, resulting in Smart’s deprivation. In 1634, Cosin was appointed master of Peterhouse, Cambridge, and in 1640 he became vice-chancellor of the university. In October of that year, he was promoted to the deanery of Peterborough. A few days before his installation, the Long Parliament convened, and among the complainants who rushed to appeal for justice was the ex-prebendary Smart. His petition against the new dean was reviewed, and early in 1641, Cosin was sequestered from his positions. Articles of impeachment were presented against him two months later, but he was released on bail and not called again. For sending the university's plate to the king, he lost his position as master of Peterhouse (1642). He then moved to France, preached in Paris, and served as chaplain to some members of the exiled royal family. At the Restoration, he returned to England, was reinstated as master, restored to all his positions, and within a few months appointed to the see of Durham (December 1660). During the convocation in 1661, he played a key role in revising the prayer book and worked successfully to align prayers and rubrics with ancient liturgies. He effectively managed his diocese for about eleven years and dedicated a significant portion of his income to support the Church, schools, and charitable organizations. He passed away in London on January 15, 1672.

Cosin occupies an interesting and peculiar position among the churchmen of his time. Though a ritualist and a rigorous enforcer of outward conformity, he was uncompromisingly hostile to Roman Catholicism, and most of his writings illustrate this antagonism. In France he was on friendly terms with 214 Huguenots, justifying himself on the ground that their non-episcopal ordination had not been of their own seeking, and at the Savoy conference in 1661 he tried hard to effect a reconciliation with the Presbyterians. He differed from the majority of his colleagues in his strict attitude towards Sunday observance and in favouring, in the case of adultery, both divorce and the re-marriage of the innocent party. He was a genial companion, frank and outspoken, and a good man of business.

Cosin holds a unique and interesting place among the church leaders of his time. Though he was a ritualist and a strict enforcer of outward conformity, he was fiercely opposed to Roman Catholicism, and most of his writings reflect this opposition. In France, he got along well with the Huguenots, arguing that their non-episcopal ordination was not something they sought for themselves, and at the Savoy conference in 1661, he worked hard to achieve a reconciliation with the Presbyterians. He stood apart from most of his colleagues with his strict views on Sunday observance and his support for both divorce and the remarriage of the innocent party in cases of adultery. He was a friendly companion, open and straightforward, and a capable businessman.

Among his writings (most of which were published posthumously) are a Historia Transubstantiationis Papalis (1675), Notes and Collections on the Book of Common Prayer (1710) and A Scholastical History of the Canon of Holy Scripture (1657). A collected edition of his works, forming 5 vols. of the Oxford Library of Anglo-Catholic Theology, was published between 1843 and 1855; and his Correspondence (2 vols.) was edited by Canon Ornsby for the Surtees Society (1868-1870).

Among his writings (most of which were published after his death) are a Historia Transubstantiationis Papalis (1675), Notes and Collections on the Book of Common Prayer (1710), and A Scholastical History of the Canon of Holy Scripture (1657). A collected edition of his works, consisting of 5 volumes in the Oxford Library of Anglo-Catholic Theology, was published between 1843 and 1855; and his Correspondence (2 vols.) was edited by Canon Ornsby for the Surtees Society (1868-1870).


1 See John Evelyn’s Diary (Oct. 12, 1651).

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Check out John Evelyn’s Diary (Oct. 12, 1651).


COSMAS, of Alexandria, surnamed from his maritime experiences Indicopleustes, merchant and traveller, flourished during the 6th century A.D. The surname is inaccurate, since he never reached India proper; further, it is doubtful whether Cosmas is a family name, or merely refers to his reputation as a cosmographer. In his earlier days he had sailed on the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean, visiting Abyssinia and Socotra and apparently also the Persian Gulf, western India and Ceylon. He subsequently became a monk, and about 548, in the retirement of a Sinai cloister, wrote a work called Topographia Christiana. Its chief object is to denounce the false and heathen doctrine of the rotundity of the earth, and to vindicate the scriptural account of the world. Photius, who had read it, calls it a “commentary on the Octateuch” (meaning the eight books of Ptolemy’s great geographical work; according to some, the first eight books of the Old Testament). According to Cosmas the earth is a rectangular plane, covered by the vaulted roof of the firmament, above which lies heaven. In the centre of the plane is the inhabited earth, surrounded by ocean, beyond which lies the paradise of Adam. The sun revolves round a conical mountain to the north—round the summit in summer, round the base in winter, which accounts for the difference in the length of the day. Cosmas is supposed by some to have been a Nestorian. Although not to be commended from a theological standpoint, the Topographia contains some curious information. Especially to be noticed is the description of a marble seat discovered by him at Adulis (Zula) in Abyssinia, with two inscriptions recounting the heroic deeds and military successes of Ptolemy Euergetes and an Axumitic king. It also contains in all probability the oldest Christian maps. From allusions in the Topographia Cosmas seems to have been the author of a larger cosmography, a treatise on the motions of the stars, and commentaries on the Psalms and Canticles. Photius (Cod. 36) speaks contemptuously of the style and language of Cosmas, and throws doubt upon his truthfulness. But the author himself expressly disclaims any claims to literary elegance, which in fact he considers unsuited to a Christian circle of readers, and the accuracy of his statements has been confirmed by later travellers.

COSMAS, of Alexandria, nicknamed for his sea journeys Indicopleustes, was a merchant and traveler who thrived during the 6th century A.D. The nickname is misleading, as he never actually reached true India; additionally, it’s unclear whether Cosmas is a family name or simply refers to his reputation as a cosmographer. In his youth, he sailed on the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean, visiting Abyssinia and Socotra and apparently also the Persian Gulf, western India, and Ceylon. Later on, he became a monk and around 548, in the solitude of a Sinai monastery, wrote a work called Topographia Christiana. Its main purpose is to condemn the false and pagan belief in the roundness of the earth and to defend the scriptural view of the world. Photius, who had read it, describes it as a “commentary on the Octateuch” (referring to the eight books of Ptolemy’s major geographical work; according to some, the first eight books of the Old Testament). According to Cosmas, the earth is a flat rectangle, covered by the vaulted ceiling of the sky, above which lies heaven. In the center of the flat surface is the inhabited earth, surrounded by ocean, beyond which lies the paradise of Adam. The sun revolves around a conical mountain to the north—circling the peak in summer, the base in winter, which explains the variation in day length. Some believe Cosmas was a Nestorian. Although not the best from a theological perspective, the Topographia includes some intriguing information. Notably, he describes a marble seat he found at Adulis (Zula) in Abyssinia, with two inscriptions detailing the heroic deeds and military successes of Ptolemy Euergetes and an Axumitic king. It also likely contains the oldest Christian maps. From references in the Topographia, Cosmas appears to have authored a larger work on cosmography, a treatise on the movements of the stars, and commentaries on the Psalms and Canticles. Photius (Cod. 36) criticizes the style and language of Cosmas, casting doubt on his honesty. However, the author himself openly states he makes no claims to literary elegance, which he actually deems unsuitable for a Christian audience, and the accuracy of his statements has been validated by later travelers.

The Topographia will be found in Migne, Patrologia Graeca, lxxxviii.; an edition by G. Siefert is promised in the Teubner series. See H. Gelzer, “Kosmas der Indienfahrer,” in Jahrbücher für protestantische Theologie, ix. (1883) and C. R. Beazley, The Dawn of Modern Geography, i. (1897). There is an English translation, with introduction and notes, by J. W. McCrindle (1897), published by the Hakluyt society.

The Topographia can be found in Migne, Patrologia Graeca, lxxxviii.; an edition by G. Siefert is expected in the Teubner series. See H. Gelzer, “Kosmas der Indienfahrer,” in Jahrbücher für protestantische Theologie, ix. (1883) and C. R. Beazley, The Dawn of Modern Geography, i. (1897). There is an English translation, with introduction and notes, by J. W. McCrindle (1897), published by the Hakluyt Society.


COSMAS, of Prague (1045-1125), dean of the cathedral and the earliest Bohemian historian. His Chronicae Bohemorum libri iii., which contains the history and traditions of Bohemia up to nearly the time of his death, has earned him the title of the Herodotus of his country. This work, which his continuators brought down to the year 1283, is of the highest value to historians in spite of the fact that its reputation for disingenuousness and credibility has been greatly affected by the critical attacks of J. Loserth (Studien zu Cosmas von Prag, Vienna, 1880, &c.).

COSMAS, of Prague (1045-1125), was the dean of the cathedral and the first historian of Bohemia. His Chronicae Bohemorum libri iii., which chronicles the history and traditions of Bohemia up until nearly the end of his life, has earned him the nickname the Herodotus of his country. This work, which his successors continued until the year 1283, is extremely valuable to historians, even though its credibility has been challenged by the critical studies of J. Loserth (Studien zu Cosmas von Prag, Vienna, 1880, &c.).

The work was first published at Hanover in 1602, from the imperfect Strassburg codex. A perfected edition was brought out at the same place in 1607; this was reprinted, with notes by C. G. Schwarz in I. B. Menckenius, Scriptores rer. Germ. (3 vols., Lips., 1728-1730). It is included in Pelzel and Dobrowsky, Script. rer. Bohem. i. pp. 1-282, after collation with Dresden MS., edited very fully by R. Köpke in Mon. Germ. Hist. Scrip. ix. 1-132, and repeated in Migne, Patrol. lat. clxvi. pp. 55-388, and in Fontes rer. Bohem. ii. (1874), 1-370 (Latin and Czech), by W. Wl. Tomek. See A. Potthast, Bibliotheca Hist. Med. Aevi.

The work was first published in Hanover in 1602, based on the incomplete Strassburg codex. A revised edition was released at the same location in 1607; this was later reprinted with notes by C. G. Schwarz in I. B. Menckenius, Scriptores rer. Germ. (3 vols., Lips., 1728-1730). It is included in Pelzel and Dobrowsky, Script. rer. Bohem. i. pp. 1-282, after being compared with the Dresden manuscript, which was thoroughly edited by R. Köpke in Mon. Germ. Hist. Scrip. ix. 1-132, and republished in Migne, Patrol. lat. clxvi. pp. 55-388, and in Fontes rer. Bohem. ii. (1874), 1-370 (Latin and Czech), by W. Wl. Tomek. See A. Potthast, Bibliotheca Hist. Med. Aevi.


COSMATI, the name of a Roman family, seven members of which, for four generations, were skilful architects, sculptors and workers in mosaic. The following are the names and dates known from existing inscriptions:—

COSMATI, is the name of a Roman family, with seven members across four generations who were skilled architects, sculptors, and mosaic workers. Here are the names and dates recorded from existing inscriptions:—

Their principal works in Rome are: ambones of S. Maria in Ara Coeli (Lorenzo); door of S. Saba, 1205, and door with mosaics of S. Tommaso in Formis (Jacopo); chapel of the Sancta Sanctorum, by the Lateran (Cosimo); pavement of S. Jacopo alla Lungara, and (probably) the magnificent episcopal throne and choir-screen in S. Lorenzo fuori le Mura, of 1254 (Jacopo the younger); baldacchino of the Lateran and of S. Maria in Cosmedin, c. 1294 (Adeodato); tombs in S. Maria sopra Minerva (c. 1296), in S. Maria Maggiore, and in S. Balbina (Giovanni). The chief signed works by Jacopo the younger and his brother Luca are at Anagni and Subiaco. A large number of other works by members and pupils of the same family, but unsigned, exist in Rome. These are mainly altars and baldacchini, choir-screens, paschal candlesticks, ambones, tombs and the like, all enriched with sculpture and glass mosaic of great brilliance and decorative effect.

Their main works in Rome include: the ambones at S. Maria in Ara Coeli (Lorenzo); the door of S. Saba, 1205, and the door with mosaics at S. Tommaso in Formis (Jacopo); the chapel of the Sancta Sanctorum by the Lateran (Cosimo); the pavement at S. Jacopo alla Lungara, and probably the impressive episcopal throne and choir-screen in S. Lorenzo fuori le Mura from 1254 (Jacopo the younger); the baldacchino at the Lateran and S. Maria in Cosmedin, around 1294 (Adeodato); and the tombs in S. Maria sopra Minerva (around 1296), S. Maria Maggiore, and S. Balbina (Giovanni). The primary signed works by Jacopo the younger and his brother Luca are in Anagni and Subiaco. Many other unsigned works by family members and their students can be found in Rome. These mainly consist of altars, baldacchini, choir-screens, paschal candlesticks, ambones, tombs, and similar items, all enhanced with sculpture and vibrant glass mosaic for a striking decorative effect.

Besides the more mechanical sort of work, such as mosaic patterns and architectural decoration, they also produced mosaic pictures and sculpture of very high merit, especially the recumbent effigies, with angels standing at the head and foot, in the tombs of Ara Coeli, S. Maria Maggiore and elsewhere. One of their finest works is in S. Cesareo; this is a marble altar richly decorated with mosaic in sculptured panels, and (below) two angels drawing back a curtain (all in marble) so as to expose the open grating of the confessio. The magnificent cloisters of S. Paolo fuori le Mura, built about 1285 by Giovanni, the youngest of the Cosmati, are one of the most beautiful works of this school. The baldacchino of the same basilica is a signed work of the Florentine Arnolfo del Cambio, 1285, “cum suo socio Petro,” probably a pupil of the Cosmati. Other works of Arnolfo, such as the Braye tomb at Orvieto (q.v.), show an intimate artistic alliance between him and the Cosmati. The equally magnificent cloisters of the Lateran, of about the same date, are very similar in design; both these triumphs of the sculptor-architect’s and mosaicist’s work have slender marble columns, twisted or straight, richly inlaid with bands of glass mosaic in delicate and brilliant patterns. The shrine of the Confessor at Westminster is a work of this school, executed about 1268. The general style of works of the Cosmati school is Gothic in its main lines, especially in the elaborate altar-canopies, with their pierced geometrical tracery. In detail, however, they differ widely from the purer Gothic of northern countries. The richness of effect which the English or French architect obtained by elaborate and carefully worked mouldings was produced in Italy by the beauty of polished marbles and jewel-like mosaics—the details being mostly rather coarse and often carelessly executed.

Besides the more mechanical work, like mosaic patterns and architectural decoration, they also created high-quality mosaic pictures and sculptures, especially the reclining effigies with angels at the head and foot, found in the tombs of Ara Coeli, S. Maria Maggiore, and elsewhere. One of their best works is in S. Cesareo; it's a marble altar richly adorned with mosaic in sculptured panels, and below, two angels pull back a curtain (all in marble) to reveal the open grating of the confessio. The stunning cloisters of S. Paolo fuori le Mura, built around 1285 by Giovanni, the youngest of the Cosmati, are among the most beautiful works from this school. The baldacchino of the same basilica is a signed piece by the Florentine Arnolfo del Cambio from 1285, “cum suo socio Petro,” likely a pupil of the Cosmati. Other works by Arnolfo, such as the Braye tomb at Orvieto (see entry), demonstrate a close artistic connection between him and the Cosmati. The equally impressive cloisters of the Lateran, dating from about the same period, feature a similar design; both of these masterpieces of sculpture and mosaic have slender marble columns, either twisted or straight, richly inlaid with bands of glass mosaic in delicate and vibrant patterns. The shrine of the Confessor at Westminster is a piece from this school, created around 1268. The overall style of the Cosmati school is Gothic in its broad concepts, particularly in the intricate altar-canopies with their pierced geometric tracery. However, in detail, they differ significantly from the purer Gothic found in northern countries. The visual richness achieved by English or French architects through elaborate and carefully crafted moldings was realized in Italy through the beauty of polished marbles and jewel-like mosaics, with many details being rather coarse and often executed carelessly.

An excellent account of the Cosmati is given by Boito, Architettura del media evo (Milan, 1880), pp. 117-182.

An outstanding description of the Cosmati is provided by Boito, Architettura del media evo (Milan, 1880), pp. 117-182.


COSMIC (from Gr. κόσμος, order or universe), pertaining to the universe, universal or orderly. In ancient astronomy, the word “cosmical” means occurring at sunrise, and designates especially the rising or setting of the stars at that time. “Cosmical physics” is a term broadly applied to the totality of those branches of science which treat of cosmical phenomena 215 and their explanation by the laws of physics. It includes terrestrial magnetism, the tides, meteorology as related to cosmical causes, the aurora, meteoric phenomena, and the physical constitution of the heavenly bodies generally. It differs from astrophysics only in dealing principally with phenomena in their wider aspects, and as the products of physical causes, while astrophysics is more concerned with minute details of observation.

COSMIC (from Gr. world, order or universe), related to the universe, universal or orderly. In ancient astronomy, the term “cosmical” refers to events happening at sunrise, specifically relating to the rising or setting of the stars during that time. “Cosmical physics” is a term broadly used for all branches of science that study cosmical phenomena and explain them through the laws of physics. It includes terrestrial magnetism, tides, meteorology as connected to cosmical causes, the aurora, meteoric phenomena, and the physical makeup of heavenly bodies in general. It differs from astrophysics mainly by focusing on phenomena in their broader context as results of physical causes, whereas astrophysics concentrates more on the detailed observations. 215


COSMOGONY (from Gr. κόσμος, world and γίγνεσθαι, to be born), a theory, however incomplete, of the origin of heaven and earth, such as is produced by primitive races in the myth-making age, and is afterwards expanded and systematized by priests, poets or philosophers. Such a theory must be mythical in form, and, after gods have arisen, is likely to be a theogony (θεός, god) as well as a cosmogony (Babylonia, Egypt, Phoenicia, Polynesia).

COSMOGONY (from Gr. world, world and γίγνεσθαι, to be born), a theory, though incomplete, about the origin of heaven and earth, as created by ancient civilizations during the myth-making era, which is later developed and organized by priests, poets, or philosophers. This theory is typically presented in a mythical format, and once gods are established, it tends to include both a theogony (god, god) and a cosmogony (Babylonia, Egypt, Phoenicia, Polynesia).

1. To many the interest of such stories will depend on their parallelism to the Biblical account in Genesis i.; the anthropologist, however, will be attracted by them in proportion as they illustrate the more primitive phases of human culture. In spite of the frequent overgrowth of a luxuriant imagination, the leading ideas of really primitive cosmogonies are extremely simple. Creation out of nothing is nowhere thought of, for this is not at all a simple idea. The pre-existence of world-matter is assumed; sometimes too that of heaven, as the seat of the earth-maker, and that of preternatural animals, his coadjutors. The earth-making process may, among the less advanced races, be begun by a bird, or some other animal (whence the term “theriomorphism”), for the high idea of a god is impossible, till man has fully realized his own humanity. Of course, the earth-forming animal is a preternaturally gifted one, and is on the line of development towards that magnified man who, in a later stage, becomes the demiurge.1 Between the two comes the animal—man, i.e. a being who has not yet shed the slough of an animal shape, but combines the powers—natural and preternatural—of some animal with those of a man. Let us now collect specimens of the evidence for different varieties of cosmogony, ranging from those of the Red Indian tribes to that of the people of Israel.

1. For many, the interest in these stories will come from how they parallel the biblical account in Genesis 1. However, anthropologists will be drawn to them based on how they illustrate the more primitive aspects of human culture. Despite the frequent embellishment of a rich imagination, the main ideas of truly primitive creation myths are very straightforward. The concept of creation out of nothing is never considered, as it is not a simple idea at all. The existence of world-matter beforehand is assumed; sometimes, it's also assumed that heaven exists as the home of the earth-maker and that there are supernatural animals that assist him. In less advanced cultures, the earth-making process may start with a bird or another animal (hence the term “theriomorphism”), as the lofty idea of a god is not possible until humans fully grasp their own humanity. Naturally, the creature responsible for shaping the earth is depicted as having extraordinary abilities and is on a path of evolution toward that enhanced human who, in a later stage, becomes the demiurge. Between the two lies the animal-man, meaning a being who has not yet completely shed its animal form but combines the natural and supernatural powers of some animal with those of a human. Now, let’s gather examples of evidence for different types of creation stories, ranging from those of the Native American tribes to those of the people of Israel.

2. North American Stories.—Theriomorphic creators are most fully attested for the Red Indian tribes, whose very backwardness renders them so valuable to an anthropologist. There is a painted image from Alaska, now in the museum of the university of Pennsylvania, which represents such an one. We see a black crow tightly holding a human mask which he is in the act of incubating. Let us pass on to the Thlinkît Indians of the N.W. coast. A cycle of tales is devoted to a strange humorous being called Yehl or Yelch, i.e. the Raven, miraculously born, not to be wounded, and at once a semi-developed creator and a culture hero.2 His bitter foe is his uncle; the germs of dualism appear early. Like some other culture-heroes, he steals sun, moon and stars out of a box, so enlightening the dark earth. These people are at any rate above the Greenlanders, but are surpassed by the Algonkins described by Nicholas Perrot in 1700, and by the Iroquois, whom the heroic Father Brébeuf (1593-1649) learned to know so well.3 The earth-maker of the former was called Michabo, i.e. the Great Hare.4 He is the leader of some animals on a raft on a shoreless sea. Three of these in succession are sent to dive for a little earth. A grain of sand is brought; out of it he makes an island (America?). Of the carcases of the dead animals he makes the present men (N. Americans?). There is also a Flood-story, an episode in which has a bearing on the great dragon-myth5 (see Deluge). The Iroquois are in advance of the Algonkins; their creator-hero has no touch of the animal in him. Above the waters there existed a heaven, or a heavenly earth (cf. Mexico, Babylonia, Egypt), through a hole in which Aataentsic fell to the water. The broad back of a tortoise (cf. § 6) on which a diving animal had placed some mud, received her. Here, being already pregnant, she gave birth to a daughter, who in turn bore the twins Joskeha and Tawiscara (myth of hostile brothers). By his violence (cf. Gen. xxv. 22) the latter killed his mother, out of whose corpse grew plants. Tawiscara fled to the west, where he rules over the dead. Joskeha made the beasts and also men. After acting as culture-giver he disappeared to the east, where he is said to dwell with his grandmother as her husband.6

2. North American Stories.—Theriomorphic creators are most fully documented among the Native American tribes, whose unique characteristics make them particularly significant for anthropologists. There is a painted image from Alaska, now in the University of Pennsylvania Museum, showing a black crow tightly holding a human mask that he is incubating. Let's move on to the Thlinkît Indians of the Northwest coast. They have a cycle of stories about a peculiar, humorous character named Yehl or Yelch, meaning the Raven, who is miraculously born, cannot be harmed, and is both a partially developed creator and a culture hero. His main enemy is his uncle; the beginnings of dualism show up early in these tales. Like some other culture heroes, he steals the sun, moon, and stars from a box, bringing light to the dark earth. These people are certainly more advanced than the Greenlanders but are outshined by the Algonquins described by Nicholas Perrot in 1700, and by the Iroquois, who the heroic Father Brébeuf (1593-1649) became very familiar with. The earth-maker of the Algonquins was called Michabo, which means the Great Hare. He leads some animals on a raft over an endless sea. Three of them are sent to dive for a bit of earth. They bring back a grain of sand, which he uses to create an island (America?). From the remains of the dead animals, he forms the current humans (Native Americans?). There is also a Flood story, part of which relates to the great dragon myth (see Deluge). The Iroquois are more advanced than the Algonquins; their creator hero doesn't have any attributes of an animal. Above the waters, there was either heaven or a heavenly earth (cf. Mexico, Babylonia, Egypt), through a hole of which Aataentsic fell into the water. The broad back of a tortoise (cf. § 6) received her after an animal dived and placed mud on it. Here, already pregnant, she gave birth to a daughter, who then had twins named Joskeha and Tawiscara (the myth of the hostile brothers). By his aggression (cf. Gen. xxv. 22), Tawiscara killed their mother, and from her body, plants emerged. Tawiscara fled to the west, where he rules over the dead. Joskeha created the animals and also humans. After providing culture, he vanished to the east, where he is said to live with his grandmother as her husband. 6

3. Mexican.—The most interesting feature in the Mexican cosmology is the theory of the ages of the world. Greece, Persia and probably Babylon, knew of four such ages.7 The Priestly Writer in the Pentateuch also appears to be acquainted with this doctrine; it is the first of four ages which begins with the Creation and ends with the Deluge. The Mexicans, however, are said to have assumed five ages called “suns.” The first was the sun of earth; the second, of fire; the third, of air; the fourth, of water; the fifth (which is the present) was unnamed. Each of these closed with a physical catastrophe.8 The speculations which underlie the Mexican theory have not come down to us. For the Iranian parallel, see § 8, and on the Hebrew Priestly Writer, Gunkel, Genesis[2], pp. 233 ff.

3. Mexican.—The most intriguing aspect of Mexican cosmology is the theory of the world's ages. Greece, Persia, and likely Babylon, recognized four such ages.7 The Priestly Writer in the Pentateuch also seems to know about this doctrine; it marks the first of four ages that begins with Creation and ends with the Flood. The Mexicans, however, are said to have identified five ages known as “suns.” The first was the sun of earth; the second, of fire; the third, of air; the fourth, of water; the fifth (which is the present) was unnamed. Each of these ended with a physical catastrophe.8 The theories behind the Mexican view have not been preserved. For the Iranian parallel, see § 8, and regarding the Hebrew Priestly Writer, Gunkel, Genesis[2], pp. 233 ff.

4. Peruvian.—In Peru, as in Egypt, the sun-god obtained universal homage. But there were creator-gods in the background. A theoretical supremacy was accorded by the Incas to Pachacamac, whose worship, like that of Viracocha, they appear to have already found when they conquered the land. Pachacamac means, in Quichua, “world-animator.”9 The “philosophers” of Peru declared that he desired no temples or sacrifices, no worship but that of the heart. This is conceivable; Maui, too, in New Zealand had no temple or priests. But most probably this deity had another less abstract name, and the horrible worship offered in the one temple which he really had under the Incas, accorded with his true cosmic significance as the god of the subterranean fire. Viracocha too had a cosmic position; an old Peruvian hymn calls him “world-former, world-animator.”10 He was connected with water. A third creator was Manco Capac (“the mighty man”), whose sister and wife is called Mama Oello, “the mother-egg.” Afterwards, the creator and the mother-egg became respectively the sun and the moon, represented by the Inca priest-king and his wife, the supposed descendants of Manco Capac.11 Dualistic tendencies were also developed. Las Casas12 reports a story that before creation the creator-god had a bad son who sought, after creation, to undo all that his father had done. Angered at this, his father hurled him into the sea. We need not suspect Christian influences, but the parallelism of Rev. xx. 3, Isa. xiv. 12, 15, Ezek. xxviii. 16 is obvious.

4. Peruvian.—In Peru, like in Egypt, the sun-god was widely revered. However, there were creator-gods in the background. The Incas granted theoretical supremacy to Pachacamac, whose worship, similar to that of Viracocha, they seemed to have encountered when they took over the land. Pachacamac means “world-animator” in Quichua. 9 The “philosophers” of Peru claimed he wanted no temples or sacrifices, only worship from the heart. This is understandable; Maui, too, in New Zealand had no temple or priests. But likely, this deity had another, less abstract name, and the dreadful worship offered in the one temple that he actually had under the Incas matched his true cosmic significance as the god of subterranean fire. Viracocha also held a cosmic role; an ancient Peruvian hymn refers to him as the “world-former, world-animator.” 10 He was associated with water. A third creator was Manco Capac (“the mighty man”), whose sister and wife is named Mama Oello, “the mother-egg.” Later, the creator and the mother-egg became respectively the sun and the moon, represented by the Inca priest-king and his wife, who were believed to be descendants of Manco Capac. 11 Dualistic tendencies also emerged. Las Casas 12 shares a story that before creation, the creator-god had a troublesome son who tried to undo all his father's work after creation. Angered, the father threw him into the sea. We need not suspect Christian influences, but the parallels with Rev. xx. 3, Isa. xiv. 12, 15, and Ezek. xxviii. 16 are evident.

5. Polynesian.—Polynesia, that classic land of mythology, is specially rich in myths of creation. The Maori story, told by Grey and others, of the rending apart of Rangi ( = Langi, heaven) 216 and Papa (earth) can be paralleled in China, India and Greece, and more remotely in Egypt and Babylonia. The son of Rangi and Papa was Tangaloa (also called Tangaroa and Taaroa), the sea-god and the father of fishes and reptiles.13 In other parts of Polynesia he is the Heaven God, to whom there is no like, no second. In Samoa he is even called Tangaloa-Langi (Tangaloa = heaven). And if he is the sea-god, we must remember that there is a heavenly as well as an earthly ocean; hence the clouds are sometimes called Tangaloa’s ships. It is true, the popular imagery is unworthy of such a god. Sometimes he is said to live in a shell, by throwing off which from time to time he increases the world; or in an egg, which at last he breaks in pieces; the pieces are the islands. We also hear that long ago he hovered as an enormous bird over the waters, and there deposited an egg. The egg may be either the earth with the overarching vault of heaven or (as in Egypt—but this is a later view) the sun. The latter received mythical representation in that most interesting god (but originally rather culture-hero) Maui, who, in New Zealand practically supplants Tangaloa, and becomes the god of the air and of the heaven, the creator and the causer of the flood.14 Speculation opened the usual deep problem; whence came the gods? It was answered that Po, i.e. darkness, was the begetter of all things, even of Tangaloa.

5. Polynesian.—Polynesia, that legendary land of myths, is particularly rich in creation stories. The Maori tale, recounted by Grey and others, about the separation of Rangi (heaven) and Papa (earth) can be compared to similar stories from China, India, Greece, and even more distantly from Egypt and Babylon. Rangi and Papa's son is Tangaloa (also known as Tangaroa and Taaroa), the sea-god and the father of fish and reptiles. In other parts of Polynesia, he is regarded as the God of Heaven, unmatched and unique. In Samoa, he's even called Tangaloa-Langi (Tangaloa = heaven). While he is the sea-god, we must also remember that there is both a heavenly and an earthly ocean; thus, clouds are sometimes referred to as Tangaloa’s ships. It's true that popular imagery does not do justice to such a god. Sometimes he is said to live in a shell, from which he occasionally releases material to expand the world; or in an egg, which he eventually breaks apart, with the pieces becoming the islands. Additionally, there are stories that long ago he soared as a massive bird over the waters and laid an egg. This egg could represent either the earth with the sky above it or (as later believed in Egypt) the sun. The sun was mythologically represented by the fascinating god (though originally more of a culture hero) Maui, who largely takes Tangaloa’s place in New Zealand, becoming the god of air and heaven, the creator and the cause of the flood. Speculation raised the common profound question: where did the gods come from? It was answered that Po, or darkness, was the source of all things, even Tangaloa.

6. Indian.—India, however, is the natural home of a mythology recast by speculation. The classical specimen of an advanced cosmogony is to be found in the Rig Veda (x. 129); it is the hymn which begins, “There then was neither Aught nor Naught!”15 Another such cosmogony is given in Manu. It is “the self-existent Lord,” who, “with a thought, created the waters, and deposited in them a seed which became a golden egg, in which egg he himself is born as Brahmā, the progenitor of the worlds.”16 The doctrine of creation by a thought is characteristically Indian. In the şatapatha Brahmana (cf. Deluge), we meet again with the primeval waters and the world-egg, and with the famous mythological tortoise-theory,17 also found among the Algonkins (§ 2)—antique beliefs gathered up by the framers of philosophic systems, who felt the importance of maintaining such links with the distant past.

6. Indian.—India is, however, the natural home of a mythology shaped by speculation. The classic example of an advanced creation story can be found in the Rig Veda (x. 129); it starts with, “There then was neither Anything nor Nothing!”15 Another such creation story is found in Manu. It describes “the self-existent Lord,” who, “with a thought, created the waters, and placed in them a seed that became a golden egg, in which he himself was born as Brahmā, the ancestor of the worlds.”16 The idea of creation by thought is uniquely Indian. In the şatapatha Brahmana (cf. Deluge), we encounter the primordial waters and the world-egg again, along with the well-known mythological tortoise theory,17 which is also found among the Algonkins (§ 2)—ancient beliefs collected by the creators of philosophical systems, who recognized the importance of preserving connections with the distant past.

7. Egyptian.—In Egypt too the systematizers were busily engaged in the co-ordination of myths. They retained the belief that the germs of all things slept for ages within the dark flood, personified as Nûn or Nû. How they were drawn forth was variously told.18 In some districts the demiurge was called Khnūmu; it was he who modelled the egg (of the world?) and also man.19 Elsewhere he was the artizan-god Ptaḥ, who with his hammer broke the egg; sometimes Thoth, the moon-god and principle of intelligence, who spoke the world into existence.20 A strange episode in the legend of the destruction of man by the gods tells how Ra (or Re), the first king of the world, finding in his old age that mankind ceased to respect him, first tried the remedy of massacre, and then ascended the heavenly cow, and organized a new world—that of heaven.21

7. Egyptian.—In Egypt, the organizers were actively working on combining myths. They held on to the belief that the seeds of everything lay dormant for ages in the dark waters, represented by Nûn or Nû. The stories of how they were brought to life varied. 18 In some areas, the creator was known as Khnūmu; he shaped the egg (of the world?) and also humans. 19 In other places, he was the craftsman god Ptaḥ, who used his hammer to break the egg; at times, it was Thoth, the moon god and symbol of intelligence, who spoke the world into being. 20 An unusual part of the legend about the gods destroying humanity tells how Ra (or Re), the first ruler of the world, when he found that people no longer respected him in his old age, initially attempted to solve this with violence, and then mounted the heavenly cow and established a new realm—that of heaven. 21

8. Iranian.—The Iranian account of creation22 is specially interesting because its religious spirit is akin to that of Genesis i. From a literary point of view, indeed, it cannot compare with the dignified Hebrew narrative, but considering the misfortunes which have befallen the collection of Zoroastrian traditions now represented by the Bundahish (the Parsee Genesis) we cannot reasonably be surprised. The work referred to begins by describing the state of things in the beginning; the good spirit in endless light and omniscient, and the evil spirit in endless darkness and with limited knowledge. Both produced their own creatures, which remained apart, in a spiritual or ideal state, for 3000 years, after which the evil spirit began his opposition to the good creation under an agreement that his power was not to last more than 9000 years, of which only the middle 3000 were to see him successful. By uttering a sacred formula the good spirit throws the evil one into a state of confusion for a second 3000 years, while he produces the archangels and the material creation, including the sun, moon and stars. At the end of that period the evil spirit, encouraged by the demons he had produced, once more rushes upon the good creation to destroy it. The demons carry on conflicts with each of the six classes of creation, namely, the sky, water, earth, plants, animals represented by the primeval ox, and mankind represented by Gāyōmard or Kayumarth (the “first man” of the Avesta).23 Four points to be noticed here: (1) the belief in the four periods of the world, each of 3000 years (cf. § 3); (2) the comparative success for a time of Angra Mainyu (the evil principle personified); (3) the absence of any recognition of pre-existent matter; (4) the mention of six classes of good creatures. Each of these deserves a comment which we cannot, however, here give, and the third may seem to suggest direct influence of the Iranian upon the Jewish cosmogony. But though there are in Gen. i. six days of creative activity, and the creative works are not six, but eight, if not ten in number, and indirect Babylonian influence is more strongly indicated. Jewish thinkers would have been attracted by the emphatic assertion of the creatorship of the One God in the royal Persian inscriptions more than by the traditional cosmogony. See further Ency. Bib., “Creation,” § 9.

8. Iranian.—The Iranian account of creation22 is particularly interesting because its religious essence is similar to that of Genesis 1. From a literary standpoint, it doesn’t match the dignified Hebrew narrative, but given the challenges that the collection of Zoroastrian traditions, now represented by the Bundahish (the Parsee Genesis), has faced, we can’t be too surprised. The text begins by detailing the state of existence before creation, with the good spirit in endless light and all-knowing, while the evil spirit exists in endless darkness with limited knowledge. Both spirits create their own beings, which exist separately in a spiritual or ideal state for 3000 years. After that, the evil spirit begins to oppose the good creation under an agreement that his power will only last for 9000 years, of which only the middle 3000 are allowed for his success. By uttering a sacred formula, the good spirit confuses the evil one for another 3000 years while he creates the archangels and the material world, including the sun, moon, and stars. At the end of that time, the evil spirit, spurred on by the demons he has created, again attacks the good creation to try to destroy it. The demons engage with each of the six classes of creation: the sky, water, earth, plants, animals represented by the primeval ox, and humanity represented by Gāyōmard or Kayumarth (the “first man” of the Avesta).23 Four key points to note here: (1) the belief in four periods of the world, each lasting 3000 years (cf. § 3); (2) the temporary success of Angra Mainyu (the evil principle personified); (3) the lack of recognition of pre-existing matter; (4) the mention of six classes of good creatures. Each of these points deserves further discussion, which we can’t provide here, and the third may hint at a direct influence of the Iranian on the Jewish cosmogony. However, while Genesis 1 describes six days of creative activity, the creative works total to not just six, but eight or even ten, and a more pronounced Babylonian influence is indicated. Jewish thinkers would have found the strong assertion of the One God's creatorship in the royal Persian inscriptions more compelling than the traditional cosmogony. See further Ency. Bib., “Creation,” § 9.

9. Phoenician and Greek.—Phoenician cosmogonies would appear, from the notices which have come down to us,24 to have been composite. The traditions are pale and obscure. It is clear, however, that the primeval flood and the world-egg (out of which came heaven and earth) are referred to. See Ency. Bib., “Creation” § 7; “Phoenicia” § 15; Lagrange, Religions sémitiques, pp. 351 ff. Greek cosmogonies (the orientalism of which is clear) will be found in Hesiod, Theog. 116 ff.; Aristophanes, Birds, 692 ff.; cf. Clem. Rom., Homil. vi. 4. See Miss Harrison, Prolegomena to the Study of Greek Religion, chap. xii, “Orphic Cosmogony.”

9. Phoenician and Greek.—Phoenician cosmogonies seem to be composite based on the information we have left, 24. The traditions are vague and unclear. However, it’s evident that the primordial flood and the world-egg (which gave rise to heaven and earth) are mentioned. See Ency. Bib., “Creation” § 7; “Phoenicia” § 15; Lagrange, Religions sémitiques, pp. 351 ff. Greek cosmogonies, which clearly show eastern influences, can be found in Hesiod, Theog. 116 ff.; Aristophanes, Birds, 692 ff.; cf. Clem. Rom., Homil. vi. 4. See Miss Harrison, Prolegomena to the Study of Greek Religion, chap. xii, “Orphic Cosmogony.”

10. Babylonian and Israelitish.—Of the Babylonian and Israelitish cosmogonies we have several more or less complete records. For details as to the former, see Babylonian and Assyrian Religion. With regard to the latter, we may notice that in Gen. ii. 4b-25 we have an account of creation which, though in its present form very incomplete, is highly attractive, because it is pervaded by a breath from primitive times. It has, however, been interwoven with an account of the Garden of Eden from some other source (see Eden; Paradise), and perhaps in order to concentrate the attention of the reader, the description of the origin of “earth and heaven” as well as of the plants and of the rain, appears to have been omitted. In fact, both the creation-stories at the opening of Genesis must have undergone much editorial manipulation. Originally, for instance, Gen. i. 26 must have said that man was made out of earth; this point of contact between the two cosmogonic traditions has, however, been effaced.

10. Babylonian and Israelite.—We have several more or less complete records of the Babylonian and Israelite cosmogonies. For more details on the former, see Babylonian and Assyrian Religion. Regarding the latter, in Gen. ii. 4b-25, we find an account of creation that, while incomplete in its current form, is very appealing because it carries a sense of ancient times. However, it has been mixed with an account of the Garden of Eden from another source (see Eden; Paradise), and possibly to focus the reader’s attention, the descriptions of the origins of “earth and heaven” as well as the plants and rain seem to have been left out. In fact, both creation stories at the beginning of Genesis must have gone through a lot of editing. Originally, for example, Gen. i. 26 likely stated that man was made from the earth; this connection between the two cosmogonic traditions has, however, been removed.

The other narrative, Gen. i. 1-ii. 4a, is a much more complete cosmogony, and since the theory of P. A. Lagarde (1887), which ascribes it to Iranian influence (see § 8), has no very solid ground, whereas the theory which explains it as largely Babylonian is in a high degree plausible, we must now consider the relations between the Israelitish and Babylonian cosmogonies. The short account of creation first translated in 1890 by T. G. Pinches is distinguished by its non-mythical character; in particular, the 217 dragon of chaos and darkness is conspicuous by her absence. This may illustrate the fact that the dragon is also unmentioned in the Hebrew cosmogony; to some writers the dragon-element may have seemed grotesque and inappropriate. We must, however, study this element in the most important Babylonian tradition, even if only for its relation to non-Semitic myths and especially to some striking passages in the Bible (Isa. xxvii. 1, li. 9b; Ps. lxxiv. 14, lxxxix. 10, 11; Job iii. 8, ix. 13, xxvi. 12, 13; Rev. xii. 3, 4, xx. 1-3). One may also be permitted to hold that the mythic figure of the dragon, if used poetically, is a highly serviceable one, and consider that “in the beginning God fought with the dragon, and slew him” would have formed an admirable illustration of the passages just now referred to, especially to those in the Apocalypse.

The other narrative, Gen. i. 1-ii. 4a, presents a much more comprehensive account of creation. Since P. A. Lagarde's theory from 1887, which attributes it to Iranian influence (see § 8), lacks solid evidence, and the theory that ties it primarily to Babylonian sources is quite plausible, we need to examine the connections between the Israelite and Babylonian creation stories. The brief creation account first translated in 1890 by T. G. Pinches stands out for its non-mythical tone; notably, the dragon of chaos and darkness is absent. This may highlight the fact that the dragon is also missing in the Hebrew creation narrative; some writers might have found the dragon aspect to be odd or unsuitable. However, we should analyze this element in the key Babylonian tradition, particularly for its connections to non-Semitic myths and especially to some striking verses in the Bible (Isa. xxvii. 1, li. 9b; Ps. lxxiv. 14, lxxxix. 10, 11; Job iii. 8, ix. 13, xxvi. 12, 13; Rev. xii. 3, 4, xx. 1-3). One can argue that the mythic figure of the dragon, when used poetically, is very effective, and the idea that “in the beginning God fought with the dragon and defeated him” would serve as a great illustration of the aforementioned passages, especially those in the Apocalypse.

The student should, however, notice that the dragon-element is not entirely unrepresented even in the priestly Hebrew cosmogony. It is said in Gen. i. 9, 10, 14, 15, that God divided the primeval waters into two parts by an intervening “firmament” or “platform,” on which the sun, moon and stars (planets) were placed to mark times and to give light. This division (cp. Ps. lxxiv. 13) is really a pale version of the old mythic statement respecting the cleaving of the carcase of Tiāmat (the Dragon) into two parts, one of which kept the upper waters from coming down.25 And we must affirm that the technical term tĕ hōm (rendered in the English Bible “the deep”), which evidently signifies the enveloping primeval flood, and which closely resembles Tiāmat, the name given to the dragon or serpent in the epic (cf. tiamtu and tamtu, Babylonian words for “the ocean”), can only be due to the influence—probably the very early influence—of Babylonia.

The student should, however, notice that the dragon element is not completely absent even in the priestly Hebrew creation story. In Genesis 1:9, 10, 14, 15, it says that God separated the primordial waters into two parts with an intervening "firmament" or "platform," on which the sun, moon, and stars (planets) were placed to mark times and provide light. This division (see Psalm 74:13) is really a faint version of the ancient myth describing the splitting of the body of Tiāmat (the Dragon) into two parts, one of which held back the upper waters. And we must point out that the technical term tĕ hōm (translated in the English Bible as "the deep"), which clearly signifies the surrounding primordial flood, and which closely resembles Tiāmat, the name for the dragon or serpent in the epic (cf. tiamtu and tamtu, Babylonian words for "the ocean"), can only be attributed to the influence—probably a very early influence—of Babylonia.

But we are far from having exhausted the evidence of Babylonian influence on the Hebrew cosmogony. The description of chaos in v. 2 not only mentions the great water (tĕhōm), but the earth, i.e. the earth-matter, out of which the earth and (potentially) its varied products (vv. 9-11), and (as we know from the Babylonian epic) the “firmament” or “platform” of the heaven were to appear. This earth-matter is called “tōhu and bōhu”; there is nothing like this phrase in the epic, but we may infer from Jer. iv. 23, where the same phrase occurs, that it means “devoid of living things.” For a commentary on this see the opening of the Babylonian account referred to above, which refers to the period of chaos as one in which there were neither reeds nor trees, and where “the lands altogether were sea.” As to the creative acts, we may admit that the creation of light does not form one of them in the epic (cf. Gen. i. 3), but the existence of light apart from the sun is presupposed; Marduk the creator is in fact a god of light. Nor ought we to find a discrepancy between the Babylonian and the Hebrew accounts in the creation of the heavenly bodies after the plants, related in Gen. i. 14-18. For the position of this creative act is due to the necessity of bringing all the divine acts into the framework of six working days. On the whole, the Hebrew statement of the successive stages of creation corresponds so nearly to that in the Babylonian epic that we are bound to assume that one has been influenced by the other. And if we are asked, “Which is the more original?” we answer by appealing to the well-established fact of the profound influence of Babylonian culture upon Canaan in remote times (see Canaan). An important element in this culture would be mythic representations of the origin of things, such as the Babylonian Creation and Deluge-stories in various forms. Indeed, not only Canaan but all the neighbouring regions must have been pervaded by Babylonian views of the universe and its origin. Myths of origins there must indeed have been in those countries before Babylonian influence became so overpowering, but, if so, these myths must have become recast when the great Teacher of the Nations half-attracted and half-compelled attention. More than this we need not assert. Zimmern’s somewhat different treatment of the subject in Ency. Biblica, “Creation,” § 4, may be compared.

But we are far from having exhausted the evidence of Babylonian influence on the Hebrew creation story. The description of chaos in verse 2 not only mentions the great water (tĕhōm), but also refers to the earth—specifically, the earth-material from which the earth and its various products (vv. 9-11) were to emerge. Additionally, as we know from the Babylonian epic, the “firmament” or “platform” of heaven was to appear. This earth-material is referred to as “tōhu and bōhu”; while this phrase does not appear in the epic, we can infer from Jeremiah 4:23, where the same phrase occurs, that it means “devoid of living things.” For commentary on this, see the beginning of the Babylonian account mentioned earlier, which describes the period of chaos as one lacking reeds and trees, where “the lands altogether were sea.” Regarding the creative acts, we can acknowledge that the creation of light is not included in the epic (cf. Gen. i. 3), but the existence of light apart from the sun is assumed; Marduk, the creator, is indeed a god of light. We should not find a discrepancy between the Babylonian and Hebrew accounts regarding the creation of heavenly bodies after the plants, as described in Gen. i. 14-18. The order of this creative act is due to the need to fit all the divine acts within the structure of six working days. Overall, the Hebrew description of the successive stages of creation aligns so closely with that in the Babylonian epic that we must assume one has influenced the other. When asked, “Which is the more original?” we point to the well-established fact of the deep influence of Babylonian culture on Canaan in ancient times (see Canaan). A key aspect of this culture would be mythic depictions of the origins of things, like the Babylonian Creation and Deluge stories in various forms. In fact, not only Canaan but all the neighboring regions must have been infused with Babylonian perspectives on the universe and its origins. Myths of origins likely existed in those areas before Babylonian influence became so dominant, but if that’s the case, these myths must have been reshaped when the great Teacher of the Nations caught attention, both compelling and attracting it. More than this, we need not claim. Zimmern’s somewhat different approach to the topic in Ency. Biblica, “Creation,” § 4, may be consulted for comparison.

Popular writers are in some danger of misrepresenting this important result. It is tempting, but incorrect, to suppose that a docile Israelitish writer accepted one of the chief forms of the Babylonian cosmogony, merely omitting its polytheism and substituting “Yahweh” for “Marduk.” As we have seen, various myths of Creation may have been current both in N. Arabia (whence the Israelites may have come) and in Canaan prior to the great extension of Babylonian influence. These myths doubtless had peculiarities of their own. From one of them may have come that remarkable statement in Gen. i. 2b, “and the spirit of God (Elohim) was hovering over the face of the waters,” which, until we find some similar myth nearer home, is best illustrated and explained by a Polynesian myth (see Cheyne, Traditions and Beliefs of Ancient Israel, ad loc.). It is also probably to a non-Babylonian source that we owe the prescription of vegetarian or herb diet in Gen. i. 29, 30, which has a Zoroastrian parallel26 and is evidently based on a myth of the Golden Age, independent of the Babylonian cosmogony. Gen. i., therefore, has not, as it stands, been directly borrowed from Babylonia, and yet the infused Babylonian element is so considerable that the story is, in a purely formal aspect, much more Babylonian than either Israelitish or Canaanitish or N. Arabian. We say “in a purely formal aspect,” because the strictness with which Babylonian mythic elements have been adapted in Gen. i. to the wants of a virtually monotheistic community is in the highest degree remarkable.

Popular writers risk misrepresenting this important outcome. It’s tempting, but incorrect, to think that a compliant Israelite writer just took one of the main versions of Babylonian creation myths, removed its polytheism, and swapped “Marduk” for “Yahweh.” As we've seen, various creation myths might have existed in North Arabia (where the Israelites may have originated) and in Canaan before Babylonian influence spread widely. These myths likely had their unique features. One of them may have inspired that striking line in Gen. i. 2b, “and the spirit of God (Elohim) was hovering over the face of the waters,” which, until we discover a similar myth closer to home, is best illustrated and explained by a Polynesian myth (see Cheyne, Traditions and Beliefs of Ancient Israel, ad loc.). We also likely owe the guideline for a vegetarian or herb diet in Gen. i. 29, 30 to a non-Babylonian source, which has a Zoroastrian parallel26 and is clearly based on a myth of the Golden Age, independent of the Babylonian creation narrative. Thus, Gen. i. has not directly borrowed from Babylonian texts, yet the Babylonian influence is significant enough that, in a purely formal sense, the story appears much more Babylonian than Israelite, Canaanite, or North Arabian. We say “in a purely formal sense,” because the way Babylonian mythic elements have been adapted in Gen. i. to suit a mostly monotheistic audience is exceptionally noteworthy.

On the literary scheme of the Creation-story in Gen. i. see the commentaries (e.g. Dillman’s and Driver’s). On the other Old Testament references to creation, and on the prophetic doctrine of creation, see Ency. Bib., “Creation,” §§ 27-29. On the traces of dragon and serpent myths in the Old Testament and their significance, see Gunkel, Schöpfung und Chaos (1895)—a pioneering work of the highest merit—and Ency. Bib., “Behemoth,” “Dragon,” “Rahab,” “Serpent.” On the connexion of the Creation and the Deluge-stories, see Deluge. Cf. also the article on Babylonian and Assyrian Religion; and Cheyne, Traditions and Beliefs of Ancient Israel (1907).

On the literary structure of the Creation story in Gen. i, check the commentaries (like Dillman’s and Driver’s). For other references to creation in the Old Testament and the prophetic view of creation, see Ency. Bib., “Creation,” §§ 27-29. For insights into dragon and serpent myths in the Old Testament and their significance, refer to Gunkel, Schöpfung und Chaos (1895)—a groundbreaking work of great importance—and Ency. Bib., “Behemoth,” “Dragon,” “Rahab,” “Serpent.” To understand the connection between the Creation and the Deluge stories, see Deluge. Also, check out the article on Babylonian and Assyrian Religion; and Cheyne, Traditions and Beliefs of Ancient Israel (1907).

(T. K. C.)

1 Cf. Miss Harrison, Prolegomena to the Study of Greek Religion, chaps. vi., vii., “The Making of a Goddess and of a God.”

1 See Miss Harrison, Prolegomena to the Study of Greek Religion, chaps. vi., vii., “The Making of a Goddess and of a God.”

2 See Ratzel. Hist. of Mankind, ii. 147-148; Breysig, Die Entstehung des Gottesgedankens (1905), pp. 10-12.

2 See Ratzel. Hist. of Mankind, ii. 147-148; Breysig, Die Entstehung des Gottesgedankens (1905), pp. 10-12.

3 See Chamberlain, Journ. of American Folklore, iv. 208-209 (analysis of Perrot’s account); Brinton, Myths of the New World, pp. 176-179; Breysig, op. cit., pp. 15-20.

3 See Chamberlain, Journ. of American Folklore, iv. 208-209 (analysis of Perrot’s account); Brinton, Myths of the New World, pp. 176-179; Breysig, op. cit., pp. 15-20.

4 On Michabo see Brinton, op. cit. (1876), pp. 176 ff., Essays of an Americanist (1890), p. 132. This scholar holds that “Michabo” has properly nothing to do with “Great Hare,” but should be translated “the Great White One,” i.e. the light of the dawn. The Algonkins, however, thought otherwise, and the myth itself suggests a theriomorphic earth-maker.

4 For information on Michabo, see Brinton, op. cit. (1876), pp. 176 ff., Essays of an Americanist (1890), p. 132. This scholar argues that “Michabo” doesn't actually relate to “Great Hare,” but should be translated as “the Great White One,” meaning the light of dawn. However, the Algonkins had a different perspective, and the myth itself indicates a theriomorphic earth-maker.

5 See Schoolcraft, Myth of Hiawatha (1856), pp. 35-39; and cf. the myth of Manabush, analysed in Journ. of Amer. Folklore, iv. 210-213.

5 See Schoolcraft, Myth of Hiawatha (1856), pp. 35-39; and cf. the myth of Manabush, analyzed in Journ. of Amer. Folklore, iv. 210-213.

6 The latest explanation of Joskeha is “dear little sprout,” and of Tawiscara, “the ice-one,” while Aataentsic becomes “she of the swarthy body.” Hewitt, Journ. of Amer. Folklore, x. 68. Brébeuf (1635) says that Iouskeha gives growth and fair weather (Tylor, Prim. Cult. i. 294).

6 The newest interpretation of Joskeha is “dear little sprout,” and of Tawiscara, “the ice-one,” while Aataentsic translates to “she of the dark body.” Hewitt, Journ. of Amer. Folklore, x. 68. Brébeuf (1635) states that Iouskeha brings growth and good weather (Tylor, Prim. Cult. i. 294).

7 See Jeremias, Das Alte Testament im Lichte des Alten Orients, p. 121, 1; Winckler, Die Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament[3], p. 333.

7 See Jeremias, The Old Testament in the Light of the Ancient Orient, p. 121, 1; Winckler, The Cuneiform Inscriptions and the Old Testament[3], p. 333.

8 Réville, Religions of Mexico and Peru, p. 129.

8 Réville, Religions of Mexico and Peru, p. 129.

9 Garcilasso el Inca, Comment. de los Incas, lib. ii. c. 2; cf. Lang, The Making of Religion, pp. 262-270.

9 Garcilasso el Inca, Comment. de los Incas, lib. ii. c. 2; cf. Lang, The Making of Religion, pp. 262-270.

10 Réville, p. 187.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Réville, p. 187.

11 Réville, p. 158. Garcilasso (lib. i. c. 18) says that Manco Capac “taught the subject nations to be men,” and also founded the imperial city of Cuzco ( = navel).

11 Réville, p. 158. Garcilasso (lib. i. c. 18) says that Manco Capac “taught the people to be civilized” and also established the imperial city of Cuzco (meaning navel).

12 De las antiquas gentes del Peru (ed. 1892), pp. 55, 56.

12 From the Ancient Peoples of Peru (ed. 1892), pp. 55, 56.

13 See especially Waitz-Gerland, Anthropologie der Naturvölker, vi. 229-302; Gill, Myths and Songs of the South Pacific; Schirren, Wandersagen der Neuseeländer; also an older work (Sir George) Grey’s Polynesian Mythology.

13 Check out Waitz-Gerland, Anthropologie der Naturvölker, vi. 229-302; Gill, Myths and Songs of the South Pacific; Schirren, Wandersagen der Neuseeländer; and also an earlier work by Sir George Grey, Polynesian Mythology.

14 See Schirren, op. cit., pp. 64-89.

14 See Schirren, referenced earlier, pages 64-89.

15 J. Muir, Metrical Translations, pp. 188-189.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ J. Muir, Metrical Translations, pp. 188-189.

16 J. Muir, Sanscrit Texts, iv. 26.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ J. Muir, Sanskrit Texts, vol. 4, p. 26.

17 See Tylor, Early History of Mankind, p. 340; Primitive Culture, i. 329; Oldenberg, Religion des Veda, pp. 85 f.

17 See Tylor, Early History of Mankind, p. 340; Primitive Culture, i. 329; Oldenberg, Religion des Veda, pp. 85 f.

18 See Maspero, Dawn of Civilization, p. 127; also Brugoch, Religion und Mythologie der alten Ägypter.

18 See Maspero, Dawn of Civilization, p. 127; also Brugoch, Religion and Mythology of the Ancient Egyptians.

19 See illustration in Maspero, p. 157.

19 See illustration in Maspero, p. 157.

20 See Maspero, pp. 146-147.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ See Maspero, pp. 146-147.

21 Maspero, pp. 160-169.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Maspero, pp. 160-169.

22 See Zoroaster, and cf. Ency. Bib., “Creation,” § 9: “Zoroastrianism,” §§ 20, 21.

22 See Zoroaster, and cf. Ency. Bib., “Creation,” § 9: “Zoroastrianism,” §§ 20, 21.

23 West, Pahlavi Texts (S.B.E.), vol. i., introd. p. xxiii. We need not deny that, late as the Bundahish may be as a whole, the traditions which it contains are often old.

23 West, Pahlavi Texts (S.B.E.), vol. i., introd. p. xxiii. We shouldn't overlook that, despite the Bundahish being relatively recent overall, the traditions it includes are often quite ancient.

24 Fragments of older works are cited by Philo of Byblus (in Eusebius, Praep. Evang. i. 10) and Mochus and Endemus (in Damascius, De primis principiis, c. 125).

24 Fragments of older works are mentioned by Philo of Byblus (in Eusebius, Praep. Evang. i. 10) and Mochus and Endemus (in Damascius, De primis principiis, c. 125).

25 See Jastrow, Religion of Babylonia and Assyria, p. 428.

25 See Jastrow, Religion of Babylonia and Assyria, p. 428.

26 See Bundahish, xv. 2 (S.B.E., v. 53).

26 See Bundahish, xv. 2 (S.B.E., v. 53).


COSMOPOLITAN (Gr. κόσμος, world, and πολίτης, citizen), of or belonging to a “citizen of the world,” i.e. one whose sympathies, interests, whether commercial, political or social, and culture are not confined to the nation or race to which he may belong, opposed therefore to “national” or “insular.” As an attribute the word may be applied to a cultured man of the world, who has travelled widely and is at home in many forms of civilization, to such races as the Jewish, scattered through the civilized world, yet keeping beneath their cosmopolitanism the racial type pure, and also to mark a profound line of cleavage in economic and political thought.

COSMOPOLITAN (Gr. world, world, and citizen, citizen), refers to someone who is a “citizen of the world,” meaning their sympathies, interests—whether in business, politics, or social matters—and culture aren’t limited to the nation or race they belong to, in contrast to being “national” or “insular.” As a characteristic, the term can describe a cultured person who has traveled extensively and feels at home in various civilizations, like the Jewish people, who are spread throughout the civilized world while still maintaining their distinct racial identity beneath their cosmopolitanism, and it also signifies a significant divide in economic and political perspectives.


COSNE, a town of central France, capital of an arrondissement in the department of Nièvre, on the right bank of the Loire at its junction with the Nohain, 37 m. N.N.W. of Nevers by the Paris-Lyon railway. Pop. (1906) town, 5750; commune, 8437. Two suspension bridges unite it to the left bank of the Loire. The church of St Aignan is a building of the 12th century, restored in the 16th and 18th centuries; the only portions in the Romanesque style are the apse and the north-west portal. It formerly belonged to a Benedictine priory depending on the abbey of La Charité (Nièvre). The manufacture of files, flour-milling and tanning are carried on in the town which has a subprefecture, a tribunal of first instance and a communal college. Cosne is mentioned in the Antonine Itinerary under the name of Condate, but it was not till the middle ages that it rose into importance as a military post. In the 12th century the bishop of Auxerre and the count of Nevers agreed to a division of the supremacy over the town and its territory.

COSNE, is a town in central France, serving as the capital of an arrondissement in the Nièvre department, located on the right bank of the Loire at the point where it meets the Nohain, 37 miles N.N.W. of Nevers by the Paris-Lyon railway. Population (1906): town, 5,750; commune, 8,437. Two suspension bridges connect it to the left bank of the Loire. The church of St. Aignan is a 12th-century building that was restored in the 16th and 18th centuries; the only parts that are in Romanesque style are the apse and the north-west portal. It used to belong to a Benedictine priory associated with the abbey of La Charité (Nièvre). The town is engaged in file manufacturing, flour milling, and tanning, and it has a subprefecture, a tribunal of first instance, and a communal college. Cosne is listed in the Antonine Itinerary under the name Condate, but it gained significance as a military post only in the Middle Ages. In the 12th century, the bishop of Auxerre and the count of Nevers agreed to divide control over the town and its territory.


COSSA, LUIGI (1831-1896), Italian economist, was born at Milan on the 27th of May 1831. Educated at the universities of Pavia, Vienna and Leipzig, he was appointed professor of political economy at Pavia in 1858. He died at Pavia on the 10th of May 1896. Cossa was the author of several works which established for him a high reputation; including Scienza delle finanze (1875, English translation 1888 under title Taxation, its Principles and Methods); Guida allo studio dell’ economia politica (1876, English translation 1880), an admirable compendium of the theoretical preliminaries of economics, with a 218 brief critical history of the science and an excellent bibliography; Introduzione allo studio dell’ economia politica, (1876, English translation by L. Dyer, 1893); and Saggi di economia politica, 1878.

COSSA, LUIGI (1831-1896), an Italian economist, was born in Milan on May 27, 1831. He studied at the universities of Pavia, Vienna, and Leipzig, and was appointed professor of political economy at Pavia in 1858. He passed away in Pavia on May 10, 1896. Cossa wrote several influential works that earned him significant recognition, including Scienza delle finanze (1875, English translation 1888 titled Taxation, its Principles and Methods); Guida allo studio dell’ economia politica (1876, English translation 1880), an excellent summary of the theoretical foundations of economics, with a 218 brief critical history of the field and a superb bibliography; Introduzione allo studio dell’ economia politica (1876, English translation by L. Dyer, 1893); and Saggi di economia politica, 1878.


COSSA, PIETRO (1830-1880), Italian dramatist, was born at Rome in 1830, and claimed descent from the family of Pope John XXIII., deposed by the council of Constance. He manifested an independent spirit from his youth, and was expelled from a Jesuit school on the double charge of indocility and patriotism. After fighting for the Roman republic in 1849, he emigrated to South America, but failing to establish himself returned to Italy, and lived precariously as a literary man until 1870, when his reputation was established by the unexpected success of his first acted tragedy, Nero. From this time to his death in 1880 Cossa continued to produce a play a year, usually upon some classical subject. Cleopatra, Messalina, Julian, enjoyed great popularity, and his dramas on subjects derived from Italian history, Rienzi and The Borgias, were also successful. Plautus, a comedy, was preferred by the author himself, and is more original. Cossa had neither the divination which would have enabled him to reconstruct the ancient world, nor the imagination which would have enabled him to idealize it. But he was an energetic writer, never tame or languid, and at the same time able to command the attention of an audience without recourse to melodramatic artifice; while his sonorous verse, if scarcely able to support the ordeal of the closet, is sufficiently near to poetry for the purposes of the stage.

COSSA, PIETRO (1830-1880), an Italian playwright, was born in Rome in 1830 and claimed to be a descendant of Pope John XXIII, who was deposed by the Council of Constance. He showed an independent spirit from a young age and was expelled from a Jesuit school for being unruly and patriotic. After fighting for the Roman Republic in 1849, he moved to South America, but after failing to settle there, he returned to Italy and lived a precarious life as a writer until 1870, when he gained recognition with the unexpected success of his first produced tragedy, Nero. From then until his death in 1880, Cossa continued to write a play each year, typically focused on classical themes. His works Cleopatra, Messalina, and Julian were very popular, while his plays based on Italian history, Rienzi and The Borgias, also found success. Cossa preferred Plautus, a comedy, seeing it as more original. He lacked the insight to recreate the ancient world or the imagination to idealize it. However, he was a dynamic writer, never dull or lifeless, and was able to capture an audience's attention without resorting to melodramatic tricks. His rich verse may not have held up in written form, but it was close enough to poetry for stage purposes.

His collected Teatro poetico was published in 1887.

His collected Teatro poetico was published in 1887.


COSSACKS (Russ. Kazak; plural, Kazaki, from the Turki quzzāq, “adventurer, free-booter”), the name given to considerable portions of the population of the Russian empire, endowed with certain special privileges, and bound in return to give military service, all at a certain age, under special conditions. They constitute ten separate voiskos, settled along the frontiers: Don, Kuban, Terek, Astrakhan, Ural, Orenburg, Siberian, Semiryechensk, Amur and Usuri. The primary unit of this organization is the stanitsa, or village, which holds its land as a commune, and may allow persons who are not Cossacks (excepting Jews) to settle on this land for payment of a certain rent. The assembly of all householders in villages of less than 30 households, and of 30 elected men in villages having from 30 to 300 households (one from each 10 households in the more populous ones), constitutes the village assembly, similar to the mir, but having wider attributes, which assesses the taxes, divides the land, takes measures for the opening and support of schools, village grain-stores, communal cultivation, and so on, and elects its ataman (elder) and its judges, who settle all disputes up to £10 (or above that sum with the consent of both sides). Military service is obligatory for all men, for 20 years, beginning with the age of 18. The first 3 years are passed in the preliminary division, the next 12 in active service, and the last 5 years in the reserve. Every Cossack is bound to procure his own uniform, equipment and horse (if mounted)—the government supplying only the arms. Those on active service are divided into three equal parts according to age, and the first third only is in real service, while the two others stay at home, but are bound to march out as soon as an order is given. The officers are supplied in the usual way by the military schools, in which all Cossack voiskos have their own vacancies, or are non-commissioned Cossack officers, with officers’ grades. In return for this service the Cossacks have received from the state considerable grants of land for each voisko separately.

Cossacks (Russ. Kazak; plural, Kazaki, from the Turki quzzāq, “adventurer, free-booter”), refers to significant parts of the population of the Russian empire, who have specific privileges and, in exchange, are obligated to provide military service at a certain age and under particular conditions. They consist of ten distinct voiskos, located along the borders: Don, Kuban, Terek, Astrakhan, Ural, Orenburg, Siberian, Semiryechensk, Amur, and Usuri. The basic unit of this organization is the stanitsa, or village, which collectively owns its land and may allow non-Cossacks (excluding Jews) to live on this land for a certain rent. The village assembly consists of all householders in villages with fewer than 30 households, and 30 elected men in villages with 30 to 300 households (one from every 10 households in larger villages). This assembly, similar to the mir, has broader powers, including tax assessment, land distribution, arranging for the establishment and support of schools, communal grain storage, cooperative farming, and so on, and elects its ataman (leader) and judges, who resolve disputes involving amounts up to £10 (or more with both sides' agreement). Military service is mandatory for all men for 20 years, starting at age 18. The first 3 years are spent in preliminary training, the following 12 in active duty, and the last 5 in the reserves. Every Cossack must provide his own uniform, gear, and horse (if mounted)—the government only supplies the weapons. Active service members are divided into three equal age groups, with only the first group in actual service while the other two remain at home but must be ready to mobilize when ordered. Officers are typically appointed through military schools, each of which has designated openings for all Cossack voiskos, or are non-commissioned Cossack officers who have attained officer ranks. In exchange for this service, the Cossacks have received substantial land grants from the state for each voisko individually.

The total Cossack population in 1893 was 2,648,049 (1,331,470 women), and they owned nearly 146,500,000 acres of land, of which 105,000,000 acres were arable and 9,400,000 under forests. This land was divided between the stanitsas, at the rate of 81 acres per each soul, with special grants to officers (personal to some of them, in lieu of pensions), and leaving about one-third of the land as a reserve for the future. The income which the Cossack voiskos receive from the lands which they rent to different persons, also from various sources (trade patents, rents of shops, fisheries, permits of gold-digging, &c.), as also from the subsidies they receive from the government (about £712,500 in 1893), is used to cover all the expenses of state and local administration. They have besides a special reserve capital of about £2,600,000. The expenditure of the village administration is covered by village taxes. The general administration is kept separately for each voisko, and differs with the different voiskos. The central administration, at the Ministry of War, is composed of representatives of each voisko, who discuss the proposals of all new laws affecting the Cossacks. In time of war the ten Cossack voiskos are bound to supply 890 mounted sotnias or squadrons (of 125 men each), 108 infantry sotnias or companies (same number), and 236 guns, representing 4267 officers and 177,100 men, with 170,695 horses. In time of peace they keep 314 squadrons, 54 infantry sotnias, and 20 batteries containing 108 guns (2574 officers, 60,532 men, 50,054 horses). Altogether, the Cossacks have 328,705 men ready to take arms in case of need. As a rule, popular education amongst the Cossacks stands at a higher level than in the remainder of Russia. They have more schools and a greater proportion of their children go to school. In addition to agriculture, which (with the exception of the Usuri Cossacks) is sufficient to supply their needs and usually to leave a certain surplus, they carry on extensive cattle and horse breeding, vine culture in Caucasia, fishing on the Don, the Ural, and the Caspian, hunting, bee-culture, &c. The extraction of coal, gold and other minerals which are found on their territories is mostly rented to strangers, who also own most factories.

The total Cossack population in 1893 was 2,648,049 (1,331,470 women), and they owned nearly 146,500,000 acres of land, of which 105,000,000 acres were arable and 9,400,000 were forested. This land was divided among the stanitsas, at a rate of 81 acres for each person, with special grants to some officers (personal to some of them, in lieu of pensions), leaving about one-third of the land as a reserve for the future. The income that the Cossack voiskos receive from the lands they rent out, as well as from other sources (trade patents, shop rents, fisheries, gold-digging permits, etc.), and from the subsidies they receive from the government (about £712,500 in 1893), is used to cover all state and local administration expenses. They also have a special reserve capital of about £2,600,000. The village administration's expenses are supported by village taxes. The general administration is maintained separately for each voisko, and it varies between the different voiskos. The central administration, located at the Ministry of War, consists of representatives from each voisko, who discuss proposals for new laws affecting the Cossacks. During wartime, the ten Cossack voiskos are required to supply 890 mounted sotnias or squadrons (with 125 men each), 108 infantry sotnias or companies (of the same size), and 236 guns, totaling 4,267 officers and 177,100 men, along with 170,695 horses. In peacetime, they maintain 314 squadrons, 54 infantry sotnias, and 20 batteries with 108 guns (comprising 2,574 officers, 60,532 men, and 50,054 horses). Altogether, the Cossacks have 328,705 men ready to take up arms if needed. Generally, the level of popular education among the Cossacks is higher than in the rest of Russia. They have more schools, and a larger proportion of their children attend school. Besides agriculture, which (except for the Usuri Cossacks) is sufficient to meet their needs and usually leaves a surplus, they engage in extensive cattle and horse breeding, vine cultivation in the Caucasus, fishing in the Don, Ural, and Caspian, hunting, beekeeping, etc. The extraction of coal, gold, and other minerals found on their territories is mostly leased to outsiders, who also own most of the factories.

A military organization similar to that of the Cossacks has been introduced into certain districts, which supply a number of mounted infantry sotnias. Their peace-footing is as follows:—Daghestan, 6 regular squadrons and 3 of militia; Kuban Circassians, 1 sotnia; Terek, 8 sotnias; Kars, 3 sotnias; Batum, 2 infantry and 1 mounted sotnia; Turkomans, 3 sotnias; total, 25 squadrons and 2 companies.

A military organization similar to the Cossacks has been established in certain areas, which provide a number of mounted infantry sotnias. Their peacetime structure is as follows:—Daghestan, 6 regular squadrons and 3 militia; Kuban Circassians, 1 sotnia; Terek, 8 sotnias; Kars, 3 sotnias; Batum, 2 infantry and 1 mounted sotnia; Turkomans, 3 sotnias; total, 25 squadrons and 2 companies.

For the origin and history of the Cossacks see Poland: History, and the biographies of Razin, Chmielnicki and Mazepa.

For the origin and history of the Cossacks, see Poland: History, and the biographies of Razin, Chmielnicki, and Mazepa.

(P. A. K.)

COSSIMBAZAR, or Kasimbazar, a decayed town on the river Bhagirathi in the Murshidabad district of Bengal, India, now included in the Berhampur municipality. Pop. (1901) 1262. Though the history of the place cannot be traced back earlier than the 17th century, it was of great importance long before the foundation of Murshidabad. From the first European traders set up factories here, and after the ruin of Satgaon by the silting up of the mouth of the Saraswati it gained a position, as the great trading centre of Bengal, which was not challenged until after the foundation of Calcutta. In 1658 the first English agent was established at Cossimbazar, and in 1667 the chief of the factory there became an ex-officio member of council. In English documents of this period, and till the early 19th century, the Bhagirathi was described as the Cossimbazar river, and the triangular piece of land between the Bhagirathi, Padma and Jalangi, on which the city stands, as the island of Cossimbazar. The proximity of the factory to Murshidabad, the Mahommedan capital, while it was the main source of its wealth and of its political importance, exposed it to constant danger. Thus in 1757 it was the first to be taken by Suraj-ud-dowlah, the nawab; ana the resident with his assistant (Warren Hastings) were taken as prisoners to Murshidabad.

Cossimbazar, or Kasimbazar, a rundown town on the river Bhagirathi in the Murshidabad district of Bengal, India, is now part of the Berhampur municipality. Pop. (1901) 1262. Although the history of the place doesn't go back further than the 17th century, it was quite significant long before the foundation of Murshidabad. From the time the first European traders established factories here, and after Satgaon fell into ruin because the mouth of the Saraswati silted up, it became the major trading center of Bengal, a status that wouldn't be challenged until after Calcutta was founded. In 1658, the first English agent was set up at Cossimbazar, and in 1667, the head of the factory there became an ex-officio member of the council. In English documents from this period, and until the early 19th century, the Bhagirathi was referred to as the Cossimbazar river, and the triangular piece of land between the Bhagirathi, Padma, and Jalangi, where the city stands, was described as the island of Cossimbazar. The close proximity of the factory to Murshidabad, the Muslim capital, while it was the main source of its wealth and political importance, also made it vulnerable to constant danger. Thus, in 1757, it was the first to be captured by Suraj-ud-dowlah, the nawab; and the resident along with his assistant (Warren Hastings) were taken as prisoners to Murshidabad.

At the beginning of the 19th century the city still flourished; so late as 1811 it was described as famous for its silks, hosiery, koras and beautiful ivory work. But an insidious change in its once healthy climate had begun to work its decay; the area of cultivated land round it had shrunk to vanishing point, jungle haunted by wild beasts taking its place; and in 1813 its ruin was completed by a sudden change in the course of the Bhagirathi, which formed a new channel 3 m. from the old town, leaving an evil-smelling swamp around the ancient wharves. Of its splendid buildings the fine palace of the maharaja of Cossimbazar alone remains, the rest being in ruins or represented only by great mounds of earth. The first wife of Warren Hastings was buried at Cossimbazar, where her tomb with its inscription still remains.

At the start of the 19th century, the city was still thriving; as late as 1811, it was known for its silks, hosiery, koras, and stunning ivory creations. However, a subtle change in its previously healthy climate had begun to bring about its decline; the area of cultivated land surrounding it had diminished to almost nothing, with jungle populated by wild animals taking over. In 1813, its downfall was finalized by a sudden shift in the course of the Bhagirathi River, which created a new channel just 3 meters from the old town, leaving a foul-smelling swamp around the historic docks. Of its magnificent buildings, only the grand palace of the maharaja of Cossimbazar still stands, while the others are in ruins or marked only by large mounds of earth. The first wife of Warren Hastings was buried in Cossimbazar, where her tomb with its inscription still exists.

See Imp. Gaz. of India (Oxford, 1908), s.v.

See Imp. Gaz. of India (Oxford, 1908), s.v.

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COSTA, GIOVANNI (1826-1903), Italian painter, was born in Rome. He fought under Garibaldi in 1848, and served as a volunteer in the war of 1859; and his enthusiasm for Italian unity was actively shown again in 1870, when he was the first to mount the breach in the assault of Rome near the Porta Pia. He had settled meanwhile at Florence, where his fight for the independence of art from worn-out traditions was no less strenuous, and he became known as a landscape-painter of remarkable originality, and of great influence in the return to minute observation of nature. He had many English friends and followers, notably Matthew Ridley Corbet (1850-1902), and Lord Carlisle, and was closely associated with Corot and the Barbizon school. In later years he lived and worked mainly in Rome, where his studio was an important centre. An exhibition of his pictures was held in London in 1904, and he is represented in the Tate Gallery. He died at Rome in 1903.

COSTA, GIOVANNI (1826-1903), Italian painter, was born in Rome. He fought alongside Garibaldi in 1848 and served as a volunteer during the war of 1859; his passion for Italian unity was evident again in 1870 when he was the first to breach the wall during the assault on Rome near Porta Pia. He had meanwhile settled in Florence, where he fought vigorously for the independence of art from outdated traditions and became known as a remarkably original landscape painter with significant influence in the movement toward closely observing nature. He had many English friends and followers, including Matthew Ridley Corbet (1850-1902) and Lord Carlisle, and was closely associated with Corot and the Barbizon school. In his later years, he primarily lived and worked in Rome, where his studio became an important hub. An exhibition of his works was held in London in 1904, and he is represented in the Tate Gallery. He died in Rome in 1903.

See also Madame Agresti’s Giovanni Costa (1904).

See also Madame Agresti’s Giovanni Costa (1904).


COSTA, LORENZO (1460-1535), Italian painter, was born at Ferrara, but went in early life to Bologna and ranks with the Bolognese school. In 1438 he painted his famous “Madonna and Child with the Bentivoglio family,” and other frescoes, on the walls of the Bentivoglio chapel in San Giacomo Maggiore, and he followed this with many other works. He was a great friend of Francia, who was much influenced by him. In 1509 he went to Mantua, where his patron was the Marquis Francesco Gonzaga, and he eventually died there. His “Madonna and Child enthroned” is in the National Gallery, London, but his chief works are at Bologna. His sons, Ippolito (1506-1561) and Girolamo, were also painters, and so was Girolamo’s son Lorenzo the younger (1537-1583).

COSTA, LORENZO (1460-1535), an Italian painter, was born in Ferrara but moved to Bologna at an early age, becoming associated with the Bolognese school. In 1438, he created his well-known “Madonna and Child with the Bentivoglio family,” along with other frescoes on the walls of the Bentivoglio chapel in San Giacomo Maggiore, and he continued to produce many other works. He was a close friend of Francia, who was greatly influenced by him. In 1509, he traveled to Mantua, where his patron was Marquis Francesco Gonzaga, and he eventually passed away there. His “Madonna and Child enthroned” is in the National Gallery in London, but his most significant works are in Bologna. His sons, Ippolito (1506-1561) and Girolamo, were also painters, as was Girolamo’s son, Lorenzo the younger (1537-1583).


COSTA, SIR MICHAEL ANDREW AGNUS (1808-1884), British musical conductor and composer, the son of Cavalière Pasquale Costa, a Spaniard, was born at Naples on the 14th of February 1808. Here he became at an early age a scholar at the Royal College of Music. His cantata L’Immagine was composed when he was fifteen. In 1826 he wrote his first opera Il Delitto Punito; in 1827 another opera Il sospetto funesto. To this period belong also his oratorio La Passione, a grand Mass for four voices, a Dixit Dominus, and three symphonies. The opera Il Carcere d’Ildegonda was composed in 1828 for the Teatro Nuovo, and in 1829 Costa wrote his Malvina for Barbaja, the impresario of San Carlo. In this latter year he visited Birmingham to conduct Zingarelli’s Cantata Sacra, a setting of some verses from Isaiah ch. xii. Instead, however, of conducting, he sang the tenor part. In 1830 he settled in London, having a connexion with the King’s theatre. His ballet Kenilworth was written in 1831, the ballet Une Heure à Naples in 1832, and the ballet Sir Huon (composed for Taglioni) in 1833. In this latter year he wrote his famous quartet Ecco quel fiero istante. Malek Adhel, an opera, was produced in Paris in 1837. In 1842 he wrote the ballet music of Alma for Cerito, and in 1844 his opera Don Carlos was produced in London. Costa became a naturalized Englishman and received the honour of knighthood in 1869. He conducted the opera at Her Majesty’s from 1832 till 1846, when he seceded to the Italian Opera at Covent Garden; he was conductor of the Philharmonic Society from 1846 to 1854, of the Sacred Harmonic Society from 1848, and of the Birmingham festival from 1849. In 1855 Costa wrote Eli, and in 1864 Naaman, both for Birmingham. Meanwhile he had conducted the Bradford (1853) and Handel festivals (1857-1880), and the Leeds festivals from 1874 to 1880. On the 29th of April 1884 he died at Brighton. Costa was the great conductor of his day, but both his musical and his human sympathies were somewhat limited; his compositions have passed into oblivion, with the exception of the least admirable of them—his arrangement of the national anthem.

COSTA, SIR MICHAEL ANDREW AGNUS (1808-1884), British musical conductor and composer, the son of Cavalière Pasquale Costa, a Spaniard, was born in Naples on February 14, 1808. He became a student at the Royal College of Music at a young age. His cantata L’Immagine was composed when he was fifteen. In 1826, he wrote his first opera Il Delitto Punito; in 1827, another opera Il sospetto funesto. This period also included his oratorio La Passione, a grand Mass for four voices, a Dixit Dominus, and three symphonies. The opera Il Carcere d’Ildegonda was composed in 1828 for the Teatro Nuovo, and in 1829, Costa wrote his Malvina for Barbaja, the impresario of San Carlo. In the same year, he visited Birmingham to conduct Zingarelli's Cantata Sacra, a setting of some verses from Isaiah ch. xii. Instead of conducting, however, he sang the tenor part. In 1830, he settled in London, getting involved with the King’s theatre. His ballet Kenilworth was written in 1831, the ballet Une Heure à Naples in 1832, and the ballet Sir Huon (composed for Taglioni) in 1833. In that year, he wrote his famous quartet Ecco quel fiero istante. Malek Adhel, an opera, premiered in Paris in 1837. In 1842, he composed the ballet music for Alma for Cerito, and in 1844, his opera Don Carlos premiered in London. Costa became a naturalized Englishman and was knighted in 1869. He conducted opera at Her Majesty’s from 1832 to 1846, when he moved to the Italian Opera at Covent Garden; he served as conductor of the Philharmonic Society from 1846 to 1854, of the Sacred Harmonic Society from 1848, and of the Birmingham festival from 1849. In 1855, Costa wrote Eli, and in 1864, Naaman, both for Birmingham. Meanwhile, he conducted the Bradford festival (1853), the Handel festivals (1857-1880), and the Leeds festivals from 1874 to 1880. He died on April 29, 1884, in Brighton. Costa was the leading conductor of his time, but both his musical and human connections were somewhat limited; his compositions have largely been forgotten, except for his arrangement of the national anthem, which is among the least noteworthy of them.


COSTAKI, ANTHOPOULOS (1835-1902), Turkish pasha, was born in 1835. He became a professor at the Turkish naval college; then entered the legal branch of the Turkish service, rising to the post of procureur impérial at the court of cassation. He was governor-general of Crete; and in 1895 was appointed Ottoman ambassador in London, a post which he continued to hold until his death at Constantinople in 1902. He bore throughout his career the reputation of an intelligent and upright public servant.

COSTAKI, ANTHOPOULOS (1835-1902), a Turkish pasha, was born in 1835. He became a professor at the Turkish naval college and then moved into the legal branch of the Turkish government, rising to the position of procureur impérial at the court of cassation. He served as the governor-general of Crete and in 1895 was appointed as the Ottoman ambassador in London, a role he held until his death in Constantinople in 1902. Throughout his career, he was known as an intelligent and honest public servant.


COSTANZO, ANGELO DI (c 1507-1591), Italian historian and poet, was born at Naples about 1507. He lived in a literary circle, and fell in love with the beautiful Vittoria Colonna. His great work, Le Istorie del regno di Napoli dal 1250 fino al 1498, first appeared at Naples in 1572, and was the fruit of thirty or forty years’ labour; but nine more years were devoted to the task before it was issued in its final form at Aquila (1581). It is still one of the best histories of Naples, and the style is distinguished by clearness, simplicity and elegance. The Rime of di Costanzo are remarkable for finical taste, for polish and frequent beauty of expression, and for strict obedience to the poetical canons of his time.

COSTANZO, ANGELO DI (c 1507-1591), Italian historian and poet, was born in Naples around 1507. He was part of a literary community and fell in love with the beautiful Vittoria Colonna. His major work, Le Istorie del regno di Napoli dal 1250 fino al 1498, was first published in Naples in 1572 and was the result of thirty to forty years of effort; however, he spent another nine years refining it before it was released in its final version in Aquila (1581). It remains one of the best histories of Naples, noted for its clarity, simplicity, and elegance. The Rime by di Costanzo are distinguished by meticulous taste, refinement, frequent beauty of expression, and strict adherence to the poetic standards of his time.

See G. Tiraboschi, Storia della letteratura italiana, vol. vii. (Florence, 1812).

See G. Tiraboschi, History of Italian Literature, vol. vii. (Florence, 1812).


COSTA RICA, a republic of Central America, bounded on the N. by Nicaragua, E. by the Caribbean Sea, S.E. and S. by Panama, S.W., W. and N.W. by the Pacific Ocean. (For map, see Central America.) The territory thus enclosed has an area of about 18,500 sq. m., and may be roughly described as an elevated tableland, intersected by lofty mountain ranges, with their main axis trending from N.W. to S.E. It is fringed, along the coasts, by low-lying marshes and lagoons, alternating with tracts of rich soil and wastes of sand.

COSTA RICA, is a republic in Central America, bordered to the north by Nicaragua, to the east by the Caribbean Sea, to the southeast and south by Panama, and to the southwest, west, and northwest by the Pacific Ocean. (For map, see Central America.) The enclosed territory covers about 18,500 square miles and can be roughly described as an elevated plateau, crossed by high mountain ranges, with the main axis running from northwest to southeast. Along the coasts, it is bordered by low-lying marshes and lagoons, mixed with areas of fertile soil and stretches of sand.

Physical Description.—The northern frontier, drawn 2 m. S. of the southern shores of the river San Juan and of Lake Nicaragua, terminates at Salinas Bay on the Pacific; its southern frontier skirts the valley of the Sixola or Tiliri, strikes south-east along the crests of the Talamanca Mountains as far as 9° N., and then turns sharply south, ending in Burica Point. The monotonous Atlantic littoral is unbroken by any large inlet or estuary, and thus contrasts in a striking manner with the varied outlines of the Pacific coast, which includes the three bold promontories of Nicoya, Golfo Dulce and Burica, besides the broad sweep of Coronada Bay and several small harbours. The Gulf of Nicoya, a shallow landlocked inlet, containing a whole archipelago of richly-wooded islets, derives its name from Nicoya, an Indian chief who, with his tribe, was here converted to Christianity in the 16th century. It is famous for its purple-yielding murex, pearls and mother-of-pearl. The Golfo Dulce has an average depth of 100 fathoms and contains no islands. Two volcanic Cordilleras or mountain chains, separated from one another by the central plateau of San José and Cartago, traverse the interior of Costa Rica, and form a single watershed, often precipitous on its Pacific slope, but descending more gradually towards the Atlantic, where there is a broad expanse of plain in the north-east. The more northerly range, in which volcanic disturbances on a great scale have been comparatively recent, extends transversely across the country, from a point a little south of Salinas Bay, to the headland of Carreta, the southern extremity of the Atlantic seaboard, also known as Monkey Point. Its direction changes from south-east to east-south-east opposite to the entrance into the Gulf of Nicoya, where it is cut into two sections by a depression some 20 m. wide. At first it is rather a succession of isolated volcanic cones than a continuous ridge, the most conspicuous peaks being Orosi (5185 ft.), the four-crested Rincon de la Vieja (4500), Miravalles (4698) and Tenorio (6800). In this region it is known as the Sierra de Tilaran. Then succeed the Cerros de los Guatusos, a highland stretching for more than 50 m. without a single volcano. Poas (8895), the scene of a violent eruption in 1834, begins a fresh series of igneous peaks, some with flooded craters, some with a constant escape of smoke and vapour. From Irazú (11,200), the culminating point of the range, both oceans and the whole of Costa Rica are visible; its altitude exceeds that of Aneto, the highest point in the Pyrenees, but so gradual is its acclivity that the summit can easily be reached by a man on horseback. Turialba (10,910), adjoining Irazú on the east, was in eruption in 1866. Its name, though probably of Indian origin, is sometimes written Turrialba, and connected with the Latin Turris Alba, “White Tower.” The more southerly of 220 the two Costa Rican ranges, known as the Cordillera de Talamanca, rises south of the Gulf of Nicoya, and extends midway between the two oceans towards the south-east. It follows exactly the curve of the mainland, and is continued into Panama, under the name of the Cordillera de Chiriqui. Its chief summits are Chirripo Grande (11,485), the loftiest in the whole country, Buena Vista (10,820), Ujum (8695), Pico Blanco (9645) and Rovalo (7050), on the borders of Panama. Throughout the volcanic area earthquakes and landslides are of frequent occurrence.

Physical Description.—The northern border, located 2 miles south of the southern shores of the San Juan River and Lake Nicaragua, ends at Salinas Bay on the Pacific. The southern border runs along the valley of the Sixola or Tiliri, moves southeast along the ridges of the Talamanca Mountains up to 9° N, and then sharply turns south, ending at Burica Point. The flat Atlantic coastline has no large inlets or estuaries, which creates a stark contrast with the varied shapes of the Pacific coast, which features the three prominent points of Nicoya, Golfo Dulce, and Burica, in addition to the broad curve of Coronada Bay and several small harbors. The Gulf of Nicoya, a shallow, enclosed bay filled with a whole group of lushly wooded islets, is named after Nicoya, an Indian chief who, along with his tribe, converted to Christianity in the 16th century. It is known for its purple murex, pearls, and mother-of-pearl. Golfo Dulce has an average depth of 100 fathoms and has no islands. Two volcanic ranges, or mountain chains, separated by the central plateau of San José and Cartago, run through the interior of Costa Rica and create a single watershed, which is often steep on its Pacific side but has a more gradual slope towards the Atlantic, where there is a wide expanse of plain in the northeast. The more northern range, where major volcanic activity has occurred relatively recently, runs transversely across the country from a point just south of Salinas Bay to the Carreta headland, the southern end of the Atlantic coast, also called Monkey Point. Its direction shifts from southeast to east-southeast opposite the entrance to the Gulf of Nicoya, where it is divided into two sections by a depression about 20 miles wide. Initially, it resembles a series of isolated volcanic cones rather than a continuous ridge, with the most notable peaks being Orosi (5185 ft.), the four-crested Rincon de la Vieja (4500 ft.), Miravalles (4698 ft.), and Tenorio (6800 ft.). In this area, it is called the Sierra de Tilaran. Next are the Cerros de los Guatusos, a highland stretching for over 50 miles without a single volcano. Poas (8895 ft.), site of a violent eruption in 1834, begins a new series of volcanic peaks, some with flooded craters and others with constant smoke and vapor. From Irazú (11,200 ft.), the highest point of the range, both oceans and all of Costa Rica are visible; its elevation is greater than that of Aneto, the highest point in the Pyrenees, but its gentle slope makes the summit easily accessible for someone on horseback. Turialba (10,910 ft.), located east of Irazú, erupted in 1866. Although its name is probably of Indian origin, it is sometimes spelled Turrialba and linked to the Latin Turris Alba, meaning “White Tower.” The southernmost of the two Costa Rican ranges, known as the Cordillera de Talamanca, rises south of the Gulf of Nicoya and extends southeastward midway between the two oceans. It follows the curve of the mainland and continues into Panama as the Cordillera de Chiriqui. Its main peaks include Chirripo Grande (11,485 ft.), the tallest in the country, Buena Vista (10,820 ft.), Ujum (8695 ft.), Pico Blanco (9645 ft.), and Rovalo (7050 ft.) on the border with Panama. Throughout the volcanic area, earthquakes and landslides frequently occur.

The narrowness of the level ground between the mountains and the sea renders almost impossible the formation of any navigable river. The most important streams are those of the Atlantic seaboard, notably the San Juan, which drains Lake Nicaragua. Issuing from the lake within Nicaraguan territory, the San Juan has a course of 95 m., mostly along the frontier, to the Colorado Mouth, which is its main outfall, and belongs wholly to Costa Rica. Its chief right-hand tributaries are the San Carlos and Sarapiqui. The Reventazon, or Parismina, flows from the central plateau to the Caribbean Sea; despite the shortness of its valley, its volume is considerable, owing to the prevalence of moist trade-winds near its sources. Six small streams and one large river, the Rio Frio, flow across the northern frontier into Lake Nicaragua. On the Pacific coast all the rivers are rapid and liable to sudden floods. None is large, although three bear the prefix Rio Grande, “great river.” The Tempisque enters the Pacific at the head of the Gulf of Nicoya, and tends to silt up that already shallow inlet (5-10 fathoms) with its alluvial deposits. The Rio Grande de Tarcoles also enters the gulf, and the Rio Grande de Pirris and Rio Grande de Terrabis or Diquis flow into Coronada Bay. The Rio Grande de Tarcoles rises close to the Ochomogo Pass and the sources of the Reventazon, at the base of Irazú; and the headwaters of these two streams indicate precisely the depression in the central plateau which severs the northern from the southern mountains.

The narrow stretch of flat land between the mountains and the sea makes it nearly impossible for any navigable river to form. The most significant rivers are on the Atlantic coast, especially the San Juan, which drains Lake Nicaragua. Starting from the lake in Nicaragua, the San Juan travels 95 km, mostly along the border, to the Colorado Mouth, its main outlet, which is entirely in Costa Rica. Its major right-side tributaries are the San Carlos and Sarapiqui. The Reventazon, or Parismina, flows from the central plateau to the Caribbean Sea; despite having a short valley, it has a large volume because of the moist trade winds near its source. Six small streams and one large river, the Rio Frio, cross the northern border into Lake Nicaragua. On the Pacific coast, all rivers are fast and prone to sudden flooding. None are large, even though three are called Rio Grande, meaning "great river." The Tempisque flows into the Pacific at the head of the Gulf of Nicoya and tends to fill up that already shallow inlet (5-10 fathoms) with its sediment. The Rio Grande de Tarcoles also flows into the gulf, while the Rio Grande de Pirris and Rio Grande de Terrabis, or Diquis, enter Coronada Bay. The Rio Grande de Tarcoles originates near the Ochomogo Pass and the sources of the Reventazon, at the foot of Irazú; the headwaters of these two rivers highlight the dip in the central plateau that separates the northern and southern mountains.

Costa Rica is not differentiated from the neighbouring lands by any very marked peculiarities of geological formation, or of plant and animal life. Its geology, flora and fauna are therefore described under Central America (q.v.).

Costa Rica doesn't stand out from the surrounding areas with any significant differences in geological features, or in plant and animal life. Its geology, flora, and fauna are discussed under Central America (see there).

Climate.—Owing to the proximity of two oceans, and the varied configuration of the surface of Costa Rica, an area of a few square miles may exhibit the most striking extremes of climate; but, over the entire country, it is possible to distinguish three climatic zones—tropical, temperate and cold. These generally succeed one another as the altitude increases, although the heat is greater at the same elevation on the Pacific than on the Atlantic coast. It is, however, less oppressive, as cool breezes prevail and damp is comparatively rare. The tropical zone comprises the coast and the foothills, and ranges, in its mean annual temperature, from 72° F. to 82°. In the San José plateau (3000-5000 ft.), which is the most densely populated portion of the temperate zone, the average is 68°, with an average variation for all seasons of only 5°. Above 7500 ft. frosts are frequent, but snow rarely falls. The wet season, lasting during the prevalence of the south-west monsoon, from April to December, is clearly defined on the Pacific slope. It is curiously interrupted by a fortnight of dry weather, known as the Veranillo de San Juan, in June. Towards the Atlantic the trade-winds may bring rain in any month. Winter lasts from December to February. The normal rainfall is about 80 in., but as cloud-bursts are common, it may rise to 150 in. or even more. Rheumatism on the Atlantic seaboard, and malaria on both coasts, are the commonest forms of disease; but, as a whole, Costa Rica is one of the healthiest of tropical lands.

Climate.—Due to its location near two oceans and the varied landscape of Costa Rica, a small area can experience dramatic differences in climate; however, across the entire country, three climatic zones can be identified—tropical, temperate, and cold. These generally follow one another as the altitude increases, although the heat is typically higher at the same elevation on the Pacific coast compared to the Atlantic coast. The Pacific coast also feels less stifling, thanks to cool breezes and relatively low humidity. The tropical zone includes the coast and foothills, with average annual temperatures ranging from 72° F to 82° F. In the San José plateau (3,000-5,000 ft.), which is the most populated part of the temperate zone, the average temperature is 68°, with only a 5° variation throughout the seasons. Frost occurs frequently above 7,500 ft., but snow is rare. The wet season, driven by the southwest monsoon, lasts from April to December and is clearly defined on the Pacific side. It is interestingly interrupted by a two-week dry spell known as the Veranillo de San Juan in June. On the Atlantic side, trade winds can bring rain at any time. Winter runs from December to February. The average rainfall is about 80 inches, but due to common cloudbursts, it can exceed 150 inches or more. Common diseases include rheumatism on the Atlantic coast and malaria on both coasts; however, overall, Costa Rica is one of the healthiest tropical countries.

Population.—In 1904, according to the official returns, the total population numbered 331,340; having increased by more than one-fourth in a decade. Spanish, with various modifications of dialect, and the introduction of many Indian words, is the principal language; and the majority of the inhabitants claim descent from the Spanish colonists—chiefly Galicians—who came hither during the 16th and subsequent centuries. The percentage of Spanish blood is greater than in the other Central American republics; but there is also a large population of half-castes (ladinos or mestizos) due to intermarriage with native Indians. The resident foreigners, who are mostly Spaniards, Italians, Germans and British subjects, numbered less than 8000 in 1904; immigration is, however, encouraged by the easy terms on which land can be purchased from the state. The native Indians, though exterminated in many districts, and civilized in others, remain in a condition of complete savagery along parts of the Nicaraguan border, where they are known as Prazos or Guatusos, in the Talamanca country and elsewhere. Their numbers may be estimated at 4000. They are a quiet and inoffensive folk, who dwell in stockaded encampments, and preserve their ancestral language and customs. For an account of early Indian civilization in Costa Rica, see Central America: Archaeology. The Mosquito Indians come every summer to fish for turtle off the Atlantic coast. As only 200 negroes were settled in Costa Rica when slavery was abolished in 1824, and no important increase ever took place through immigration, the black population is remarkably small, amounting only to some 1200.

Population.—In 1904, according to official records, the total population was 331,340, having increased by more than a quarter in just a decade. Spanish, with various dialects and many borrowed Indian words, is the main language spoken. Most of the inhabitants trace their ancestry back to Spanish colonists—mainly Galicians—who arrived during the 16th century and later. The percentage of Spanish ancestry is higher here than in other Central American countries; however, there is also a significant population of mixed heritage (ladinos or mestizos) resulting from intermarriage with Indigenous Indians. The number of resident foreigners, primarily Spaniards, Italians, Germans, and British subjects, was less than 8,000 in 1904; nevertheless, immigration is encouraged due to the favorable conditions for purchasing land from the government. The Indigenous Indians, though decimated in some areas and assimilated in others, still live in a completely wild state in parts of the Nicaraguan border, where they are known as Prazos or Guatusos, as well as in the Talamanca region and other locations. Their estimated population is around 4,000. They are a peaceful and non-confrontational people, residing in fortified camps and maintaining their traditional language and customs. For details on early Indigenous civilization in Costa Rica, see Central America: Archaeology. The Mosquito Indians come each summer to fish for turtles off the Atlantic coast. Since only 200 Black people were settled in Costa Rica when slavery ended in 1824 and there was no significant increase from immigration, the Black population remains notably small, totaling about 1,200.

Chief Towns and Communications.—The whites are congregated in or near the chief towns, which include the capital, San José (pop. 1904 about 24,500), the four provincial capitals of Alajuela (4860), Cartago (4536), Heredia (7151) and Liberia or Guanacaste (2831), with the seaportsof Puntarenas (3569), on the Pacific, and Limon (3171) on the Atlantic. These, with the exception of Heredia and Liberia, are described in separate articles. The transcontinental railway from Limon to Puntarenas was begun in 1871, and forms the nucleus of a system intended ultimately to connect all the fertile parts of the country, and to join the railways of Nicaragua and Panama. It skirts the Atlantic coast as far as the small port of Matina; thence it passes inland to Reventazon, and bifurcates to cross the northern mountains; one branch going north of Irazú, while the other traverses the Ochomogo Pass. At San José these lines reunite, and the railway is continued to Alajuela, the small Pacific port of Tivives, and Puntarenas. The railways are owned partly by the state, partly by the Costa Rica railway company, which, in 1904, arranged to build several branch lines through the banana districts of the Atlantic littoral. Apart from the main lines of communication the roads are very rough, often mere tracks; and the principal means of transport are ox-carts or pack-mules. The postal and telegraphic services are also somewhat inadequate.

Chief Towns and Communications.—The white population lives mostly in or near the main towns, including the capital, San José (population in 1904 about 24,500), and the four provincial capitals of Alajuela (4,860), Cartago (4,536), Heredia (7,151), and Liberia or Guanacaste (2,831), along with the ports of Puntarenas (3,569) on the Pacific and Limon (3,171) on the Atlantic. With the exception of Heredia and Liberia, these are discussed in separate articles. The transcontinental railway from Limon to Puntarenas was started in 1871 and is meant to be the central part of a system that will eventually connect all the fertile areas of the country and link the railways of Nicaragua and Panama. It runs along the Atlantic coast to the small port of Matina; then it goes inland to Reventazon and splits to cross the northern mountains, with one branch going north of Irazú and the other passing through the Ochomogo Pass. At San José, these lines come back together, and the railway continues to Alajuela, the small Pacific port of Tivives, and Puntarenas. The railways are partly owned by the state and partly by the Costa Rica railway company, which, in 1904, planned to build several branch lines through the banana-growing regions along the Atlantic coast. Aside from the main transportation routes, the roads are quite rough, often just paths; and the primary means of transportation are ox-carts or pack mules. The postal and telegraph services are also somewhat lacking.

Agriculture and Industries.—The name “Costa Rica,” meaning “rich coast,” is well deserved; for, owing to the combination of ample sunshine and moisture with a wonderfully fertile soil, almost any kind of fruit or flower can be successfully cultivated; while the vast tracts of virgin forest, which remain along the Atlantic slopes, contain an abundance of cedar, mahogany, rosewood, rubber and ebony, with fustic and other precious dye-woods. The country is essentially agricultural, and owes its political stability to the presence of a large class of peasant proprietors, who number more than two-thirds of the population. Coffee, first planted in 1838, is grown chiefly on the plateau of San José. The special adaptability of this region to its growth is attributed to the nature of the soil, which consists of layers of black or dark-brown volcanic ash, varying in depth from 1 to 6 yds. Bananas are grown over a large and increasing area; rice, maize, barley, potatoes and beans are cultivated to some extent in the interior; cocoa, vanilla, sugar-cane, cotton and indigo are products of the warm coast-lands, but are hardly raised in sufficient quantities to meet the local demand. Stock-farming, a relatively undeveloped industry, tends to become more important, owing to the assistance which the state renders by the importation of horses, cattle, sheep and swine, from Europe and the United States, in order to improve the native breeds. In the south-east farmers are often compelled to retire with their flocks and herds before the thousands of huge, migratory vampires, which descend suddenly on the pastures and are able in one night to bleed the strongest animal to death. The manufactures are insignificant; and although silver, copper, iron, zinc, lead and marble are said to exist in considerable 221 quantities, the only ores that have been worked are gold, silver and copper. At the beginning of the 20th century the silver and copper mines had been abandoned. The goldfields are exploited with American capital, and yield a fair return.

Agriculture and Industries.—The name “Costa Rica,” which means “rich coast,” is well deserved; thanks to the perfect mix of plenty of sunshine and moisture along with extremely fertile soil, almost any type of fruit or flower can be successfully grown. Meanwhile, the vast areas of untouched forest that remain along the Atlantic slopes are full of cedar, mahogany, rosewood, rubber, and ebony, along with fustic and other valuable dye-woods. The country is primarily agricultural and owes its political stability to a large group of peasant owners, who make up more than two-thirds of the population. Coffee, first planted in 1838, is mainly grown on the San José plateau. The region's unique suitability for coffee cultivation is due to the soil, which consists of layers of black or dark-brown volcanic ash that range in depth from 1 to 6 yards. Bananas are grown over a large and expanding area; rice, corn, barley, potatoes, and beans are cultivated to some extent in the interior; cocoa, vanilla, sugar-cane, cotton, and indigo are produced in the warm coastal areas, but they are not grown in sufficient amounts to meet local demand. Livestock farming, a relatively underdeveloped sector, is becoming more significant due to state support through the importation of horses, cattle, sheep, and pigs from Europe and the U.S. to improve local breeds. In the southeast, farmers often have to move their flocks and herds away from the thousands of large migratory vampires that suddenly attack the pastures and can drain the strongest animal's blood to death in just one night. Manufacturing is limited; although silver, copper, iron, zinc, lead, and marble are said to be present in significant amounts, the only ores that have been mined are gold, silver, and copper. By the early 20th century, the silver and copper mines had been abandoned. The goldfields are operated with American investment and provide a decent return.

Commerce.—The exports, which comprise coffee, bananas, cocoa, cabinet-woods and dye-woods, with hides and skins, mother-of-pearl, tortoiseshell and gold, were officially valued at £1,398,000 in 1904; and in the same year the imports, including foodstuffs, dry goods and hardware, were valued at £1,229,000. Over £1,250,000 worth of the exports consisted of coffee and bananas, and these commodities were of almost equal value. Nearly 85% of the coffee, or more than 20,000,000 ℔, were sent to Great Britain. The development of the banana trade dates from 1881, when 3500 bunches of fruit were exported to New Orleans. This total increased very rapidly, and in 1902 a monthly service of steamers was established from Limon to Bristol and Manchester. The service to England soon became a weekly one, while there are at least three weekly sailings to the United States. In 1904 the number of bunches sent abroad exceeded 6,000,000. So important is this crop that the rate of wages to labourers in the banana districts is nearly 3s. daily, as compared with an average of 1s. 8d. in the coffee plantations. The bulk of the imports comes from the United States (52% in 1904), Great Britain (19%) and Germany (13%). Almost the whole foreign trade passes through Limon and Puntarenas. In 1904, exclusive of banana steamers, there were regular steamship services weekly from Limon to the United States and Germany, fortnightly to Great Britain, and monthly to France, Italy and Spain; while at Puntarenas four American liners called monthly on the voyage between San Francisco and Panama.

Commerce.—The exports, which include coffee, bananas, cocoa, hardwoods, and dye-woods, along with hides and skins, mother-of-pearl, tortoiseshell, and gold, were officially valued at £1,398,000 in 1904. In the same year, imports, which consisted of food, dry goods, and hardware, were valued at £1,229,000. Over £1,250,000 worth of the exports were from coffee and bananas, which were almost equal in value. Nearly 85% of the coffee, or more than 20,000,000 pounds, went to Great Britain. The banana trade started in 1881, when 3,500 bunches of fruit were exported to New Orleans. This number grew quickly, and by 1902, a monthly service of steamers was established from Limon to Bristol and Manchester. This service to England soon became weekly, with at least three weekly sailings to the United States. In 1904, the number of bunches sent abroad exceeded 6,000,000. This crop is so crucial that the wage rate for workers in the banana regions is nearly 3 shillings daily, compared to an average of 1 shilling and 8 pence on the coffee plantations. Most imports came from the United States (52% in 1904), Great Britain (19%), and Germany (13%). Almost all foreign trade goes through Limon and Puntarenas. In 1904, excluding banana steamers, there were regular weekly steamship services from Limon to the United States and Germany, bi-weekly to Great Britain, and monthly to France, Italy, and Spain. At Puntarenas, four American liners made monthly stops on their route between San Francisco and Panama.

Finance.—The valuable resources of the republic, and its comparative immunity from revolution, formerly attracted the attention of European and American investors, who supplied the capital for internal development. In 1871 the government contracted a loan of £1,000,000 in London, and in 1872 it borrowed an additional £2,400,000 for railway construction. The outstanding foreign debt amounted in 1887 to £2,691,300, while the arrears of interest were no less than £2,119,500. An arrangement with the creditors was concluded in 1888; but in 1895 the republic again became bankrupt, and a fresh arrangement was sanctioned in March 1897, by which the interest on £1,475,000 was reduced to 2½% and that on £525,000 to 3%. It was provided that amortization, at £10,000 yearly, should begin in 1917. In 1904 the service of the external debt, which then amounted to £2,500,000, including £500,000 arrears of interest, was again suspended; the total of the internal debt was £815,000. About one-half of the national revenue is derived from customs, the remainder being principally furnished by railways, stamps, and the salt and tobacco monopolies. In the financial year 1904-1905 the revenue was £503,000, the expenditure £390,000. Education, internal development and the service of the internal debt were the chief sources of expenditure.

Finance.—The valuable resources of the republic, along with its relative stability, once caught the eye of European and American investors, who provided the funding for its internal development. In 1871, the government took out a loan of £1,000,000 in London, and in 1872 it borrowed another £2,400,000 for railway construction. By 1887, the outstanding foreign debt stood at £2,691,300, and the unpaid interest reached £2,119,500. In 1888, an agreement with creditors was reached, but by 1895, the republic faced bankruptcy again. A new arrangement was approved in March 1897, which lowered the interest on £1,475,000 to 2½% and on £525,000 to 3%. It was agreed that repayment, at £10,000 per year, would start in 1917. In 1904, payments on the external debt, then amounting to £2,500,000 (including £500,000 in unpaid interest), were halted again; the total internal debt was £815,000. About half of the national revenue comes from customs, while the rest mainly comes from railways, stamps, and the monopolies on salt and tobacco. During the financial year 1904-1905, the revenue was £503,000, and expenditure was £390,000. The main areas of spending were education, internal development, and servicing the internal debt.

Money and Credit.—There are three important banks, the Anglo-Costa Rican Bank, with a capital of £120,000, the Bank of Costa Rica (£200,000), and the Commercial Bank of Costa Rica (£100,000), founded in 1905. On the 25th of April 1900 a law was enacted for the regulation of the constitution, capital, note emission and metallic reserves of banks. On the 24th of October 1896 an act was passed for the adoption of a gold coinage, and the execution of this act was decreed on the 17th of April 1900. The monetary unit is the gold colon weighing .778 gramme, .900 fine, and thus worth about 23d. It is legally equivalent to the silver peso, which continues in circulation. The gold coins of the United States, Great Britain, France and Germany are legally current. The metric system of weights and measures was introduced by law in 1884, but the old Spanish system is still in use.

Money and Credit.—There are three major banks: the Anglo-Costa Rican Bank, with a capital of £120,000; the Bank of Costa Rica (£200,000); and the Commercial Bank of Costa Rica (£100,000), established in 1905. On April 25, 1900, a law was passed to regulate the structure, capital, note issuance, and metal reserves of banks. On October 24, 1896, legislation was enacted to adopt gold coinage, and the implementation of this law was ordered on April 17, 1900. The monetary unit is the gold colon, weighing 0.778 grams, with a purity of 0.900, making it worth about 23 pence. It is legally equivalent to the silver peso, which is still in circulation. Gold coins from the United States, Great Britain, France, and Germany are legally accepted. The metric system of weights and measures was introduced by law in 1884, but the old Spanish system is still used.

Constitution and Government.—Costa Rica is governed under a constitution of 1870, which, however, only came into force in 1882, and has often been modified. The legislative power resides in a House of Representatives, consisting of about 30 to 40 deputies, or one for every 8000 inhabitants. The deputies are chosen for a term of four years by local electoral colleges, whose members are returned by the votes of all self-supporting citizens. One-half of the chamber retires automatically every two years. The president and three vice-presidents constitute the executive. They are assisted by a cabinet of four ministers, representing the departments of the interior, police and public works; foreign affairs, justice, religion and education; finance and commerce; war and marine. For purposes of local administration the state is divided into five provinces, Alajuela, Cartago, Guanacaste, Heredia and San José, and two maritime districts (comarcas), Limon and Puntarenas. All these divisions except Guanacaste—which takes its name from a variety of mimosa very common in the province—are synonymous with their chief towns; and each is controlled by a governor or prefect appointed by the president. Justice is administered by a supreme court, two courts of appeal, and the court of cassation, which sit in San José, and are supplemented by various inferior tribunals.

Constitution and Government.—Costa Rica is governed by a constitution from 1870, which actually took effect in 1882 and has been modified several times. The legislative power is held by a House of Representatives, consisting of about 30 to 40 deputies, or one for every 8,000 residents. The deputies are elected for a four-year term by local electoral colleges, whose members are chosen by the votes of all self-supporting citizens. Half of the chamber automatically rotates out every two years. The president and three vice-presidents make up the executive branch. They are supported by a cabinet of four ministers, overseeing the departments of the interior, police and public works; foreign affairs, justice, religion, and education; finance and commerce; and war and marine. For local administration, the country is divided into five provinces: Alajuela, Cartago, Guanacaste, Heredia, and San José, along with two maritime districts (comarcas), Limon and Puntarenas. All these divisions except Guanacaste—named after a type of mimosa common in the province—are synonymous with their capital towns; each is managed by a governor or prefect appointed by the president. Justice is administered by a supreme court, two courts of appeal, and the court of cassation, which are based in San José and supported by various lower courts.

Religion and Education.—The Roman Catholic Church is supported by the state, and the vast majority of the people accept its doctrines; but complete religious liberty is guaranteed by the constitution. The Jesuits, who formerly exercised widespread influence, were expelled in 1884. Of the other religious communities, the most important are the Protestants, numbering 3000, and the Buddhists, about 250. Primary education is free and compulsory; the standard of attendance is high and the instruction fair, but a large proportion of the older inhabitants were illiterate at the beginning of the 20th century. In the matter of secondary education considerable neglect has been shown. In 1904 there were only six secondary schools, including the institute of law and medicine and the training-school for teachers at San José. The state grants scholarships tenable at European universities to promising pupils, and there are three important public libraries.

Religion and Education.—The Roman Catholic Church is funded by the government, and most people accept its teachings; however, the constitution guarantees full religious freedom. The Jesuits, who once had considerable influence, were expelled in 1884. Among the other religious groups, the most significant are the Protestants, numbering 3,000, and the Buddhists, about 250. Primary education is free and mandatory; attendance is high and the quality of instruction is decent, but many older residents were illiterate at the start of the 20th century. Secondary education has faced considerable neglect. In 1904, there were only six secondary schools, which included the institute of law and medicine and the teacher training college in San José. The state provides scholarships for promising students to attend European universities, and there are three major public libraries.

Defence.—Military service in time of war is compulsory for all able-bodied citizens aged 18-50. There are a permanent army, of about 600; a militia, comprising an active service branch to which all under 40 belong, with a reserve for those between 40 and 50; and a national guard, including all males under 18 and over 50 who are capable of bearing arms. On a war footing these forces would number about 36,000. A gunboat and a torpedo boat constitute the navy, which, however, requires the services of an admiral, subordinate to the ministry of marine.

Defense.—Military service during wartime is mandatory for all able-bodied citizens aged 18-50. There is a standing army of about 600, a militia that includes an active service branch where all those under 40 serve, and a reserve for those between 40 and 50. Additionally, there is a national guard that includes all males under 18 and over 50 who can wield arms. In a wartime situation, these forces would total around 36,000. The navy consists of a gunboat and a torpedo boat, which, however, requires the leadership of an admiral who reports to the ministry of marine.

History.—The origin of the name Costa Rica (Spanish for “Rich Coast”) has been much disputed. It is often stated that the territories to which the name is now applied were first known as Nueva Cartago, while Costa Rica was used in a wider sense to designate the whole south-western coast of the Caribbean Sea, from the supposed mineral wealth of this region. Then, in 1540, the name was restricted to an area approximately equal to that of modern Costa Rica. In such a case it must have been bestowed ironically, for the country proved very unprofitable to the gold-seekers, who were its earliest European settlers. Col. Church, in the paper cited below, derives it from Costa de Oreja, “Earring Coast,” in allusion to the earrings worn by the Indians and remarked by their conquerors. He quotes evidence to show that this name was known to 16th-century cartographers.

History.—The origin of the name Costa Rica (Spanish for “Rich Coast”) has been widely debated. It’s often said that the areas now referred to by this name were originally known as Nueva Cartago, while Costa Rica was used more broadly to refer to the entire southwestern coast of the Caribbean Sea, based on the perceived mineral wealth of the region. Then, in 1540, the name was narrowed down to an area roughly equivalent to modern Costa Rica. In this case, it must have been given with irony, as the country turned out to be quite unprofitable for the gold-seekers who were its earliest European settlers. Col. Church, in the paper mentioned below, suggests it comes from Costa de Oreja, “Earring Coast,” referencing the earrings worn by the Indigenous people, which caught the attention of their conquerors. He provides evidence that this name was known to 16th-century mapmakers.

With the rest of Central America, Costa Rica remained a province of the Spanish captaincy-general of Guatemala until 1821. Its conquest was completed by 1530, and ten years later it was made a separate province, the limits of which were fixed, by order of Philip II., between 1560 and 1573. This task was principally executed by Juan Vazquez de Coronado (or Vasquez de Coronada), an able and humane governor appointed in 1562, whose civilizing work was undone by the almost uninterrupted maladministration of his fifty-eight successors. The Indians were enslaved, and their welfare was wholly subordinated to the quest for gold. From 1666 onwards both coasts were ravaged by pirates, who completed the ruin of the country. Diego de la Haya y Fernandez, governor in 1718, reported to the crown that no province of Spanish America was in so wretched a condition. Cocoa-beans were the current coinage. Tomás de Acosta, governor from 1797 to 1809, confirmed this report, and stated 222 that the Indians were clothed in bark, and compelled in many cases to borrow even this primitive attire when the law required their attendance at church.

With the rest of Central America, Costa Rica remained a province of the Spanish captaincy-general of Guatemala until 1821. Its conquest was completed by 1530, and ten years later it became a separate province, with the boundaries set, by order of Philip II., between 1560 and 1573. This task was mainly carried out by Juan Vazquez de Coronado (or Vasquez de Coronada), a capable and compassionate governor appointed in 1562, whose efforts to civilize the area were undone by the nearly constant mismanagement of his fifty-eight successors. The Indigenous people were enslaved, and their well-being was completely subordinated to the search for gold. Starting in 1666, both coasts were attacked by pirates, who further destroyed the country. Diego de la Haya y Fernandez, the governor in 1718, reported to the crown that no province in Spanish America was in such terrible condition. Cocoa beans were the common currency. Tomás de Acosta, governor from 1797 to 1809, confirmed this report and stated 222 that the Indigenous people were dressed in bark and often had to borrow even this basic clothing when the law required them to attend church.

On the 15th of September 1821 Costa Rica, with the other Central American provinces, revolted and joined the Mexican empire under the dynasty of Iturbide; but this subjection never became popular, and, on the establishment of a Mexican republic in 1823, hostilities broke out between the Conservatives, who desired to maintain the union, and the Liberals, who wished to set up an independent republic. The opposing factions met near the Ochomogo Pass; the republicans were victorious, and the seat of government was transferred from Cartago, the old capital, to San José, the Liberal headquarters. From 1824 to 1839 Costa Rica joined the newly formed Republic of the United States of Central America; but the authority of the central government proved little more than nominal, and the Costa Ricans busied themselves with trade and abstained from politics. The exact political status of the country was not, however, definitely assured until 1848, when an independent republic was again proclaimed. In 1856-60 the state was involved in war with the adventurer William Walker (see Central America); but its subsequent history has been one of immunity from political disturbances, other than boundary disputes, and occasional threats of revolution, due chiefly to unsatisfactory economic conditions. The attempt of J. R. Barrios, president of Guatemala, to restore federal unity to Central America failed in 1885, and had little influence on Costa Rican affairs. In 1897 the state joined the Greater Republic of Central America, established in 1895 by Honduras, Nicaragua and Salvador, but dissolved in 1898. The boundary question between Costa Rica and Nicaragua was referred to the arbitration of the president of the United States, who gave his award in 1888, confirming a treaty of 1858; further difficulties arising from the work of demarcation were settled by treaty in 1896. The boundary between Costa Rica and Panama (then a province of Colombia) was fixed by the arbitration of the French president, who gave his award on the 15th of September 1900. The frontiers delimited in accordance with these awards have already been described.

On September 15, 1821, Costa Rica, along with the other Central American provinces, rebelled and joined the Mexican empire under the Iturbide dynasty. However, this rule was never popular, and when the Mexican republic was established in 1823, conflicts broke out between the Conservatives, who wanted to keep the union, and the Liberals, who aimed to create an independent republic. The rival groups faced off near the Ochomogo Pass; the republicans won, and the government was moved from Cartago, the former capital, to San José, the Liberal base. From 1824 to 1839, Costa Rica was part of the newly formed Republic of the United States of Central America, but the authority of the central government was mainly nominal, leading Costa Ricans to focus on trade and stay out of politics. The exact political status of the country wasn't truly established until 1848 when an independent republic was declared again. Between 1856 and 1860, the state fought against the adventurer William Walker (see Central America); however, its later history was marked by a lack of political upheaval, apart from boundary disputes and occasional threats of revolution, mainly due to poor economic conditions. J. R. Barrios, the president of Guatemala, attempted to restore Central American federal unity in 1885, but it had little impact on Costa Rican matters. In 1897, the state joined the Greater Republic of Central America, established in 1895 by Honduras, Nicaragua, and El Salvador, but this dissolved in 1898. The boundary dispute between Costa Rica and Nicaragua was referred to the arbitration of the U.S. president, who issued a ruling in 1888, confirming a 1858 treaty; further issues from the demarcation work were resolved by treaty in 1896. The boundary between Costa Rica and Panama (then a province of Colombia) was determined by the arbitration of the French president, whose ruling was made on September 15, 1900. The borders set according to these rulings have been previously described.

Bibliography.—In addition to the works on Central America cited under that heading, the following give much general information: G. Niederlein, The Republic of Costa Rica (Philadelphia, 1898); R. Villafranca, Costa Rica (New York, 1895); L. Z. Baron, Compendio geographico y estadistico de la Republica de Costa Rica (San José, 1894); H. Pittier, Apuntaciones sobre el clima y geographia de la Republica de Costa Rica (San José, 1890); P. Biolley, Costa Rica and her Future (Washington, 1889); M. M. de Peralta, Costa Rica (London, 1873). For an account of immigration, commerce and other mainly statistical matters, see J. Schroeder, Costa Rica State Immigration (San José, 1894); Bulletins of the Bureau of American Republics (Washington); British Diplomatic and Consular Reports (London); U.S.A. Consular Reports (Washington); Reports of the Ministries (San José). For the history of Costa Rica, see L. Z. Baron, Compendio de la historia de Costa Rica (San José, 1894); F. M. Barrantes, Elementos de historia de Costa Rica (San José, 1892); J. B. Calvo, The Republic of Costa Rica (Chicago, 1890), gives a partisan account of local politics, trade and finance, authorized by the government. Frontier questions are discussed fully in Col. G. E. Church’s “Costa Rica,” a very valuable paper in vol. x. of the Journal of the Royal Geographical Society (London, 1897); and, by Dr E. Seler, in “Der Grenzstreit zwischen den Republiken Costa Rica und Colombia,” in Petermann’s Mittheilungen, vol. xlvi. (1900). For a detailed bibliography see D. J. Maluquer, Republica de Costa Rica (Madrid, 1890). The best maps are that of the Bureau of American Republics (1903), and, for physical features, that of Col. Church, published by the R.G.S. (London, 1897).

References.—In addition to the works on Central America listed under that topic, the following provide a lot of general information: G. Niederlein, The Republic of Costa Rica (Philadelphia, 1898); R. Villafranca, Costa Rica (New York, 1895); L. Z. Baron, Geographic and Statistical Compendium of the Republic of Costa Rica (San José, 1894); H. Pittier, Notes on the Climate and Geography of the Republic of Costa Rica (San José, 1890); P. Biolley, Costa Rica and Her Future (Washington, 1889); M. M. de Peralta, Costa Rica (London, 1873). For information on immigration, commerce, and other mainly statistical topics, see J. Schroeder, Costa Rica State Immigration (San José, 1894); Bulletins of the Bureau of American Republics (Washington); British Diplomatic and Consular Reports (London); U.S.A. Consular Reports (Washington); Reports of the Ministries (San José). For the history of Costa Rica, see L. Z. Baron, Compendium of the History of Costa Rica (San José, 1894); F. M. Barrantes, Elements of the History of Costa Rica (San José, 1892); J. B. Calvo, The Republic of Costa Rica (Chicago, 1890), which provides a biased account of local politics, trade, and finance, authorized by the government. Issues regarding borders are thoroughly discussed in Col. G. E. Church’s “Costa Rica,” a very valuable paper in vol. x. of the Journal of the Royal Geographical Society (London, 1897); and by Dr. E. Seler, in “The Border Dispute Between the Republics of Costa Rica and Colombia,” in Petermann’s Mittheilungen, vol. xlvi. (1900). For a detailed bibliography, see D. J. Maluquer, Republic of Costa Rica (Madrid, 1890). The best maps are from the Bureau of American Republics (1903), and, for physical features, that of Col. Church, published by the R.G.S. (London, 1897).


COSTELLO, DUDLEY (1803-1865), English journalist and novelist, son of Colonel J. F. Costello, was born in Ireland in 1803. He was educated for the army at Sandhurst, and served for a short time in India, Canada and the West Indies. His literary and artistic tastes led him to quit the army in 1828, and he then passed some years in Paris. He was introduced to Baron Cuvier, who employed him as draughtsman in the preparation of his Règne animal. He next occupied himself in copying illuminated manuscripts in the Bibliothèque Royale; and to him and his sister belongs the merit of being the first to draw general attention to this beautiful forgotten art, and of thus leading to its revival. About 1838 Costello became foreign correspondent to the Morning Herald; in 1846 he became foreign correspondent of the Daily News; and during the last twenty years of his life he held the post of sub-editor of the Examiner. He wrote A Tour through the Valley of the Meuse (1845) and Piedmont and Italy, from the Alps to the Tiber (1859-1861). Among his novels are Stories from a Screen (1855), The Millionaire (1858), Faint Heart never won Fair Lady (1859) and Holidays with Hobgoblins (1860). He died on the 30th of September 1865.

COSTELLO, DUDLEY (1803-1865), English journalist and novelist, son of Colonel J. F. Costello, was born in Ireland in 1803. He was trained for the army at Sandhurst and served for a short time in India, Canada, and the West Indies. His interest in literature and art made him leave the army in 1828, and he spent several years in Paris. He was introduced to Baron Cuvier, who hired him as a draftsman for his Règne animal. He then focused on copying illuminated manuscripts at the Bibliothèque Royale; he and his sister are credited with being the first to bring attention to this beautiful but forgotten art, which helped revive it. Around 1838, Costello became a foreign correspondent for the Morning Herald; by 1846, he was a foreign correspondent for the Daily News; and he spent the last twenty years of his life as sub-editor of the Examiner. He authored A Tour through the Valley of the Meuse (1845) and Piedmont and Italy, from the Alps to the Tiber (1859-1861). His novels include Stories from a Screen (1855), The Millionaire (1858), Faint Heart never won Fair Lady (1859), and Holidays with Hobgoblins (1860). He passed away on September 30, 1865.

His elder sister, Louisa Stuart Costello (1799-1870), author and miniature painter, was born in Ireland in 1799. Her father died while she was young, and Louisa, who removed to Paris with her mother in 1814, helped to support her mother and brother by her skill as an artist. At the age of sixteen she published a volume of verse entitled The Maid of the Cyprus Isle, and other poems. This was followed in 1825 by Songs of a Stranger, dedicated to W. L. Bowles. Ten years later appeared her Specimens of the Early Poetry of France, illustrated by beautifully executed illuminations, the work of her brother and herself. It was dedicated to Moore, and procured her his friendship as well as that of Sir Walter Scott. Her principal works are—A Summer among the Bocages and Vines (1840); The Queen’s Poisoner (or The Queen-Mother), a historical romance (1841); Béarn and the Pyrenees (1844); Memoirs of Eminent Englishwomen (1844); The Rose Garden of Persia (1845), a series of translations from Persian poets, with illuminations by herself and her brother; The Falls, Lakes and Mountains of North Wales (1845); Clara Fane (1848), a novel; Memoirs of Mary of Burgundy (1853); and Memoirs of Anne of Brittany (1855). She died at Boulogne on the 24th of April 1870.

His older sister, Louisa Stuart Costello (1799-1870), was an author and miniature painter born in Ireland in 1799. Her father passed away when she was young, and Louisa moved to Paris with her mother in 1814, where she supported them both along with her brother through her talent as an artist. At sixteen, she published a book of poetry called The Maid of the Cyprus Isle, and other poems. This was followed in 1825 by Songs of a Stranger, dedicated to W. L. Bowles. A decade later, she released Specimens of the Early Poetry of France, featuring beautifully crafted illustrations by her and her brother. This work was dedicated to Moore, which earned her his friendship as well as that of Sir Walter Scott. Her major works include—A Summer among the Bocages and Vines (1840); The Queen’s Poisoner (or The Queen-Mother), a historical romance (1841); Béarn and the Pyrenees (1844); Memoirs of Eminent Englishwomen (1844); The Rose Garden of Persia (1845), a series of translations from Persian poets, with illustrations by her and her brother; The Falls, Lakes and Mountains of North Wales (1845); Clara Fane (1848), a novel; Memoirs of Mary of Burgundy (1853); and Memoirs of Anne of Brittany (1855). She passed away in Boulogne on April 24, 1870.


COSTER-MONGER (originally Costard-monger, a seller of costards, a species of large ribbed apple). The word “monger” is common, in various forms, in Teutonic languages in the sense of trader or dealer, and appears in “iron-monger” and “fish-monger,” and with a derogatory significance of petty or under-hand dealing in such words as “scandal-monger.” A “coster-monger,” or “coster,” originally, therefore, one who sold apples and fruit in the street, is now an itinerant dealer in fruit, vegetables or fish, but more particularly, as distinguished from a “hawker” on the one hand, and “general dealer” on the other, is a street trader in the above commodities who uses a barrow. The coster-monger’s trade in London, so far as it falls under clause 6 of the Metropolitan Streets Act 1867, which deals with obstruction by goods to footways and streets is subject to regulations of the commissioner of police. So long as these are carried out, coster-mongers, street hawkers and itinerant traders are exempted, by an amending act, from the liabilities imposed by clause 6 of the above act.

Hawker (originally Fruit seller, a seller of large ribbed apples known as costards). The term “monger” is commonly found in various forms in Germanic languages, meaning trader or dealer, and can be seen in words like “iron-monger” and “fish-monger,” as well as with a negative connotation in terms like “scandal-monger.” A “coster-monger,” or “coster,” originally referred to someone who sold apples and fruit on the street, but now typically means an itinerant dealer in fruits, vegetables, or fish. More specifically, unlike a “hawker” or a “general dealer,” a coster-monger is a street trader who uses a barrow to sell these items. The coster-monger's business in London is regulated under clause 6 of the Metropolitan Streets Act 1867, which addresses the obstruction of footways and streets by goods. As long as these regulations are followed, coster-mongers, street hawkers, and itinerant traders are exempt from the liabilities specified in clause 6 of the aforementioned act due to an amending law.


COSTS, a term used in English law to denote the expenses incurred (1) in employing a lawyer in his professional capacity for purposes other than litigation; (2) in instituting and carrying on litigation whether with or without the aid of a lawyer.

COSTS, is a term used in English law to refer to the expenses incurred (1) when hiring a lawyer for professional purposes other than litigation; (2) when starting and conducting litigation, whether or not with the help of a lawyer.

Solicitor and Client.—The retainer of a solicitor implies a contract to pay to him his proper charges and disbursements with respect to the work done by him as a solicitor. In cases of conveyancing his remuneration is now for the most part regulated by scales ad valorem on the value of the property dealt with (Solicitors’ Remuneration Order 1882), and clients are free to make written agreements for the conduct of any class of non-litigious business, fixing the costs by a percentage on the value of the amount involved. So far as litigious business is concerned, the arrangement known as “no cure no pay” is objected to by the courts and the profession as leading to speculative actions, and stipulations as to a share of the proceeds of a successful action are champertous and illegal. An English solicitor’s bill drawn in the old form is a voluminous itemized narrative of every act done by him in the cause or matter with a charge set against each entry and often against each letter written. Before the solicitor can recover from his client the amount of his charges, he must deliver a signed bill of costs and wait a month before suing.

Solicitor and Client.—Hiring a solicitor means you agree to pay them for their services and expenses related to the work they do. For conveyancing, their fees are mostly set by scales ad valorem based on the value of the property involved (Solicitors’ Remuneration Order 1882), and clients can create written agreements for any type of non-litigious work, setting the fees as a percentage of the value in question. However, for litigious matters, the “no cure no pay” arrangement is frowned upon by both the courts and the profession, as it can encourage speculative lawsuits, and agreements regarding a share of any successful outcome are considered champertous and illegal. A traditional English solicitor's bill is a detailed, itemized account of every action taken on behalf of the client, with charges listed for each entry, even for individual letters written. Before the solicitor can recover their fees from the client, they must provide a signed bill of costs and wait for a month before pursuing payment.

The High Court has a threefold jurisdiction to deal with solicitors’ costs:—(1) by virtue of its jurisdiction over them 223 as its officers; (2) statutory, under the Solicitors Act 1843 and other legislation; (3) ordinary, to ascertain the reasonableness of charges made the subject of a claim.

The High Court has three main areas of authority to handle solicitors' costs: (1) because it has jurisdiction over them as its officers; (2) statutory, under the Solicitors Act 1843 and other laws; (3) general, to determine the reasonableness of the charges involved in a claim. 223

The client can, as a matter of course, get an order for taxation within a month of the delivery of the solicitor’s bill, and either client or solicitor can get such an order as of course within twelve months of delivery. After expiry of that time the court may order taxation if the special circumstances call for it, and even so late as twelve months after actual payment.

The client can usually get a tax order within a month after receiving the lawyer’s bill, and either the client or the lawyer can get such an order within twelve months of delivery. After that time, the court may grant a tax order if there are special circumstances that warrant it, and even up to twelve months after the actual payment.

Costs as between solicitor and client are taxed in the same office as litigious costs, and objections to the decisions of the taxing officer, if properly made, can be taken for review to a judge of the High Court and to the Court of Appeal.

Costs between the solicitor and the client are calculated in the same office as contentious costs, and if properly raised, objections to the decisions of the taxing officer can be reviewed by a judge of the High Court and taken to the Court of Appeal.

Litigious Costs.—The expenses of litigation fall in the first instance on the person who undertakes the proceedings or retains and employs the lawyer. It is in accordance with the ordinary ideas of justice that the expenses of the successful party to litigation should be defrayed by the unsuccessful party, a notion expressed in the phrase that “costs follow the event.” But there are many special circumstances which interfere to modify the application of this rule. The action, though successful, may be in its nature frivolous or vexatious, or it may have been brought in a higher court where a lower court would have been competent to deal with it. On the other hand the defendant, although he has escaped a judgment against him, may by his conduct have rendered the action necessary or otherwise justifiable. In such cases the rule that costs should follow the event would be felt to work an injustice, and exceptions to its operation have therefore been devised. In the law of England the provisions as to litigious costs, though now simpler than of old, are still elaborate and complicated, and the costs themselves are on a higher scale than is known in most other countries.

Litigious Costs.—The costs of litigation initially fall on the person who starts the legal proceedings or hires a lawyer. It makes sense that the expenses of the winning party in a lawsuit should be covered by the losing party, which is summarized in the phrase “costs follow the event.” However, there are many special circumstances that can change how this rule is applied. For instance, a winning action might be seen as frivolous or annoying, or it could have been taken to a higher court when a lower court was suitable. Conversely, a defendant might avoid a judgment against them, yet their behavior could make the lawsuit necessary or justifiable. In such situations, applying the rule that costs should follow the event could seem unfair, so exceptions have been created. In English law, the rules about litigation costs, while simpler than in the past, are still detailed and complex, and the costs themselves are usually higher than those found in most other countries.

Except as regards appeals to the House of Lords and suits in equity, the right to recover costs from the opposite party in litigation has always depended on statute law or on rules made under statutory authority, “Costs are the creature of statute.” The House of Lords has declared its competence to grant costs on appeals independently of statute.

Except for appeals to the House of Lords and equity suits, the right to recover costs from the other party in litigation has always been based on statute law or rules made under statutory authority. “Costs are the result of statute.” The House of Lords has stated that it has the power to grant costs on appeals without needing a statute.

In the judicial committee of the privy council the power to award, in its discretion, costs on appeals from the colonies or other matters referred to it, is given by § 15 of the Judicial Committee Act 1833; and the costs are taxed by the registrar of the council.

In the judicial committee of the privy council, the authority to grant costs at its discretion on appeals from the colonies or other issues referred to it is provided by § 15 of the Judicial Committee Act 1833; and the costs are assessed by the registrar of the council.

Courts of equity have always claimed a discretion independently of statute to give or refuse costs, but as a general rule the maxim of the civil law, victus victori in expensis condemnatus est, was followed. The successful party was recognized to have a prima facie claim to costs, but the court might, on sufficient cause shown, not only deprive him of his costs, but even in some rare cases order him to pay the costs of his unsuccessful opponent. There was a class of cases in which the court generally gave costs to parties sustaining a certain character, whatever might be the result of the suit (e.g. trustees, executors and mortgagees).

Courts of equity have always maintained the discretion to award or deny costs independent of statute, but generally, they followed the civil law principle, victus victori in expensis condemnatus est. The winning party was typically seen as having a basic right to costs, but the court could, for good reason, not only deny them these costs but in some rare instances, even require them to cover their losing opponent's costs. There were specific cases where the court usually granted costs to parties in certain roles, regardless of the outcome of the lawsuit (e.g., trustees, executors, and mortgagees).

In the courts of common law, costs were not given either to plaintiff or defendant, although the damages given to a successful plaintiff might suffice to cover not only the loss sustained by the wrong done, but also the expense he had been put to in taking proceedings. The defendant in a baseless or vexatious action could not even recover his costs thus indirectly, and the indirect costs given to a plaintiff under the name of damages were often inadequate and uncertain. Costs were first given under the Statute of Gloucester (1277, 6 Edward I. c. 1), which enacted that “the demandant shall recover damages in an assize of novel disseisin and in writs of mort d’ancestor, cosinage, aiel and beziel, and further that the demandant may recover against the tenant the costs of his writ purchased together with the damages above said. And this act shall hold in all cases when the party is to recover damages.” The words “costs of his writ” were extended to mean all the legal costs in the suit. The statute gave costs, wherever damages were recovered, and no matter what the amount of the damages may be. Costs were first given to a defendant by the Statute of Marlbridge (1267) in a case relating to wardship in chivalry (52 Henry III. C. 6); but costs were not given generally to successful defendants until 1531 (23 Henry VIII. c. 15), when it was enacted that “if in the actions therein mentioned the plaintiff after appearance of the defendant be non-suited, or any verdict happen to pass by lawful trial against the plaintiff, the defendant shall have judgment to recover his costs against the plaintiff, to be assessed and taxed at the discretion of the court, and shall have such process and execution for the recovery and paying his costs against the plaintiff, as the plaintiff should or might have had against the defendant, in case the judgment had been given for the plaintiff.” In 1606 by 4 James I. c. 3, this “good and profitable law” was extended to other actions not originally specified, although within the mischief of the act, so that in any action wherein the plaintiff might have costs if judgment were given for him, the defendant if successful should have costs against the plaintiff. The policy of these enactments is expressed to be the discouragement of frivolous and unjust suits. This policy was carried out by other and later acts. The Limitations Act 1623, § 6, ordered that if the plaintiff in an action of slander recovered less than 40s. damages, the plaintiff should be allowed no more as costs than he got as damages. By 43 Elizabeth c. 6 it was enacted that in any personal action not being for any title or interest in land, nor concerning the freehold or inheritance of lands nor for battery, where the damages did not amount to 40s. no more costs than damages could be allowed. By 3 & 4 Vict. c. 24 (Lord Denman’s Act 1840), where the plaintiff in an action of tort recovered less than 40s., he was not allowed costs unless the judge certified that the action was really brought to try a right besides the right to recover damages, or that the injury was wilful or malicious.

In common law courts, neither the plaintiff nor the defendant was awarded costs, even though the damages given to a winning plaintiff could cover not only the losses resulting from the wrong done but also the expenses incurred in pursuing the case. A defendant in a baseless or harassing lawsuit couldn’t even recover costs indirectly, and the indirect costs labeled as damages for the plaintiff were often insufficient and uncertain. Costs were first awarded under the Statute of Gloucester (1277, 6 Edward I. c. 1), which stated that “the demandant shall recover damages in an assize of novel disseisin and in writs of mort d’ancestor, cosinage, aiel and beziel, and furthermore that the demandant may recover against the tenant the costs of his writ purchased along with the aforementioned damages. And this act shall apply in all cases where the party is entitled to recover damages.” The term “costs of his writ” was broadened to encompass all the legal costs involved in the case. The statute granted costs wherever damages were awarded, regardless of the amount of the damages. Costs were first granted to a defendant by the Statute of Marlbridge (1267) in a case about wardship in chivalry (52 Henry III. C. 6); however, costs weren’t generally awarded to successful defendants until 1531 (23 Henry VIII. c. 15), when it was established that “if in the actions mentioned the plaintiff, after the appearance of the defendant, is non-suited, or any verdict is rendered by lawful trial against the plaintiff, the defendant shall get judgment to recover his costs against the plaintiff, which will be assessed and taxed at the court's discretion, and shall have such process and execution for recovering and paying his costs against the plaintiff, as the plaintiff could have had against the defendant, had the judgment been in favor of the plaintiff.” In 1606 by 4 James I. c. 3, this “good and profitable law” was expanded to other actions not originally specified, so that in any case where the plaintiff might be awarded costs if the judgment favored him, the defendant, if successful, would also receive costs from the plaintiff. The objective of these laws was to discourage frivolous and unjust lawsuits. This approach continued with subsequent acts. The Limitations Act 1623, § 6, mandated that if the plaintiff in a slander case recovered less than 40s. in damages, the plaintiff would be allowed no more in costs than the amount received in damages. By 43 Elizabeth c. 6, it was enacted that in any personal action that wasn’t related to land title or interest, nor concerning freehold or inheritance of lands, nor for battery, if the damages were less than 40s., no more costs than the damages could be awarded. By 3 & 4 Vict. c. 24 (Lord Denman’s Act 1840), if the plaintiff in a tort case recovered less than 40s., they were not awarded costs unless the judge certified that the action was genuinely brought to establish a right in addition to the right to recover damages, or that the injury was intentional or malicious.

All these enactments have been superseded by the Judicature Acts, but in the case of slander on women the provisions of the act of 1623 were re-enacted in the Slander of Women Act 1891.

All these laws have been replaced by the Judicature Acts, but in the case of slander against women, the provisions of the act of 1623 were re-enacted in the Slander of Women Act 1891.

Supreme Court.—The general rule now in force in the Supreme Court of Judicature is as follows:—“Subject to the provisions of the Judicature Acts and the rules of the court made thereunder, and to the express provision of any statute whether passed before or after the 14th of August 1890, the costs of and incident to all proceedings in the Supreme Court, including the administration of estates and trusts, shall be in the discretion of the court or judge, and the court or judge shall have full power to determine by whom and to what extent such costs are to be paid. Provided (1) that nothing herein contained shall deprive an executor, administrator, trustee or mortgagee who has not unreasonably carried on or resisted any proceedings of any right to costs out of a particular estate or fund to which he would be entitled under the rules hitherto (i.e. before 1883) acted upon in the chancery division as successor of the court of chancery; (2) that where an action, cause, matter or issue is tried with a jury, the costs shall follow the event unless the judge who tried the case or the court shall for good cause otherwise order.” (R.S.C., O. 65, r. 1.)

Supreme Court.—The current rule in effect in the Supreme Court of Judicature is as follows:—“Except as provided by the Judicature Acts and the rules of the court made under them, and any specific provisions of any statute whether enacted before or after August 14, 1890, the costs of all proceedings in the Supreme Court, including the management of estates and trusts, will be at the discretion of the court or judge, who will have full authority to determine who should pay such costs and to what extent. Provided (1) that nothing in this rule will take away the right to costs from an executor, administrator, trustee, or mortgagee who has reasonably conducted or resisted any proceedings, for costs from a specific estate or fund they would have been entitled to under the previously followed rules (i.e., before 1883) in the chancery division as a successor of the court of chancery; (2) that when an action, cause, matter, or issue is tried with a jury, the costs will follow the outcome unless the judge who tried the case or the court orders otherwise for valid reasons.” (R.S.C., O. 65, r. 1.)

The rule above stated applies to civil proceedings on the crown side of the king’s bench division, including mandamus, prohibition quo warranto, and certiorari (R. v. Woodhouse, 1906, 2 K.B. 502, 540); and to proceedings on the revenue side of that division (O. 68, r. 1); but it does not apply to criminal proceedings in the High Court, which are regulated by the crown office rules of 1906, or by statutes dealing with particular breaches of the law, and as to procedure in taxing costs by O. 65, r. 27, of the Rules of the Supreme Court.

The rule mentioned above applies to civil cases in the crown side of the king’s bench division, including mandamus, prohibition, quo warranto, and certiorari (R. v. Woodhouse, 1906, 2 K.B. 502, 540); and to cases on the revenue side of that division (O. 68, r. 1); however, it does not apply to criminal cases in the High Court, which are governed by the crown office rules of 1906 or by specific laws related to particular legal violations, and regarding the procedure for assessing costs by O. 65, r. 27, of the Rules of the Supreme Court.

The rule is also subject to specific provision empowering the courts to limit the costs to be adjudged against the unsuccessful party in proceedings in the High Court, which could and should have been instituted in a county court, e.g. actions of contract under £100, or actions of tort in which less than £10 is recovered (County Courts Act 1888, §§ 65, 66, 116; County Courts Act 1903, § 3).

The rule is also subject to specific provisions that allow the courts to limit the costs charged to the losing party in cases heard in the High Court that could have been and should have been brought to a county court, such as contract actions under £100 or tort actions where less than £10 is recovered (County Courts Act 1888, §§ 65, 66, 116; County Courts Act 1903, § 3).

For instance, in actions falling within the Public Authorities Protection Act 1893 against public bodies or officials, the defendant, if successful, is entitled to recover costs as between solicitor and client unless a special order to the contrary is made 224 by the court; and under some statutes still unrepealed, double or treble costs are to be allowed. Besides the rules above stated, there is also a provision, adopted from the practice of courts of equity, that if tender was made before action of a sum sufficient to satisfy the plaintiff’s just demand and is followed by payment into court in the action of the sum tendered, the court will make the plaintiff pay the costs of action as having been unnecessarily brought.

For example, in cases under the Public Authorities Protection Act 1893 against public bodies or officials, if the defendant wins, they can recover costs like a solicitor and client unless the court issues a special order against it. Additionally, under some statutes that haven't been repealed, double or triple costs may be awarded. Beyond the rules mentioned above, there’s also a provision, taken from equity court practices, that if a tender was made before the lawsuit for an amount that would satisfy the plaintiff's valid claim and is followed by payment into court of the amount tendered, the court will require the plaintiff to cover the costs of the action since it was brought unnecessarily. 224

Costs of interlocutory proceedings in the course of a litigation are sometimes said to be “costs in the cause,” that is, they abide the result of the principal issue. A party succeeding in interlocutory proceedings, and paying the costs therein made “costs in the cause,” would recover the amount of such costs if he had a judgment for costs on the result of the whole trial, but not otherwise. But it is usual now not to tax the costs of interlocutory proceedings till after final judgment.

Costs of interim proceedings during a lawsuit are sometimes referred to as "costs in the cause," meaning they depend on the outcome of the main issue. A party that wins in interim proceedings and pays the associated costs, labeled as "costs in the cause," would get those costs back only if they receive a judgment for costs at the end of the entire trial, but not in any other situation. However, it’s now common practice to wait to assess the costs of interim proceedings until after the final judgment.

Taxation.—When an order to pay the costs of litigation is made the costs are taxed in the central office of the High Court, unless the court when making the order fixes the amount to be paid (R.S.C., O. 65, r. 23). Recent changes in the organization for taxing have tended to create a uniformity of system and method which had long been needed.

Taxation.—When a court orders someone to pay litigation costs, those costs are officially calculated at the central office of the High Court, unless the court specifies the amount to be paid when it issues the order (R.S.C., O. 65, r. 23). Recent updates to the process for calculating costs have aimed to establish a consistent system and method that has been required for a long time.

The taxation is effected, under an elaborate set of regulations, by reference to the prescribed scales, and on what is known as the lower scale, unless the court has specially ordered taxation on the higher scale (R.S.C., O. 65, rr. 8, 9, appendix N).

The tax is applied based on a detailed set of rules, using the specified scales, typically the lower scale, unless the court has specifically directed tax to be calculated on the higher scale (R.S.C., O. 65, rr. 8, 9, appendix N).

In the taxation of litigious costs two methods are still adopted, known as “between party and party” and “between solicitor and client.” Unless a special order is made the first of the two methods is adopted. Until very recently “party and party” costs were found to be a very imperfect indemnity to the successful litigant; because many items which his solicitor would be entitled to charge against him for the purposes of the litigation were not recoverable from his unsuccessful opponent. The High Court can now, in exercise of the equitable jurisdiction derived from the court of chancery, make orders on the losing party to pay the costs of the winner as between solicitor and client. These orders are not often made except in the chancery division. But even where party and party costs only are ordered to be paid under the present practice (dating from 1902), the taxing office allows against the unsuccessful party all costs, charges and expenses necessary or proper for the attainment of justice or defending the rights of the successful party, but not costs incurred through over-caution, negligence, or by paying special fees to counsel or special fees to witnesses or other persons, or by any other unusual expenses (R.S.C., O. 65, rr. 27, 29). This practice tends to give an approximate indemnity, while preventing oppression of the losing party by making him pay for lavish expenditure by his opponent. The taxation is subject to review by a judge on formal objections carried on, and an appeal lies to the Court of Appeal.

In the taxation of legal costs, there are still two methods used, called "between party and party" and "between solicitor and client." Unless a special order is made, the first method is used. Until recently, "party and party" costs were seen as a very inadequate compensation for the winning party because many expenses that the solicitor could charge for the litigation were not recoverable from the losing side. The High Court can now, using the equitable authority from the court of chancery, order the losing party to pay the winning party's costs as if they were between solicitor and client. These orders are not commonly issued except in the chancery division. However, even when only "party and party" costs are ordered to be paid under the current practice (which dates back to 1902), the taxing office allows the unsuccessful party to pay all costs, charges, and expenses necessary or appropriate for achieving justice or defending the successful party’s rights, but not for costs arising from over-caution, negligence, or special fees to counsel or witnesses, or any other unusual expenses (R.S.C., O. 65, rr. 27, 29). This practice aims to provide a reasonable indemnity while preventing the losing party from being burdened with excessive spending by their opponent. The taxation is subject to review by a judge based on formal objections, and an appeal can be made to the Court of Appeal.

County Courts.—The costs of all proceedings in county courts follow the event, unless the judge in his discretion otherwise orders. The amount allowed is regulated by scales included in the county court rules, and is ascertained by the registrar of the court subject to any special direction by the judge, and to review by him. The costs are allowed as between party and party, but the registrar on the application of solicitor or party, and subject to the like review, taxes costs as between solicitor and client. Nothing is allowed which is not sanctioned by the scales, unless it is proved that the client has agreed in writing to pay (County Courts Act 1888, § 118).

County Courts.—The costs of all proceedings in county courts are based on the outcome, unless the judge decides otherwise. The amount allowed is determined by scales included in the county court rules and is assessed by the court's registrar, subject to any special instructions from the judge and his review. Costs are permitted between the parties, but the registrar may, upon the request of a solicitor or party and subject to similar review, determine costs between the solicitor and client. Nothing is permitted that isn't approved by the scales unless it’s proven that the client has agreed in writing to pay (County Courts Act 1888, § 118).

Costs in Criminal Cases.—In criminal cases the right to recover the expenses of prosecution or defence from public funds or the opposite party depends wholly on statute. According to the common law rule the crown neither pays nor receives costs, but the rule is in some cases altered by statute (Thomas v. Pritchard, 1903, 1 K.B. 209).

Costs in Criminal Cases.—In criminal cases, the ability to get back the costs of prosecution or defense from public funds or the other party relies entirely on statute. Under common law, the crown does not pay or receive costs, but this rule is changed in some instances by statute (Thomas v. Pritchard, 1903, 1 K.B. 209).

Courts of summary jurisdiction may order costs to be paid by the unsuccessful to the successful party (Summary Jurisdiction Act 1848, § 18).

Courts with limited authority can require the losing party to cover the costs for the winning party (Summary Jurisdiction Act 1848, § 18).

On prosecutions for treason or felony the court may order the accused person, if convicted, to pay the costs of his prosecution (Forfeiture Act 1870); and the like power exists as to persons convicted of offences indictable under the Criminal Law Amendment Act 1885 (see § 18), and as to persons convicted on indictment of assault, corrupt practices at elections, offences against the Merchandise Marks Acts, or of defamatory libel, if they have unsuccessfully pleaded jurisdiction.

On prosecutions for treason or felony, the court can order the convicted person to pay the costs of their prosecution (Forfeiture Act 1870); a similar authority applies to individuals convicted of offenses punishable under the Criminal Law Amendment Act 1885 (see § 18), as well as to those convicted by indictment for assault, corrupt practices in elections, violations of the Merchandise Marks Acts, or defamatory libel, if they have unsuccessfully claimed jurisdiction.

Provision is also made for the payment out of the local rate of the district of the costs of prosecuting all felonies (except treason felony) and a number of misdemeanours. A list of these offences will be found in Archbold, Criminal Pleading, 23rd ed., 246. The legislation on this subject authorizes the payment of the expenses of witnesses and of the prosecutor, both at a preliminary inquiry before justices and at the trial, and in the case of summary conviction for any of the indictable offences in question. It has been extended so as to include the expenses of witnesses for the defence in any indictable case if they have given evidence at the preliminary inquiry, and the costs of the defence of poor prisoners in every indictable case in which the committing justices or the court of trial certify for legal aid (Poor Prisoners’ Defence Act 1903). The costs are taxed by the proper officer of the court of assize or the clerk of the peace in accordance with scales issued by the Home Office in 1903 and 1904. These scales do not fix the fees to be allowed to counsel or solicitor for the prosecution. The costs, when taxed, are paid by the treasurer of the county or borough on whom the order for payment is made.

Provision is also made for the payment from the local tax of the district for the costs of prosecuting all felonies (except treason felony) and a number of misdemeanors. A list of these offenses can be found in Archbold, Criminal Pleading, 23rd ed., 246. The legislation on this topic allows for the payment of expenses for witnesses and the prosecutor, both at a preliminary inquiry before justices and at the trial, as well as in the case of summary conviction for any of the relevant indictable offenses. It has been expanded to include the expenses of witnesses for the defense in any indictable case if they provided evidence at the preliminary inquiry, and the costs of defending poor prisoners in every indictable case where the committing justices or the trial court approve legal aid (Poor Prisoners’ Defence Act 1903). The costs are assessed by the appropriate officer of the court of assize or the clerk of the peace according to scales issued by the Home Office in 1903 and 1904. These scales do not set the fees allowed for counsel or solicitors for the prosecution. The costs, once assessed, are paid by the treasurer of the county or borough upon whom the payment order is issued.

Where a prosecution or indictment fails, the prosecutor cannot as a rule be made to pay the costs of the defence: except in cases within the Vexatious Indictments Act 1859 and its amendments (i.e. where he has, after a refusal by justices to commit for trial, insisted on continuing the prosecution); or where a defamatory libel is successfully justified, or where prosecutions in respect of merchandise marks or corrupt practices at elections have failed.

Where a prosecution or indictment is unsuccessful, the prosecutor generally cannot be required to cover the costs of the defense, except in cases outlined in the Vexatious Indictments Act 1859 and its amendments (i.e., when he has insisted on continuing the prosecution after justices have refused to commit for trial); or when a defamatory libel is successfully justified; or when prosecutions regarding merchandise marks or corrupt election practices have failed.

(W. F. C.)

COSTUME (through the Fr. costume, from Ital. costume, Late Lat. costuma, a contracted form of Lat. consuetudinem, acc. of consuetudo, custom, habit, manner, &c.), dress or clothing, especially the distinctive clothing worn at different periods by different peoples or different classes of people. The word appears in English in the 18th century, and was first applied to the correct representation, in literature and art, of the manners, dress, furniture and general surroundings of the scene represented. By the early part of the 19th century it became restricted to the fashion or style of personal apparel, including the head-dresses, jewelry and the like.

COSTUME (from the French costume, from Italian costume, Late Latin costuma, a shortened form of Latin consuetudinem, accusative of consuetudo, custom, habit, manner, etc.), refers to dress or clothing, especially the unique clothing worn during different times by various cultures or social classes. The term entered English in the 18th century and was initially used to describe the accurate depiction, in literature and art, of the manners, clothing, furniture, and general environment of the scene depicted. By the early 19th century, it was mainly confined to the fashion or style of personal attire, including headwear, jewelry, and similar accessories.

The subject of clothing is far wider than appears at first sight. To the average man there is a distinction between clothing and ornament, the first being regarded as that covering which satisfies the claims of modesty, the second as those appendages which satisfy the aesthetic sense. This distinction, however, does not exist for science, and indeed the first definition involves a fallacy of which it will be as well to dispose forthwith.

The topic of clothing is much broader than it seems at first glance. For the average person, there’s a difference between clothing and decoration, with clothing seen as the covering that meets the demands of modesty, while decoration refers to the items that fulfill aesthetic pleasure. However, this distinction doesn’t hold up in scientific terms, and in fact, the first definition contains a misconception that we should clarify right away.

Modesty is not innate in man, and its conventional nature is easily seen from a consideration of the different ideas held by different races on this subject. With Mahommedan peoples it is sufficient for a woman to cover her face; the Chinese women would think it extremely indecent to show their artificially compressed feet, and it is even improper to mention them to a woman; in Sumatra and Celebes the wild tribes consider the exposure of the knee immodest; in central Asia the finger-tips, and in Samoa the navel are similarly regarded. In Tahiti and Tonga clothing might be discarded without offence, provided the individual were tattooed; and among the Caribs a woman might leave the hut without her girdle but not unpainted. Similarly, in Alaska, women felt great shame when seen without the plugs they carried in their lips. Europeans are considered indelicate in many ways by other races, and a remark of Peschel1 is to the point: “Were a pious Mussulman of Ferghana to be present at our balls and see the bare shoulders of our wives and daughters, and the semi-embraces of our round dances, he would silently wonder at the long-suffering of Allah who had not long 225 ago poured fire and brimstone on this sinful and shameless generation.” Another point of interest lies in the difference of outlook with which nudity is regarded by the English and Japanese. Among the latter it has been common for the sexes to take baths together without clothing, while in England mixed bathing, even in full costume, is even now by no means universal. Yet in England the representation of the nude in art meets with no reproach, though considered improper by the Japanese. Even more striking is the fact that in civilized countries what is permitted at certain times is forbidden at others; a woman will expose far more of her person at night, in the ballroom or theatre, than would be considered seemly by day in the street; and a bathing costume which would be thought modest on the beach would meet with reprobation in a town.

Modesty isn’t something people are born with; it’s shaped by culture, as seen through the different views various races have on the subject. For Muslim communities, it's enough for a woman to cover her face; Chinese women consider it extremely inappropriate to reveal their feet, which they keep tightly bound, and it's even improper to mention them to a woman. In Sumatra and Celebes, local tribes view exposing the knees as immodest, while in Central Asia, finger-tips and in Samoa, the navel are similarly treated. In Tahiti and Tonga, people could go without clothes as long as they were tattooed, and among the Caribs, a woman could leave her hut without her girdle but not without body paint. Likewise, in Alaska, women felt significant shame if seen without the lip plugs they wore. Europeans are considered indecent in numerous ways by other cultures, and Peschel’s comment is relevant: “If a devout Muslim from Ferghana were to attend our parties and see the bare shoulders of our wives and daughters, and the almost embraces in our round dances, he would silently marvel at Allah’s patience for not having unleashed fire and brimstone on this sinful and shameless generation.” Another interesting difference is how nudity is perceived by the English and the Japanese. In Japan, it’s been normal for men and women to share baths without clothes, while in England, mixed bathing, even fully clothed, is still not widespread. However, in England, depicting nudity in art is accepted, even though it's viewed as improper by the Japanese. Even more surprising is the fact that in civilized countries, what is acceptable at certain times is often forbidden at others; a woman shows much more of her body at night in a ballroom or theater than would be considered appropriate during the day on the street, and a swimsuit deemed modest at the beach would be frowned upon in a town.

Modesty therefore is highly conventional, and to discover its origin the most primitive tribes must be observed. Among these, in Africa, South America, Australia and so forth, where clothing is at a minimum, the men are always more elaborately ornamented than the women. At the same time it is noticeable that no cases of spinsterhood are found; celibacy, rare as it is, is confined to the male sex. It is reasonable, therefore, to conclude that ornament is a stimulus to sexual selection, and this conclusion is enforced by the fact that among many comparatively nude peoples clothing is assumed at certain dances which have as their confessed object the excitation of the passions of the opposite sex. Many forms of clothing, moreover, seem to call attention to those parts of the body of which, under the conditions of Western civilization at the present day, it aims at the concealment; certain articles of dress worn by the New Hebrideans, the Zulu-Xosa tribes, certain tribes of Brazil and others, are cases in point. Clothing, moreover—and this is true also of the present day—almost always tends to accentuate rather than to conceal the difference between the sexes. Looking at the question then from the point of view of sexual selection it would seem that a stage in the progress of human society is marked by the discovery that concealment affords a greater stimulus than revelation; that the fact is true is obvious,—even to modern eyes a figure partially clad appears far more indecent than a nude. That the stimulus is real is seen in the fact that among nude races flagrant immorality is far less common than among the more clothed; the contrast between the Polynesians and Melanesians, living as neighbours under similar conditions, is striking evidence on this point. Later, when the novelty of clothing has spent its force, the stimulus is supplied by nudity complete or partial.

Modesty is mainly a social construct, and to understand where it comes from, we should look at the most basic tribes. In places like Africa, South America, Australia, and so on, where people wear very little clothing, men are usually more decorated than women. Interestingly, there are no instances of unmarried women; celibacy is mostly found in men. Thus, it makes sense to conclude that adornment plays a role in sexual attraction, and this is supported by the fact that among many groups who wear little clothing, people put on outfits during certain dances specifically to excite the passions of the opposite sex. Also, many clothing styles seem to highlight the areas of the body that, in today's Western society, are typically covered up; examples can be seen in the attire of the New Hebrideans, the Zulu-Xhosa tribes, various Brazilian tribes, and others. Additionally, clothing generally emphasizes the differences between genders rather than hiding them, which holds true even today. If we view this through the lens of sexual selection, it appears that a significant point in human society is marked by the realization that hiding certain parts is more enticing than showing them. This reality is clear—today, even a partially clothed figure seems much more inappropriate than one that is entirely nude. The actual effect can be seen in the fact that among Indigenous groups with little clothing, open immorality is much less common than in those who wear more. The stark contrast between neighboring Polynesians and Melanesians living in similar environments is a strong example of this. Eventually, when the novelty of clothing wears off, the allure comes from being completely or partially nude.

One more point must be considered: there is the evidence of competent observers to show that members of a tribe accustomed to nudity, when made to assume clothing for the first time, exhibit as much confusion as would a European compelled to strip in public. This fact, considered together with what has been said above, compels the conclusion that modesty is a feeling merely of acute self-consciousness due to appearing unusual, and is the result of clothing rather than the cause. In the words of Westermarck: “The facts appear to prove that the feeling of shame, far from being the cause of man’s covering his body, is, on the contrary, a result of this custom; and that the covering, if not used as a protection from the climate, owes its origin, at least in a great many cases, to the desire of men and women to make themselves mutually attractive.”

One more point needs to be addressed: there's evidence from reliable observers showing that members of a tribe who are used to being nude, when made to wear clothes for the first time, exhibit just as much confusion as a European who is forced to undress in public. This fact, when combined with what has been discussed earlier, leads to the conclusion that modesty is simply a feeling of intense self-consciousness triggered by looking different and stems from clothing rather than causing it. In the words of Westermarck: “The facts seem to show that the feeling of shame, far from being the reason people cover their bodies, is actually a result of this practice; and that covering, unless used for protection from the climate, originates, at least in many cases, from the desire of men and women to make themselves appealing to each other.”

Primitive adornment in its earliest stages may be divided into three classes; first the moulding of the body itself to certain local standards of beauty. In this category may be placed head-deformation, which reached its extreme development among the Indians of North-West America and the ancient Peruvians; foot-constriction as practised by the Chinese; tooth-chipping among many African tribes; and waist-compression common in Europe at the present day. Many forms of deformation, it may be remarked in passing, emphasize some natural physical characteristic of the people who practise them. Secondly, the application of extraneous matter to the body, as painting and tattooing, and the raising of ornamental scars often by the introduction of foreign matter into flesh-wounds (this practice belongs partly to the first category also). Thirdly, the suspension of foreign bodies from, or their attachment to, convenient portions of the body. This category, by far the largest, includes ear-, nose- and lip-ornaments, head-dresses, necklets, armlets, wristlets, leglets, anklets, finger-and toe-rings and girdles. The last are important, as it is from the waist-ornaments chiefly that what is commonly considered clothing at the present day has been developed.

Primitive adornment in its earliest stages can be divided into three categories. First, there's the shaping of the body itself to meet specific local beauty standards. This includes head-deformation, which was most pronounced among the Indigenous peoples of Northwest America and ancient Peruvians; foot-binding practiced by the Chinese; tooth-chipping seen in many African tribes; and waist-compression that is still common in Europe today. Notably, many forms of deformation highlight a natural physical trait of the people who engage in them. Secondly, there's the addition of external materials to the body, such as painting and tattooing, as well as the creation of decorative scars often by inserting foreign materials into flesh wounds (this practice also partly belongs to the first category). Third, there's the hanging or attaching of foreign objects to various parts of the body. This category, by far the largest, includes ear, nose, and lip ornaments, headdresses, necklaces, armlets, wristbands, leg bands, anklets, and rings for fingers and toes, as well as girdles. The last group is significant because it is mainly from waist ornaments that what we now consider clothing has evolved.

Setting aside for the moment the less important, historically, of these, nearly all of which exist in Western civilization of the present day, it will be as well to consider that form of dress which is marked by the greatest evolution. It is generally supposed that man originated in tropical or subtropical latitudes, and spread gradually towards the poles. Naturally, as the temperature became lower, a new function was gradually acquired by his clothing, that of protecting the body of the wearer. Climate then is one of the forces which play an important part in the evolution of dress; at the same time care must be taken not to attribute too much influence to it. It must be remembered that the Arabs, who inhabit an extremely hot country, are very fully clothed, while the Fuegians at the extremity of Cape Horn, exposed to all the rigours of an antarctic climate, have, as sole protection, a skin attached to the body by cords, so that it can be shifted to either side according to the direction of the wind.

Setting aside the less significant aspects of this, most of which still exist in today’s Western civilization, it’s worth considering the style of dress that has evolved the most. It's generally believed that humans first appeared in tropical or subtropical regions and gradually moved toward the colder areas. As temperatures dropped, clothing took on a new role—protecting the body of the wearer. Climate is a significant factor influencing the evolution of dress; however, we should be careful not to overstate its impact. It's important to note that the Arabs, living in a very hot climate, wear considerable clothing, while the Fuegians at the southern tip of Cape Horn, who face harsh Antarctic conditions, only have a skin garment secured to their bodies with cords that can be shifted to either side based on the wind direction.

Dr. C. H. Stratz divides clothing climatically into two classes: tropical, which is based on the girdle (or, when the attachment is fastened round the neck, the cloak), and the arctic, based on the trouser. This classification is ingenious and convenient as far as it goes, but it seems probable that the trouser, which also has the waist as its point of attachment, may itself be a further development of the girdle. Certainly, however, in historical times the division holds good, and it is worthy of remark that one of the points about the northern barbarians which struck the ancient Greeks and Romans most forcibly was the fact that they wore trousers. Amongst the most northerly races the latter garb is worn by both sexes alike; farther south by the men, the women retaining the tropical form; farther south still the latter reigns supreme. No distinct latitude can be assigned as a boundary between the two forms, from the simple fact that where migration in comparatively recent times has taken place a natural conservatism has prevented the more familiar garb from being discarded; at the same time the two forms can often be seen within the limits of the same country; as, for instance, in China, where the women of Shanghai commonly wear trousers, those of Hong-Kong skirts. The retention by women in Europe of the tropical garb can be explained by the fact that her sphere has been mainly confined to the house, and her life has been less active than that of man; consequently the adoption of the arctic dress has been in her case less necessary. But it is noticeable that where women engage in occupations of a more than usually strenuous nature, they frequently don male costume while at their work; as, for instance, women who work in mines (Belgium) and who tend cattle (Switzerland, Tirol). The retention of the tropical pattern by the Highlanders is due directly to environment, since the kilt is better suited than trousers for walking over wet heather.

Dr. C. H. Stratz categorizes clothing based on climate into two types: tropical, which relies on the girdle (or, when the attachment is fastened around the neck, the cloak), and arctic, which is based on trousers. This classification is clever and useful as far as it goes, but it seems likely that trousers, which also attach at the waist, could be a further evolution of the girdle. However, historically, this division holds true, and it's notable that one of the characteristics of the northern barbarians that impressed the ancient Greeks and Romans the most was their use of trousers. Among the northernmost cultures, both genders wear trousers; further south, it's primarily worn by men, while women maintain the tropical style; even further south, the latter becomes dominant. No specific latitude can be defined as the boundary between these two styles, simply because where migration has occurred more recently, traditional clothing has often been retained; at the same time, both forms can often be seen within the same country, as in China, where women in Shanghai commonly wear trousers and those in Hong Kong wear skirts. The persistence of the tropical style among women in Europe can be explained by their roles mostly being confined to the home and their lives being less active than men’s, making the adoption of arctic clothing less necessary. However, it is striking that where women take on particularly strenuous jobs, they often wear men’s clothing while working, such as women working in mines (Belgium) and those tending cattle (Switzerland, Tirol). The retention of the tropical style among Highlanders directly relates to their environment, as kilts are better suited for walking over wet heather than trousers.

Another factor besides climate which has exerted a powerful influence on dress—more perhaps on what is commonly regarded as “jewelry” as distinct from “clothing”—is superstition. Doubtless many of the smaller objects with which primitive man adorned himself, especially trophies from the animal world, were supposed to exert some beneficial or protective influence on the wearer, or to produce in him the distinguishing characteristics attributed to the object, or to the whole of which the object was a part. Such objects might be imitated in other materials and by successive copying lose their identity, or their first meaning might be otherwise forgotten, and they would ultimately exercise a purely decorative function. Though this factor may be responsible for much, or even the greater part, of primitive “jewelry,” yet it does not seem likely that it is the cause of all forms of ornament; much must be attributed to the desire to satisfy an innate aesthetic sense, which is seen in children 226 and of which some glimmerings appear among the lower animals also.

Another factor besides climate that has had a strong impact on dress—especially on what we usually think of as “jewelry” rather than “clothing”—is superstition. It's likely that many of the smaller items primitive people decorated themselves with, particularly trophies from animals, were believed to have some positive or protective effect on the wearer, or to impart certain traits associated with the object, or with whatever the object was part of. These items might have been copied in different materials and, over time, lost their original identity, or their original meaning could have faded, leading them to serve only a decorative purpose. While this factor may account for a lot of primitive “jewelry,” it doesn't seem likely that it explains all forms of ornamentation; much can also be linked to the need to fulfill an inherent aesthetic sense, which can be seen in children and which also appears, to some extent, in lower animals. 226

See Ed. Westermarck, The History of Human Marriage (London, 1901); Racinet, Le Costume historique (Paris, 1888); C. H. Stratz, Frauenkleidung (Stuttgart).

See Ed. Westermarck, The History of Human Marriage (London, 1901); Racinet, Le Costume historique (Paris, 1888); C. H. Stratz, Frauenkleidung (Stuttgart).

(T. A. J.)

I. Ancient Costume

I. Vintage Outfit

i. Ancient Oriental.—Although the numerous discoveries of monuments, sculptures, wall-paintings, seals, gems, &c., combine with the evidence from inscriptions and from biblical and classical writers to furnish a considerable accumulation of material, the methodical study of costume (in its widest sense) in the ancient oriental world (western Asia and Egypt) has several difficulties of its own. It is often difficult to obtain quite accurate or even adequate reproductions of scenes and subjects, and, when this is done, it is obviously necessary to refrain from treating the work of the old artists and sculptors as equivalent to photographic representations. Art tended to become schematic, artists were bound by certain limitations and conventions (Egypt under Amenophis IV. is a notable exception), and their work was apt to be stilted. In Egypt, too, the spirit of caricature occasionally shows itself. But when every allowance is made for the imperfections or the cunning of the workman, one need only examine any collection of antiquities to see that there was a distinct appreciation of foreign physical types (not so much for personal portraiture), costumes, toilet, armour and decoration, often markedly different from native forms, and that a single scene (e.g. war, tribute-bearers, captives) will represent varieties of dress which are consistently observed in other scenes or which can be substantiated from native sources.2 Important evidence can thus be obtained on ethnological relations, foreign influences and the like. Speaking generally, it has been found that the East as opposed to the West has undergone relatively little alteration in the principal constituents of dress among the bulk of the population, and, although it is often difficult to interpret or explain some of the details as represented (one may contrast, for example, worn sculptures or seals with the vivid Egyptian paintings), comparison with later descriptions and even with modern usage is frequently suggestive. The vocabulary of old oriental costume is surprisingly large, and some perplexity is caused by the independent evolution both of the technical terms (where they are intelligible) and of the articles of dress themselves. In reality there were numerous minor variations in the cut and colour of ancient dress even as there are in the present day in or around Palestine. These differences have depended upon climate, occupation, occasion (e.g. marriage, worship, feasts), and especially upon individual status and taste. Rank has accounted for much, and ceremonial dress—the apparel of the gods, their representatives and their ministers—opens out several interesting lines of inquiry. The result of intercourse, whether with other Orientals, or (in later times) with Greeks and Romans, naturally left its mark, and there have been ages of increasing luxury followed by periods of reaction, with a general levelling and nationalization on religious grounds (Judaism, Islam). All in all the study of oriental costume down to the days of Hellenism proves to be something more than that of mere apparel, and any close survey of the evidence speedily raises questions which concern old oriental history and thought.

i. Ancient Oriental.—Even though many discoveries of monuments, sculptures, wall paintings, seals, gems, etc., along with evidence from inscriptions and biblical and classical writers provide a significant amount of material, the systematic study of costume (in its broadest sense) in the ancient oriental world (Western Asia and Egypt) presents several challenges. It's often tough to get accurate or even sufficient reproductions of scenes and subjects, and when this is achieved, it’s crucial to avoid treating the works of ancient artists and sculptors as if they were photographic images. Art often became schematic; artists were limited by certain constraints and conventions (with Egypt under Amenophis IV. being a notable exception), leading to work that could appear stilted. In Egypt, the spirit of caricature sometimes surfaced. However, even with the imperfections or cleverness of the artisans in mind, examining any collection of antiquities reveals a clear appreciation for foreign physical types (not so much for personal portraiture), costumes, grooming, armor, and decoration, which were often significantly different from native styles. A single scene (for example, war, tribute-bearers, captives) often portrays varieties of dress that are consistently observed in other scenes or can be backed up with native sources. Important evidence can therefore be gathered on ethnic relations, foreign influences, and the like. Generally speaking, it has been found that the East, in contrast to the West, has experienced relatively little change in the main components of clothing among most of the population. Although it can be challenging to interpret or explain certain details as represented (one might compare worn sculptures or seals with vivid Egyptian paintings), comparisons with later descriptions and even modern practices can often be revealing. The vocabulary of ancient oriental costume is surprisingly extensive, and confusion arises from the independent evolution of both the technical terms (where they are understandable) and the clothing items themselves. In reality, there were numerous minor variations in the cut and color of ancient dress, just as there are today in or around Palestine. These differences were influenced by climate, occupation, occasion (such as marriage, worship, or feasts), and especially individual status and taste. Rank played a significant role, and ceremonial dress—the clothing of the gods, their representatives, and their ministers—opens up several fascinating areas of inquiry. The impact of interactions, whether with other Eastern cultures or (in later times) with Greeks and Romans, naturally left its mark, along with eras of increasing luxury followed by periods of reaction, culminating in a general leveling and nationalization on religious grounds (Judaism, Islam). Overall, the study of oriental costume up to the days of Hellenism proves to be something more than just clothing, and a close examination of the evidence quickly raises questions related to ancient oriental history and thought.

Fig. 1.—Egyptian Loin-cloth.

The simplest of all coverings is the loin-cloth characteristic of warm climates, and a necessary protection where there are trying extremes of temperature. Clothing did not originate in ideas of decency (Gen. ii. 25, iii. 7). Children Body-Covering. ran and still run about naked, the industrious workman upon the Egyptian monuments is often nude, and the worshipper would even appear before his deity in a state of absolute innocence.3 The Hebrews held that the leaves of the fig-tree (the largest available tree in Palestine) served primitive man and that the Deity gave them skins for a covering—evidently after he had slain the animals (Gen. iii. 21). With this one may compare the Phoenician myth (now in a late source) which ascribed the novelty of the use of skins to the hero Usōos (cf. the biblical Esau, q.v.). The loin-or waist-cloth prevailed under a very great variety of minor differentiated forms. In Egypt it was the plain short linen cloth wrapped around the loins and tied in front (see fig. 1). It was the usual garb of scribes, servants and peasants, and in the earlier dynasties was worn even by men of rank. Sometimes, however, it was of matting or was seated with leather, or it would take the form of a narrow fringed girdle resembling that of many African tribes. The Semites who visited Egypt wore a larger and coloured cloth, ornamented with parallel stripes of patterns similar to those found upon some early specimens of Palestinian pottery. The border was fringed or was ornamented with bunches of tassels. But a close-fitting skirt or tunic was more usual, and the Semites on the famous Beni-Hasan tombs (about the 20th or 19th century B.C.) wear richly decorated cloth (pattern similar to the above), while the leader is arrayed in a magnificent wrapper in blue, red and white, with fringed edges, and a neck-ribbon to keep it in position (see fig. 2).4 In harmony with prevailing custom the women’s dress is rather longer than that of the men, but both sexes have the arms free and the right shoulder is exposed. Returning to Egypt we find that the loin-cloth developed downwards into a skirt falling below the knees. Among the upper classes it was unusually broad and was made to stand out in 227 front in triangular form. In the Middle Kingdom an outer fine light skirt was worn over the loin-cloth; ordinary people, however, used thicker material. Egyptian women had a tight foldless tunic which exposed the breasts; it was generally kept up by means of braces over the shoulders. This plain diaphanous garment, without distinction of colour (white, red or yellow), and with perhaps only an embroidered hem at the top, was worn by the whole nation, princess and peasant, from the IVth to the XVIIIth Dynasties (Erman, Life in Ancient Egypt, p. 212). Variation, such as it was, consisted of a sleeveless dress covering the shoulders, the neck being cut in the shape of a V. Female servants and peasants when engaged at work, however, had a short skirt which left the legs free and the upper part of the body bare; a like simplicity was probably customary among female servants or captives throughout (cf. Isa. xlvii. 2). Even at the present day the wardrobe of the Sinaitic Bedouin is much more complicated than that of their female folk.

The simplest type of clothing is the loincloth, which is common in warm climates and provides necessary protection against extreme temperatures. Clothing didn’t initially come from a sense of modesty (Gen. ii. 25, iii. 7). Children run around naked, skilled workers in Egyptian art are often depicted nude, and worshippers would even appear before their gods in complete innocence. The Hebrews believed that fig leaves (the largest tree in Palestine) were used by early humans, and that God provided them with animal skins for clothing—likely after he had killed the animals (Gen. iii. 21). This can be compared to a later Phoenician myth that credited the hero Usōos (similar to the biblical Esau) with introducing the use of animal skins. The loincloth or waistcloth came in many forms. In Egypt, it was typically a plain short linen cloth wrapped around the waist and tied in front (see fig. 1). It was worn by scribes, servants, and peasants, and even men of higher status in earlier dynasties. Sometimes it was made of matting or leather, or it could be a narrow fringed belt like those worn by many African tribes. Semites visiting Egypt wore larger, colorful cloths with parallel stripes resembling patterns seen on early Palestinian pottery. The edges were often fringed or decorated with tassels. However, close-fitting skirts or tunics were more common, and Semites depicted in the famous Beni-Hasan tombs (around the 20th or 19th century B.C.) wore richly decorated cloths, with one leader dressed in an elaborate blue, red, and white wrapper with fringed edges and a neck ribbon to hold it in place (see fig. 2). Consistent with the customs of the time, women's dresses were typically longer than men's, but both men and women had bare arms and exposed right shoulders. In Egypt, the loincloth evolved into a skirt that fell below the knees. Among the upper class, the skirt was broader and flared out in a triangular shape. During the Middle Kingdom, a fine outer skirt was worn over the loincloth, while commoners typically wore thicker fabric. Egyptian women wore a tight-fitting, strapless tunic that exposed their breasts, usually held up by shoulder straps. This simple, sheer garment, often in white, red, or yellow and sometimes with just an embroidered top edge, was worn by women of all classes from the IVth to the XVIIIth Dynasties (Erman, Life in Ancient Egypt, p. 212). Variations included a sleeveless dress covering the shoulders with a V-shaped neckline. Female servants and peasants doing work often wore short skirts that left their legs free and their upper bodies bare; this simplicity was likely common among female servants or captives throughout (cf. Isa. xlvii. 2). Even today, the clothing of the Sinaitic Bedouin is much more sophisticated than that of the women in their community.

Fig. 2.—Asiatics visiting Egypt (Beni-Hasan Tombs).
From Hilprecht’s Explorations in Bible Lands, with permission from A. J. Holman & Co. and T. & T. Clark.

Fig. 3.—Old Babylonian Costume.
Fig. 4.—Naram-Sin on the Stele of Victory.

The earliest dress of Babylonia also covered only the lower half of the body. As worn by gods and men it was a long and rather loose kind of skirt suspended from a girdle. It is sometimes smooth; but sometimes it is a shaggy skin (or woollen) skirt with horizontal rows of vertically furrowed stuff. It allowed a certain freedom to the legs, but often it is not clear whether it was joined down the middle. An instructive development shows the upper part of the skirt hanging over the girdle so that an elementary mantle would be obtained by drawing the loose end up over the shoulders (Meyer, p. 93, cf. pp. 55, 76). The characteristic skirt is sometimes supplemented by a coarse cloth, perhaps a fleece, thrown over the shoulders; and in later times it is seen fastened outside a tunic by means of a girdle (see fig. 3).

The earliest clothing in Babylonia also covered just the lower half of the body. Worn by both gods and humans, it was a long, loose type of skirt held up by a belt. Sometimes it was smooth, but other times it featured a shaggy skin (or wool) design with horizontal rows of fabric that were wrinkled. It allowed some freedom of movement for the legs, but it’s often unclear whether it was open at the front. An interesting development shows the top part of the skirt draped over the belt so that it could be pulled up over the shoulders to create a simple cloak (Meyer, p. 93, cf. pp. 55, 76). This distinctive skirt was sometimes paired with a rough cloth, possibly a fleece, thrown over the shoulders; and in later times, we see it being secured outside a tunic with a belt (see fig. 3).

The favourite attitude, one leg planted firmly before the other, shows the right leg fully exposed. A tunic or skirt is found as early as the time of Naram-Sin, son of the great Sargon; it reaches to his knees and appears to be held up by ornamental shoulder-bands (Meyer, pp. 11, 115; fig. 4). Egyptian monuments depict Semites with long bordered tunics reaching from neck to ankle; they have sleeves, which are sometimes curiously decorated, and are tied at the neck with tasselled cords; sometimes there is a peculiar design at the neck resembling a cross (Müller, Asien und Europa, pp. 298 seq.). The Hittite warriors upon north Syrian sculptures (Zenjīrli, perhaps 11th to 9th centuries) have a short-sleeved tunic which ends above the knees, and this type of garment recurs over a large area with numerous small variations (with or without girdle, slits at the neck, or bordering). An interesting example of the long plain variety is afforded by the prisoners of Lachish before Sennacherib (701 B.C.); the circumstances and a comparison of the details would point to its being essentially a simple dress indicative of mourning and humiliation. It may be compared in its general form with the woollen jubba of Arabia, which reached to the knees and was sewn down the front (except at the top and bottom). A modern Bedouin equivalent has long sleeves; it is common to both sexes, the chief difference lying in the colour—white for men, dyed with indigo for women.

The favored stance, with one leg firmly planted in front of the other, shows off the right leg fully. A tunic or skirt appears as early as the time of Naram-Sin, the son of the great Sargon; it reaches his knees and seems to be held up by decorative shoulder straps (Meyer, pp. 11, 115; fig. 4). Egyptian monuments show Semitic people wearing long, bordered tunics that go from neck to ankle; these have sleeves, which are sometimes elaborately decorated, and they are tied at the neck with tasselled cords. Sometimes there's an unusual design at the neck that looks like a cross (Müller, Asien und Europa, pp. 298 seq.). The Hittite warriors found in North Syrian sculptures (Zenjīrli, probably 11th to 9th centuries) wear a short-sleeved tunic that ends above the knees, and this type of garment appears widely with various small differences (with or without a belt, neck slits, or borders). An interesting example of the long, plain variety is seen with the prisoners of Lachish before Sennacherib (701 B.C.); the context and a comparison of the details suggest it was essentially a simple garment symbolizing mourning and humiliation. Its general shape can be compared to the woolen jubba of Arabia, which extends to the knees and is sewn down the front (except at the top and bottom). A modern Bedouin version has long sleeves and is worn by both genders, with the main difference being the color—white for men, dyed indigo for women.

Fig. 5.—Asiatic Envoys in Egypt.
Fig. 6.—An Egyptian Officer.

Another very characteristic garment suggests an original loin-cloth considerably longer than the elementary article which was noticed above. The Arab izār, though now a large outer wrapper, was once a loin-cloth (like the Hebrew ĕzōr), which, however, was long enough to be trodden upon. At the present day male and female pilgrims at Mecca wear such a cloth (the iḥrām); it covers the knees and one end of it may be cast over the shoulder. In Egyptian tombs have been found linen bands no less than 30 ft. in length and 3 ft. in width. The distinctive feature is the spiral arrangement of the garment, the body being wrapped to a greater or less extent with a bandage of varying length in more or less parallel stripes. In old Babylonia both the arms and the whole of the right shoulder were originally uncovered, and one end of the garment was allowed to hang loose over the left arm. It is frequently found upon deities, kings and magnates, and appears to have been composed of some thick furrowed or fluted material, sometimes of bright and variegated design. Not seldom it is difficult to distinguish between the true spiral garment and a dress with parallel horizontal stripes, and 228 one could sometimes suppose that the flounced dress with volants, well known in the Aegean area, had its parallel in Babylonia.5 Egypt furnishes admirable painted and sculptured representations of the forms taken by the Semitic spiral dress in the XVIIIth and XIXth Dynasties; the highly-coloured and gay apparel of Palestine and Syria standing in the strongest contrast to the plain, simple and often scanty garments of the Egyptians (fig. 5). While the common Semite wore a short skirt, often with tassels and sometimes with an upper tunic, the more important had an elaborate scarf (extending from waist to knee) wound over the long tunic, or a longer and close-fitting variety coloured blue and red and generally adorned with rich embroidery. A significant feature is the kind of cape which covers the shoulders, it would not and no doubt was not intended to leave play for the arms; it was the dress of the leisured classes, and a typical scene depicts the chiefs of Lebanon thus arrayed submissively felling cedars for Seti I. (about 1300 B.C.).

Another very characteristic piece of clothing suggests an original loincloth that is considerably longer than the basic version mentioned earlier. The Arab izār, which is now a large outer wrap, was once a loincloth (similar to the Hebrew ĕzōr), and it was long enough to drag on the ground. Nowadays, male and female pilgrims at Mecca wear this cloth (the iḥrām); it covers the knees, and one end can be draped over the shoulder. In Egyptian tombs, linen strips have been discovered that are up to 30 feet long and 3 feet wide. The unique feature is the spiral arrangement of the garment, as the body is wrapped to varying degrees with a bandage of differing lengths in more or less parallel stripes. In ancient Babylonia, both the arms and the entire right shoulder were originally bare, and one end of the garment was allowed to hang loosely over the left arm. It is commonly depicted on deities, kings, and nobles, and it appears to have been made of a thick furrowed or fluted material, sometimes in bright and varied designs. It can be challenging to tell the difference between the true spiral garment and a dress with horizontal stripes, and one might sometimes think that the flounced dress with ruffles, well-known in the Aegean area, has a counterpart in Babylonia. Egypt provides excellent painted and sculpted representations of the forms of the Semitic spiral dress from the XVIIIth and XIXth Dynasties; the brightly colored and vibrant attire of Palestine and Syria stands in stark contrast to the plain, simple, and often scant garments of the Egyptians (fig. 5). While the average Semite wore a short skirt, often with tassels and sometimes with an upper tunic, those of higher status had an elaborate scarf (extending from waist to knee) wrapped around the long tunic, or a longer, close-fitting version that was colored blue and red and typically decorated with rich embroidery. A notable feature is the type of cape that covers the shoulders; it was designed not to allow much movement for the arms. This was the attire of the leisure classes, and a typical scene shows the chiefs of Lebanon, dressed like this, submissively cutting down cedars for Seti I (around 1300 B.C.).

Based on a photo by Giraudon.

Fig. 7. Sargon and his Commander-in-Chief.

Not until the XVIIIth and XIXth Dynasties does a change come over Egyptian costume. The Asiatic conquests made Egypt politically supreme, the centre of life and intercourse, and the tendency arose to pay some attention to outward appearance. From the highest to the lowest—with the important exception of the priests—the new age of luxury wiped out the earlier simplicity. The upper part of the body was covered with a tunic fastened over the girdle. Often the left arm had a short sleeve while the right was bare, but flowing sleeves came into use and various pleated skirts became customary. Garments were multiplied, and the cape and long mantle, which had previously been uncommon, were now usual. Fashions changed in quick succession; upper classes were successively copied by those beneath them and were forced to ensure their dignity by assuming new styles. Whether for ordinary or for special occasions a great variety of costume prevailed, and several types can be distinguished among both sexes (Erman, pp. 207 seq., 213 sqq.; see fig. 6). The fashionable material was linen, and although, according to Herodotus (ii. 81), a woollen mantle was worn over the fringed linen skirt, wool was forbidden to the priests in the temple. The preference for fine white linen, quite in keeping with the exaggerated Egyptian ideas of cleanliness, brought the art of spinning and weaving to a singularly high level; in embroidery, as in tapestry, however, it is probable that western Asia more than held its own (see figs. 7 and 8).

Not until the 18th and 19th Dynasties did Egyptian clothing start to change. The Asiatic conquests made Egypt politically powerful, becoming the center of life and interaction, which led to a growing interest in appearance. From the upper classes to the lower—except for the priests—the new era of luxury replaced the earlier simplicity. The upper body was covered with a tunic tied at the waist. Often, the left arm would have a short sleeve while the right arm was bare, but flowing sleeves started to become popular, and different types of pleated skirts became common. Clothing styles increased, and the cape and long mantle, which had previously been rare, became typical. Fashion changed rapidly; the upper classes were imitated by those beneath them, who felt the need to maintain their dignity by adopting new styles. Whether for everyday wear or special occasions, a wide variety of clothing was worn, with several types identifiable in both men and women (Erman, pp. 207 seq., 213 sqq.; see fig. 6). The most popular fabric was linen, and although Herodotus (ii. 81) mentioned a woolen mantle worn over a fringed linen skirt, wool was forbidden to priests in the temple. The preference for fine white linen, in line with the Egyptians' strong ideas about cleanliness, advanced the art of spinning and weaving to a notably high level; however, in embroidery, as in tapestry, it’s likely that Western Asia was equally influential (see figs. 7 and 8).

Fig. 8.—Assyrian Officers.
Fig. 9.—Israelite Tribute-bearers introduced by two Assyrian Officers.

Quite distinct from the spiral is the old Babylonian cloak, which was thrown over the left shoulder, passed under the right armpit, and hung down, leaving sufficient freedom for the legs. It is often decorated with a fringed border from top to bottom. In time this mantle covered both shoulders and assumed sleeves, and in one form or another it is frequently represented. So Jehu’s tribute-bearers wear short sleeves, trimmed border, and the general effect could even suggest an Assyrian dress (see fig 9). Not unlike this is the style on the bilingual Hittite boss of Tarkudimme, where the skirt ends in a point nearly to the ground and one leg stands out bare to the front—the very favourite attitude. Long fringed robes were worn by Hittites of both sexes, and the women represented at Mar’ash and Zenjīli wear it hung over the characteristic Hittite cylindrical head-dress (fig. 10). On the other hand, the unhappy females of Lachish have a long plain mantle which covers the head and forehead (fig. 11), and the same principle recurs in modern usage, where the tunic will be supplemented by a veil or shawl which (generally bound to the head by a band) frames the face and falls back to the waist. A large mantle could thus serve as a veil, and Rebekah covered her face with her square or oblong wrapper on meeting Isaac (Gen. xxiv. 65). Veiling was ceremonial (1 Cor. xi. 5), and customary on meeting a future bridegroom or at marriage (see Gen. xxix. 23-25). Nevertheless veils were not usually worn out of doors, the countrywoman of to-day is not veiled, and it is uncertain whether there is any early parallel for the yashmak, the narrow strip which covers the face below the eyes and hangs down to the feet.

Quite different from the spiral is the old Babylonian cloak, which was draped over the left shoulder, passed under the right armpit, and hung down, allowing enough freedom for the legs. It's often adorned with a fringed border from top to bottom. Eventually, this mantle covered both shoulders and developed sleeves, and in one form or another, it is frequently depicted. Jehu’s tribute-bearers wear short sleeves with a trimmed border, and the overall look could even resemble Assyrian clothing (see fig 9). Similar to this is the style seen on the bilingual Hittite boss of Tarkudimme, where the skirt ends in a point nearly reaching the ground, and one leg is left bare in front—the favored pose. Long fringed robes were worn by Hittites of both genders, and the women depicted in Mar’ash and Zenjīli wear theirs draped over the typical Hittite cylindrical head-dress (fig. 10). In contrast, the unfortunate women of Lachish have a long plain mantle that covers their heads and foreheads (fig. 11), and the same principle appears in modern usage, where a tunic is paired with a veil or shawl that is usually secured to the head with a band, framing the face and cascading down to the waist. A large mantle could thus double as a veil, and Rebekah covered her face with her square or oblong wrapper upon meeting Isaac (Gen. xxiv. 65). Veiling was ceremonial (1 Cor. xi. 5) and customary when encountering a future bridegroom or during marriage (see Gen. xxix. 23-25). However, veils were not typically worn outdoors; today’s countrywomen do not wear veils, and it's uncertain whether there is any early equivalent for the yashmak, the narrow strip that covers the face below the eyes and hangs down to the feet.

From Der alte Orient, with permission from J. C. Hinrichs’sche Buchhandlung.

Fig. 10.—Hittite Women.
Fig. 11.—Prisoners of Lachish.

Before passing to the special covering for the feet and head some further reference to the Old Testament usage may be made. Among the Hebrews the outer garment, as distinct from the inner loin wrapper (ĕzōr) or tunic, evidently took many forms. 229 The tunic (kuttōneth, cf. χιτών, tunica), like its Greek counterpart, was apparently of two kinds, for, although essentially a simple and probably sleeveless garment, there was a special variety worn by royal maidens and men of distinction, explicitly described as a tunic of palms or soles (passīm), that is, one presumably reaching to the hands and feet (Gen. xxxvii. 3; 2 Sam. xiii. 18 sq.).6 The kuttōneth could be removed at night (Cant. v. 3). For the outer garments the most distinctive term is the simlah. This was worn by both sexes, though obviously there was some difference as regards length, &c. (Deut. xxii. 5). Ruth put one on before going out of doors, and its folds could be used for carrying small loads (Ruth iii. 9; Ex. xii. 34). The law forbade the creditor to retain it over-night as a pledge (Ex. xxii. 26 sq.), and consequently we may assume that it was a large outer wrapper which could be dispensed with out of doors by men, or indoors by women. The simlah of the warrior (Isa. ix. 5) can be illustrated from the Assyrian sculptures (Ency. Bib., art. “Siege”); according to Herodotus (vii. 69) the Arabs under Xerxes wore a long cloak fastened by a girdle. The outer girdle (Heb. ḥagōrah; the Arabic equivalent term is a kilt from thigh to knee) varied, as the monuments show, in richness and design, and could be used as a sword-belt or pocket much in the same way as the modern native uses the long cloth twined twice or thrice around his body. The more ornate variety, called abňēt, was worn by prominent officials (Isa. xxii. 21) and by the high priest. The modern oriental open waistcoat finds its fellow in the jacket or bolero from ancient Crete, and seems to have been distinctively Aegean. The same may also be true of breeches. The pantaloons worn by modern females, with short tunic and waistcoat, are not found among the Bedouin (e.g. of Sinai), trousers being considered undignified even for men. But a baggy kind of knickerbockers is represented in old Aegean scenes, and it is noteworthy that the Arab mi’zar (drawers such as were worn by wrestlers or sailors) takes its name from the izār or loin-cloth (Ency. Bib. 1734). Such a cloth may once have passed between the legs, being kept in position by the waistband (examples in Perrot and Chipiez, Greece, ii. 198 sq., 456). On the other hand, among the Africans of Punt the waistcloth passes from each knee to the opposite thigh, and two sashes hang down to conceal the parts where they intersect (Müller, 108). The people of Keft (Aegeans) wore a similar arrangement which is a step in the direction of the proper drawers. The latter are found exceptionally upon Semitic Bedouin with an upper covering of bands wound round the body (Müller, 140). However, the woven decorated drawers in Cyprus do not appear to be of Semitic origin (J. L. Myres, Classical Review, x. 355), and it is not until later that they were prescribed to the Israelite priests (Ezek. xliv. 18). But the garment as explained by Josephus (Ant. iii. 7. 1) was properly a loin-cloth (cf. the examples from Punt), and the reason given for its use (Ex. xxviii. 42) points to a later date than the law which enforced the same regard for decency by forbidding the priests to ascend altars with steps (ib. xx. 26). As trousers were distinctively Persian—though the Persians had the reputation for borrowing Median and foreign dress (Herod. i. 71, vii. 61)—they were no doubt familiar in Palestine in the post-exilic age, and in the Roman period the braccae and feminalia were certainly known. On supposed references to breeches in Dan. iii. 21, see Journ. of Philology, xxvi. 307-313.

Before moving on to the specific coverings for the feet and head, we can look at how things were done in the Old Testament. Among the Hebrews, the outer garment, which was different from the inner loin wrapper (ĕzōr) or tunic, clearly came in various forms. 229 The tunic (kuttōneth, cf. χιτών, tunica) was similar to its Greek equivalent and appears to have come in two types. While it was mainly a simple, likely sleeveless garment, there was a special version worn by royal women and distinguished men, described as a tunic of palms or soles (passīm), probably reaching to the hands and feet (Gen. xxxvii. 3; 2 Sam. xiii. 18 sq.). The kuttōneth could be taken off at night (Cant. v. 3). For the outer garments, the most distinctive term is simlah. This was worn by both men and women, although there were noticeable differences in length, etc. (Deut. xxii. 5). Ruth put one on before leaving the house, and its folds could be used to carry small loads (Ruth iii. 9; Ex. xii. 34). The law prohibited creditors from keeping it overnight as a pledge (Ex. xxii. 26 sq.), indicating it was a large outer wrap easily removed outdoors by men or indoors by women. The simlah of a warrior (Isa. ix. 5) is illustrated in Assyrian sculptures (Ency. Bib., art. “Siege”). According to Herodotus (vii. 69), the Arabs under Xerxes wore a long cloak secured with a belt. The outer girdle (Heb. ḥagōrah; the Arabic equivalent term is a kilt from thigh to knee) varied in richness and design, as shown by monuments, and could be used like a modern belt for swords or pockets in the same way that native people today use long cloth wrapped around their body. The more decorative kind, called abňēt, was worn by important officials (Isa. xxii. 21) and by the high priest. The modern Eastern open waistcoat is akin to the ancient Cretan jacket or bolero, which seems to have Aegean origins. This might also apply to breeches. Modern women's pantaloons, paired with a short tunic and waistcoat, are not seen among the Bedouin (e.g., of Sinai), where trousers are viewed as undignified, even for men. However, a looser style of knickerbockers is depicted in old Aegean art, and it’s interesting to note that the Arab mi’zar (underwear typically worn by wrestlers or sailors) gets its name from the izār or loin-cloth (Ency. Bib. 1734). Such a cloth may have been used between the legs, held in place by a waistband (examples in Perrot and Chipiez, Greece, ii. 198 sq., 456). In contrast, among the Africans of Punt, the waistcloth goes from each knee to the opposite thigh, with two sashes dangling down to cover where they meet (Müller, 108). The people of Keft (Aegeans) had a similar setup that represents a step towards proper drawers. The latter are occasionally found on Semitic Bedouin, accompanied by upper bands wrapped around the body (Müller, 140). However, the woven decorative drawers in Cyprus are not believed to be of Semitic origin (J. L. Myres, Classical Review, x. 355), and it wasn’t until later that they were mandated for Israelite priests (Ezek. xliv. 18). Josephus explains that the garment was originally a loincloth (cf. examples from Punt), and the reason given for its use (Ex. xxviii. 42) suggests a later time than the law that earlier insisted on respect for decency by prohibiting priests from ascending altars with steps (ib. xx. 26). Since trousers were distinctly Persian—though the Persians were known for adopting Median and foreign clothing (Herod. i. 71, vii. 61)—they were likely known in Palestine during the post-exilic period and in the Roman era, the braccae and feminalia were certainly recognized. For supposed references to breeches in Dan. iii. 21, see Journ. of Philology, xxvi. 307-313.

Fig. 12. Assyrian Warriors with captured Idols.

Special protection for the feet was chiefly necessary in rocky districts or upon long journeys. In early Egypt men of rank would be followed by a servant carrying a pair of sandals in case of need; but in the New Kingdom they Footgear. were in common use, although a typical difference is observed when princes appear unshod in the presence of the Pharaoh, who wears sandals himself. The simplest kind was a pad or sole of leather or papyrus bound to the foot by two straps, one passing over the instep, the other between the toes.7 A third was sometimes fastened behind the heel, and the front is often turned up to protect the toe (Egypt and elsewhere). The Semites of the XIIth Dynasty wore on their journeys sandals of black leather, those of the women and children being more serviceable, and, in the case of women, parti-coloured. Practically the same simple sandal came into use everywhere when required. But the warrior had something stouter, and the Hittites wore a turned-up shoe bound round the legs with thongs. Among the latter is also found a piece of protecting leather reaching halfway up the shin, and similar developments with tight-fitting bandages, buskins or laced garters were worn in Assyria and Asia Minor (see fig. 12). Such coverings find their analogies among the peasants of modern Cilicia and Cappadocia. Stockings, it may be added, do not appear, and are quite exceptional at the present day.

Special protection for the feet was especially important in rocky areas or during long journeys. In early Egypt, high-ranking men would be accompanied by a servant carrying a pair of sandals in case they were needed; however, in the New Kingdom, sandals became common. A notable difference was that princes would appear without shoes in the presence of the Pharaoh, who wore sandals himself. The simplest type of sandal consisted of a pad or sole made from leather or papyrus, secured to the foot with two straps—one going over the instep and the other between the toes. A third strap was sometimes attached behind the heel, and the front often had a turned-up design to protect the toe (in Egypt and elsewhere). The Semites of the XII Dynasty wore black leather sandals for their travels, while the sandals for women and children were more practical, with women often wearing multi-colored styles. Essentially, this simple design became widely adopted wherever it was needed. However, warriors required sturdier footwear, and the Hittites used shoes with turned-up toes that were laced around the legs with straps. Among them, a piece of protective leather extending halfway up the shin was also common, along with similar features such as tight-fitting bandages, buskins, or laced garters that were worn in Assyria and Asia Minor (see fig. 12). Similar types of footwear can be seen among contemporary peasants in modern Cilicia and Cappadocia. It should also be noted that stockings were not used and remain quite rare today.

From the Palestine Exploration Fund Quarterly Statement, October 1907.

Fig. 13.—Sacrificial Scene on a Seal from Gezer.
Fig. 14.—Hittite Weather-god.

The treatment of the hair, moustache and beard is extremely interesting in the study of oriental archaeology (see Müller, Meyer, opp. citt.). A special covering for the head was not indispensable. The Semites often bound Headgear. their bushy locks with a fillet, which varies from a single band (so often, e.g. Palestinian captives, 10th century) to a fourfold 230 one, from a plain band to highly decorated diadems. The Ethiopians of Tirhakah’s army (7th cent.) stuck a single feather in the front of their fillet, and a feathered ornament recurs from the old Babylonian goddess with two large feathers on her head to the feathered crown common from Assur-bani-pal’s Arabians to Ararat, and is familiar from the later distinctive Persian head-dress.8 But the ordinary Semitic head covering was a cloth which sometimes appears with two ends tied in front, the third falling behind. Or it falls over the nape of the neck and is kept in position with a band; or again as a cloth cap has lappets to protect the ears. Sometimes it has a more bulky appearance. In general, the use of a square or rectangular cloth (whether folded diagonally or not) corresponds to the modern keffiyeh woven with long fringes which are plaited into cords knitted at the ends or worked into little balls sewn over with coloured silks and golden threads.9 The keffiyeh covering cheek, neck and throat, is worn over a small skull-cap and will be accompanied with the relatively modern fez (tarbūsh) and a woollen cloth. Probably the oldest head-dress is the circular close-fitting cap (plain or braided), which, according to Meyer, is of Sumerian (non-Semitic) origin. But it has a long history. Palestinian captives in the Assyrian age wear it with a plain close-fitting tunic, and it appears upon the god Hadad in north Syria (cf. also the Gezer seal, fig. 13). With some deities (e.g. the moon-god Sin) it has a kind of straight brim which gives it a certain resemblance to a low-crowned “bowler.” Very characteristic is the conical cap which, like the Persian hat (Gr. kurbasia), resembled a cock’s comb. It is worn by gods and men, and with the latter sometimes has ear-flaps (at Lachish, with other varieties, Ball, 190) or is surmounted by a feather or crest. It was probably made of plaited leather or felt. Veritable helmets of metal, such as Herodotus ascribes to Assyrians and Chalybians (vii. 63, 76), and metal armour, though known farther west, scarcely appear in old oriental costume, and the passage which attributes bronze helmets and coats of mail to the Philistine Goliath and the Israelite Saul cannot be held (on other grounds) to be necessarily reliable for the middle or close of the 11th century (1 Sam. xvii). A loftier head-covering was sometimes spherical at the top and narrowed in the middle; with a brim or border turned up back and front it is worn by Hittite warriors of Zenjīrli and by their god of storm and war (fig. 14). Elongated and more pointed it is the archaic crown of the Pharaohs (symbolical of upper Egypt), is worn by a Hittite god of the 14th century, and finds parallels upon old cultus images from Asia Minor, Crete and Cyprus. Later, Herodotus describes it as distinctively Scythian (vii. 64). Finally the cylindrical hat of Hittite kings and queens reappears with lappets in Phoenicia (Perrot and Chipiez, Phoen. ii. 77); without the brim it resembles the crown ofthe Babylonian Merodach-nadin-akhi, with a feathered top it distinguishes Adad (god of storm, &c.) at Babylonia. Narrower at the top and surmounted by a spike it distinguishes the Assyrian kings.

The way people styled their hair, mustaches, and beards is really fascinating when looking at ancient Eastern archaeology (see Müller, Meyer, opp. citt.). A special head covering wasn't always necessary. The Semites often tied their thick hair back with a ribbon, which could range from a single strip (like with many Palestinian captives in the 10th century) to one with four strands, and from basic bands to elaborately decorated crowns. The Ethiopians in Tirhakah’s army (7th century) wore a feather on the front of their ribbons, and a feathered decoration appears from the ancient Babylonian goddess with two large feathers on her head to the feathered crowns worn by Assur-bani-pal’s Arabians to Ararat, which is similar to the later unique Persian headdress. But typically, the Semitic head covering was a cloth that sometimes had two ends tied at the front, with the third hanging down the back. Alternatively, it could drape over the neck and be secured with a band, or, as a cloth cap, have flaps to protect the ears. Sometimes it looked larger. Generally, the use of a square or rectangular cloth (whether folded diagonally or not) resembles the modern keffiyeh, which is woven with long fringes that are twisted into cords at the ends or finished with small balls sewn with colorful silks and gold threads. The keffiyeh covers the cheeks, neck, and throat and is worn over a small skullcap, often paired with a relatively modern fez (tarbūsh) and a wool cloth. Probably the oldest type of headwear is the round, snug cap (plain or braided), which, according to Meyer, comes from Sumerian (non-Semitic) origins. But it has a long history. Palestinian captives during the Assyrian period wore it with simple close-fitting tunics, and it appears on the god Hadad in north Syria (see also the Gezer seal, fig. 13). Some deities (like the moon-god Sin) wore it with a flat brim that gives it a resemblance to a low-crowned “bowler.” A very distinctive type is the conical cap, similar to the Persian hat (Gr. kurbasia), resembling a rooster's comb. It was worn by both gods and men, and sometimes came with ear flaps (like in Lachish, among other styles, Ball, 190) or was topped with a feather or crest. It was likely made from braided leather or felt. True metal helmets, such as those Herodotus mentions for the Assyrians and Chalybians (vii. 63, 76), and metal armor, though known further west, rarely appeared in ancient Eastern attire, and the account linking bronze helmets and armor to the Philistine Goliath and the Israelite Saul can't be considered entirely reliable for the mid to late 11th century (1 Sam. xvii). A loftier head covering sometimes had a spherical top that narrowed in the middle, with a brim or border that was turned up at the back and front, worn by Hittite warriors from Zenjīrli and their storm and war god (fig. 14). When elongated and more pointed, it resembles the archaic crown of the Pharaohs (symbolizing upper Egypt), worn by a Hittite god from the 14th century, and seen on ancient cult images from Asia Minor, Crete, and Cyprus. Later, Herodotus describes it as distinctly Scythian (vii. 64). Finally, the cylindrical hats of Hittite kings and queens are seen again with lappets in Phoenicia (Perrot and Chipiez, Phoen. ii. 77); without the brim, it looks like the crown of Babylonian Merodach-nadin-akhi, and with a feathered top, it is associated with Adad (the god of storm, etc.) in Babylonia. Tapering at the top and topped with a spike, it distinguishes Assyrian kings.

When the deities were regarded as anthropomorphic they naturally wore clothing which, on the whole, was less subject to change of fashion and was apt to be symbolical of their attributes. The old Babylonian hero Gilgamesh Costume of the Gods. and the Egyptian Bes (perhaps of foreign extraction) are nude, and so in general are the figurines of the Ishtar-Astarte type. Numerous bronze images of a kneeling god at Telloh give him only a loin-cloth, and often the deity, like the monarch, has only a skirt. In course of time various plaids or mantles are assumed, and in Babylonia the goddesses were the first to have both shoulders covered. Distinctive features are found in the head-dress, e.g. crowns (cf. the Ammonite god, 2 Sam. xii. 30) or horns (a single pair or an arrangement of four pairs), and in Babylonia symbolical emblems are attached to the shoulders (e.g. the rays of the sun-god, stalks, running water). Long garments ornamented with symbolical designs (stars, &c.) are worn by Marduk and Adad. The custom of clothing images is well known in the ancient world, and at the restoration of an Egyptian temple care was taken to anoint the divine limbs and to prepare the royal linen for the god. The ceremonial clothing of the god on the occasion of festal processions, undertaken in Egypt by the “master of secret things,” may be compared with the well-known Babylonian representations of such promenades. The Babylonian temples received garments as payment in kind, and the Egyptian lists in the Papyrus Harris (Rameses III.) enumerate an enormous number of skirts, tunics and mantles, dyed and undyed, for the various deities. A priest, “master of the wardrobe,” is named as early as the VIth Dynasty, and later texts refer to the weavers and laundry servants of the temple. It is probable that 2 Kings xxiii. 7 originally referred to the women who wove garments for the goddess in the temple at Jerusalem.

When the gods were seen as human-like, they usually wore clothes that, overall, were less influenced by changing fashion and often represented their qualities. The ancient Babylonian hero Gilgamesh Gods' costumes. and the Egyptian god Bes (possibly from outside the region) are depicted as nude, and many figurines of the Ishtar-Astarte type are likewise nude. Numerous bronze images of a kneeling god found at Telloh show him wearing only a loincloth, and often the deity, like the king, is shown with just a skirt. Over time, different cloaks or mantles were added, and in Babylon, goddesses were the first to cover both shoulders. Notable elements can be seen in the headgear, such as crowns (cf. the Ammonite god, 2 Sam. xii. 30) or horns (either a single pair or up to four pairs), and in Babylon, symbolic emblems are often attached to the shoulders (like the rays of the sun-god, stalks, or running water). Marduk and Adad wear long garments decorated with symbolic designs (like stars, etc.). The practice of dressing divine images is well-documented in the ancient world, and during the restoration of an Egyptian temple, special care was taken to anoint the god's limbs and prepare royal linen for them. The ceremonial clothing of the god during festival parades, carried out in Egypt by the “master of secret things,” can be compared to the famous Babylonian depictions of such events. Babylonian temples received garments as offerings, and the Egyptian lists in the Papyrus Harris (Rameses III.) detail a vast number of skirts, tunics, and mantles, both dyed and undyed, for the various deities. A priest known as “master of the wardrobe” is mentioned as early as the VIth Dynasty, and later texts refer to the temple's weavers and laundry workers. It is likely that 2 Kings xxiii. 7 originally mentioned the women who wove clothes for the goddess in the temple at Jerusalem.

In Egypt the king was regarded as the incarnation of the deity, his son and earthly likeness. The underlying conception shows itself under differing though not unrelated forms over western Asia, and in their light the question of religious Royal costume. and ceremonial dress is of great interest. Throughout Egyptian history the official costume was conventionalized, and the latest kings and even the Roman emperors are arrayed like their predecessors of the IVth Dynasty. The crook which figures among royal and divine insignia may go back to the boomerang-like object which was a prominent weapon in antiquity (Müller, 123 sq.). It appears in old Babylonia as a curved stick, and, like the club, is a distinctive symbol of god and king. It resembles the sceptre curved at the end, which was carried by old Hittite gods. The Pharaoh’s characteristic crown (or crowns) symbolized his royal domains, the sacred uraeus marked his divine ancestry, and he sometimes appeared in the costume of the gods with their fillets adorned with double feathers and horns. In Babylonia Naram-Sin in the guise of a god wears the pointed helmet and two great horns distinctive of the deities.10 This relationship between the gods and their human representatives is variously expressed. Khammurabi and the sun-god Shamash, on the former’s famous code of laws, have the same features and almost the same frizzled beard, and, according to Meyer, the king in claiming supremacy over Sumer and Akkad wears the costume of the lands.11 Ordinary folk could not claim these honours, and in Egypt, where shaving was practically universal, artificial beards were worn upon solemn occasions as a peculiar duty. But the appendage of the official was shorter than that of the king, and the gods had a distinctive shape for themselves; if it appears upon the dead it is because they in their death had become identified with the god Osiris (Erman, 59, 225 sq.). Young Egyptian princes and youthful kings had 231 a long plaited lock (or later a lappet) on the side of their head in imitation of the youthful Horus, and the peculiar tonsure adopted by the later Arabs of Sinai was inspired by the desire to copy their god Orotal-Dionysus.12 Thus we perceive that ancient costume and toilet involves the relations between the gods and men, and also, what is extremely important, the political conditions among the latter. When the king symbolizes both the god and the extent of his kingdom, ceremonies which could appear commonplace often acquire a new significance, any discussion of which belongs to the intricacies of the history of religion and pre-monarchical society. It must suffice, therefore, to record the Pharaoh’s simple girdle (with or without a tunic) from which hangs the lion’s tail, or the tail-like band suspended from the extremity of his head-dress (above), or the panther or leopard skin worn over the shoulders by the high priest at Memphis, subsequently a ceremonial dress of men of rank. That the Pharaoh’s skirt, sometimes decorated with a pleated golden material, should become an honorific garment, the right of wearing which was proudly recorded among the bearer’s titles, is quite intelligible, but many difficulties arise when one attempts to identify the individuals represented, or to trace the evolution of ideas.13

In Egypt, the king was seen as the embodiment of the deity, his son and earthly counterpart. This idea appears in various forms across western Asia, making the study of religious Royal outfit. and ceremonial dress particularly interesting. Throughout Egyptian history, the official attire became standardized, with the latest kings and even Roman emperors dressed similarly to those from the IV Dynasty. The crook, which is a symbol of royalty and divinity, likely originated from a boomerang-like weapon used in ancient times (Müller, 123 sq.). It can be seen in ancient Babylonia as a curved stick, and, like the club, it served as a unique symbol of both god and king. It resembles the scepter with a curved end carried by ancient Hittite deities. The Pharaoh's distinctive crown (or crowns) represented his royal territories, while the sacred uraeus signified his divine lineage. He also at times wore the attire of the gods, complete with fillets adorned with double feathers and horns. In Babylonia, Naram-Sin, presenting himself as a god, sported the pointed helmet and two large horns distinct to the deities. 10 This connection between the gods and their human representatives manifests in various ways. Khammurabi and the sun-god Shamash, featured on the former’s renowned code of laws, share similar features and have nearly identical frizzed beards, and, according to Meyer, the king dons the attire of the lands to assert dominance over Sumer and Akkad.11 Common people could not claim such honors, and in Egypt, where shaving was nearly universal, artificial beards were donned during formal occasions as a particular duty. However, the official's beard was shorter than the king's, and the gods had their own distinct style; if an artificial beard appeared on the dead, it was because they had come to identify with the god Osiris (Erman, 59, 225 sq.). Young Egyptian princes and youthful kings wore a long braided lock (or later a lappet) on the side of their head, mimicking the youthful Horus, and the special tonsure adopted by the later Arabs of Sinai was inspired by a desire to emulate their god Orotal-Dionysus.12 Thus, we can see that ancient attire and grooming practices reflect the relationships between the gods and humans, as well as, importantly, the political dynamics among people. When the king represents both the deity and the extent of his realm, ceremonies that may seem ordinary gain new significance, the discussion of which belongs to the complexities of religious history and pre-monarchical society. It suffices, therefore, to note the Pharaoh’s simple girdle (with or without a tunic) from which hangs the lion’s tail, or the tail-like band coming from his headdress (above), or the panther or leopard skin worn over the shoulders by the high priest at Memphis, which later became a ceremonial garment for men of standing. It's understandable that the Pharaoh’s skirt, sometimes embellished with pleated gold material, became an honorary garment, with the right to wear it proudly noted among the bearer's titles, but many challenges arise when trying to identify the individuals depicted or trace the evolution of these ideas.13

The well-known conservatism of religious practice manifests itself in ceremonial festivals (where there is a tendency for the original religious meaning to be obscured) and among the priests, and it is interesting to observe that despite Ceremonial costume. the great changes in Egyptian costume in the New Kingdom the priests still kept to the simple linen skirt of earlier days (Erman, 206). Religious dress (whether of priests or worshippers) was regulated by certain fundamental ideas concerning access to the deity and its consequences. That it was proper to wear special garments (or at least to rearrange one’s weekday clothes) on the Jewish sabbath was recognized in the Talmud, and Mahommedans, after discussing at length the most suitable raiment for prayer, favoured the use of a single simple garment (Bukhāri, viii.). It was a deep-seated belief that those who took part in religious functions were liable to communicate this “holiness” to others (compare the complex ideas associated with the Polynesian taboo). Hence priests would remove their ceremonial dress before leaving the sanctuary “that they sanctify not the people with their garments” (Ezek. xliv. 19; cf. xlii. 14), and every precaution was taken on religious occasions to ensure purity by special ablutions and by cleansing the clothes.14 In the old ritual at Mecca, the man who wore his own garments must leave them in the sanctuary, as they had become “taboo”; hence the sacred circumambulation of the Ka’ba was performed naked (prohibited by Mahomet), or in clothes provided for the occasion. The old archaic waist-cloth was used, and at the present day both male and female pilgrims enter bare-footed and clad in the scanty iḥrām (C. M. Doughty, Arabia Deserta, ii. 479, 481, 537). In several old Babylonian representations the priests or worshippers appear before the deity in a state of nature.15 It is known that laymen were required to wear special garments, and the priests (who wore dark-red or purple) were sometimes called upon to change their garments in the course of a ceremony. Thus the temples required clothing not merely for the gods but also for the attendants (so at Samaria, 2 Kings x. 22).

The well-known conservatism of religious practice shows up in ceremonial festivals (where the original religious meaning tends to become less clear) and among the priests. It’s interesting to note that despite the significant changes in Egyptian clothing during the New Kingdom, the priests still stuck to the simple linen skirt of earlier times (Erman, 206). Religious clothing (whether for priests or worshippers) was governed by fundamental ideas about access to the deity and its consequences. The Talmud acknowledged that it was appropriate to wear special garments (or at least rearrange one's regular clothes) on the Jewish Sabbath, and Muslims, after lengthy discussions about the most suitable attire for prayer, preferred the use of a single simple garment (Bukhāri, viii.). There was a deep-seated belief that those participating in religious ceremonies could pass on this “holiness” to others (similar to the complex ideas surrounding the Polynesian taboo). Therefore, priests would take off their ceremonial attire before leaving the sanctuary “so that they do not sanctify the people with their garments” (Ezek. xliv. 19; cf. xlii. 14), and extra precautions were taken during religious events to ensure purity through special washing and cleansing of clothes.14 In the ancient ritual at Mecca, a man wearing his own clothes had to leave them in the sanctuary because they had become “taboo”; as a result, the sacred circumambulation of the Ka’ba was performed naked (prohibited by Muhammad) or in clothing provided for the occasion. The old traditional waist-cloth was used, and today both male and female pilgrims enter barefoot and dressed in the minimal iḥrām (C. M. Doughty, Arabia Deserta, ii. 479, 481, 537). In several ancient Babylonian representations, priests or worshippers are shown before the deity in their natural state.15 It's known that laypeople were required to wear special clothing, and the priests (who wore dark-red or purple) sometimes had to change their garments during a ceremony. Hence, temples required clothing not only for the gods but also for their attendants (as in Samaria, 2 Kings x. 22).

In the late usage at Harran the worshipper, after purifying his garments and his heart, was advised to put on the clothing of the particular god he addressed (de Goeje, Oriental Congress, Leiden, 1883, pp. 341 sqq.). The reason is obvious, and the principle could be variously expressed. But we are not told whether the prophetess who wore bands on her arm and drew a mantle over her head (so read in Ezek. xiii. 17-23) actually used the clothing peculiar to some deity, nor is it quite clear what is meant when a Babylonian ritual text refers to the magical use of the linen garment of Eridu (seat of the cult of Ea). The Bishop Gregentius denounced as heathenish the rites in which the Arabs wore masks (W. R. Smith, 438), and one is tempted to compare the use of masks elsewhere in animal worship. Next, one may observe upon old Babylonian seals, eagle-headed deities with short feathered skirts attended by human beings similarly arrayed (Ball, 151) or figures draped in a fish skin (Menant, Rev. de l’hist. des relig. xi. 295-301) or a worshipper arrayed somewhat like a cock (Meyer, 63; cf. Lucian’s De Dea Syria, § 48; for “bees,” &c., as titles of sacred attendants, see J. G. Frazer, Pausanias, iv. 223, v. 621). Although there is much that is obscure in this line of research, it is a natural assumption that, in those ritual functions where the gods were supposed to participate, the rôle was taken by men, and the general idea of assimilating oneself to the god (and the reverse process) manifests itself in too many ways to be ignored (cf. W. R. Smith, 293, 437 sq., 474; C. J. Ball, Ency. Bib., art. “Cuttings”). But the deities were not originally anthropomorphic, and it is with the earlier stages in their development that some of the more remarkable costumes are apparently concerned.

In the later practices at Harran, worshippers, after cleansing their garments and hearts, were instructed to wear the clothing associated with the specific god they were addressing (de Goeje, Oriental Congress, Leiden, 1883, pp. 341 sqq.). The reasoning is clear, and the principle could be expressed in different ways. However, it is not mentioned whether the prophetess who wore bands on her arm and draped a mantle over her head (as noted in Ezek. xiii. 17-23) actually wore clothing specific to a certain deity, nor is it entirely clear what is meant when a Babylonian ritual text speaks of the magical use of the linen garment from Eridu (the center of the cult of Ea). Bishop Gregentius condemned the rites in which the Arabs wore masks (W. R. Smith, 438), leading one to draw parallels with the use of masks in other forms of animal worship. Additionally, one may notice old Babylonian seals depicting eagle-headed deities in short feathered skirts, accompanied by humans dressed similarly (Ball, 151), or figures clad in fish skin (Menant, Rev. de l’hist. des relig. xi. 295-301), or a worshipper dressed somewhat like a rooster (Meyer, 63; cf. Lucian’s De Dea Syria, § 48; for titles of sacred attendants like “bees,” etc., see J. G. Frazer, Pausanias, iv. 223, v. 621). Although much of this research remains unclear, it is a reasonable assumption that in those ritual activities where the gods were thought to participate, men played those roles, and the general concept of blending with the god (as well as the opposite) manifests itself in numerous ways that cannot be overlooked (cf. W. R. Smith, 293, 437 sq., 474; C. J. Ball, Ency. Bib., art. “Cuttings”). However, the deities were not originally anthropomorphic, and some of the more remarkable costumes seem to relate to the earlier stages of their development.

Of all priestly costumes16 the most interesting is undoubtedly that of the Jewish Levitical high-priest. In addition to a tunic (kuttōneth) and a seamless mantle or robe (mĕ’īl), he wore the breastplate (ḥōshen), the ephod, and a rich outer girdle. Breeches were assumed on the Day of Atonement. His head-dress was as distinctive as that of the high priest at Hierapolis, who wore a golden tiara and a purple dress, while the ordinary priests had a pilos (conical cap, also worn in Israel, Ex. xxviii. 40) and white garments. But the various descriptions cannot be easily reconciled.17 The robe had pomegranates and golden bells that the sound might give warning as he went in and out of the sanctuary, and “that he died not” (Ex. xxviii. 35). According to Josephus they symbolized the lightning and thunder respectively. The “ephod of prophecy” (so Test. of Levi, viii. 2) was essentially once an object of divination (see Ephod). The “breastplate of judgment” was set with twelve jewels engraved with the names of the tribes; the foreordained covering of the semi-divine being in the garden of the gods bore the same number of stones (Ezek. xxviii. 13, Septuagint). This breast ornament finds analogies in the royal and high priestly dress of Egypt, and in the six jewels of the Babylonian king.18 The sacred lots which gave “judgment” in accordance with the divine oracle (Num. xxvii. 21) have been plausibly compared with the Babylonian tablets of destiny worn by the gods and the mystic lots upon the bosom of Noah.19 The two jewels also engraved with the names of the tribes in a suitable setting, worn upon the shoulder (see p. 102, c.), served, like the twelve mentioned, for a memorial before the Deity, effectively bringing them to remembrance, without any action on the part of the bearer, and thus tacitly involving supernatural intervention as amulets are regularly expected to do. The golden plate inscribed “holy to Yahweh” placed over the head (the details are discrepant) had a mystic atoning force (Ex. xxviii. 38), and in general writers recognized the peculiar efficacy of the costume and its symbolical meaning (Philo, Vita Mosis, iii. 14; Jos. Ant. iii. 7. 7; Talm. Zeb. 88b). Although Jewish tradition ascribed this gorgeous and significant array to the Mosaic age (if not to the pre-Mosaic days of Levi, so the Test. of Levi), its very character, in common with the high priest’s status, combines kingly and priestly powers in a manner which is impossible for the period (about 15th-13th cent.). Where the king is the human representative of the Deity he is theoretically and officially the priesthood, although the priests carry on the ordinary subordinate functions. The Hebrew 232 kings, at all events, undertook priestly duties, and not until after the fall of Jerusalem does the history allow that usurpation of monarchical rights upon which the prophet Ezekiel (q.v.) encroaches. The embodiment of political and religious supremacy displayed in the high priest’s authority, clothing and symbols can only reflect exilic or rather post-exilic conditions.20 (See further Priest.) In the Maccabaean age the high priest Jonathan received the purple robe and crown and the buckle of gold worn on the shoulder as a sign of priestly and secular rank (1 Macc. x. 20, 38, 89, xi. 58). His brother Simon received similar honours (xiv. 48 sq.), and Hyrcanus, the “second David,” was supposed to have had two crowns, one royal and the other priestly (Talm. Kidd. 66a). The later Rabbis wore most sumptuous apparel, and were crowned until the death of Eliezer ben Azarya.

Of all priestly garments16 the most fascinating is definitely that of the Jewish Levitical high priest. Along with a tunic (kuttōneth) and a seamless robe (mĕ’īl), he wore the breastplate (ḥōshen), the ephod, and a fancy outer belt. Breeches were worn on the Day of Atonement. His headgear was as distinctive as that of the high priest in Hierapolis, who donned a golden tiara and purple robes, while ordinary priests wore a pilos (a conical cap, also used in Israel, Ex. xxviii. 40) and white clothing. However, the various descriptions don’t easily match up.17 The robe had pomegranates and golden bells, which would sound as he entered and exited the sanctuary, so “that he died not” (Ex. xxviii. 35). According to Josephus, these symbolized lightning and thunder, respectively. The “ephod of prophecy” (as mentioned in Test. of Levi, viii. 2) was originally a tool for divination (see Ephod). The “breastplate of judgment” was adorned with twelve jewels engraved with the names of the tribes; the predetermined covering of the semi-divine being in the garden of the gods had the same number of stones (Ezek. xxviii. 13, Septuagint). This breast ornament parallels the royal and high priestly attire of Egypt, and the six jewels of the Babylonian king.18 The sacred lots, which provided “judgment” in line with the divine oracle (Num. xxvii. 21), have been plausibly compared to the Babylonian tablets of destiny worn by the gods and the mystical lots found on Noah’s chest.19 The two jewels, also inscribed with the names of the tribes and set appropriately, worn on the shoulder (see p. 102, c.), served, like the twelve mentioned, as a memorial before the Deity, effectively recalling them without any action required from the wearer, thus subtly suggesting supernatural intervention as is typically expected from amulets. The golden plate reading “holy to Yahweh” placed on the head (the details vary) had a mystical atoning power (Ex. xxviii. 38), and generally, writers acknowledged the unique efficacy of the attire and its symbolic significance (Philo, Vita Mosis, iii. 14; Jos. Ant. iii. 7. 7; Talm. Zeb. 88b). Although Jewish tradition links this elaborate and meaningful outfit to the Mosaic period (or even earlier, to the days of Levi, so suggests Test. of Levi), its characteristics, in association with the high priest's status, fuse royal and priestly powers in a way that seems impossible for that era (roughly 15th-13th century). When the king represents the human aspect of the Deity, he theoretically and officially embodies the priesthood, although the priests perform the ordinary subordinate roles. Hebrew 232 kings, at least, took on priestly responsibilities, and it wasn't until after the fall of Jerusalem that history permits the usurpation of monarchical rights that the prophet Ezekiel (q.v.) challenges. The combination of political and religious authority seen in the high priest’s power, clothing, and symbols can only reflect conditions from the exile or, more accurately, from the post-exilic period.20 (For more, see Priest.) In the Maccabean era, the high priest Jonathan received the purple robe, crown, and the gold buckle worn on the shoulder as a mark of both priestly and secular status (1 Macc. x. 20, 38, 89, xi. 58). His brother Simon received similar honors (xiv. 48 sq.), and Hyrcanus, the “second David,” was believed to have possessed two crowns, one royal and one priestly (Talm. Kidd. 66a). The later Rabbis wore very luxurious clothing and were crowned until the death of Eliezer ben Azarya.

Thus there was a real significance in ceremonial investiture (cf. Num. xx. 26, 28) and in the transference of clothes (cf. Elisha and Elijah’s mantle, 2 Kings ii. 13). Further the exchange of garments was not meaningless, and the prohibition in Deut. xxii. 5 points to religious or superstitious beliefs, on which see J. G. Frazer, Adonis, Attis and Osiris (2nd ed.), pp. 428-435. On the claim involved by the act of throwing a garment over another (Ruth iii. 9; cf. 1 Kings xix. 19), see W. R. Smith, Kinship and Marriage21, 105 sq.; J. Wellhausen, Archiv f. Religionswiss. (1907), pp. 40 sqq.; and on some interesting ideas associated with sandals, see Ency. Bib., s.v. “Shoes.” As a sign of grief, or on any occasion when the individual felt himself brought into closer contact with his deity, the garments were rent (subsequently a conventional slit at the breast sufficed) and he donned the sak, a loin-cloth or wrapper which appears to be a survival of older and more primitive dress.21 Later tradition (Mish., Kil. ix. 1) does not endorse Ezekiel’s prohibition of woollen garments among the priests in the sanctuary (xliv. 17 sq.). Why the layman was forbidden a mixture of wool and linen (sha’atnēz, Deut. xxii. 11) is difficult to explain, though Maimonides perhaps correctly regarded the law as a protest against heathenism (on the magical use of representatives of the animal and vegetable kingdom, in conjunction with a metal ring, see I. Goldziher, Zeit. f. alttest. Wissens. xx. 36 sq.).

Thus, there was a real significance in ceremonial investiture (cf. Num. xx. 26, 28) and in the transfer of garments (cf. Elisha and Elijah’s mantle, 2 Kings ii. 13). Moreover, the exchange of clothing was meaningful, and the prohibition in Deut. xxii. 5 points to religious or superstitious beliefs, as discussed by J. G. Frazer in Adonis, Attis and Osiris (2nd ed.), pp. 428-435. For the implications of throwing a garment over another person (Ruth iii. 9; cf. 1 Kings xix. 19), see W. R. Smith's Kinship and Marriage21, 105 sq.; J. Wellhausen, Archiv f. Religionswiss. (1907), pp. 40 sqq.; and for some interesting ideas related to sandals, see Ency. Bib., s.v. “Shoes.” As a sign of grief, or on any occasion when a person felt closer to their deity, garments were torn (later, a conventional slit at the breast sufficed), and they wore the sak, a loincloth or wrapper that seems to be a remnant of older and more primitive clothing.21 Later tradition (Mish., Kil. ix. 1) does not support Ezekiel’s prohibition of woolen garments among the priests in the sanctuary (xliv. 17 sq.). It is difficult to explain why laypeople were forbidden to mix wool and linen (sha’atnēz, Deut. xxii. 11), although Maimonides perhaps correctly viewed the law as a challenge to paganism (for the magical use of representations from the animal and vegetable kingdoms, along with a metal ring, see I. Goldziher, Zeit. f. alttest. Wissens. xx. 36 sq.).

Ancient oriental costume then cannot be severed from the history and development of thought. On the one side we may see the increase of rich apparel and the profusion of clothes by which people of rank indicated their position. On the other are such figures as the Hebrew prophets, distinguished by their hairy garment and by their denunciation of the luxury of both sexes.22 Superfluous clothing was both weakening and deteriorating; this formed the point of the advice of Croesus to Cyrus (Herod. i. 155). But “foreign apparel” was only too apt to involve ideas of foreign worship (Zeph. i. 8. sq.), and the recognition that national costume, custom and morality were inseparable underlay the objection to the Greek cap (the πέτασος) introduced among the Jews under Antiochus Epiphanes (2 Macc. iv. 10-17, with the parallel 1 Macc. i. 11-15). The Israelite distinctive costume and toilet as part of a distinctive national religion was in harmony with oriental thought, and, as a people chosen and possessed by Yahweh, “a kingdom of priests and an holy nation” (Ex. xix. 5 sq.; cf. Is. lxi. 6), certain outward signs assumed a new significance and continued to be cherished by orthodox Jews as tokens of their faith. The tassels attached by blue threads to the four corners of the outer garment were unique only as regards the special meaning attached to them (Num. xv. 37-41; Deut. xxii. 12), and when in the middle ages they marked out the Jew for persecution they were transferred to a small under-garment (the little tālīth), the proper tālīth being worn over the head in the synagogue. Similarly, sentences bound on the left arm or placed upon the forehead (Deut. xi. 18, cf. the high priest’s plate) find analogies in the means taken elsewhere to ensure the protection of or to manifest one’s adherence to a deity; the novelty lies in the part these sentences took in the religion (see Phylactery). While the particular prohibition regarding the beard and hair in Lev. xix. 27 (cf. Ezek. xliv. 20) was for the avoidance of heathen customs, the pēyōth or long curls which became typical in the middle ages are reminiscent of the Horns-curl of Egypt and the Mahommedan “heaven lock” and evidently served as positive distinctive marks. Apart from these details later Jewish dress does not belong to this section. In the Greek and Roman period foreign influence shows itself very strongly in the introduction of novelties of costume and of classical terms, and the subject belongs rather to the Greek and Roman dress of the age.23 Two conflicting tendencies were constantly at work, and reached their climax in the middle ages. There was an anxiety to avoid articles of dress peculiar to other religions, especially when these were associated with religious practices; and there was a willingness to refrain from costume contrary to the customs of an unsympathetic land. On the one hand, there was a conservatism which is exemplified when the Jews in course of immigration took with them the characteristic dress of their former adopted home, or when they remained unmoved by the changes of the Renaissance. On the other hand, the prominent badge enforced by Pope Innocent III. in 1215 was intended to prevent Jews from being mistaken for Christians, and similarly in Mahommedan lands they were compelled to wear some distinctive indication of their sect. Thus the many quaint and interesting features of later Jewish costume have arisen from certain specific causes, any consideration of which concerns later and medieval costume generally. See I. Abrahams, Jewish Life in the Middle Ages (1896), chap. xv. sq.; and especially the Jew. Encyc., s.v. “Dress” (with numerous illustrations).

Ancient Eastern clothing cannot be separated from the history and evolution of ideas. On one hand, we see the growth of luxurious clothing and the abundance of garments that people of high status used to show their rank. On the other, we find figures like the Hebrew prophets, marked by their rough garments and their criticism of the extravagance of both men and women. Superfluous clothing was seen as both weak and corrupting; this is reflected in the advice Croesus gave to Cyrus (Herod. i. 155). However, “foreign clothing” often carried associations with foreign worship (Zeph. i. 8 and following), and the understanding that national attire, customs, and morality were intertwined was the basis for the objection to the Greek cap (the πέτασος) that was introduced among the Jews during the rule of Antiochus Epiphanes (2 Macc. iv. 10-17, with the parallel 1 Macc. i. 11-15). The distinctive clothing and grooming of the Israelites, as part of their unique national religion, aligned with Eastern thought, and as a people chosen and owned by Yahweh, “a kingdom of priests and a holy nation” (Ex. xix. 5 and following; cf. Is. lxi. 6), certain external signs took on new significance and continued to be valued by traditional Jews as symbols of their faith. The tassels with blue threads attached to the four corners of the outer garment were unique because of their special meaning (Num. xv. 37-41; Deut. xxii. 12), and when they targeted Jews for persecution in the Middle Ages, they were moved to a small undergarment (the little tālīth), while the proper tālīth was worn over the head in the synagogue. Similarly, texts bound to the left arm or placed on the forehead (Deut. xi. 18, cf. the high priest’s plate) have parallels in other cultures that ensured protection or showed devotion to a deity; the originality lies in the role these texts played in the religion (see Phylactery). While the specific prohibition regarding the beard and hair in Lev. xix. 27 (cf. Ezek. xliv. 20) aimed to avoid pagan customs, the pēyōth or long curls that became common in the Middle Ages are reminiscent of the Horns-curl from Egypt and the Islamic “heaven lock,” clearly serving as distinct markers. Apart from these specifics, later Jewish clothing does not fall within this section. During the Greek and Roman periods, foreign influences prominently appeared in the introduction of costume novelties and classical terminology, making the subject more relevant to the Greek and Roman fashion of the time. 23 Two opposing tendencies were at play and reached their peak in the Middle Ages. There was a desire to avoid garments unique to other religions, especially when linked to religious practices, and there was also a readiness to steer clear of clothing that clashed with the customs of an unfriendly culture. On one hand, there was a conservatism shown when Jews, as they immigrated, retained the typical attire of their previous homes, or when they remained unaffected by the changes of the Renaissance. On the other hand, the distinctive badge enforced by Pope Innocent III in 1215 aimed to ensure that Jews couldn't be confused with Christians, and similarly, in Muslim regions, they were required to wear some unique indicator of their community. Thus, the many quirky and interesting aspects of later Jewish clothing have developed from specific causes, and any discussion of them pertains more to later and medieval attire in general. See I. Abrahams, Jewish Life in the Middle Ages (1896), chap. xv. sq.; and especially the Jew. Encyc., s.v. “Dress” (with numerous illustrations).

Authorities.—Much useful material will be found in popular illustrated books (especially C. J. Ball, Light from the East, London, 1899) and in the magnificent volumes on the history of ancient art by G. Perrot and C. Chipiez. On Egyptian costume see especially J. G. Wilkinson, Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians (ed. by S. Birch, 1878), and A. Erman Life in Ancient Egypt (1894, especially pp. 200-233); for Egyptian evidence, see W. M. Müller, Asien und Europa nach altägypt. Denkmäler (Leipzig, 1893), Mitteil. d. vorderasiat. Gesellschaft (1904), ii. (and elsewhere). The most important study on old Babylonian dress is that of E. Meyer, “Sumerier und Semiten in Babylonien,” in the Abhandlungen of the Berlin University (1906). For Hittite material, see the collection by L. Messerschmidt, Mitteil. d. vorderas. Ges. (1900 and 1902). For special discussions, see H. Weiss, Kostümkunde, i. (Stuttgart, 1881), articles in Dict. Bible (Hastings), Ency. Biblica, and Jewish Encyc., and I. Benzinger, Hebr. Archäologie (Tubingen, 1907), pp. 73 sqq. See also the general bibliography at the end.

Authorities.—You can find a lot of useful information in popular illustrated books (especially C. J. Ball, Light from the East, London, 1899) and in the excellent volumes about the history of ancient art by G. Perrot and C. Chipiez. For Egyptian clothing, check out J. G. Wilkinson, Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians (ed. by S. Birch, 1878), and A. Erman Life in Ancient Egypt (1894, especially pp. 200-233); for Egyptian evidence, look at W. M. Müller, Asien und Europa nach altägypt. Denkmäler (Leipzig, 1893), Mitteil. d. vorderasiat. Gesellschaft (1904), ii. (and elsewhere). The most significant study on ancient Babylonian clothing is by E. Meyer, “Sumerier und Semiten in Babylonien,” in the Abhandlungen of the Berlin University (1906). For Hittite material, see the collection by L. Messerschmidt, Mitteil. d. vorderas. Ges. (1900 and 1902). For specialized discussions, refer to H. Weiss, Kostümkunde, i. (Stuttgart, 1881), articles in Dict. Bible (Hastings), Ency. Biblica, and Jewish Encyc., and I. Benzinger, Hebr. Archäologie (Tubingen, 1907), pp. 73 sqq. Also, see the general bibliography at the end.

(S. A. C.)
From Petsofá (Annual of the British School at Athens).

Fig. 15.—Terra-cotta Statuette.
Perrot and Chipiez’s Art in Primitive Greece, with permission from Chapman & Hall.

Fig. 16.—Lead Statuette from Kampos.

ii. Aegean Costume.—The discoveries made at Mycenae and other centres of “Mycenaean” civilization, and those of more recent date due to the excavations of Dr A. J. Evans and others in Crete, have shown that Hellenic culture was preceded in the Aegean by a civilization differing from it in many respects (see Aegean Civilization), and not least in costume. The essential feature both of male and female dress during the “Minoan” and “Mycenaean” periods was the loin-cloth, which is best represented by the votive terra-cotta statuettes from Petsofá in Crete discovered by Professor J. L. Myres and published in the ninth volume of the Annual of the British School at Athens (fig. 15). J. L. Myres shows that the costume consists of three parts—the loin-cloth itself, a white wrapper or kilt worn over it, and a knotted girdle which secured the whole and perhaps played its part in producing and maintaining the wasp waists characteristic of the Aegean race. The loin-cloth was the only costume (except for high boots, probably made of pale leather, since they are represented 233 with white paint) regularly worn by the male sex, though we sometimes find a hood or wrapper, as on a lead statuette found in Laconia (fig. 16), but the Aegean women developed it into a bodice-and-skirt costume, well represented by the frescoes of Cnossus and the statuettes of the snake-goddess and her votaries there discovered. This transformation of the loin-cloth has been illustrated by Mr D. Mackenzie (see below) from Cretan seal-impressions. In place of the belted kilt of the men we find a belted panier or polonaise, considerably elongated in front, worn by Aegean women; and Mackenzie shows that this was repeated several times until it formed the compound skirt with a number of flounces which is represented on many Mycenaean gems. On a fresco discovered at Phaestus (Hagia Triada) (fig. 17) and a sealing from the same place this multiple skirt is clearly shown as divided; but this does not seem to have been the general rule. On other sealings we find a single overskirt with a pleated underskirt. The skirts were held in place by a thick rolled belt, and the upper part of the body remained quite nude in the earliest times; but from the middle Minoan period onward we often find an important addition in the shape of a low-cut bodice, which sometimes has sleeves, either tight-fitting or puffed, and ultimately develops into a laced corsage. A figurine from Petsofá (fig. 18) shows the bodice-and-skirt costume, together with a high pointed head-dress, in one of its most elaborate forms. The bodice has a high peaked collar at the back. Other forms of head-dress are seen on the great signet from Mycenae. The fact that both male and female costume amongst the primitive Aegean peoples is derivable from the simple loin-cloth with additions is rightly used by Mackenzie as a proof that their original home is not to be sought in the colder regions of central Europe, but in a warm climate such as that of North Africa. It is not until the latest Mycenaean period that we find brooches, such as were used in historical Greece, to fasten woollen garments, and their presence in the tombs of the lower city of Mycenae indicates the coming of a northern race.

ii. Aegean Costume.—The discoveries made at Mycenae and other centers of “Mycenaean” civilization, along with more recent findings from the excavations by Dr. A. J. Evans and others in Crete, have shown that Hellenic culture was preceded in the Aegean by a civilization that differed from it in many ways (see Aegean Civilization), especially in clothing. The main feature of both male and female dress during the “Minoan” and “Mycenaean” periods was the loin-cloth, which is best represented by the votive terra-cotta statuettes from Petsofá in Crete discovered by Professor J. L. Myres and published in the ninth volume of the Annual of the British School at Athens (fig. 15). J. L. Myres illustrates that the costume consists of three parts—the loin-cloth itself, a white wrapper or kilt worn over it, and a knotted girdle that secured everything and likely helped shape the wasp waists typical of the Aegean people. The loin-cloth was the only clothing (aside from high boots, probably made of light-colored leather, as they are depicted 233 with white paint) regularly worn by men, although we occasionally see a hood or wrapper, similar to a lead statuette found in Laconia (fig. 16). Aegean women adapted it into a bodice-and-skirt outfit, well illustrated by the frescoes from Cnossus and the statuettes of the snake-goddess and her followers that were found there. This transformation of the loin-cloth has been depicted by Mr. D. Mackenzie (see below) based on Cretan seal-impressions. Instead of the belted kilt worn by men, Aegean women wore a belted panier or polonaise, significantly elongated in front; Mackenzie shows that this style was repeated multiple times until it created a layered skirt with various flounces, which is seen on many Mycenaean gems. On a fresco uncovered at Phaestus (Hagia Triada) (fig. 17) and a seal from the same site, this multi-layered skirt is clearly shown as divided; however, this does not seem to have been the typical style. Other seals depict a single overskirt with a pleated underskirt. The skirts were held in place with a thick rolled belt, and the upper body was often left bare during the earliest times; but from the mid-Minoan period onward, we frequently see a significant addition in the form of a low-cut bodice, sometimes with sleeves, either snug or puffed, eventually evolving into a laced corset. A figurine from Petsofá (fig. 18) displays the bodice-and-skirt outfit, along with a high pointed head-dress, in one of its most elaborate styles. The bodice features a high peaked collar at the back. Other head-dress styles appear on the great signet from Mycenae. The fact that both male and female costumes among the primitive Aegean peoples trace back to the simple loin-cloth with added features is rightly used by Mackenzie to suggest that their original home is not to be found in the colder areas of central Europe, but in a warm climate like that of North Africa. It is not until the later Mycenaean period that we see brooches, similar to those used in historical Greece, to fasten woolen garments, and their presence in the tombs of the lower city of Mycenae indicates the arrival of a northern race.

From Monumenti antichi (Acad. Lincei). From Annual of the Brit. School at Athens.
Fig. 17.—Part of a Fresco discovered at Phaestus. Fig. 18.—Terra-cotta Statuette from Petsofá.

See Annual of the British School at Athens, ix. 356 sqq. (Myres); xii. 233 sqq. (Mackenzie); Tsountas and Manatt, The Mycenaean Age, ch. vii.

See Annual of the British School at Athens, ix. 356 sqq. (Myres); xii. 233 sqq. (Mackenzie); Tsountas and Manatt, The Mycenaean Age, ch. vii.

iii. Greek Costume.—All articles of Greek costume belong either to the class of ἐνδύματα, more or less close-fitting, sewn garments, or of περιβλήματα, loose pieces of stuff draped round the body in various ways and fastened with pins or brooches. For the former class the generic name is χιτών, a word of Semitic origin, which denotes the Eastern origin of the garment; for the latter we find in Homer and early poetry πέπλος, in later times ἱμάτιον. The πέπλος (also called ἑανός and φᾶρος in Homer) was the sole indispensable article of dress in early Greece, and, as it was always retained as such by the women in Dorian states, is often called the “Doric dress” (ἐσθὴς Δωρίς). It was a square piece of woollen stuff about a foot longer than the height of the wearer, and equal in breadth to twice the span of the arms measured from wrist to wrist. The upper edge was folded over for a distance equal to the space from neck to waist—this folded portion was called ἀπόπτυγμα or διπλοῒς,—and the whole garment was then doubled and wrapped round the body below the armpits, the left side being closed and the right open. The back and front were then pulled up over the shoulders and fastened together with brooches like safety-pins (περόναι). This was the Doric costume, which left the right side of the body exposed and provoked the censure of Euripides (Andr. 598). It was usual, however, to hold the front and back of the πέπλος together by a girdle (ζώνη), passed round the waist below the ἀπόπτυγμα; the superfluous length of the garment was pulled up through the girdle and allowed to fall over in a baggy fold (κόλπος) (see Greek Art, fig. 75). Sometimes the ἀπόπτυγμα was made long enough to fall below the waist, and the girdle passed outside it (cf. the figure of Artemis on the vase shown in Greek Art, fig. 29); this was the fashion in which the Athena Parthenos of Pheidias was draped. The “Attic” or “Corinthian” πέπλος was sewn together on the right side from below the arm, and thus became an ἔνδυμα. The πέπλος was worn in a variety of colours and often decorated with bands of ornament, both horizontal and vertical; Homer uses the epithets κροκόπεπλος and κυανόπεπλος, which show that yellow and dark blue πέπλοι were worn, and speaks of embroidered πέπλοι (ποικίλοι). Such embroideries are indicated by painting on the statues from the Acropolis and are often shown on vase paintings.

iii. Greek Costume.—All items of Greek clothing fall into two categories: clothes, which are more or less fitted, sewn garments, and peripherals, which are loose pieces of fabric draped around the body in various ways and fastened with pins or brooches. The general name for the first category is tunic, a word of Semitic origin that indicates the Eastern roots of the garment; for the second, we find in Homer and early poetry the term clothing, while later periods refer to it as cloak. The peplos (also known as ἑανός and none in Homer) was the essential garment in early Greece, and because it was consistently worn by women in Dorian regions, it is often referred to as the “Doric dress” (Dorian dress). It was a square piece of wool fabric about a foot longer than the wearer’s height and as wide as twice the span of the arms measured from wrist to wrist. The top edge was folded over by a distance equal to the space from neck to waist—this folded part was known as abomination or double—and the entire garment was then doubled and wrapped around the body below the armpits, with the left side closed and the right side open. The back and front were then pulled up over the shoulders and fastened together with brooches similar to safety pins (περόναι). This was the Doric costume, which left the right side of the body exposed and drew criticism from Euripides (Andr. 598). However, it was common to hold the front and back of the peeled together with a girdle (belt), wrapped around the waist below the rejection; the excess fabric was pulled up through the girdle and allowed to sag in a baggy fold (βολή) (see Greek Art, fig. 75). Sometimes the rejection was made long enough to fall below the waist, and the girdle was placed over it (cf. the depiction of Artemis on the vase shown in Greek Art, fig. 29); this was the style in which the Athena Parthenos by Pheidias was draped. The “Attic” or “Corinthian” peplos was sewn together on the right side from below the arm, thus becoming an outfit. The peplos was available in various colors and often decorated with ornamental bands, both horizontal and vertical; Homer uses the descriptions κροκόπεπλος and blue-eyed, indicating that yellow and dark blue veils were worn, and he mentions embroidered veils (varied). Such embroideries are shown in paintings on the statues from the Acropolis and are frequently depicted in vase paintings.

The chiton, χιτών, was formed by sewing together at the sides two pieces of linen, or a double piece folded together, leaving spaces at the top for the arms and neck, and fastening the top edges together over the shoulders and upper arm with buttons or brooches; more rarely we find a plain sleeveless chiton. The length of the garment varied considerably. The χιτωνίσκος, worn in active exercise, as by the so-called “Atalanta” of the Vatican, or the well-known Amazon statues (Greek Art, fig. 40), reached only to the knee; the χιτὼν ποδήρης covered the feet. This long, trailing garment was especially characteristic of Ionia; in the Homeric poems (Il. xiii. 685) we read of the Ίαόνες ἑλκεχίτωνες. If worn without a girdle it went by the name of χιτὼν ὀρθοστάδιος. The long chiton was regularly used by musicians (e.g. Apollo the lyre-player) and charioteers. In ordinary life it was generally pulled up through the girdle and formed a κόλπος (Greek Art, fig. 2).

The chiton, tunic, was made by stitching two pieces of linen together at the sides, or by folding a double piece, leaving openings at the top for the arms and neck, and fastening the top edges over the shoulders and upper arms with buttons or brooches; less commonly, a simple sleeveless chiton was worn. The length of the garment varied significantly. The tunic, which was worn for active exercise, as seen in the so-called “Atalanta” statue of the Vatican, or the famous Amazon statues (Greek Art, fig. 40), only reached the knee; the long tunic covered the feet. This long, flowing garment was particularly characteristic of Ionia; in the Homeric poems (Il. xiii. 685) we read about the Ίαόνες ἑλκεχίτωνες. If worn without a belt, it was called tunic support. The long chiton was commonly worn by musicians (like Apollo the lyre-player) and charioteers. In everyday life, it was typically pulled up through the belt, creating a vagina (Greek Art, fig. 2).

Herodotus (v. 82-88) tells a story (cf. Aegina), the details of which are to all appearance legendary, in order to account for a change in the fashion of female dress which took place at Athens in the course of the 6th century B.C. Up to that time the “Dorian dress” had been universal, but the Athenians now gave up the use of garments fastened with pins or brooches, and adopted the linen chiton of the Ionians. The statement of Herodotus is illustrated both by Attic vase-paintings and also by the series of archaic female statues from the Acropolis of Athens, which (with the exception of one clothed in the Doric πέπλος) wear the Ionic chiton, together with an outer garment, sometimes laid over both shoulders like a cloak (Greek Art, fig. 3), but more usually fastened on the right shoulder only, and passed diagonally across the body so as to leave the left arm 234 free. The garment (which resembles the Doric πέπλος, but seems to have been rectangular rather than square) is folded over at the top, and the central part is drawn up towards the right shoulder to produce an elaborate system of zigzag folds (Greek Art, fig. 22). The borders of the garment are painted with geometrical patterns in vivid colours; a broad stripe of ornament runs down the centre of the skirt.24

Herodotus (v. 82-88) tells a story (cf. Aegina) that seems to be legendary, to explain a change in women's clothing styles that occurred in Athens during the 6th century B.C. Until then, the “Dorian dress” was the norm, but the Athenians stopped using garments fastened with pins or brooches and switched to the linen chiton of the Ionians. Herodotus's account is supported by Attic vase paintings and a series of archaic female statues from the Acropolis of Athens, which (except for one dressed in the Doric tunic) wear the Ionic chiton, often paired with an outer garment that is sometimes draped over both shoulders like a cloak (Greek Art, fig. 3), but more frequently fastened only on the right shoulder and crossing diagonally over the body to leave the left arm free. The garment (which looks like the Doric tunic, but appears to be rectangular rather than square) is folded over at the top, and the central part is gathered towards the right shoulder, creating an intricate design of zigzag folds (Greek Art, fig. 22). The edges of the garment are decorated with vibrant geometric patterns; a broad stripe of ornament runs down the center of the skirt.24

This fashion of dress was only temporary. Thucydides (i. 6) tells us that in his own time the linen chiton of Ionia had again been discarded in favour of the Doric dress, and the monuments show that after the Persian wars a reaction against Orientalism showed itself in a return to simpler fashions. The long linen chiton, which had been worn by men as well as women, was now only retained by the male sex on religious and festival occasions; a short chiton was, however, worn at work or in active exercise (Greek Art, fig. 3) and often fastened on the left shoulder only, when it was called χιτὼν ἑτερομάσχαλος or ἐξωμίς. But the garment usually worn by men of mature age was the ἱμάτιον, which was (like the πέπλος) a plain square of woollen stuff. One corner of this was pulled over the left shoulder from the back and tucked in under the left arm; the rest of the garment was brought round the right side of the body and either carried under the right shoulder, across the chest and over the left shoulder, if it was desired that the right arm should be free, or wrapped round the right arm as well as the body, leaving the right hand in a fold like a sling (Greek Art, fig. 2). The ἱμάτιον was also worn by women over the linen chiton, and draped in a great variety of ways, which may be illustrated by the terra-cotta figurines from Tanagra (4th-3rd cent. B.C.) and the numerous types of female statues, largely represented by copies of Roman date, made to serve as grave-monuments. The upper part of the ἱμάτιον was often drawn over the head as in the example here shown (Plate, fig. 21), a statue formerly in the duke of Sutherland’s collection at Trentham and now in the British Museum.

This style of dress was only temporary. Thucydides (i. 6) tells us that in his time, the linen chiton from Ionia was once again abandoned in favor of the Doric style. The monuments show that after the Persian wars, there was a backlash against Orientalism, leading to a return to simpler fashions. The long linen chiton, which had been worn by both men and women, was now only worn by men during religious and festival occasions; a short chiton was worn for work or while exercising (Greek Art, fig. 3) and was often fastened on just the left shoulder, at which point it was called heterogeneous tunic or __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. However, the garment usually worn by adult men was the clothing, which was (like the peplos) a simple square of wool fabric. One corner was pulled over the left shoulder from the back and tucked under the left arm; the rest of the garment was wrapped around the right side of the body, either carried under the right shoulder, across the chest and over the left shoulder if it was desired that the right arm remain free, or wrapped around the right arm as well as the body, leaving the right hand in a fold like a sling (Greek Art, fig. 2). The garment was also worn by women over the linen chiton and draped in a variety of ways, as can be seen in the terra-cotta figurines from Tanagra (4th-3rd cent. B.C.) and the numerous types of female statues, largely made in Roman times, created to serve as grave markers. The upper part of the garment was often pulled over the head, as illustrated in the example shown here (Plate, fig. 21), a statue that was once in the collection of the Duke of Sutherland at Trentham and is now in the British Museum.

A lighter garment was the χλαμύς, chlamys, a mantle worn by young men, usually over a short chiton girt at the waist, and fastened on the right shoulder (cf. the figure of Hermes in Greek Art, fig. 2). The χλαῖνα was a heavy woollen cloak worn in cold weather. Peasants wore sheepskins or garments of hide called βαίτη or σίσυρα; slaves, who were required by custom to conceal their limbs as much as possible, wore a sleeved chiton and long hose.

A lighter garment was the chlamys, chlamys, a cloak worn by young men, typically over a short chiton secured at the waist, and fastened on the right shoulder (cf. the figure of Hermes in Greek Art, fig. 2). The χλαῖνα was a heavy wool cloak worn in cold weather. Peasants wore sheepskins or hides called βαίτη or σίσυρα; slaves, who were traditionally required to cover their limbs as much as possible, wore a sleeved chiton and long leggings.

A woman’s head was usually covered by drawing up the ἱμάτιον (see above), but sometimes instead of this, a separate piece of cloth was made to perform this service, the end of it falling over the himation. This was the καλύπτρα, or veil called κρήδεμνον in Homer. A cap merely intended to cover in the hair and hold it together was called κεκρύφαλος. When the object was only to hold up the hair from the neck, the σφενδόνη was used, which, as its name implies, was in the form of a sling; but in this case it was called more particularly ὀπισθοσφενδόνη, as a distinction from the sphendonē when worn in front of the head. The head ornaments include the διάδημα, a narrow band bound round the hair a little way back from the brow and temples, and fastened in the knot of the hair behind; the ἄμπυξ, a variety of the diadem; the στεφάνη, a crown worn over the forehead, its highest point being in the centre, and narrowing at each side into a thin band which is tied at the back of the head. It is doubtful whether this should be distinguished from the στέφανος, a crown of the same breadth and design all round, as on the coins of Argos with the head of Hera, who is expressly said by Pausanias to wear a stephanos. This word is also employed for crowns of laurel, olive or other plant. High crowns made of wicker-work (πόλοι, κάλαθοι) were also worn (see Gerhard, Antike Bildwerke, pls. 303-305). When the hair, as was most usual, was gathered back from the temples and fastened in a knot behind, hair-pins were required, and these were mostly of bone or ivory, mounted with gold or plain; so also when the hair was tied in a large knot above the forehead, as in the case of Artemis, or of Apollo as leader of the Muses. The early Athenians wore their hair in the fashion termed κρώβυλος, with fastenings called “grasshoppers” (τέττιγες), in allusion to their claim of having originally sprung from the soil (Thuc. i. 6). The τέττιγες have been identified by Helbig with small spirals of gold wire, such as are found in early Etruscan tombs lying near the head of the skeleton. Such spirals were used in early Athens to confine the back hair, and this fashion may therefore be identified as the κρώβυλος. In archaic figures the hair is most frequently arranged over the brow and temples in parallel rows of small curls which must have been kept in their places by artificial means. Ear-rings (ἐνώτια, ἐλλόβια, ἑλικτῆρες) of gold, silver, or bronze plated with gold, and frequently ornamented with pearls, precious stones, or enamel, were worn attached to the lobes of the ear. For necklaces (ὅρμοι), bracelets (ὄφεις), brooches (περόναι), and finger-rings (δακτύλιοι or σφραγῖδες) the same variety and preciousness of material was employed. For the feet the sandal (σάνδαλον, πέδιλον) was the usual wear; for hunting and travelling high boots were worn. The hunting-boot (ἐνδρομίς) was laced up the front, and reached to the calves; the κοθορνος (cothurnus) was a high boot reaching to the middle of the leg, and as worn by tragic actors had high soles. Slippers (περσικαί) were adopted from the East by women; shoes (ἐμβάδες) were worn by the poorer classes. Gloves (χειρῖδες) were worn by the Persians, but apparently never by the Greeks unless to protect the hands when working (Odyssey, xxiv. 230). Hats, which were as a rule worn only by youths, workmen and slaves, were of circular shape, and either of some stiff material, as the Boeotian hat observed in terra-cottas from Tanagra, or of pliant material which could be bent down at the sides like the πέτασος worn by Hermes and sometimes even by women. The καυσία, or Macedonian hat, seems to have been similar to this. The κυρβασία, or κίδαρις, was a high-pointed hat of Persian origin, as was also the τιάρα, which served the double purpose of an ornament and a covering for the head. Workmen wore a close-fitting felt cap (πῖλος).

A woman's head was usually covered by pulling up the garment (see above), but sometimes a separate piece of cloth was used instead, with the end hanging over the himation. This was the καλύπτρα, or veil known as κρήδεμνον in Homer. A cap designed merely to cover and hold the hair together was called κρυφάκος. If the purpose was just to keep the hair off the neck, the sling was used; as its name suggests, it was sling-shaped. When worn behind the head, it was specifically known as backslider, distinguishing it from the sphendonē that was worn in front. Head adornments included the tiara, a narrow band wrapped around the hair slightly back from the forehead and temples, fastened in the knot of hair at the back; the ἄμπυξ, a type of diadem; and the στεφάνη, a crown worn over the forehead, pointed in the center and narrowing on each side into a thin band tied at the back of the head. It is uncertain if this should be distinguished from the Στέφανος, a crown of equal width and design all around, as seen on Argos coins with Hera's image, who is specifically described by Pausanias as wearing a stephanos. This term also applies to crowns made of laurel, olive, or other plants. High crowns made from wicker work (people, baskets) were also worn (see Gerhard, Antike Bildwerke, pls. 303-305). When hair was typically gathered back from the temples and fastened into a knot at the back, hairpins were needed, which were mostly made of bone or ivory, often lined with gold or plain; this was also the case for larger knots of hair above the forehead, as worn by Artemis or Apollo leading the Muses. Early Athenians styled their hair in a manner called kohlrabi, with fasteners referred to as “grasshoppers” (cicadas), relating to their claim of deriving from the earth (Thuc. i. 6). The crickets have been identified by Helbig as small spirals of gold wire found in early Etruscan tombs near the skull. These spirals were used in early Athens to hold back the hair, thus this hairstyle may be recognized as króbylos. In archaic representations, hair is most commonly styled over the forehead and temples in parallel rows of small curls, which would have needed support. Earrings (ἐνώτια, ἐλλόβια, ἑλικτῆρες) made of gold, silver, or bronze gilded with gold, often decorated with pearls, precious stones, or enamel, were worn on the earlobes. For necklaces (Moorings), bracelets (snakes), brooches (περόναι), and rings (rings or seals), similar types and quality of materials were used. For footwear, sandals (sandal, shoe) were standard; for hunting and travel, high boots were worn. The hunting boots (ἐνδρομίς) laced up the front and reached to the calves; the κοθορνος (cothurnus) was a tall boot reaching halfway up the leg, and worn by tragic actors had thick soles. Women adopted slippers (περσικαί) from the East; poorer classes wore shoes (Boots). Gloves (χειρῖδες) were used by the Persians, but apparently not by the Greeks, except possibly for hand protection during work (Odyssey, xxiv. 230). Hats were generally worn only by young men, laborers, and slaves; they were circular and made from either stiff material, like the Boeotian hat seen in terracottas from Tanagra, or flexible material that could be bent down at the sides, like the πέτασος worn by Hermes and sometimes women. The burning, or Macedonian hat, seemed similar. The κυρβασία or κίδαρις was a high-pointed hat of Persian origin, as was the tiara, which served as both an ornament and a head covering. Laborers wore a snug felt cap (πῖλος).

See F. Studniczka, “Beiträge zur Geschichte der altgriechischen Tracht” (Abhandlungen des arch.-epigr. Seminars in Wien, vii. 1886); Lady Evans, Chapters on Greek Dress (1893); W. Kalkmann, “Zur Tracht archäischer Gewandfiguren” (Jahrb. des k. deutschen arch. Instituts, 1896, pp. 19 ff.); S. Cybulski, Tabulae quibus antiquitates Graecae et Romanae illustrantur, Nos. 16-18 (1903), with text by W. Amelung; Ethel B. Abrahams, Greek Dress (1908).

See F. Studniczka, “Contributions to the History of Ancient Greek Clothing” (Proceedings of the Archaeological-Epigraphic Seminars in Vienna, vii. 1886); Lady Evans, Chapters on Greek Dress (1893); W. Kalkmann, “On the Clothing of Archaic Figure Representations” (Yearbook of the Royal German Archaeological Institute, 1896, pp. 19 ff.); S. Cybulski, Tables that Illustrate Greek and Roman Antiquities, Nos. 16-18 (1903), with text by W. Amelung; Ethel B. Abrahams, Greek Dress (1908).

Fig. 19.

iv. Etruscan Costume.—The female dress of the Etruscans did not differ in any important respect from that of the Greeks; it consisted of the chiton and himation, which was in earlier times usually worn as a shawl, not after the fashion of the Doric πέπλος. Two articles of costume, however, were peculiar to the Etruscans—the high conical hat known as the tutulus,25 and the shoes with turned-up points (Latin calcei repandi). These have oriental analogies, and lend support to the tradition that the Etruscans came from Asia. Both are represented on a small bronze figure in the British Museum (fig. 19). On a celebrated terra-cotta sarcophagus in the British Museum of much later date (fig. 20), the female figure reclining on the lid wears a Greek chiton of a thin white material, with short sleeves fastened on the outside of the arm, by means of buttons and loops; a himation of dark purple thick stuff is wrapped round her hips and legs; on her feet are sandals, consisting of a sole apparently of leather, and attached to the foot and leg with leather straps; under the straps are thin socks which do not cover the toes; she wears a necklace of heavy pendants; her ears are pierced for ear-rings; her hair is partly gathered together with a ribbon at the roots behind, and partly hangs in long tresses before and behind; a flat diadem is bound round her head a little way back from the brow and 235 temples. Purple, pale green and white, richly embroidered, are favourite colours in the dresses represented on the painted tombs.

iv. Etruscan Costume.—The female attire of the Etruscans was not significantly different from that of the Greeks; it included the chiton and himation, which in earlier times was typically worn as a shawl, rather than in the style of the Doric peplos. However, there were two costume items unique to the Etruscans—the high conical hat known as the tutulus and the shoes with turned-up points (Latin calcei repandi). These have Eastern similarities, supporting the belief that the Etruscans originated from Asia. Both are depicted on a small bronze figure in the British Museum (fig. 19). On a famous terracotta sarcophagus in the British Museum dating from much later (fig. 20), the female figure reclining on the lid wears a Greek chiton made of thin white fabric, with short sleeves fastened on the outside of the arm using buttons and loops; a himation of dark purple thick material is wrapped around her hips and legs; on her feet are sandals made with a leather sole, attached to her foot and leg with leather straps; underneath the straps are thin socks that do not cover the toes; she wears a necklace with heavy pendants; her ears are pierced for earrings; her hair is partly gathered with a ribbon at the roots in the back, while the rest falls in long strands in front and behind; a flat diadem is worn around her head, sitting slightly back from her forehead and temples. Purple, pale green, and white, richly embroidered, are popular colors for the dresses shown on the painted tombs.

Redrawn from photo (Mansell).

Fig. 20.

The chief article of male dress was called the tebenna. We are told by ancient writers that the toga praetexta, with its purple border (περιπόρφυρος τήβεννα), as worn by Roman magistrates and priests, had been derived from the Etruscans (Pliny, N.H. ix. 63, “praetextae apud Etruscos originem invenere”); and the famous statue of the orator in Florence (Plate, fig. 22), an Etruscan work of the 3rd century B.C., represents a man clothed in this garment, which will be described below. Under the tebenna, or toga, which was necessary only for public appearance, the Etruscans wore a short tunic similar to the Greek chiton. For workmen and others of inferior occupation this appears to have been the only dress. Youths, when engaged in horsemanship and other exercises, wore a chlamys round the shoulders, which, however, was semicircular in cut, and was fastened on the breast by buttons and a loop, or tied in a knot, whereas the Greek chlamys was oblong and fastened on the shoulder by a brooch. On public or festal occasions the Etruscan noble wore, besides the tebenna, a bulla, or necklace of bullae, and a wreath, corona Etrusca. The bulla was a circular gold locket containing a charm of some kind against evil.26 On the later sarcophagi the male figures wear not only a wreath or corona proper, but also a garland of flowers hung round the neck. The male head-dress was the galerus, a hat of leather, said to have been worn by the Lucumos in early times, or the apex, a pointed hat corresponding to the tutulus worn by females. The fashion of shoes worn by Roman senators was said to have been derived from Etruria. Etruscan shoes were prized both in Greece and in Rome.

The main piece of men's clothing was called the tebenna. Ancient writers tell us that the toga praetexta, with its purple border (purple robe), worn by Roman magistrates and priests, was derived from the Etruscans (Pliny, N.H. ix. 63, “praetextae apud Etruscos originem invenere”); and the famous statue of the orator in Florence (Plate, fig. 22), an Etruscan work from the 3rd century B.C., depicts a man dressed in this garment, which will be described below. Under the tebenna, or toga, which was only needed for public appearances, the Etruscans wore a short tunic similar to the Greek chiton. For laborers and others in lower occupations, this seems to have been the only clothing. Young men, when riding horses and doing other activities, wore a chlamys draped over their shoulders, which was semicircular in shape and fastened at the chest with buttons and a loop, or tied in a knot, while the Greek chlamys was oblong and fastened on the shoulder with a brooch. On public or festive occasions, Etruscan nobles wore, in addition to the tebenna, a bulla, or necklace of bullae, and a wreath, known as corona Etrusca. The bulla was a circular gold locket containing a charm of some type to ward off evil.26 On later sarcophagi, male figures are shown wearing not only a wreath or corona but also a garland of flowers around their necks. The male headwear was the galerus, a leather hat said to have been worn by the Lucumos in early times, or the apex, a pointed hat similar to the tutulus worn by women. The style of shoes worn by Roman senators was said to have come from Etruria. Etruscan shoes were valued in both Greece and Rome.

Helbig’s articles, referred to at the close of the next section, should be consulted. J. Martha, L’Art étrusque, gives reproductions of the most important monuments. See also the works on Etruscan civilization named in the art. Etruria.

Helbig's articles, mentioned at the end of the next section, should be checked out. J. Martha, L’Art étrusque, includes reproductions of the key monuments. Also, look at the works on Etruscan civilization listed in the art. Etruria.

v. Roman Costume.—We are told that the toga, the national garment of the Romans, was originally worn both by men and by women; and though the female dress of the Romans was in historical times essentially the same as that of the Greeks, young girls still wore the toga on festal occasions, as we see from the reliefs of the Ara Pacis Augustae. In early times no undergarment was worn save a loin-cloth (subligaculum), which seems to be a survival of early Mediterranean fashions (see above, sect. Aegean Costume), and candidates for office in historical times appeared in the toga and subligaculum only. In this period, however, the tunica, corresponding to the Greek chiton, was universally worn in ordinary life, and the toga gradually became a full-dress garment which was only worn over the tunica on important social occasions; Juvenal (iii. 171) tells us that in a great part of Italy no one wore the toga except at his burial!

v. Roman Costume.—We are told that the toga, the national outfit of the Romans, was originally worn by both men and women; and although women’s clothing in historical Rome was mainly similar to that of the Greeks, young girls still wore the toga during festivals, as shown in the reliefs of the Ara Pacis Augustae. In earlier times, the only undergarment worn was a loincloth (subligaculum), which appears to be a leftover from early Mediterranean styles (see above, sect. Aegean Costume), and candidates for office in historical times appeared in the toga and subligaculum only. During this period, however, the tunica, which corresponds to the Greek chiton, was commonly worn in everyday life, and the toga gradually became a formal garment that was only worn over the tunica for important social occasions; Juvenal (iii. 171) tells us that in much of Italy, no one wore the toga except for their funeral!

The toga was a piece of woollen cloth in the form of a segment of a circle,27 the chord of the arc being about three times the height of the wearer, and the height a little less than one-half of this length. One end of this garment was thrown over the left shoulder and allowed to hang down in front; the remainder was drawn round the body and disposed in various ways. In the cinctus Gabinus, which was the fashion adopted in early times when fighting was in prospect, the end of the toga was drawn tightly round the waist and formed a kind of girdle; this was retained in certain official functions, such as the opening of the temple of Janus in historical times.28 In time of peace the toga was wrapped round the right arm, leaving the hand only free, much after the fashion of the Greek himation, and thrown over the left shoulder so as to fall down behind (see Roman Art, Plate II., fig. 11, male figure to r.); or, if greater freedom were desired, it was passed under the right arm-pit. In religious ceremonies, the magistrate presiding at the sacrifice drew the back of the toga over his head; see in the same illustration the priest with veiled head, ritu Gabino, who also wears his toga with the cinctus Gabinus. Towards the end of the republic a new fashion was generally adopted. A considerable length of the toga was allowed to hang from the left shoulder; the remainder was passed round the body so as to rise like a baldric (balteus) from the right hip to the left shoulder, being folded over in front (the fold was called sinus), then brought round the back of the neck so that the end fell over the right shoulder; the hanging portion on the left side was drawn up through the sinus, and bulged out in an umbo (Plate, fig. 24). Later still, this portion, instead of forming a bundle of folds in the centre, was carefully folded over and carried up over the left shoulder, and in course of time these folds were carefully arranged in several thicknesses resembling boards, tabulae, hence called contabulatio (Plate, fig. 23). Yet another fashion was that adopted by the flamens, who passed the right-hand portion of the toga over the right shoulder and arm and back over the left shoulder, so that it hung down in a curve over the front of the body; the upper edge was folded over. The flamens are thus represented on the Ara Pacis Augustae.

The toga was a piece of wool fabric shaped like a segment of a circle, with the chord of the arc being about three times the height of the wearer, and the height slightly less than half of this length. One end of the garment was draped over the left shoulder and hung down in front; the rest was wrapped around the body and styled in various ways. In the cinctus Gabinus, a style used in ancient times when war was anticipated, the end of the toga was tightly wrapped around the waist to form a kind of belt; this was used in certain official functions, like the opening of the temple of Janus in historical times. During peacetime, the toga was wrapped around the right arm, leaving only the hand free, similar to the Greek himation, and draped over the left shoulder to fall down behind (see Roman Art, Plate II., fig. 11, male figure to r.); or, for more freedom, it was passed under the right armpit. In religious ceremonies, the magistrate overseeing the sacrifice would draw the back of the toga over his head; in the same illustration, the priest with a veiled head, ritu Gabino, also wears his toga with the cinctus Gabinus. Toward the end of the republic, a new style became widely used. A considerable length of the toga was allowed to hang from the left shoulder; the rest was wrapped around the body to rise like a baldric (balteus) from the right hip to the left shoulder, folded over in front (the fold was called sinus), and brought around the back of the neck so that the end fell over the right shoulder; the hanging part on the left side was pulled up through the sinus, creating a bulge called an umbo (Plate, fig. 24). Later, this portion, instead of forming a bunch of folds in the center, was carefully folded and draped over the left shoulder, and over time these folds were arranged in multiple layers resembling boards, tabulae, thus termed contabulatio (Plate, fig. 23). Another style was that of the flamens, who draped the right part of the toga over the right shoulder and arm, then back over the left shoulder so that it fell in a curve over the front of the body; the upper edge was folded over. The flamens are depicted in this manner on the Ara Pacis Augustae.

The plain white toga (toga pura) was the ordinary dress of the citizen, but the toga praetexta, which had a border of purple, was worn by boys till the age of sixteen, when they assumed the plain toga virilis, and also by curule magistrates and some priests. A purple toga with embroidery (toga picta) was worn together with a gold-embroidered tunic (tunica palmata) by generals while celebrating a triumph and by magistrates presiding at games; it represented the traditional dress of the kings and was adopted by Julius Caesar as a permanent costume. The emperors wore it on occasions of special importance. The trabea, which in historical times was worn by the consuls when opening the temple of Janus, by the equites at their yearly inspection and on some other occasions, and by the Salii at their ritual dances, and had (according to tradition) formed the original costume of the augurs and flamens (who afterwards adopted the toga praetexta), was apparently a toga smaller in size than the ordinary civil dress, decorated with scarlet stripes (trabes). It was fastened with brooches (fibulae) and appears to have been worn by the equites, e.g. at the funeral ceremony of Antoninus Pius.

The plain white toga (toga pura) was the usual clothing for citizens, but the toga praetexta, which had a purple border, was worn by boys until they turned sixteen, at which point they switched to the plain toga virilis. It was also worn by curule magistrates and some priests. Generals wore a purple toga with embroidery (toga picta) along with a gold-embroidered tunic (tunica palmata) during triumphs and magistrates presiding over games; this outfit symbolized the traditional dress of kings and was adopted by Julius Caesar as a permanent costume. Emperors wore it on significant occasions. The trabea, worn historically by consuls during the opening of the temple of Janus, by the equites during their annual inspection, and on other occasions, as well as by the Salii during their ritual dances, was reportedly a smaller toga than the standard civil dress, decorated with scarlet stripes (trabes). It was fastened with brooches (fibulae) and seems to have been worn by the equites, for example, at the funeral of Antoninus Pius.

The tunica was precisely like the Greek chiton; that of the senator had two broad stripes of purple (latus clavus) down the centre, that of the knight two narrow stripes (angustus clavus). A woollen undergarment (subucula) was often worn by men; the women’s under-tunic was of linen (indusium). When women gave up the use of the toga, they adopted the stola, a long tunic with a border of a darker colour (instita) along the lower edge; the neck also sometimes had a border (patagium). The tunic with long sleeves (tunica manicata) was a later fashion. Over this the ricinium or rica, a shawl covering the head and shoulders, was worn in early times, and retained by certain priestesses as an official costume;29 but it gave place to the palla, the equivalent of the Greek himation, and the dress of the Roman women henceforward differed in no essential particular from that of the Greek.

The tunic was just like the Greek chiton; the senator's version had two wide purple stripes (latus clavus) down the center, while the knight's had two narrow stripes (angustus clavus). Men often wore a woolen undergarment (subucula), and women wore a linen under-tunic (indusium). When women stopped using the toga, they switched to the stola, a long tunic with a darker border (instita) along the lower edge; the neckline sometimes also had a border (patagium). The long-sleeved tunic (tunica manicata) became a later style. Initially, they wore the ricinium or rica, a shawl that covered the head and shoulders, which was kept by some priestesses as official attire;29 but it was replaced by the palla, similar to the Greek himation, and from then on, Roman women's clothing wasn't significantly different from Greek styles.

236 A variety of cloaks were worn by men during inclement weather; in general they resembled the Greek chlamys, but often had a hood (cucullus) which could be drawn over the head. Such were the birrus (so-called from its red colour), abolla and lacerna. The paenula, which was the garment most commonly worn, especially by soldiers when engaged on peace duties, was an oblong piece of cloth with a hole in the centre for the neck; a hood was usually attached to the back. It survives in the ritual chasuble of the Western Church. The Greek military chlamys appears in two forms—the paludamentum of the general (e.g. Trajan as represented on the Arch of Constantine, Roman Art, Plate III., fig. 16), and the sagum worn by the common soldier (e.g. by some of the horsemen on the base of the Antonine column, Roman Art, Plate V., fig. 21). When the toga went out of use as an article of everyday wear, the pallium, i.e. the Greek himation, was at first worn only by Romans addicted to Greek fashions, but from the time of Tiberius, who wore it in daily life, its use became general. Long robes bearing Greek names (synthesis, syrma, &c.) were worn at dinner-parties.

236 During bad weather, men wore various cloaks that generally looked like the Greek chlamys but often had a hood (cucullus) that could be pulled over the head. These included the birrus (named for its red color), abolla, and lacerna. The paenula, the most commonly worn garment—especially by soldiers on peace duties—was a rectangular piece of cloth with a hole in the center for the neck and usually had a hood attached to the back. It has continued to exist in the ritual chasuble of the Western Church. The Greek military chlamys came in two forms—the paludamentum worn by generals (e.g. Trajan as shown on the Arch of Constantine, Roman Art, Plate III., fig. 16) and the sagum worn by common soldiers (e.g. some horsemen on the base of the Antonine column, Roman Art, Plate V., fig. 21). When the toga fell out of style for everyday wear, the pallium, which is the Greek himation, was initially worn only by Romans who liked Greek fashion, but after Tiberius, who wore it regularly, it became more widely used. Long robes with Greek names (synthesis, syrma, etc.) were worn at dinner parties.

The Romans often wore sandals (soleae) or light shoes (socci), but in full dress (i.e. with the toga) it was necessary to wear the calceus, which had various forms by which classes were distinguished, e.g. the calceus patricius, mulleus (of red leather) and senatorius (of black leather). This was a shoe with slits at the sides and straps knotted in front; its forms may be seen on the relief from the Ara Pacis. The senators’ calceus had four such straps (quattuor corrigiae), which were wound round the ankle (cf. the flamen on the Ara Pacis), and was also adorned with an ivory crescent (lunula). A leathern tongue (lingula) is often seen to project from beneath the straps. The soldier’s boot (caliga, from which the emperor Gaius derived his nickname, Caligula) was in reality a heavy hobnailed sandal with a number of straps wound round the ankle and lower leg. A high hunting boot was called compagus. Women at times wore the calceus, but are generally represented in art with soft shoes or sandals.

The Romans often wore sandals (soleae) or light shoes (socci), but when fully dressed (i.e. wearing the toga), they had to wear the calceus, which came in different styles that indicated social classes, like the calceus patricius, mulleus (made of red leather) and senatorius (made of black leather). This shoe featured slits on the sides and straps tied in the front; you can see these styles on the relief from the Ara Pacis. The senators’ calceus had four straps (quattuor corrigiae) wrapped around the ankle (see the flamen on the Ara Pacis), and it was decorated with an ivory crescent (lunula). A leather tongue (lingula) often protruded beneath the straps. The soldier’s boot (caliga, which gave Emperor Gaius his nickname, Caligula) was actually a heavy hobnailed sandal with several straps wrapped around the ankle and lower leg. A tall hunting boot was called compagus. Women sometimes wore the calceus, but they are generally shown in art wearing soft shoes or sandals.

Hats were seldom worn except by those who affected Greek fashions, but the close-fitting leather pileus seems to have been an article of early wear in Italy, since its use survived in the ceremony of manumission, and the head-dress of the pontifices and flamines (cf. the relief of the Ara Pacis already referred to) consisted in such a cap (galerus) with an apex, or spike, of olive wood inserted in the crown.

Hats were rarely worn except by those who embraced Greek styles, but the snug leather pileus appears to have been an early fashion item in Italy, as its use continued in the manumission ceremony. The headgear of the pontifices and flamines (see the relief of the Ara Pacis mentioned earlier) consisted of such a cap (galerus) with a pointed spike made of olive wood placed in the crown.

For personal ornament finger-rings of great variety in the material and design were worn by men, sometimes to the extent of one or more on each finger, many persons possessing small cabinets of them. But at first the Roman citizen wore only an iron signet ring, and this continued to be used at marriages. The jus annuli aurei, or right of wearing a gold ring, originally a military distinction, became a senatorial privilege, which was afterwards extended to the knights and gradually to other classes. Women’s ornaments consisted of brooches (fibulae), bracelets (armillae), armlets (armillae, bracchialia), ear-rings (inaures), necklaces (monilia), wreaths (coronae) and hair-pins (crinales). The tore (torques), or cord of gold worn round the neck, was introduced from Gaul. A profusion of precious stones, and absence of skill or refinement in workmanship, distinguish Roman from Greek or Etruscan jewelry; but in the character of the designs there is no real difference.

For personal decoration, men wore a wide variety of finger rings made from different materials and in various designs, often wearing one or more on each finger, with many people owning small cabinets to store them. Initially, the Roman citizen only wore an iron signet ring, which continued to be used for marriages. The jus annuli aurei, or right to wear a gold ring, originally a military honor, became a privilege for senators, which was later extended to knights and gradually to other classes. Women’s jewelry included brooches (fibulae), bracelets (armillae), arm bands (armillae, bracchialia), earrings (inaures), necklaces (monilia), wreaths (coronae), and hairpins (crinales). The torc (torques), or gold necklace, was introduced from Gaul. A wealth of precious stones and a lack of skill or refinement in craftsmanship set Roman jewelry apart from Greek or Etruscan pieces, but the overall design character shows no significant difference.

See Marquardt-Mau, Privatleben der Römer, pp. 550 seq. (gives a full collection of literary references); Cybulski, op. cit., pls. xix., xx., with Amelung’s text; articles by W. Helbig, especially Sitzungsberichte der bayrischen Akademie (1880), pp. 487 seq. (on headgear); Hermes xxxix. 161 seq. (on toga and trabea), and Mémoires de l’Académie des inscriptions, xxxvii. (1905) (on the costume of the Salii); articles by L. Heuzey in Daremberg and Saglio’s Dictionnaire des antiquités, also in Revue de l’art, i. 98 seq., 204 seq., ii. 193 seq., 295 seq. (on the toga). See also the general bibliography at the end.

See Marquardt-Mau, Privatleben der Römer, pp. 550 seq. (provides a complete collection of literary references); Cybulski, op. cit., pls. xix., xx., along with Amelung’s text; articles by W. Helbig, especially Sitzungsberichte der bayrischen Akademie (1880), pp. 487 seq. (about headgear); Hermes xxxix. 161 seq. (on toga and trabea), and Mémoires de l’Académie des inscriptions, xxxvii. (1905) (on the costume of the Salii); articles by L. Heuzey in Daremberg and Saglio’s Dictionnaire des antiquités, also in Revue de l’art, i. 98 seq., 204 seq., ii. 193 seq., 295 seq. (about the toga). See also the general bibliography at the end.

(H. S. J.)

II. Costume in Medieval and Modern Europe

II. Costume in Medieval and Modern Europe

i. Pre-Roman and Roman Britain.—Men who had found better clothing than the skins of beasts were in Britain when Caesar landed. Little as we know of England before the English, we have at least the knowledge that Britons, other than the poorer and wilder sort of the north and the fens, wore cloaks and hats, sleeved coats whose skirts were cut above the knee and loose trousers after the fashion of the Gauls. They were not an armoured race, for they would commonly fight naked to the waist, dreadful with tattooing and woad staining, but Pliny describes their close-woven felts as all but sword-proof. Dyers as well as weavers, their cloaks, squares of cloth like a Highland plaid, were of black or blue, rough on the one side, while coats and trousers were bright coloured, striped and checkered, red being the favourite hue. For ornament the British chiefs wore golden torques about their necks and golden arm-rings with brooches and pins of metal or ivory, beads of brass, of jet and amber from their own coasts, and of glass bought of the Southern merchants. Their women had gowns to the ankle, with shorter tunics above them. The Druid bards had their vestments of blue, while the star-gazers and leeches went in green.

i. Pre-Roman and Roman Britain.—When Caesar landed, there were men in Britain who had found better clothing than animal skins. While our knowledge of England before the English is limited, we do know that some Britons, aside from the poorer and more wild folks of the north and the marshes, wore cloaks and hats, sleeved coats with skirts cut above the knee, and loose trousers like the Gauls. They weren't an armored people; they often fought bare-chested, covered in tattoos and blue dye, but Pliny noted that their tightly woven felts were nearly sword-proof. They were dyers as well as weavers, and their cloaks were similar to a Highland plaid in black or blue, rough on one side, while their coats and trousers were brightly colored, often striped or checkered, with red being the preferred color. For adornment, the British chiefs wore golden torques around their necks, golden arm-rings, and brooches and pins made of metal or ivory, alongside beads made of brass, jet, and amber from their own coasts, and glass purchased from southern traders. The women wore ankle-length gowns with shorter tunics on top. The Druid bards donned blue garments, while the star-gazers and healers wore green.

Agricola’s Romanizing work must have made great changes in dress as in policy. The British chief with the Latin tongue in his mouth, living in a Roman villa and taking his bath as did the Romans, wore the white woollen toga and the linen tunic, his wife having the stole, the pall and the veil.

Agricola’s efforts to Romanize must have significantly changed both clothing and policies. The British chief, speaking Latin, lived in a Roman villa, took baths like the Romans, and wore the white wool toga and the linen tunic, while his wife had the stole, the pall, and the veil.

Fig. 25.—Old English Dress. From the
Benedictional of St Æthelwold (c. 963-984).
Fig. 26.—The Blessed Virgin. From the
Benedictional of St Æthelwold (c. 963-984).

ii. Old English Dress.—The skill of their artists gives us many accurate pictures of the dress of the English before the Norman Conquest, the simple dress of a nation whose men fight, hunt and plough. The man’s chief garment is Before the Conquest. a sleeved tunic hanging to the knee, generally open at the side from hip to hem and in front from the throat to the breast. Sleeves cut loosely above the elbow are close at the forearm. The legs are in hose like a Highlander’s or in long breeches bandaged or cross-gartered below the knee. A short mantle to the calf is brooched at the shoulder or breast (fig. 25). There are long gowns and toga-like cloaks, but these as a rule seem garments for the old man of rank. In the open air the cloak is often pulled over the head, for hats and caps are rare, the Phrygian bonnet being the commonest form. Girdles of folded cloth gather the loose tunic at the waist. Most paintings show the ankle shoe as black, cut with a pointed tab before and behind, the soles being sometimes of wood like the sole of the Lancashire clog of our own days. A nobleman will have his shoes embroidered with silks or coloured yarns, and the like decoration for the hem and collar of his tunic. Poor men wear little but the tunic, often going barelegged, although the hinds in the well-known pictures of the twelve months have shoes, and the shepherd as he watches his flock covers himself with a cloak. In every graveyard of the old English we find the brooches, armlets, rings and pins of a people loving jewelry. Women wore a long gown covering the feet, the loose sleeves sometimes hanging over the hands to the knee. Over this there is often a shorter tunic with short sleeves. Their mantles were short or long, the hood or 237 head rail wrapped round the chin (fig. 26). In broidery and ornament the women’s dress matched that of the men. The Danes, warriors of the sea, soon took the English habit, becoming notable for their many changes of gay clothing.

ii. Old English Dress.—The skill of their artists gives us many accurate depictions of the clothing of the English before the Norman Conquest, reflecting the simple attire of a nation whose men fight, hunt, and farm. The main garment for men is a sleeved tunic that reaches the knee, usually open at the sides from hip to hem and in front from the throat to the chest. The sleeves are loose above the elbow but fitted at the forearm. The legs are covered in hose similar to a Highlander's or in long breeches that are bandaged or cross-gartered below the knee. A short mantle that reaches the calf is fastened at the shoulder or chest (fig. 25). There are long gowns and toga-like cloaks, but these typically seem to be worn by older men of high status. Outdoors, the cloak is often pulled over the head, as hats and caps are rare, with the Phrygian bonnet being the most common. Girdles of folded cloth gather the loose tunic at the waist. Most illustrations show ankle shoes in black, designed with a pointed tab at the front and back, and sometimes the soles are made of wood like modern Lancashire clogs. A nobleman might wear shoes embroidered with silk or colorful yarns, and similar decoration is seen on the hem and collar of his tunic. Poor men often wear little more than the tunic, frequently going bare-legged, although the laborers in the famous illustrations of the twelve months wear shoes, and the shepherd watching his flock is shown covering himself with a cloak. In every graveyard of the old English, we find brooches, armlets, rings, and pins, showing a society that loved jewelry. Women wore long gowns that covered their feet, with loose sleeves that sometimes hung over their hands down to the knee. Over this, they often wore a shorter tunic with short sleeves. Their mantles varied in length, and a hood or headrail wrapped around the chin (fig. 26). In embroidery and ornamentation, women's clothing matched that of the men. The Danes, seafaring warriors, quickly adopted English styles, becoming known for their many changes of bright clothing.

Plate

Plate

Photo, Walker. Photo, Alinari.
Fig. 21.—GRAVE-STATUE. Fig. 22.—THE ORATOR (R. Arch. Museum, Florence).
Photo, Anderson. Photo, Moscioni.
Fig. 23.—BUST OF PHILIP THE ARABIAN (Vatican City). Fig. 24.—TITUS (Vatican City).

The Norman Conquest is marked by no great change in English clothing, the conquerors inclining towards the island fashions, as we may see by the fact that they gave up their curious habit of shaving the back of the head. But The Normans. with the reign of the second William came the taste for the luxury of clothing and that taste for flowing hair and shoes with sharp points which is lamented by William of Malmesbury. In this reign we have the story of the Red King refusing to put on boots that cost but three shillings—the price of an ox—and wearing the same gladly when his chamberlain told him that they were a new pair worth a mark. Even more than the fashion of long cloaks and trailing gowns whose sleeves hang far below the hands, the fantastic boot and shoe toes bring the curses of the clergy and the moralizings of chroniclers. Fulk Rechin of Anjou is said by Orderic to have invented such gear to hide the monstrous bunions upon his toes, but a worthless Robert, a hanger-on of the court of William II., distinguishes himself and gains the surname of Cornard by stuffing his shoe tips with tow and twisting them like the horns of the ram.

The Norman Conquest didn't bring significant changes to English clothing; instead, the conquerors leaned towards local styles, as shown by their abandonment of the odd practice of shaving the back of their heads. But with the reign of the second William came a desire for luxurious clothing and a preference for long hair and sharply pointed shoes, something that William of Malmesbury critiques. During this reign, there’s the story of the Red King refusing to wear boots that cost just three shillings—the price of an ox—but willingly putting them on when his chamberlain claimed they were a new pair worth a mark. More than the trend of long cloaks and flowing gowns with sleeves that hang down far below the hands, the bizarre pointed toes of boots and shoes drew the ire of the clergy and the commentary of chroniclers. Fulk Rechin of Anjou is said by Orderic to have created these styles to conceal his grotesque bunions, but a worthless Robert, a courtier of William II, distinguished himself and earned the nickname Cornard by stuffing the tips of his shoes with tow and twisting them like ram's horns.

There are many illuminations which give us in plenty the details of all costumes of the 12th century. Thus the devil in a well-known MS. wears the gown of a lady of rank, the bodice tightly laced, the hanging sleeve knotted to 12th and 13th centuries. keep it out of the mud. A MS. at Corpus Christi College, Oxford, shows in a picture of the vision of Henry I. that the men who reap and dig are simply clad in loose skirted tunics with close sleeves, that they have hats with brims, and cloaks caught by a brooch at the shoulder. Hats and caps are common in all classes and take many shapes—the Phrygian cap, the flat bonnet, the brimmed hat and the skull-cap.

There are many illustrations that give us plenty of details about all the costumes from the 12th century. For example, the devil in a well-known manuscript wears a gown typical of a lady of high status, with a tightly laced bodice and sleeves tied to keep them out of the mud. A manuscript at Corpus Christi College, Oxford, shows in a picture of Henry I's vision that the men who harvest and dig are simply dressed in loose tunic-like garments with fitted sleeves. They wear hats with brims and cloaks fastened by a brooch at the shoulder. Hats and caps are common across all social classes and come in various styles—the Phrygian cap, the flat bonnet, the brimmed hat, and the skull-cap.

Fig. 27.—A Lady and a King (temp. Hen. III.). (From Cotton MS. Nero, D. i.)

With the coming of the house of Anjou English dress clears itself of the more fantastic features of an earlier generation. Henry II. brought in the short Angevin mantle and from it had his name of Curtmantle, but it was not a mastering fashion and the long cloak holds its own. Rich stuffs, cloth of gold or silk woven with gold, webs of damask wrought with stripes or rays and figured with patterns are brought in from the ports. Rare furs are eagerly sought. But the simplicity of line is remarkable. The drawings made for Matthew Paris’s lives of the two Offas show people of all ranks clad without a trace of the tailor’s fantasy. Kings and lords, churchmen and men of substance go in long gowns to the feet, the great folk having an orphrey or band of embroidery at the somewhat low-cut neck (fig. 27). Some of the sleeves have wide ends cut off at the mid-forearm, showing the tight sleeve of a shirt or smock below. Fashion, however, tends to lengthen sleeves to a tight wrist, the upper halves being cut wide and loose with the large armholes characteristic of most ancient tailoring. Over this gown is worn an ample cloak fastened at the neck with a brooch or clasp, and sometimes fitted with a hood. The dress of the common folk and of men of rank when actively employed is a tunic which is but the gown shortened to the knee, a short cloak to the knee being worn with it (fig. 28). Belts and girdles are narrow and plain, the thongs without enrichment, showing no beginnings of the rich buckles and heavy bosses of a later fashion. Shoes and low-cut boots are slightly pointed, and hats, caps, hoods and coifs of many types cover the head. The women are like to the men in their long gown, but the head is wrapped in a coverchef hanging over the shoulder and bound with a fillet round the brow. Gloves are common in this age; “scraps of the cloth or the skin,” says a poet, “do not want for a use: of them gloves are made.”

With the arrival of the house of Anjou, English clothing moves away from the more extravagant styles of the previous generation. Henry II introduced the short Angevin mantle, earning him the nickname Curtmantle, but it wasn't a dominant trend, as the long cloak continued to be popular. Luxurious fabrics, like cloth of gold or silk woven with gold, and damask patterned with stripes or designs are imported from the ports. Rare furs are in high demand. However, the simplicity of the lines is striking. The illustrations made for Matthew Paris’s biographies of the two Offas depict people of all social classes dressed without any hint of dramatic tailoring. Kings and lords, clergy, and wealthy individuals wear long gowns that reach their feet, with the higher-ranking individuals having an orphrey or embroidered band at the somewhat low-cut neckline (fig. 27). Some sleeves are wide and cut off at mid-forearm, revealing the tighter sleeve of a shirt or smock underneath. Fashion, however, tends to lengthen sleeves to fit tightly at the wrists, with the upper sections being cut wide and loose, featuring large armholes typical of ancient tailoring. Over this gown, an ample cloak is worn, fastened at the neck with a brooch or clasp, and sometimes includes a hood. The attire of commoners and active men of status consists of a tunic, essentially a shortened gown that falls to the knee, paired with a short cloak. Belts and girdles are narrow and simple, made without decoration, lacking the ornate buckles and heavy embellishments of later styles. Shoes and low-cut boots are slightly pointed, while a variety of hats, caps, hoods, and coifs are worn on the head. Women, like men, wear long gowns, but their heads are wrapped in a coverchef that hangs over the shoulder and is secured with a fillet around the forehead. Gloves are common in this era; “scraps of the cloth or skin,” a poet notes, “are not without their use: gloves are made from them.”

Fig. 28.—Labourers (temp. Hen. III.). (From Cotton MS. Nero, D.i.)
Fig. 29.—A Group of Clerks (early 14th century). (From Royal MS. 19 B. xv.)

At the court of Edward II., son of a king who went simply clad, Piers Gaveston and his like began to set the fashions for a century which to the curious antiquary is a garden of delights. For the history of the 14th-century 14th century. clothing illuminations are supplemented by a number of effigies upon which the carver has wrought out the last details, by monumental brasses, and by contemporary literature and records (fig. 29). Garments take many shapes; sleeves, skirts and head-dresses run through many fashions; while personal ornaments are rich and beautiful to a degree never yet surpassed. With the beginning of the century there is seen a tendency to shorten the long gown, which had been the best wear of a man of good estate, to a more convenient length, although the knees are still well covered. Loose sleeves falling below the elbow leave to view the sleeve of an under-garment, buttoned tightly to the arm. In winter time a man’s gown will have long sleeves that cover the hands when the arms are at length. The full cloak, although still found, is somewhat rare among a people that has, perhaps, learned to wear more clothes and warmer upon the body. Hoods are worn in many fashions, to be cast back upon the shoulders like a monk’s cowl, the part at the back of the head being drawn out into a “liripipe” long enough at times, when the hood is drawn up, to be knotted round the brow turban-fashion (fig. 30). Long hose are drawn up the legs to join the 238 short breech, and the toes of the ankle-shoes are pointed so long that holy men see visions of little devils using them as chariots. The women love trailing gowns. They have under-skirts and loose over-garments, sometimes sleeveless. Their hair at least would not shock those earlier prelates who cursed the long plaits, for it is caught up in a caul or braided at the sides of the head. In the second half of the century men of rank borrow from Germany the fashion of the cote-hardie. In its plainest form this short tunic, covering the fork of the leg, is cut closely to the body and arms (fig. 31). Sometimes the sleeve ends at the elbow and then another streamer is added to the one which falls from the hood, a strip of stuff continuing the elbow-sleeve as low as the coat edge. This strip and the hem of the skirt are often “slittered” with fanciful jags, a fashion which soon draws down the satirist’s anger. Parti-coloured garments were an added offence; a gentleman would have his coat parted down the middle in red and white, with hose of white and red to match. Men and women of rank wear a twisted garland of rich stuff, crown-wise on the head, set with pearls and precious stones, a fashion which is followed on the great helm of the knights, being the “wreath” or “torce” of heraldry. The dames of such as wear the cote-hardie imitate its tightness in the sleeves and bodices of their long gown. A curious fashion which now begins is the sleeveless upper gown whose sides are cut away in curved sweeps from the shoulder to below the waist, the edges of the opening being deeply furred. The strange head-dress with a steeple-horn draped with lawn kerchiefs makes its appearance to shock the moralists. Although it was probably a rare sight in this century, the horn could easily fulfil its mission of drawing notice to all its wearers.

At the court of Edward II, the son of a king who dressed simply, Piers Gaveston and others like him started to set the trends for a century that fascinates curious historians. The clothing of the 14th century 14th century. is illustrated by various effigies with detailed carvings, monumental brasses, and contemporary literature and records (fig. 29). Garments come in many styles; sleeves, skirts, and headpieces go through numerous trends, while personal ornaments are rich and beautiful to an extent that hasn’t been surpassed. At the start of the century, there’s a trend towards shortening the long gown, which had been the conventional attire for well-to-do men, to a more practical length, although the knees remain well covered. Loose sleeves fall below the elbow, revealing the sleeve of an undergarment, which fits tightly to the arm. In winter, a man’s gown features long sleeves that cover the hands when the arms are extended. The full cloak, while still present, is somewhat rare among people who have likely learned to wear more and warmer clothing. Hoods are worn in various styles, sometimes pulled back onto the shoulders like a monk’s cowl, with a long tail at the back of the head, occasionally knotted around the forehead like a turban when pulled up (fig. 30). Long hose cover the legs to meet the short breeches, and the toes of ankle shoes are pointed so much that some holy people have visions of little devils using them as carriages. Women enjoy trailing gowns, featuring under-skirts and loose over-garments, sometimes without sleeves. Their hairstyles wouldn’t shock earlier church leaders who condemned long braids, as hair is gathered in a caul or braided at the sides of the head. In the latter half of the century, noblemen adopt the German style of the cote-hardie. In its simplest form, this short tunic, covering the top of the legs, is tailored closely to the body and arms (fig. 31). Sometimes, the sleeves end at the elbow, and another piece is added to the one that hangs from the hood, extending the elbow sleeve down to the coat's edge. This extension and the hem of the skirt often feature decorative cuts, a trend that soon invites criticism from satirists. Having garments in contrasting colors is another offense; a gentleman might wear a coat split down the middle in red and white, with matching hose. Men and women of status wear a twisted garland of luxurious fabric around their heads, adorned with pearls and precious stones, a style that also appears on knights' helmets as the heraldic “wreath” or “torce.” The ladies who wear the cote-hardie imitate its fitted sleeves and bodices in their long gowns. A peculiar new trend emerges in the form of sleeveless upper gowns, where the sides are cut away in graceful arcs from the shoulder to below the waist, the edges of the openings lined with deep fur. A bizarre headpiece with a steeple horn draped in a lawn kerchief also appears, shocking moralists. Although it was likely a rare sight in this century, the horn could easily attract attention to all who wore it.

Fig. 30.—English Ploughmen of the 14th century.
Fig. 31.—Sons and Daughters of Edward III. (From his tomb in Westminster Abbey.)

Of the cote-hardie it might at least be said that it was the symbol of a knightly age in arms, the garment of a man who must have hand and limbs free, and, save for its sleeves, it faithfully copied the coat-armour of the armed knight. The softer days of Richard II. are remarkable for a dress which has also its significance, men of high rank taking to themselves gowns of such fulness that the satirists may be justified who declare that men so clad may be hardly known from women. The close collar of these gowns rises high as the neckcloth of a French incroyable, the upper edge turned slightly over and jagged. The full skirts sweep on the ground, which is touched by the last jags of the vast sleeves, whose openings, wide as a woman’s skirts, are dagged like the edges of vine or oak leaves. “And but if the slevis,” says the satirist, “slide on the erthe, thei wolle be wroth as the wynde.” Sometimes this gown is slit at the sides that the gallant may the better show his coloured hose and tips of shoes that pike out two feet from heel to toe. When not wearing the gown such a lord would have a high-necked coat, shorter even than the cote-hardie, but looser in the skirt, the sleeves ending full and loose with dagged edges turned over at the cuff. Hats are more commonly worn in this century, and in its latter half take many shapes, a notable one being that of a shortened sugar-loaf or thimble with a brim turned up, either all round, or, more frequently, behind or before. The long shoes, as their name of crackowes or poleynes implies, were a fashion which, by repute, came from Poland, a land ruled by the grandfather of Richard’s first queen. When medieval fashions were past, they were remembered as a type of the old time, and a certain French conteur begins a tale of old days, not with jadis, but with “In the time when they wore poleynes.” Even parish priests, whose preaching should “dryve out the daggis and alle the Duche cotis,” went, in this age of fine apparel, gaily clad in gowns of scarlet and green, “shape of the newe,” in “cutted clothes” with “long pikes on her shone.” More than this, they made scandal by ruffling with weapons—“bucklers brode and sweardes long, bandrike with baselardes kene.” The skill of goldsmiths and craftsmen decorates all the appurtenances of the dress of this 14th century. Buttons, which appear in the first Edward’s time as a scandalous ornament on men of low degree, have now become common, and, cunningly wrought, are used as much for queintise as for service. A close row of them will run from wrist to elbow of tight sleeve. A row of buttons goes from the neck of a woman’s gown, and the cote-hardie may be fastened down the front with a dozen and a half of rich buttons. A purse or gipciere hung by a ring to the girdle gives more room for ornament in the silver or brass bar on which the bag depends. Above all the girdle, which—in harness or in silk—rich men wear broad and bossed with jewels across the thigh below the waist, makes work for the jeweller’s craftsman. Such a girdle is for great folk alone; but lesser men, wearing a strap about their waists, will yet have a handsome buckle and a fanciful pendant of metal guarding the loose end of the strap.

Of the cote-hardie, it's fair to say that it symbolized an age of knightly arms, a garment designed for a man who needed his hands and limbs free, and apart from its sleeves, it closely resembled the coat armor of an armed knight. The softer times of Richard II. are notable for a type of dress that carries its own significance, with high-ranking men adopting gowns that are so full that satirists claim they can hardly be distinguished from women. The high collar of these gowns rises as high as the necktie of a French incroyable, with the upper edge turned slightly over and jagged. The full skirts drag on the ground, brushing against the last jagged edges of the large sleeves, whose openings are as wide as a woman’s skirts and are cut like the edges of vine or oak leaves. “And if the sleeves,” says the satirist, “drag on the ground, they will be as angry as the wind.” Sometimes, these gowns are slit at the sides, allowing the dandy to better display his colorful hose and the tips of shoes that stick out two feet from heel to toe. When not in a gown, such a lord would wear a high-necked coat, shorter even than the cote-hardie, but looser in the skirt, with sleeves that flare and are loose at the ends, finished with jagged edges at the cuffs. Hats are more commonly worn in this century, and in the latter half, they take on many shapes, a notable one being a shortened sugar-loaf or thimble shape with the brim turned up, either all around or, more often, at the back or front. The long shoes, known as crackowes or poleynes, were a fashion reputed to have come from Poland, the land ruled by the grandfather of Richard's first queen. When medieval fashions faded, they were recalled as symbols of a bygone era, and a certain French conteur begins a tale of old times not with jadis, but with “In the time when they wore poleynes.” Even parish priests, whose preaching should “drive out the daggis and all the Dutch coats,” were decked out in these times of fine clothing, appearing in gowns of scarlet and green, “in the shape of the new,” in “cut clothes” with “long points on their shoes.” Moreover, they caused scandal by strutting around with weapons—“broad bucklers and long swords, bandoliers with sharp baselards.” The skill of goldsmiths and craftsmen adorned all aspects of dress in the 14th century. Buttons, which initially appeared in the time of Edward I as a scandalous adornment on low-ranking men, have now become widespread, intricately crafted, and used as much for decoration as for function. A close row of them runs from the wrist to the elbow on tight sleeves. A line of buttons extends from the neck of a woman's gown, and the cote-hardie can be fastened down the front with a dozen and a half rich buttons. A purse or gipciere hangs by a ring from the girdle, adding more space for decoration on the silver or brass bar from which the bag hangs. Above all, the girdle—whether in harness or silk—that wealthy men wear broad and studded with jewels across the thigh below the waist, provides work for jewelers. Such a girdle is reserved for the wealthy; however, lesser men, with a strap around their waist, still have a nice buckle and a decorative metal pendant keeping the loose end of the strap in check.

Fig. 32.—Henry, Prince of Wales, and Occleve the Poet (c. 1410). (From Arundel MS. 38.)

However fantastic the fashions of this or any other ages, folk of the middling sort will avoid the extremes. From the Knight to the Reve, no man of Chaucer’s company calls to us by the fantasy of his clothing. The Knight himself rides in his fustian gipoun, the grime of his habergeon upon it, although his son’s short gown, the gayest garment at the Tabard, had long and wide sleeves and is embroidered with flowers like any mead. A coat and hood of green mark the Yeoman, who has a silver Christopher brooch for ornament. The Merchant is in motley stuff, his beaver hat from Flanders and his clasped boots taking Chaucer’s eye, as do the anlas and silken gipser which hang at the rich Franklin’s belt. As for the London burgesses, their knife-chapes, girdles and pouches are in clean silver. The Shipman wears his knife in a lanyard about his neck, as his fellows do to this day, and his coat is of coarse falding to the knee. The Wife of Bath has the wimple below her broad hat and rides in a foot mantle about her hips. Poorer men’s dress is on the Reve and the Ploughman, the one in a long surcote of sky-blue and the other in the tabard which we may recognize as that smock-frock which goes down the ages with little change.

No matter how amazing the fashion of this age or any other might be, everyday people will steer clear of extremes. From the Knight to the Reve, none of Chaucer's characters stand out because of their clothing. The Knight himself rides in his fustian tunic, marked with the grime of his armor, while his son's short gown, the brightest outfit at the Tabard, has long wide sleeves and is decorated with flowers like any meadow. The Yeoman is dressed in a green coat and hood and has a silver brooch of St. Christopher for decoration. The Merchant is in a mix of fabrics, wearing a beaver hat from Flanders and clasped boots that catch Chaucer's attention, just like the knives and silken girdle hanging from the rich Franklin's belt. As for the London burgesses, their knife sheaths, belts, and pouches are made of clean silver. The Shipman wears his knife on a lanyard around his neck, just like his companions do today, and his coat is made of rough fabric that reaches his knees. The Wife of Bath has a wimple under her wide hat and wears a mantle around her hips. The clothing of poorer men is seen in the Reve and the Ploughman, with one in a long sky-blue surcoat and the other in the tabard, a smock-frock that has changed little over the years.

In the 15th century the middle ages run out. Fashions in this period become, if not more fantastic, more various. Its earlier years see men of rank still inclined to the rich modes of the last age: Harry of Monmouth, drawn 15th century. about 1410 by an artist who shows him as Occleve’s patron, wears a blue gown which might have passed muster at the 239 court of Richard II. for its trailing skirts and its long sleeves, their slittered edges turned back (fig. 32). A strange fancy at this time was the hanging of silver bells on the dress. One William Staunton, in 1409, seeing in a vision at St Patrick’s Purgatory the fate of earth’s proud ones, is exact to note that in the place of torment the jags in men’s clothes turn to adders, that women’s trailing skirts are burnt over their heads, and that those men whose garments are overset with silver gingles and bells have burning nails of fire driven through each gingle. As for the chaplets of gold, of pearls and precious stones, they turn into nails of iron on which the fiends hammer.

In the 15th century, the Middle Ages come to an end. Fashions during this time become, if not more extravagant, at least more varied. In the earlier years, high-status men still tend to favor the rich styles from the previous era: Harry of Monmouth, depicted around 1410 by an artist who shows him as Occleve’s patron, wears a blue gown that could have easily fitted in at the court of Richard II, with its trailing skirts and long sleeves, their slitted edges turned back (fig. 32). An unusual trend during this time was the hanging of silver bells on dresses. One William Staunton, in 1409, seeing a vision at St. Patrick’s Purgatory about the fate of proud people on earth, specifically notes that in the place of torment, the jagged edges of men’s clothing turn into adders, that women’s trailing skirts are burned above their heads, and that those men whose garments are adorned with silver trinkets and bells have fiery nails driven through each trinket. As for garlands of gold, pearls, and precious stones, they transform into iron nails on which the demons hammer.

Fig. 33.—The Squire. (From the
Ellesmere MS. of the Canterbury Tales.
Fig. 34.—An English Squire and his
Wife. (From a brass of 1409.)
Fig. 35.—English Dress, c. 1433. (From Harl. MS. 2278.)

The common habit of a well-clad man in the first half of this century is a loose tunic, lined with fur, or edged with fur at neck, wrist and skirt. At first the sleeves are long and bag-like, like to the Richard II. sleeve but drawn in to the wrist, where early examples are fastened with a button. A shorter tunic is worn below, whose tight sleeves are seen beyond the furred edge of the upper garment, mittens being sometimes attached to them. Over the shoulders the hood is thrown, or, in foul weather, a hood and cloak. The gown is girdled at the waist with a girdle from which hangs the anelace or baselard (fig. 34). Shoes are pointed. Hats and caps are seen in many shapes, but the most remarkable is the developed form of that head-dress which the 14th-century man seems to have achieved by putting his pate into the face-hole of his hood and twisting its liripipe round his brows. In the 15th century the effect is produced with a thick, turban-like roll of stuff from the top of which hung down on one side folds of cloth coming nigh to the shoulder, and on the other the liripipe broadened and lengthened to 4 or 5 ft. of a narrower folded cloth. As the century advances the bagpipe sleeves shrink in size and the tunic skirts are shortened (fig. 35). The old habit of going armed with anelace or baselard dies away in spite of troublous times. In the middle of the century the tunic is often no longer than a modern frock-coat, its sleeves little wider than those of a modern overcoat. Dress, indeed, becomes at this time convenient and attractive to our modern eyes. The last quarter of the century sees a new and important change. The tunic or gown, which was the garment of ceremony answering at once to our dress coats and frock coats, runs down to the feet. An act of 1463 ordered that coats should at least cover the buttocks, but fashion achieved suddenly what law failed to enforce. Men who had polled their hair short allowed it to grow and hang over the shoulders. The belt carries the purse or gipciere more commonly, although weapons are rarely seen, and it is notable that, as the Reformation approaches, the fashion of wearing a large “pair of beads” in the belt becomes a very common one. Last of all, the shoes change their shape. The reign of Edward IV. had seen the pointed toes as iniquitously long as ever the 14th century saw them. Even the long riding boot has the curving point, although otherwise much resembling the jack-boot of the 18th century. But after Bosworth Field the soles broaden, the point shrinks back and then disappears, and the footprint becomes shovel-shaped.

The typical outfit of a well-dressed man in the first half of this century features a loose tunic lined with fur or trimmed with fur at the neck, wrists, and skirt. Initially, the sleeves are long and baggy, similar to those of the Richard II style, but they taper to the wrist, where early examples are fastened with a button. A shorter tunic is worn underneath, with tight sleeves peeking out from the fur-lined edges of the upper garment, and mittens are sometimes attached to them. A hood is thrown over the shoulders, or in bad weather, a hood and cloak are worn together. The gown is cinched at the waist with a belt from which hangs a dagger or small sword (fig. 34). Shoes are pointy. Hats and caps come in various shapes, but the most striking is the evolved version of the headwear that men of the 14th century created by putting their heads into the face-hole of their hood and twisting the long tail around their brows. By the 15th century, this look is achieved with a thick, turban-like roll of fabric, from which folds of cloth drape down on one side, nearly reaching the shoulder, and on the other side, the liripipe grows broader and longer to 4 or 5 feet of narrower folded cloth. As the century progresses, the baggy sleeves get smaller, and the tunic skirts are shortened (fig. 35). The old practice of carrying a dagger or small sword fades away despite the troubling times. By the middle of the century, the tunic is often about the length of a modern frock coat, with sleeves that are only slightly wider than those of a modern overcoat. Fashion becomes more convenient and appealing to our contemporary tastes. In the last quarter of the century, a significant change occurs. The tunic or gown, which serves as the ceremonial garment similar to our dress coats and frock coats, reaches the feet. An act in 1463 mandated that coats should at least cover the buttocks, but fashion quickly accomplished what the law could not enforce. Men who had cut their hair short started to let it grow, allowing it to hang over their shoulders. The belt now more commonly holds the purse or gipciere, although weapons are rarely seen, and as the Reformation approaches, wearing a large “pair of beads” on the belt becomes quite popular. Finally, the shape of shoes changes. During Edward IV's reign, pointed toes were as excessively long as they had been in the 14th century. Even the long riding boot still had a curved point, though it closely resembled the jack-boot of the 18th century. But after the Battle of Bosworth, the soles become wider, the point shortens, and eventually disappears, resulting in a shovel-shaped footprint.

Fig. 36.—A Gentleman and his Wife. (From a brass of 1435.)
Fig. 37.—A Gentleman and his Wife. (From a brass of 1508.)
Based on a photo taken by Mansell.
Fig. 38.—The Earl of Surrey (late in reign of Henry VIII.).

Women’s dress in the 15th century often follows the man’s fashion of the furred gown, the skirts being lengthened for all difference. But the close-bodied and close-sleeved gown, with skirts broadening into many folds below the hips, is often seen with the long and plain cloak drawn with a cord at the breast, widows wearing this dress with the barbe, a crimped cloth of linen drawn up under the chin and ears and covering the collar-bone. With the barbe went the kerchief, draping head and shoulders. The bossed cauls of the earlier head-dress, drawn high on either side of the head until face and head-dress took the shape of a heart, are characteristic of the age (fig. 36). In some cases the cauls are drawn out at the sides to the form of a pair of bulls’ horns or of a mitre set sideways. In the time of Edward IV. we have a popular head-dress to which has been given the name of the butterfly. The hair in its caul is pulled backward, and wires set in it allow the ends of a cambric veil to float behind like the wings of a butterfly settled on a flower.

Women’s clothing in the 15th century often mirrored men's styles, particularly the fur-trimmed gowns, but the skirts were longer for distinction. The fitted gown with tight sleeves and skirts that flared out into multiple folds below the hips was commonly paired with a long, simple cloak tied at the chest. Widows wore this outfit along with the barbe, a frilled linen cloth that went under the chin and around the ears, covering the collarbone. Accompanying the barbe was a kerchief that draped over the head and shoulders. The structured cauls of the earlier headpieces were worn high on either side of the head, giving the face and headdress a heart-shaped appearance, which was typical of the era (fig. 36). In some instances, the cauls were styled outwards to resemble bull horns or a sideways mitre. During Edward IV's reign, a popular headpiece known as the butterfly emerged. In this style, the hair was swept back into the caul, with wires supporting the ends of a cambric veil that floated behind like butterfly wings resting on a flower.

The new England of the 16th century breaks with the past in most of its fashions. Never again does an Englishman return to the piked shoes. High fashion under Henry VIII. is all for broad toes, so broad that the sumptuary laws, from The 16th century. banning long toes, swing about to condemn excess in the new guise. Under Henry VII. the medieval influence is still strong in the body-clothing. A bravely dressed man will go in long hose, cut close to the body, and a short vest under which the shirt is seen at waist and wrist. Over this he will wear the open gown, lined with fur, and cut short as a jacket but having the sleeves hanging below the knee. Such sleeves are commonly slashed open at the sides to allow the forearm to pass through. Shorter false sleeves of this pattern had become popular in the age of Edward IV. Graver men will wear, in place of this short gown, a long one dropping to the broad shoe-toes, the sleeves wide-mouthed (fig. 37). Sometimes it hangs loosely; sometimes it has the girdle with purse and beads. Notaries and scriveners add to the girdle a penner, or pen-case, and a stoppered ink-bottle. Wide hats are found, crowned with huge plumes of feathers, but the characteristic headgear is that made familiar by 240 portraits of Henry VII., a low-crowned cap whose upturned brim is nicked at one side. A few sober men wear coats differing little from the short gown of forty years before. Among ladies the butterfly head-dress and the steeple cap passed out of fashion, and a grave headgear comes in which has been compared with a dog-kennel, a hood-cap thrown over head and shoulders, the front being edged with a broad band which was often enriched with needlework, the ends falling in lappets to the breast. This band is stiffened until the face looks out as from the open gable-end of a house. The gown is simple in form, close-fitting to the body, the cuffs turned up with fur and the skirts long. A girdle is worn loosely drawn below the waist, its long strap letting the metal pendant fall nearly to the feet. Long cloaks, plainly cut, are gathered at the neck with a pair of long cords, like tasselled bell-pulls. While Henry VIII. is spending his father’s hoards we have a splendid court, gallantly dressed in new fashions. His own broad figure, in cloth of gold, velvet and damask, plaits, puffs and slashes, stiff with jewels, is well known through scores of portraits, and may stand for the high-water mark of the modes of his age. The Hampton Court picture of the earl of Surrey is characteristic of a great lord’s dress of a somewhat soberer style (see fig. 38). The king, proud of his own broad shoulders, set the fashion to accent this breadth, and it will be seen that the earl’s figure, leaving out the head and hose, all but fills a perfect square. Such men have the air of playing-card knaves. Surrey’s cap is flat, with a rich brooch and a small side-feather. His short doublet of the new style is open in front to show a white shirt covered with black embroidery whose ruffles cover his wrists. His over-garment or jerkin has vast sleeves, rounded, puffed and slashed. Under the doublet are seen wide trunk-breeches. He goes all in scarlet, even to the shoes, which are of moderate size. The girdle carries a sword with the new guard and a dagger of the Renascence art, graced with a vast tassel. All is in the new fashion, nothing recalling the earlier century save the hose and the immodest braguette which, seen in the latter half of the fourteen-hundreds, is defiantly displayed in the dress and armour of this age of Henry VIII. Even the hair follows the new French mode and is cropped close. Other fashionable suits of the time give us the tight doublets, loose upper sleeves and trunk hose as a mass of small slashes and puffs, a fashion which came in from the Germans and Switzers whom Henry saw in the imperial service. Such clothing goes with the shoes whose broad toes are slashed with silk, and the wide and flat caps with slashed edges, bushed with feathers, which headgear was often allowed to hang upon the shoulders by a pair of knotted bonnet-strings, while a skull-cap covered the head. With all this fantasy the dress of simpler folk has little concern, and a man in a plain, short-skirted doublet, with a flat cap, trunk breeches, long hose and plain shoes, has nothing grotesque or unserviceable in his attire. The new sumptuary laws, which were not allowed to become a dead letter, had their influence in restraining middle-class extravagance. No man under a knight’s degree was to wear a neck-chain of gold or gilded, or a “garded or pinched shirte.” Brooches of goldsmith’s work were for none below a gentleman. Women whose husbands could not afford to maintain a light horse for the king’s service had no business with gowns or petticoats of silk, chains of gold, French hoods, or bonnets of velvet. This French hood is the small bonnet, two of whose many forms may be seen in the best-known portraits of Mary of England and Mary, queen of Scots—a cap stiffened with wires. With its introduction the fashionable skirt began to lose its graceful folds and to spread stiffly outward in straight lines from the tight-laced waist, the front being open to show a petticoat as stiff and enriched as the skirt. The neck of the gown, cut low and square, showed the partlet of fine linen pleated to the neck. In the days of Edward VI. and Queen Mary the dress of most men and women loses the fantastic detail of the earlier Tudor age. In the dress of both sexes the joining of the sleeve to the shoulder has, as a rule, that large puff which stage dressmakers bestow so lavishly upon all old English costumes, but otherwise the woman’s gown and hood and the man’s doublet, jerkin and trunk hose are plain enough, even the shoes losing all the fanciful width. Mary, indeed, added to the statute book more stringent laws against display of rich apparel, laws that would fine even a gentleman of under £20 a year if silk were found in his cap or shoe. Small ruffs, however, begin to appear at the neck, and most wrists are ruffled. The ruff, which began simply enough in the first half of this century as a little cambric collar with a goffered edge, is for all of us the distinguishing note of Elizabethan dress. It grew wide and flapping, therefore it was stiffened upon wires and spread from a concealed frame, row on row of ruffs being added one above the other until the wearer, man or woman, seemed to carry the head in a cambric charger. Starch, cursed as a devilish liquor by the new Puritan, gave it help, and English dress acquired a deformity which can only be compared with the great farthingale or with the last follies of the wig. The skirt of a woman of fashion, which had already begun to jut from the waist, was drawn out before the end of Elizabeth’s reign at right angles from the waist until the dame had that air of standing within a great drum which Sir Roger de Coverley remarked in the portrait of an ancestress. Elizabeth herself, long-waisted and of meagre body, set the fashions of her court, other women pinching their waists into the long and straight stomacher ending in a peak before. She herself followed her father’s taste in ornament, and on great days was set about like the Madonna of a popular shrine with decorations of all kinds, patterns in pearl, quiltings, slashings, puffings and broidery, tassels and rich buttons. Among men the important change is the disappearance of the last of the long hose, all men taking to trunk-hose and nether-stocks or stockings, while their doublets tend to follow the same long-waisted fashion as the bodices of the women, whose doublets and jerkins, buttoned up the breast, bring the Puritan satirists against them. Of these satirists Philip Stubbes is the best-known, his Anatomie of Abuses, published in 1583, being a very wardrobe of Elizabethan fashions, although false or dyed hair, the ruff and its starch, and the ear-rings worn by some women and many men draw his hottest anger. William Harrison sings on a like note about the same time, declaiming especially against the mutability of fashion, declaring that the imported Spanish, French and German guises made it easier to inveigh against such enormities than to describe the English attire with any certainty. For him women were become men, and men transformed into monsters. “Neither was it ever merrier with England than when an Englishman was known abroad by his own cloth and contented himself at home with his fine carsey hosen and a mean slop; his coat, gown and cloak of brown, blue or puke, with some pretty furniture of velvet or fur and a doublet of sad tawny or black velvet or other comely silk, without such cuts and garish colours as are worn in these days, and never brought in but by the consent of the French, who think themselves the gayest men when they have most diversities of jags and change of colours about them.” He adds that “certes of all estates our merchants do least alter their attire ... for albeit that which they wear be very fine and costly, yet in form and colour it representeth a great piece of the ancient gravity appertaining to citizens and burgesses.” But as for the “younger sort” of citizens’ wives, Harrison finds in their attire “all kind of curiosity ... in far greater measure than in women of a higher calling.”

The New England of the 16th century departs from the past in most of its styles. An Englishman never again returns to the pointed shoes. High fashion under Henry VIII is all about broad toes, so wide that the sumptuary laws, which once banned long toes, now condemn excess in this new form. Under Henry VII, medieval influence is still strong in body clothing. A well-dressed man will wear long hose, cut close to the body, and a short vest that reveals the shirt at the waist and wrists. Over this, he will wear an open gown, lined with fur, cut short like a jacket but with sleeves that hang below the knee. These sleeves are often slashed open at the sides to let the forearm through. Short false sleeves of this style had become popular in the time of Edward IV. More serious men choose a long gown reaching down to the broad shoe toes, with wide sleeves (fig. 37). Sometimes it hangs loosely; other times it has a girdle with a purse and beads. Notaries and scriveners add a pen case and a stoppered ink bottle to the girdle. Wide hats, adorned with huge feather plumes, are common, but the typical headgear is the low-crowned cap made familiar by 240 portraits of Henry VII, featuring an upturned brim with a notch on one side. A few sober men still wear coats that barely differ from the short gown of forty years prior. Among women, the butterfly headdress and the steeple cap have fallen out of style, replaced by a more serious headpiece likened to a dog kennel: a hood-cap covering the head and shoulders, with a broad band around the front often decorated with needlework, with ends falling to the breast. This band is stiffened, giving the effect of a face peering out from the open gable-end of a house. The gown is simple in shape, fitted to the body, with cuffs turned up in fur and long skirts. A loosely drawn girdle sits below the waist, with a long strap allowing the metal pendant to dangle close to the feet. Long cloaks, simply cut, are gathered at the neck with long cords resembling tasselled bell pulls. While Henry VIII spends his father's wealth, we find a splendid court, elegantly dressed in new fashions. His own broad figure, draped in cloth of gold, velvet, and damask, with pleats, puffs, and slashes heavily adorned with jewels, is recognized through numerous portraits as the apex of his era's styles. The Hampton Court painting of the Earl of Surrey exemplifies a great lord's attire in a somewhat more subdued style (see fig. 38). The king, proud of his broad shoulders, sets the trend to emphasize this width, and the earl's figure, excluding the head and hose, nearly fills a perfect square. Such men have the appearance of playing card knaves. Surrey's cap is flat, decorated with a rich brooch and a small side feather. His short doublet of the new style is open in front, revealing a white shirt covered in black embroidery, with ruffles that cover his wrists. His outer garment or jerkin has large, rounded sleeves that are puffed and slashed. Below the doublet, wide trunk breeches are visible. He is dressed entirely in scarlet, down to the shoes, which are of moderate size. The girdle holds a sword with a new guard and a Renaissance daggar, adorned with a large tassel. Everything is in the new style, with nothing recalling the earlier century save the hose and the immodest braguette, which, seen in the latter half of the 1400s, is boldly displayed in the dress and armor of Henry VIII’s age. Even the hair follows the new French fashion and is cut short. Other trendy outfits of the time feature tight doublets, loose upper sleeves, and trunk hose adorned with small slashes and puffs, a style adopted from the Germans and Swiss whom Henry encountered in the imperial service. These outfits accompany shoes with broad toes, slashed with silk, and wide, flat caps with slashed edges, often draping over the shoulders with knotted bonnet strings, while a skull cap covers the head. Amidst all this extravagance, the clothing of common people remains straightforward, and a man dressed in a plain, short-skirted doublet, flat cap, trunk breeches, long hose, and simple shoes has nothing bizarre or impractical about his attire. The new sumptuary laws, which were enforced rigorously, influenced the restraint of middle-class extravagance. No man below the rank of knight was allowed to wear a gold or gilded neck chain or a "guarded or pinched shirt." Goldsmith’s brooches were reserved for gentlemen. Women whose husbands could not afford to maintain a light horse for the king's service were not permitted silk gowns or petticoats, gold chains, French hoods, or velvet bonnets. This French hood is a small bonnet, two of whose various styles can be seen in the well-known portraits of Mary of England and Mary, Queen of Scots—a cap stiffened with wires. With its introduction, the fashionable skirt began to lose its elegant folds and started to flare stiffly outward in straight lines from the tightly laced waist, opening at the front to display a petticoat as stiff and embellished as the skirt. The neck of the gown, cut low and square, revealed the partlet of fine linen pleated to the neck. During the reigns of Edward VI and Queen Mary, the attire of most men and women shed the fantastical details of the earlier Tudor era. In both sexes, the joining of the sleeve to the shoulder typically featured a large puff that stage costume designers lavishly bestow upon all old English outfits, but otherwise, the woman's gown and hood and the man's doublet, jerkin, and trunk hose are quite plain, even the shoes losing all fanciful width. Mary also added to the statute books more stringent laws against displays of rich apparel, which fined even gentlemen earning under £20 a year for having silk in their caps or shoes. Small ruffs begin to appear at the neck, and most wrists are adorned with ruffles. The ruff, which started simply in the first half of this century as a small cambric collar with a goffered edge, is, for all of us, the defining aspect of Elizabethan dress. It widened and flapped, stiffened on wires and spread from a concealed frame, with row upon row of ruffs added until the wearer, man or woman, seemed to carry their head on a cambric charger. Starch, loathed by the new Puritan, helped this evolution, and English dress acquired a distortion that can only be compared to the vast farthingale or the last fads of the wig. The skirt of a fashionable woman, which had already begun to jut from the waist, was drawn out before the end of Elizabeth’s reign at right angles from the waist, giving her the appearance of standing within a large drum, as Sir Roger de Coverley noted in the portrait of an ancestor. Elizabeth herself, long-waisted and slender, set the trends at her court, with other women pinching their waists into the long and straight bodice with a peak in front. She herself mirrored her father’s taste for adornment and, on grand occasions, was surrounded with various decorations, including patterns in pearl, quilting, slashing, puffing, embroidery, tassels, and rich buttons. Among men, a significant change is the disappearance of the last long hose; all men adopt trunk hose and nether-stocks or stockings, while their doublets begin to reflect the same long-waisted style as women’s bodices, whose doublets and jerkins buttoned up the front draw criticism from Puritan satirists. Philip Stubbes is the most notable of these satirists; his Anatomie of Abuses, published in 1583, provides a comprehensive overview of Elizabethan fashions, although he is particularly incensed by false or dyed hair, the ruff and its starch, and the earrings worn by some women and many men. Around the same time, William Harrison expresses similar sentiments, especially lamenting the fickleness of fashion, asserting that the imported Spanish, French, and German styles made it easier to criticize such excesses than to accurately describe English attire. He believes that women had become like men, and men had turned into monsters. "There never was a merrier time in England," he states, “than when an Englishman was recognized abroad by his own cloth and was content at home with his fine carsey hosen and a simple slop; his coat, gown, and cloak of brown, blue, or puke, with some pretty accents of velvet or fur and a doublet of somber tawny or black velvet or other decent silk, without the cuts and flashy colors worn today, which were only introduced with the approval of the French, who consider themselves the most stylish when they display the most variety in their jags and color changes.” He adds that “indeed, among all classes, our merchants alter their attire the least ... for although their clothing may be very fine and costly, in form and color it reflects much of the ancient dignity associated with citizens and burgesses.” As for the “younger sort” of citizens’ wives, Harrison observes that their outfits show “all kinds of curiosity ... in far greater measure than those of women of higher status.”

Fig. 39.—An English Lady. From
a brass of 1605.
Fig. 40.—An English Lady of rank in
1643. After Hollar.
Fig. 41.—The English Countrywoman of 1643. After Hollar.

The coming of King James is not marked by any sudden change of attire, most of the Elizabethan fashions running on into his reign. The tight doublet has stiff wings at the shoulders, close sleeves and short skirt. The many fashions of breeches are still 17th century. 241 popular, most of them padded or stuffed. There are trunk hose that have the air of petticoats rolled inward half way up the thigh. There is the “great round abominable breech,” pegtop shaped from below the knee to waist, as it appears in the well-known print of James himself with hawk on fist. Among women of fashion obtained a remarkable mode of exposing the breast, when the ruff and bodice were cut away; and the wheel fardingale was still worn, an order against it in 1613 rather increasing than diminishing its size. But simpler fashions were setting in, and with the reign of Charles I. the extravagances of padding and slashing disappear. The ruff gives place at last to the falling band, a wide collar of lace or plain linen. The belt or girdle ceases to be common wear, save for those who hang a sword from it. Parties in the state come to be known by their dress, and we have the Puritan, his crop head covered by a wide-brimmed, high-crowned felt, without hatband or feather, and his plain falling band over a staidly-cut coat. Beside him we set the cavalier, lace at his band edge, wrist and wide boot tops. His hat is feathered, his doublet lets the fine cambric of the shirt be seen at the waist, his short breeches are fringed with points or tags. His long hair has one lock brought over the left shoulder to be marked as a lovelock by a ribbon at the end. But the clothing of this age has been illustrated by Van Dyck and by a hundred other portrait painters, who as illustrators of costume take the place of the monumental sculptors, then less commonly called on for an effigy in the habit of life. And the time of the Commonwealth passes without notable change. Those who were in power favoured a sober habit, although we find General Harrison in scarlet and clinquant matching with Colonel Hutchinson in courtly apparel, and before the Restoration the tract-writers find matter of condemnation, especially in the items of patches, hair-powder and face paints.

The arrival of King James didn’t bring any dramatic changes in fashion; most Elizabethan styles continued into his reign. The tight doublet features stiff shoulders, fitted sleeves, and a short skirt. Various styles of breeches were still popular, many of them padded or stuffed. There were trunk hose that looked like petticoats rolled up halfway up the thigh. There's the "great round abominable breech," shaped like a pegtop from the knee to the waist, as seen in the famous print of James himself holding a hawk. Women of fashion embraced a striking trend of exposing the breast by cutting away the ruff and bodice, while the wheel farthingale was still in style, with a law against it in 1613 that seemed to only make it larger. However, simpler styles were starting to emerge, and with the reign of Charles I, the excesses of padding and slashing faded away. The ruff was finally replaced by the falling band, a wide collar made of lace or plain linen. The belt or girdle became less common, except for those who wore a sword from it. Political factions began to be identified by their clothing, with the Puritan wearing a wide-brimmed, high-crowned felt hat with no hatband or feather, and a plain falling band over a conservatively cut coat. Next to him stood the cavalier, with lace at the edges of his band, wrists, and wide boot tops. His hat was feathered, his doublet showed off the fine cambric of his shirt at the waist, and his short breeches were trimmed with points or tags. He styled his long hair with one lock pulled over his left shoulder, marked as a love lock with a ribbon at the end. The fashion of this era has been captured in illustrations by Van Dyck and countless other portrait artists, who took over the role of chronicling attire from monumental sculptors, who were less commonly commissioned for lifelike effigies. The Commonwealth period passed without significant change. Those in power preferred a sober style, although we see General Harrison in scarlet and flashy attire alongside Colonel Hutchinson in elegant clothing. Before the Restoration, pamphleteers found plenty to condemn, especially regarding patches, hair powder, and face paint.

Fig. 42.—A Squire of a Knight of the Bath at the Crowning of Charles II.

So far as the court was concerned, King Charles II. brought in the extravagant fashions of the courtiers of Louis XIV. The short-waisted doublets with loose sleeves slashed open at the sides, the short and wide petticoat breeches, their lining lower than the petticoat edge and tied below the knee, and the hose whose tops bagged over the garter, were in England before King Charles returned. He added to the breeches the rows of looped ribbons, gave falling ruffles to the knees of the hose and many feathers to the hat. The long, narrow-bladed rapier hung in a broad, embroidered belt, passed over the right shoulder, and the high-heeled shoes and knots of ribbons. Lely painted the women of this court in a studied negligence, but many pictures show us the loose sleeves turned up to the elbow with bows of ribbon, the close bodice ending in a loose gown worn over a full skirted petticoat, a wide collar covering the shoulders.

As far as the court was concerned, King Charles II. introduced the flashy styles of Louis XIV's courtiers. The short-waisted doublets with loose sleeves that were cut open at the sides, the short and wide petticoat breeches with lining that sat lower than the edge of the petticoat and tied below the knee, and the hose with tops that bagged over the garter were already in England before King Charles returned. He further embellished the breeches with rows of looped ribbons, added falling ruffles to the knee area of the hose, and adorned hats with plenty of feathers. A long, narrow-bladed rapier hung from a broad, embroidered belt that crossed over the right shoulder, complemented by high-heeled shoes and ribbon knots. Lely painted the women of this court in a deliberate relaxed style, but many artworks show the loose sleeves rolled up to the elbow with ribbon bows, the fitted bodice ending in a loose gown worn over a full-skirted petticoat, and a wide collar covering the shoulders.

Pepys is our chief authority for the remarkable resolution of Charles to change the fashion of his dress to one which he would never alter, a decision which the king communicated to his council in October 1666. On the 15th of that month the diarist noted that “this day the king begins to put on his vest, and I did see several persons of the House of Lords and Commons too, great courtiers, who are in it; being a long cassocke close to the body, of black cloth and pinked with white silk under it, and a coat over it, and the legs ruffled with black riband like a pigeon’s leg ... a very fine and handsome garment.” Rugge’s diary records the same change to “a close coat of cloth pinkt, with a white taffety under the cutts. This in length reached the calf of the leg, and upon that a sercoatt cutt at the breast, which hung loose and shorter than the vest six inches. The breeches the Spanish cut, and buskins, some of cloth, some of leather, but of the same colour as the vest or garment.” Says Evelyn, “a comely and manly habit, too good to hold.” Later in the same month Pepys saw the court “all full of vests, only my Lord St Albans not pinked, but plain black; and they say the king says the pinking upon whites makes them look too much like magpies, and therefore hath bespoke one of plain velvet.” The change, although the court was fickle, is of the first importance in the history of costume, for we have here the coat and waistcoat in a form from which our own coats and waistcoats derive without a break. Another important change affects dress for a century and a half. Just as costume begins to take the modern path we have the wig or peruke, strangest of all the fantasies of fashion, introduced as the wear for all men of standing. Pepys, the son of a tailor and a man with a shy affection for fine clothing, may again here be quoted. On a Sunday in February 1661 he “began to go forth in my coat and sword, as the manner now among gentlemen is.” In November 1663 he takes another step with fashion, going to the periwig-maker to have his hair cut off and to put on his first periwig, for which he paid 3l, another to be made up of the hair with which he had parted. The next day he wore the periwig to his office, and “no great matter was made of it.” Two days later my Lord Sandwich “wondered at first to see me in my peruque,” but even in church Pepys found that he drew little attention in the new guise. The same month the duke of York announced that he would wear the periwig, “and they say the king also will.” Thus began this costly and inconvenient mode. At home and at their ease men commonly replaced the wig with a soft silk or velvet “night-cap,” and the coat with a “morning gown” like our modern dressing gown. 242 Powder, which had been dusted about the hair by a few courtiers and fashionable folk since the reign of Elizabeth, was used by most wearers of the wig. Hair “dressed with a powder” was often seen in London under the Commonwealth, and now the great periwig brought powder into frequent use.

Pepys is our main source for the notable decision made by Charles to change his style of dress to one he would never modify again, a choice the king shared with his council in October 1666. On the 15th of that month, the diarist noted that “today the king starts wearing his vest, and I saw several members of the House of Lords and Commons, prominent courtiers who are wearing it; it’s a long, close-fitting cassock made of black cloth with white silk underneath, a coat over it, and the legs ruffled with black ribbon like a pigeon's leg ... a very fine and stylish outfit.” Rugge’s diary reports the same shift to “a close coat of fabric trimmed, with a layer of white taffeta under the cut. This reached down to the calf, and on top of that was a loose-fitting sercoat that was cut at the breast and hung six inches shorter than the vest. The breeches were of the Spanish style, along with buskins, some made of cloth and some of leather, but in the same color as the vest or garment.” Evelyn remarks, “a decent and manly outfit, too good to discard.” Later in the month, Pepys observed the court “full of vests, except for my Lord St Albans, who wore plain black without pinking; and they say the king mentioned that the pinking on white makes them look too much like magpies, so he has ordered one in plain velvet.” This change, despite the ever-changing court, is crucial in the history of fashion, as it marks the evolution of the coat and waistcoat into a style from which our current coats and waistcoats are directly descended. Another significant shift impacted fashion for the next century and a half; just as clothing began to align with modern styles, the wig or peruke, the oddest of fashion trends, was introduced as the standard for all respectable men. Pepys, the son of a tailor with a fondness for fine clothes, can again be quoted. On a February Sunday in 1661, he “began to go out in my coat and sword, as is now the custom among gentlemen.” In November 1663, he took another step in fashion by visiting the wig maker to have his hair cut off and to get his first periwig, for which he paid 3l, with another created from the hair he had discarded. The next day, he wore the periwig to his office, and “no one made much of it.” Two days later, my Lord Sandwich “was surprised to see me in my periwig,” but even in church, Pepys found he received little attention in his new look. The same month, the Duke of York announced that he would wear the periwig, “and they say the king will too.” Thus began this costly and cumbersome trend. At home and in comfort, men typically swapped the wig for a soft silk or velvet “night-cap,” and the coat for a “morning gown,” similar to our modern dressing gown. 242 Powder, which had been sprinkled in the hair by a few courtiers and fashionable individuals since Elizabeth's reign, was adopted by most wig wearers. Hair “dressed with powder” had often been seen in London during the Commonwealth, and now the grand periwig made powder a common accessory.

Fig. 43.—A Gentleman of the Privy Chamber at the Crowning of James II.

Before the end of the 17th century the periwig reached its greatest height and breadth, the curls of a fine gentleman towering in a mass above the brow and flowing far down over the shoulders or nigh to the waist. Guardsmen wore them tossing over their corslets, although a smaller variety, the campaign wig, had been introduced for war or travel. Many portraits of this age show its locks contrasting strangely with the soldier’s steel breastplate and pauldrons, but it must be remembered that martial gentlemen would often choose to be painted in armour although such harness was disappearing from actual use.

Before the end of the 17th century, the periwig reached its peak in style and size, with the curls of a fine gentleman rising majestically above the forehead and cascading down over the shoulders or nearly to the waist. Guardsmen wore them, draping over their armor, although a smaller version, the campaign wig, had been introduced for warfare or travel. Many portraits from this time show the wig's locks contrasting sharply with the soldier’s steel breastplate and shoulder guards, but it’s important to note that military gentlemen would often opt to be painted in armor even though such gear was becoming less common in actual use.

Under James II. the coat adopted in the late reign was firmly established as the principal garment of a well-dressed man. Gowns remained but to make a ceremonial dress for the great officers of state, for the judges and the London liverymen, for such, indeed, as those who wear them in our own days. As for “the comely cloak, altogether used in the beginning of my time,” Randle Holme notes that it was “now scarce used but by old and grave persons.” The coat was sometimes buttoned down the front but was more often thrown open to display the waistcoat, a lesser coat with skirts. The great turned over cuffs were now below the elbow, although there was good space for the display of the ruffle, and at the neck was the large cravat with laced ends. After the battle of Steinkirk, in 1692, to which the young French nobles hastened with disarranged neckcloths, the cravat was sometimes worn twisted, the ends passed through a ring, although the word Steinkirk was in later years often carelessly given to the neckcloth worn in any style. For riding, the big jack-boot of earlier days, with spurs and broad spur-leathers, remained in fashion, although the bell-shaped tops were turned up and not down. Boots, however, were riding-gear. Gondomar, the Spanish ambassador to James I., had laughed over the citizens of London “all booted and ready to go out of town,” but this custom died away, and a man in boots showed that he was for the road. William III.’s grave court was not one in which new fashions flourished, but it is remarkable that feminine modes take curious variety before the century end. Long-waisted and straitly cut stays were worn, the gown sleeve is short as the coat-sleeve of a Charles II. courtier. The gown itself has the skirts gathered to show the petticoat, and small aprons fringed with lace are often seen. The simple head-dresses of the Restoration are changed for caps with long lace lappets, or for a cap whose top-knot or commode stood up stiff and fan-shaped like a section cut out of an old ruff. When no commode was worn, a loose hood, thrown gracefully over the head and gathered at the shoulders, sometimes took its place. As a riding or walking dress, ladies of quality often wore coats, waistcoats, hats and cravats, not to be distinguished from those of their lords.

Under James II, the coat that became popular in the previous reign was firmly established as the main attire for a well-dressed man. Gowns remained, but they were primarily for ceremonial occasions for high-ranking officials, judges, and the London liverymen, much like those who wear them today. Randle Holme observed that “the comely cloak, which was widely worn at the start of my time,” was “now hardly worn except by older, serious individuals.” The coat was sometimes fastened down the front but more frequently worn open to showcase the waistcoat, a shorter coat with skirts. The large turned-over cuffs were now below the elbow, providing ample space for the ruffle, and around the neck was a large cravat with lace ends. After the battle of Steinkirk in 1692, where young French nobles hurriedly adjusted their neckcloths, the cravat was sometimes worn twisted, with the ends looped through a ring, although the term Steinkirk later became loosely associated with any styled neckcloth. For riding, the oversized jack-boot from earlier times, complete with spurs and wide spur-leathers, remained in style, although the bell-shaped tops were turned up instead of down. Boots were primarily meant for riding. Gondomar, the Spanish ambassador to James I, had joked about the London citizens “all booted and ready to head out of town,” but this fashion faded, and a man in boots signified he was traveling. William III's somber court wasn't known for new trends, but it’s interesting that women's fashion displayed an odd variety before the century ended. Long-waisted and tightly fitted stays were worn, with gown sleeves short like the coat sleeves of a Charles II courtier. The gown itself had its skirts gathered to reveal the petticoat, and small lace-trimmed aprons were common. The straightforward head-dresses from the Restoration were replaced by caps with long lace flaps or caps featuring a stiff, fan-shaped top-knot or commode, resembling a cut-out section from an old ruff. When no commode was worn, a loose hood, elegantly draped over the head and gathered at the shoulders, sometimes took its place. For riding or walking, ladies of quality often donned coats, waistcoats, hats, and cravats, indistinguishable from what their male counterparts wore.

Fig. 44.—The Herbwoman and her Maids at the Crowning of James II.

For a distinguishing note of the 18th century, we may take the three-cornered cocked hat. Even in the Elizabethan age we have the gallant cocking up one side of his broad-brimmed, high-crowned felt or beaver and securing The 18th century. it with a jewel. Brims were as wide at the end of the 17th century, but the crown was lower. From the French court came the fashion of cocking up three sides, one at least being fastened with a loop of ribbon from which developed the cockade. A black cockade became the sign of a military man in England before 1750, and the same ornament, highly conventionalized, is now at the side of the tall hats worn by the grooms and coachmen of military and naval officers. Following varying fashions, the 18th-century cocked hat was laced with gold and silver or edged with feathers. It was cocked in a hundred forms, from that which has three sides slightly curled upward to the great Khevenhueller cock, wherewith a very wide-brimmed hat was flapped up at the front and rear, a military or martial hat. Wigs, worn by all the upper- and middle-class men, were generally powdered, but the lesser or Ramillie wig soon drove out the huge and costly full-bottomed periwig, even for ceremonial occasions. Of Lord Bolingbroke it is told that he once attended Queen Anne in haste with a tie or Ramillie wig on his head. Her Majesty showed her displeasure by remarking that his lordship would next come to court in a night-cap. Nevertheless, the tie-wig soon became court wear, secured at the back with a huge bow of ribbon below which hung the plaited pigtail, worn waist-long about 1740. But by that time young bloods were leaving campaign-wigs for the bob-wig which sat yet more closely to the head, the curls leaving the neck uncovered. Bag-wigs, found early in the century, covered the looped up pigtail in a black silk bag. Clergymen and grave physicians affected the full-bottomed wig after it became old fashioned. Subject to slight changes, eagerly followed by the beaux and mocked by the satirists, the habit of well-dressed men shows no great variety—the large-cuffed, collarless coats whose full skirts are now shortened, now lengthened, the long waistcoat to match, the closely fitting breeches, the stockings, the shoes and jack-boots. The coat tends to be thrown open to show the waistcoat, upon which brocade and embroideries were lavished. Stockings, until the middle of the century, were commonly drawn over the ends of the breeches and gartered below the knee. By 1740 the long cravat with hanging ends grows old fashioned. Young men take to the solitaire, a black cravat which became a mere loop of ribbon passed loosely round the neck and secured to the black tie of the wig.

For a defining feature of the 18th century, we can look at the three-cornered cocked hat. Even in the Elizabethan era, there was the dashing style of tipping one side of the wide-brimmed, tall felt or beaver hat and securing it with a jewel. The brims were just as wide at the end of the 17th century, but the crown was shorter. The fashion of cocking up three sides came from the French court, with at least one side being tied back with a ribbon loop, which led to the cockade. A black cockade became a symbol of a military man in England before 1750, and the same ornament, now simplified, is found on the tall hats worn by grooms and coachmen of military and naval officers. Following changing styles, the 18th-century cocked hat was often adorned with gold and silver lace or trimmed with feathers. It came in many styles, from three sides slightly curled upward to the grand Khevenhueller cock, where a very wide-brimmed hat was flipped up at the front and back, resembling a military hat. Wigs, worn by all upper- and middle-class men, were typically powdered, but the lesser or Ramillie wig soon replaced the large and expensive full-bottomed periwig even for formal events. There’s a story about Lord Bolingbroke attending Queen Anne in a hurry with a Ramillie wig on his head. Her Majesty expressed her discontent by commenting that he might as well come to court in a nightcap. Nonetheless, the tie-wig soon became acceptable court attire, fastened at the back with a large ribbon bow, with a plaited pigtail hanging down, typically waist-length around 1740. By then, young men were moving from campaign-wigs to the bob-wig, which fit more closely to the head, leaving the neck exposed. Bag-wigs, which appeared early in the century, covered the looped pigtail with a black silk bag. Clergymen and serious doctors still wore the full-bottomed wig even after it fell out of fashion. Subject to minor changes, eagerly adopted by the fashionable and mocked by satirists, men's stylishness shows little variation—the large-cuffed, collarless coats with full skirts that were sometimes shortened, sometimes lengthened, matching long waistcoats, snug breeches, stockings, shoes, and jack-boots. The coat often remained open to display the waistcoat, which was lavishly adorned with brocade and embroidery. Until the mid-century, stockings were usually pulled over the breeches and secured below the knee. By 1740, the long cravat with hanging ends was becoming outdated. Young men switched to the solitaire, a black cravat that became just a loop of ribbon loosely worn around the neck and tied to the black tie of the wig.

Fig. 45.—An English Gentleman (c. 1730).

George III.’s long reign begins with men’s fashions little changed from those of his great-grandfather’s time, although his sixty years carry us to the beginning of all the modern modes. The small wig long holds its own. The coat begins to show the broad skirts cut away diagonally from the waist to the skirt edge, and stockings are no longer rolled over the knee. Perhaps the most remarkable fashion was that which distinguished the Macaronis, travelled exquisites with whom the wig or long hair was dragged high above the forehead in a tall 243 “toupee” with two large rows of curls at the side. This head-dress, clubbed into a heavy knot behind, was surmounted by a very little hat. The coat with small cuffs was much cut away before, the skimped skirts reaching midway down the thigh. Waistcoat flaps were but little below the waist. Breeches, striped or spotted like those of a Dresden china shepherd, were fastened at the knee with a bunch of ribbon ends; a watch-guard hung from each fob. The shirt-front was frilled and a white cravat was tied in a great bow at the chin. Macaronis wore a little curved hanger, or replaced the sword with a long, heavily tasselled cane, which served to lift the little hat off the topmost peak of the toupee. The woman-Macaroni wore no hoop but in full dress. Her gown was a loose wrapper, the sleeves short and wide with many ruffles, the skirt pulled aside to show a petticoat laced and embroidered with flowers. But her distinguishing mark was her head-dress, which exaggerated the male fashion, towering upward until the flowers and feathers at the top threatened the candelabra of the assembly room. The Macaronis appear about 1772 and stay but a short while, for the revolutionary fashions tread upon their heels.

George III's long reign starts with men’s fashion looking much like it did during his great-grandfather’s era, even though his sixty years see the rise of modern styles. The small wig remains popular. The coat starts to feature broad skirts that are cut diagonally from the waist to the skirt’s edge, and stockings are no longer worn rolled over the knee. One of the most striking styles was that of the Macaronis, fashionable travelers who would style their wigs or long hair pulled high above the forehead in a tall “toupee” with two large rows of curls at the sides. This hairstyle, tied into a heavy knot at the back, was topped with a very small hat. The coat had small cuffs and was cut away at the front, with the shortened skirts reaching halfway down the thigh. Waistcoat flaps barely dipped below the waist. Breeches, striped or spotted like those of a Dresden china shepherd, were secured at the knee with a bunch of ribbon ends; a watch-guard hung from each fob. The shirt front was frilled, and a white cravat was tied in a large bow at the chin. Macaronis carried a little curved hanger or replaced the sword with a long, heavily tasselled cane to lift the small hat off the peak of the toupee. The woman-Macaroni didn’t wear a hoop except when fully dressed. Her gown was a loose wrapper with short, wide sleeves adorned with many ruffles, and the skirt was pulled aside to reveal a petticoat laced and embroidered with flowers. However, her most distinguishing feature was her hairstyle, which exaggerated the male trend, towering upward until the flowers and feathers at the top threatened the candelabra in the assembly room. The Macaronis emerged around 1772 but were short-lived, as revolutionary fashions quickly followed.

Fig. 46.—An English Lady (c. 1730).

Women’s dress in this 18th century is dominated by the hoop-petticoat which Sir Roger de Coverley recognizes in 1711 as a new fashion and an old one revived. A stiff bodice laced in front, a gown, with short and wide-ended sleeves, gathered up in folds above the petticoat, a laced apron and a lace cap with hanging lappets, is the dress of the century’s beginning. So the women of fashion are compared with children in go-carts, their tight-laced waists rising from vast bells of petticoats over which the gown is looped up like a drawn curtain. By 1750 the hoop-petticoat ringed with whalebone is so vast that architects begin to allow for its passage up London stairways by curving the balusters outward. Great variety of women’s dress appears under George II., but those in the height of the mode affected a shepherdess simplicity in their walking clothes, wearing the flat-crowned or high-crowned hats and long aprons of the dairymaid. At this time a new fashion comes in, the sacque, a gown, sometimes sleeveless, open to the waist, hanging loosely from the shoulders to near the edge of the hoop-petticoat. George III.’s reign saw women’s head-dressings reach an extravagance of folly passing all that had come before it. Hair kneaded with pomatum and flour was drawn up over a cushion or pad of wool, and twisted into curls and knots and decorated with artificial flowers and bows of ribbon. As this could not be achieved without the aid of a skilled barber, the “head” sometimes remained unopened for several weeks. At the end of that time sublimate powder was needed to kill off the tenantry which had multiplied within. At the beginning of the last quarter of the century the feathers grew larger, chains of beads looped about the curls, while ships in full sail, coaches and horses, and butterflies in blown glass, rocked upon the upper heights. Loose mob-caps or close “Joans” were worn in undress, often as simple as the full dress was fantastic. Varieties of the gown and sacque remained in fashion, the petticoat being still much in evidence, flounced or quilted, or festooned with ribbons. Before the ’eighties of this century were over, a new taste, encouraged by the painters of the school of Reynolds, began to sweep away many follies, and the revolutionary fashions of France, breaking with all that spoke of the old régime, expelled many more. The age of powder and gold lace, of peach-bloom brocade coats with muff-shaped cuffs, of bag-wigs and three-cornered hats drew suddenly to an end. Mr Pitt killed hair-powder by his tax of 1795, but before that time fashionable men, who since the beginning of George III’s. reign had been somewhat inconstant to the wig, were wearing their own hair unpowdered and tied in a club at the back of the coat collar. Before the century end the roughly cropped “Brutus” head was seen. The wig remained here and there on some old-fashioned pates. Bishops wore it until far into the Victorian age, and it may still be seen in the Houses of Parliament and in the courts of law. Even breeches were passing, tight pantaloons showing themselves in the streets. The coat, cut away over the hips, began to take a high collar and the beginnings of the lappel. Its cuffs were of the modern shape, showing a narrow ruffle. The waistcoat ended at the waist. Loose neck-cloths were worn above a frilled shirt-front. Great jack-boots were given to postillions, and men of fashion walked the streets in short top-boots of soft black leather. Most remarkable of the revolutionary changes, the round hat came back, sometimes in a form which recalled the earlier 17th century, and at last took shape as the predecessor of our modern silk hat. Court dresses kept something of their magnificence, but men at home or in the streets were giving up in this time of change their ancient right to wear rich and figured stuffs. Laces and embroideries were henceforward but for military and civil uniforms.

Women’s fashion in the 18th century is dominated by the hoop petticoat, which Sir Roger de Coverley recognized in 1711 as both a new style and a revival of an old one. It features a stiff bodice laced in front, a gown with short, wide sleeves gathered in folds above the petticoat, a laced apron, and a lace cap with hanging flaps. This is the typical dress at the start of the century. The fashionable women are likened to children in go-carts, their tightly laced waists rising from enormous bell-shaped petticoats over which the gown is looped like a drawn curtain. By 1750, the hoop petticoat, reinforced with whalebone, is so large that architects begin to design stairways in London to accommodate it by curving the balusters outward. A great variety of women's clothing emerges under George II, but those at the peak of fashion adopt a shepherdess simplicity in their casual wear, sporting either flat-crowned or high-crowned hats and long aprons like dairymaids. This period also sees the arrival of a new style, the sacque, a gown that is sometimes sleeveless, open to the waist, and drapes loosely from the shoulders down to near the edge of the hoop petticoat. During George III’s reign, women's headwear reaches an unprecedented level of extravagance, surpassing anything seen previously. Hair, treated with pomade and flour, is styled high over a cushion or wool pad, twisted into curls and knots, and adorned with artificial flowers and ribbon bows. Since achieving this style often requires a skilled barber, hairstyles sometimes remain untouched for weeks, necessitating the use of sublimate powder to eliminate pests that may have taken residence. By the start of the last quarter of the century, feathers become larger, with chains of beads draped over curls, and decorations like ships in full sail, coaches and horses, and blown-glass butterflies perched atop. Simple mob caps or snug “Joans” are worn as casual attire, contrasting with the elaborate full dresses. Variations of the gown and sacque continue to be fashionable, with petticoats remaining prominent, often flounced or quilted, or adorned with ribbons. Before the 1780s conclude, a new taste inspired by painters of the Reynolds school begins to phase out many of these excesses, while revolutionary fashions from France sweep away even more. The era of powdered wigs, gold lace, and peach-bloom brocade coats with muff-shaped cuffs and three-cornered hats abruptly comes to an end. Mr. Pitt's tax on hair powder in 1795 effectively marked the end of the wig's popularity, though prior to that time, fashionable men—who had drifted away from wearing wigs since the start of George III’s reign—began to wear their own hair natural and tied back at the collar of their coats. By the century's close, the roughly cropped “Brutus” cut becomes popular, although some old-school men still sport wigs. Bishops continued to wear them well into the Victorian era, and they can still be seen in the Houses of Parliament and in courtrooms. Even breeches are fading away, replaced by tight pantaloons seen in the streets. The coat, now cut away at the hips, begins to feature a high collar and the first hints of lapels, while cuffs take on a modern shape with narrow ruffles. Waistcoats end at the waist, and loose neck-cloths are worn over frilled shirt fronts. Postillions are outfitted with great jack-boots, and fashionable men don short, soft black leather top-boots while walking the streets. One notable revolutionary change is the return of the round hat, sometimes resembling styles from the early 17th century, which eventually evolves into the precursor of our modern silk hat. Court attire retains some of its grandeur, but men at home or in public during this period of transition begin to abandon their age-old right to wear rich and patterned fabrics. Lace and embroidery are now primarily reserved for military and civil uniforms.

Before 1790 women had begun to dismantle their high headgear, returning to nature by way of a frizzled bush, like a bishop’s wig, with a few curls hanging over the shoulders. Over such heads would be seen towering mob-caps tied with ribbon and edged deeply with lace. Skirts took a moderate size and even court hoops were but panniers hung on either side of the hips. Short jackets with close half-sleeves were worn with the neck and breast covered with a cambric buffant that borrowed a mode from the pouter pigeon. A riding habit follows as far as the short waist the new fashions for men’s coats, the wide-brimmed hat being to match. Short waists came in soon after 1790, the bodice ending under the arm pits, “a petticoat tied round the neck: the arms put through the pocket-holes.” With these French gowns came small coal-scuttle-shaped bonnets of straw, hung with many ribbons and decorated with feathers. At last the woman of fashion, dressed by a Parisian modiste after the orders of David the painter, gathered her hair in a fillet and clothed herself in little more than a diaphanous tunic gown over a light shift and close, flesh-coloured drawers. Her shoes became sandals: her jewels followed the patterns of old Rome. Yet the same woman, shivering half-clad in something that wrapped her less than a modern bathing-dress, appeared at court in the ancient hoop-skirt, tasselled, ribboned and garlanded, hung with heavy swags of coloured silk, and this until George IV. at last broke the antique order by a special command.

Before 1790, women started to take off their elaborate headpieces, embracing a more natural look with frizzy hairstyles that resembled a bishop’s wig, accented by a few curls cascading over their shoulders. On top of their heads, towering mob caps tied with ribbons and lavish lace edges became common. Skirts were more modest in size, and even court hoops were just panniers draped on either side of the hips. Short jackets with fitted half-sleeves were worn, with the neck and chest covered by a cambric buffant inspired by the pouter pigeon style. Riding outfits followed the trend of shorter waists, mirroring the new styles of men’s coats and wide-brimmed hats. Short waists became popular shortly after 1790, with bodices ending just under the armpits, described as “a petticoat tied around the neck, with arms put through pocket-holes.” Alongside these French gowns came small coal-scuttle-shaped straw bonnets adorned with multiple ribbons and feathers. Eventually, the fashionable woman, dressed by a Parisian designer following David the painter's style, gathered her hair with a headband and wore little more than a sheer tunic gown over a light shift and close-fitting, flesh-colored drawers. Her footwear turned into sandals, and her jewelry echoed the designs of ancient Rome. Yet this same woman, shivering in barely more than what resembles a modern bathing suit, appeared at court in the old-fashioned hoop skirt embellished with tassels, ribbons, and garlands, draped with heavy swags of colorful silk—this continued until George IV finally abolished the traditional style by royal decree.

The 19th century soon made an end of 18th century fashions already discredited by the revolutionary spirit. The three-cornered hat had gone, the heavy coat cuff and the cravat with hanging ends. Civilians had given up the 19th century. ancient custom of going armed with a sword. The wig and even the pigtail tied with black shalloon were abandoned by all but a few old folk. Soldiers cut off their pigtails in 1808. But judges and lawyers wear their wigs in court in the 20th century, state coachmen wear them on the box, and physicians and the higher clergy wore them even in the street long after laymen had given them up. George IV. refused to receive a bishop of London who appeared at court without a wig, and Sumner, archbishop of Canterbury, wore one until his death in 1862. A few powdered heads were seen as late as the ’forties. M. de Ste Aulaire, the ambassador, made, as Lord Palmerston writes, a very deep and general impression in London society of 1841, not because he wore hair-powder but because he used so much of it. It is now used only by a few lacqueys. In the early Victorian period the cropped “Brutus” head was out of fashion, many men wearing their hair rather long and so freely oiled that the “anti-macassar” came in to protect drawing-room chair-backs.

The 19th century quickly put an end to the outdated fashions of the 18th century, which had already been rejected by the revolutionary spirit. The three-cornered hats were gone, along with the heavy coat cuffs and cravats with hanging ends. People stopped carrying swords as part of their everyday attire. Wigs and even pigtails tied with black fabric were mostly abandoned, except by a few older folks. Soldiers cut off their pigtails in 1808. However, judges and lawyers still wore their wigs in court in the 20th century, state coachmen wore them while on duty, and doctors and high-ranking clergy members kept wearing them in public long after the general population had moved on. George IV. refused to acknowledge a bishop of London who came to court without a wig, and Sumner, the archbishop of Canterbury, wore one until he died in 1862. A few powdered wigs were still spotted as late as the 1840s. M. de Ste Aulaire, the ambassador, made a strong impression on London society in 1841, as Lord Palmerston noted, not because he wore hair powder, but because he used so much of it. Today, it's only used by a few servants. In the early Victorian period, the cropped “Brutus” hairstyle was out of fashion, and many men sported longer hair that was heavily oiled, leading to the introduction of the “anti-macassar” to protect the backs of drawing-room chairs.

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From *Fraser's Magazine*, Dec. 1834.

Fig. 47.—Count D’Orsay. Dress of a man of Fashion in Early Victorian Period.

With powdered hair and the pigtail passed away the 18th century cloth breeches. Here again some old-fashioned people made a stand against the change, the opposition of the clergy being commemorated in the black breeches still worn by bishops and other dignitaries of the church. But in the regent’s time pantaloons of closely fitting and elastic cloth were worn with low shoes or Hessians, and pantaloons and Hessians did not utterly disappear from the streets until the end of the ’fifties. Squires and sportsmen put on buckskins of an amazing tightness and walked the street in top-boots. But the loose Cossack trousers soon made their appearance. The regent’s influence made the blue coat with a very high velvet collar, a high-waisted Marcella waistcoat and white duck trousers strapped under the instep, a mode in which men even ventured to appear at evening receptions, although, in the year before Waterloo, the duke of Wellington was refused admittance to Almack’s when thus clad. Long skirted overcoats, fur-collared and tight in the waist, completed this costume. Coats were blue, claret, buff and brown. “Pea-green Hayne” was known among clubmen by a brighter coloured garment. Civilians, like Jos Sedley, would sometimes affect a frock frogged and braided in semi-military fashion. The shirt collar turned upward, the points showing above vast cravats whose careful arrangement was maintained by one or two scarf-pins. Brummel the master dandy of his age, may be called the first dandy of the modern school. Dressing, as a rule, in black, he distinguished himself, not as the bucks of an earlier age by bright colours, rich materials or jewellery, but by his extravagant neatness and by the superb fit of garments which set the fashion for lesser men. To him, according to Grantley Berkeley, we owe the modern dress-coat. An idle phrase in Bulwer-Lytton’s Pelham (1828), that “people must be very distinguished in appearance” to look well in black, made black henceforward the colour of evening coats and frock coats. With the perfection of the silk hat in the ’thirties, English costume enters on its last phase. The coat cut away squarely in front was then out of the mode; it remains but in the evening-dress coat now always worn unbuttoned, and in the dress of the hunting field. The rest is a record of such slight changes as tailors may cautiously introduce among customers, no one of whom will dare to lead a new fashion boldly. For many decades the fashionably dressed man has been eager to conform to the last authorized vogue and to lose himself among others as shyly obedient. The tubular lines of 20th-century clothing advantage the tailor by the tendency of new clothing to crease at the elbow and bag at the knee. In preserving the necessary straight lines of his garments, in following the season’s fashions in details which only an expert eye would mark, and in providing himself with clothes specialized for every hour of the day, for a score of sports and for the gradations of social ceremonial—in these things only can the modern dandy rival his magnificent predecessors. For ornament, other than plain shirt studs, a plain seal ring, a simple watch guard and a rarely-worn scarf pin, is denied him.

With powdered hair and pigtails gone, the 18th century also saw the end of cloth breeches. Some traditionalists resisted this change, and the clergy’s opposition is still symbolized by the black breeches worn by bishops and other church dignitaries. During the regent's era, men wore tightly fitted and stretchy pantaloons with low shoes or Hessians, which didn’t completely vanish from the streets until the late 1850s. Squires and sportsmen donned snug buckskins and strolled in top-boots, but soon loose Cossack trousers came into fashion. The regent’s style popularized the blue coat with a tall velvet collar, a high-waisted Marcella waistcoat, and white duck trousers strapped under the instep, a look that men even dared to wear at evening receptions, although in the year before Waterloo, the Duke of Wellington was denied entry to Almack's while dressed this way. Long overcoats, fur-collared and fitted at the waist, completed this outfit. Coats were in shades of blue, claret, buff, and brown. “Pea-green Hayne” was recognized among clubmen for his brighter attire. Civilians like Jos Sedley sometimes adopted frocks adorned with frogs and braids in a semi-military style. The shirt collar was flipped up, its points peeking out above large cravats, carefully styled and held in place by one or two scarf pins. Brummel, the ultimate dandy of his time, can be regarded as the first dandy of the modern era. He typically dressed in black and stood out, unlike the earlier bucks who favored bright colors, luxurious fabrics, or jewelry, by his extravagant neatness and the impeccable fit of his clothes, setting trends for less stylish men. According to Grantley Berkeley, we owe the modern dress coat to him. An offhand comment in Bulwer-Lytton’s Pelham (1828) that “people must be very distinguished in appearance” to look good in black made black the go-to color for evening coats and frock coats from then on. With the silk hat’s perfection in the '30s, English fashion entered its final phase. The coat cut away squarely in front went out of style; it only remains in the evening dress coat, now always worn unbuttoned, and in hunting attire. The rest of fashion history reveals only minor changes introduced by tailors, none of whom would dare set a bold new trend. For many decades, the stylishly dressed man has been keen on conforming to the latest approved style, blending in with others in a timid manner. The tubular shapes of 20th-century clothing benefit tailors due to the tendency of new garments to crease at the elbow and sag at the knee. In maintaining the necessary straight lines of his clothes, keeping up with seasonal details that only an expert eye would notice, and having outfits tailored for every hour of the day, various sports, and the different levels of social ceremony—these are the ways the modern dandy can compete with his remarkable predecessors. For adornment, aside from basic shirt studs, a plain seal ring, a simple watch guard, and a rarely worn scarf pin, he has very little else at his disposal.

Women at the beginning of the 19th century were clad in those fashions which revolutionary France borrowed from the antique. The simplicity of this style gave it a certain grace; it was at the other pole from the absurdity of the court dress which, until George IV. ordered otherwise, perpetuated the bunched draperies, the flounces and furbelows and even the hoop of the worst period of the 18th century. The gown, lightly girdled near the arm-pits with a tasselled cord, fell in straight clinging folds. Soft muslin was the favourite material, and in muslin fashionable women faced the winter winds, protected only by the long pelisses which in summer were replaced by short spencers. Turbans, varying from a light headscarf of lace or muslin to a velvet confection like that of a Turk on a signboard, were the favourite headgear, although bonnets, hats and caps are found in a hundred shapes. Muslin handkerchiefs or small ruffs were worn about the neck in the morning dress. About the Waterloo period the elegance of the classical gown disappeared. The waist was still high at first but the gown was shorter and wider at the skirt. For evening dress these skirts were stiffened with buckram and trimmed with much tasteless trumpery. Large bonnets were common, and the hair was dragged stiffly to the back of the head, to be secured by a large comb. From 1830 begins a period of singular ugliness. Tight stays came back again, the skirt swept the pavements, a generation of over-clad matrons seemed to have followed a generation of nymphs. The ’fifties showed even more barbarous devices, and about 1854 came in from France the crinoline, that strange revival of the ancient hoop. Plaids, checks and bars, bright blues, crude violets and hideous crimsons, were seen in French merinos, Irish poplins and English alpacas. Women in short jackets, hooped skirts, hideous bonnets and shawls seemed to have banished their youth. The empress Eugénie, a leader of European fashion, decreed that white muslin should be the evening mode, and at balls, where the steels and whalebones of the crinoline were impossible, the women swelled their skirts by wearing a dozen or fourteen muslin petticoats at once. Towards the end of the ’sixties the crinolines disappeared as suddenly as they came, and by 1875 skirts were so tight at the knees that walking upstairs in them was an affair of deliberation. Before 1880 dress-reformers and aesthetes had attacked on two sides the fashions which had halted at the “Princesse” robe, draped and kilted. Both movements failed, but left marked effects. From that time fashion has been less blindly followed, and women have enjoyed some limited individual freedom in designing their costumes. Of 20th-century fashions it is most notable that they change year by year with mechanical regularity. The clothes of smart women can no longer be said to express any tendency of an age. Year by year the modes are deliberately altered by a conclave of the great modistes whose desire is less to produce rich or beautiful garments than to make that radical alteration from loose sleeve to tight sleeve, from draped skirt to plain skirt, which will force every women to cast aside the last season’s garments and buy those of the newer device. But of modern dress it may at least be said that cheaper materials, the sewing machine and the popular fashion papers allow women of the humbler classes to dress more decently and tastefully. Their dress is no longer that frowsy parody of richer women’s frippery which shocked observant foreigners a generation ago.

Women at the start of the 19th century wore styles borrowed from ancient times, influenced by revolutionary France. The simplicity of this fashion added a certain elegance; it stood in stark contrast to the ridiculousness of court dress, which, until George IV decided otherwise, continued to showcase the gathered draperies, frills, and even the hoops of the most outdated period of the 18th century. The gown, loosely tied just under the arms with a tasselled cord, hung in straight, flattering folds. Soft muslin was the preferred fabric, and in muslin, fashionable women braved the winter winds, shielded only by long coats that were replaced by short spencers in summer. Turbans, ranging from delicate lace or muslin headscarves to elaborate velvet styles reminiscent of a Turkish sign, were popular, although bonnets, hats, and caps came in countless designs. In the morning, muslin handkerchiefs or small frills adorned the neck. Around the time of Waterloo, the elegance of the classical gown faded. Initially, the waist remained high, but the skirt became shorter and wider. Evening dresses featured skirts stiffened with buckram and decorated with gaudy embellishments. Large bonnets were common, and hair was pulled back rigidly, held in place by a large comb. From 1830, a trend of remarkable ugliness emerged. Tight corsets returned, the skirts dragged on the ground, and a generation of overly dressed women seemed to follow a generation of nymphs. The '50s showcased even more grotesque styles, and around 1854, the crinoline—the bizarre revival of the old hoop—made its debut from France. Plaids, checks, and vibrant hues like bright blue, harsh violet, and dreadful crimson appeared in French merinos, Irish poplins, and English alpacas. Women in short jackets, hooped skirts, ugly bonnets, and shawls appeared to have cast aside their youth. The Empress Eugénie, a fashion icon in Europe, declared that white muslin should be the evening trend, and at balls, where the rigidity of crinolines was impractical, women expanded their skirts by wearing a dozen or more muslin petticoats at once. Toward the end of the '60s, crinolines vanished as abruptly as they arrived, and by 1875, skirts were so tight at the knees that climbing stairs in them required careful consideration. Before 1880, dress reformers and aesthetes challenged the stagnant fashions that clung to the “Princesse” dress, draped and kilted. Both movements ultimately failed but left a significant impact. Since then, fashion has been less blindly observed, allowing women some freedom in designing their clothing. A notable feature of 20th-century fashion is its annual transformations with mechanical consistency. The attire of stylish women can no longer be said to embody the trends of an era. Each year, the styles are purposefully shifted by a group of esteemed designers whose goal is less about creating luxurious or beautiful outfits and more about making drastic changes—from loose sleeves to fitted ones, from draped skirts to simple ones—that compel every woman to discard last season's clothing and purchase newer items. However, it can be said about modern clothing that more affordable materials, the sewing machine, and popular fashion magazines enable women from lower socioeconomic backgrounds to dress more appropriately and tastefully. Their attire no longer resembles the shabby imitation of wealthier women's gaudy outfits that once shocked attentive outsiders a generation ago.

Underclothing.—Of the underclothing worn next the skin something may be said apart from the general history of costume. Linen shirts were worn by both men and women in the age before the Conquest, and even in the 10th century it was a penance to wear a woollen one. After that time we soon hear of embroidery and ornament applied to them, presumably at the collar which would be visible above gown or tunic. Men added short drawers, or breeches, a word which does not secure its modern value until the end of the 16th century. “Drawers” signified various descriptions of overall, Cotgrave explaining the word as coarse stockings drawn over others although Randle Holme gives it in its later sense. Isaac of Cyprus is named by Robert of Brunne as escaping “bare in his serke and breke.” Henry Christall, who brought four Irish kings to London, told Froissart how, finding that they wore no breeches, he bought linen cloth for them. Medieval romances and the like give us the choice of shirts of linen, of fine Holland, of cloth of Rennes and even of silk, and Chaucer speaks of women’s smocks wrought with silk, embroidered behind and before. Poorer folk went, like Thynne’s poor countryman, in shirts of “canvas hard and tough,” or of coarse Breton dowlas. Under the first Tudors, shirts are decorated with gold, silk and black thread embroideries, the latter being seen in the ruffled shirt worn by the earl of Surrey 245 in our illustration (see fig. 38). Stubbes, in his often-quoted Anatomie of Abuses (1583) declaims against the extravagant sums spent in shirts, the meanest of which would cost a crown or a noble, while the most curiously stitched were valued at ten pounds a piece, “which is horrible to hear.” The Puritans, many of whom, like the later Clapham sect, were careful of intimate luxuries, had a curious fashion of wearing shirts and smocks worked with “holy embroideries,” Biblical sentences or figures, which recall a similar custom among the early Christians. At this time underclothing had increased in quantity, for there are many indications that the men and women of the middle ages were often content with a bare change of linen at the best. The Book of Courtesy (temp. Hen. VII.) orders the servant to provide “clene sherte and breche” against his master’s uprising, but the laundering of the linen of the Percy household, a hundred and seventy people, costs but forty shillings a year in the reign of Henry VIII.

Underclothing.—When discussing the underclothing worn next to the skin, there’s more to say beyond the general history of costumes. Linen shirts were common for both men and women before the Conquest, and even in the 10th century, wearing a wool shirt was seen as a penance. After that, we quickly start hearing about embroidery and decorations added to them, likely at the collar, which would show above a gown or tunic. Men also added short drawers or breeches, a term that didn't fully align with its modern meaning until the late 16th century. "Drawers" referred to various types of overalls; Cotgrave describes it as coarse stockings worn over others, although Randle Holme provides it in its later usage. Isaac of Cyprus is mentioned by Robert of Brunne as escaping “bare in his shirt and breeches.” Henry Christall, who brought four Irish kings to London, told Froissart that when he discovered they wore no breeches, he bought linen fabric for them. Medieval romances and similar works offer options for shirts made of linen, fine Holland, cloth from Rennes, and even silk. Chaucer mentions women’s smocks made with silk, embroidered both front and back. Poorer people, like Thynne’s poor countryman, wore shirts of “tough and sturdy canvas” or coarse Breton dowlas. During the early Tudor period, shirts were decorated with gold, silk, and black thread embroidery, the latter seen in the ruffled shirt worn by the Earl of Surrey 245 in our illustration (see fig. 38). Stubbes, in his frequently quoted Anatomie of Abuses (1583), condemns the extravagant amounts spent on shirts, with even the simplest costing a crown or a noble, while the most intricately stitched ones were valued at ten pounds each, “which is horrible to hear.” The Puritans, many of whom, like the later Clapham sect, were careful about intimate luxuries, had a peculiar custom of wearing shirts and smocks embellished with “holy embroideries,” featuring Biblical phrases or figures, reminiscent of a similar practice among early Christians. During this era, underclothing quantities increased, as there are many signs that men and women of the Middle Ages were often satisfied with just a minimal change of linen. The Book of Courtesy (during Henry VII’s reign) instructs the servant to prepare “clean shirt and breeches” for his master’s rise, yet the laundering costs for the linen of the Percy household, consisting of a hundred and seventy people, amounted to only forty shillings a year during Henry VIII's reign.

Fig. 48.—A Man-at-arms and a Man in a Shirt (early 14th century). From Royal MS. 19 B. xv.

With that modern period of dress which may be said to begin with the Restoration, shirts increased in number. Women shifted their smocks when coming in from field sports, fine gentlemen became proud of the number of their shirts, as was that 18th-century lord who boasted to Casanova of his changing a shirt several times in the day, his chin being shaved on each occasion. A valuable document concerning the underclothing worn by a citizen in the reign of Charles II. is afforded by the evidence of the man who helped to strip the body of the suicide Sir Edmond Berry Godfrey. “I pulled off his shoes,” says Fisher, “three pairs of stockings and a pair of socks, his black breeches and his drawers.” His coat and waistcoat, his shirt and his flannel shirt are also named. The knight came by his end on an October day. He was therefore warmly clad. His three pair of stockings will be noted: two pair are worn at the present day by most men in court dress. The socks are a rarely named addition, and the flannel shirt may be remarked. Loose ruffles of lace were attached to shirt cuffs until during the great part of the 18th century, and the ruffled or goffered shirt-front, which became common under George III., continued in use in the early Victorian period, the stiffly starched shirt-front taking its place at last even in evening dress. The last quarter of the 19th century, breaking through the strange mock-modesty which spoke of breeches as “inexpressibles,” saw the question of hygienic underclothing a subject much in debate, and now most men other than the poorer sort wear, besides the shirt, a light woollen vest and short drawers or long pantaloons of wool or wool’s counterfeit. Woollen shirts are worn by bicyclists, cricketers and tennis players. In morning dress the inconvenience of the starched shirt-front is commonly avoided. A goffered shirt-front worn with evening dress is the mark of a foreigner in London, but some few men venture to clothe themselves for the evening in a shirt whose front is pleated and but slightly starched. Loose collars, formerly known as false collars, descendants of the Puritan’s “plain band,” have been attached to the shirt by studs at least for the last fifty years. Their fashions often change, but the older type turned down at the edge is not often seen. To women’s underclothing drawers have been added in the 19th century. Brantôme, writing in the 16th, speaks of this garment as then lately introduced since the time of Henri II., but the fashion, apparently, did not long endure in France. In England they are noted as in occasional use at the Restoration. After 1820 a sort of trouser with a frilled edge was worn for a time by fashionable women in England. The pantalette which afterwards appears in pictures of young girls was a mere legging fastened by tapes above the knees. Many women of the better class only adopted drawers at the end of the ’forties, and it may be presumed that the fashion reached the humble sort at a much later date. Towards the end of the 19th century both drawers and smock or “chemise” were commonly exchanged for a more convenient “combination garment.”

With the modern era of clothing that started with the Restoration, the number of shirts increased. Women changed out of their smocks after field sports, and fine gentlemen took pride in how many shirts they owned, like that 18th-century lord who bragged to Casanova about changing his shirt multiple times a day and getting his chin shaved each time. A valuable record of the underwear worn by a citizen during the reign of Charles II comes from the testimony of the man who helped undress the body of the suicide Sir Edmond Berry Godfrey. “I pulled off his shoes,” says Fisher, “three pairs of stockings and a pair of socks, his black breeches and his drawers.” His coat and waistcoat, his shirt, and his flannel shirt are also mentioned. The knight met his end on an October day, so he was warmly dressed. Notably, he had three pairs of stockings: nowadays, most men wear two pairs in formal attire. The socks are a rarely mentioned addition, and the flannel shirt stands out. Loose lace ruffles were attached to shirt cuffs until most of the 18th century, and the ruffled or goffered shirt-front, which became common under George III., continued to be used into the early Victorian period, with the stiffly starched shirt-front eventually replacing it, even in evening wear. In the last quarter of the 19th century, breaking away from the peculiar modesty that referred to breeches as “inexpressibles,” hygiene in underclothing became a hot topic, and now most men, aside from the poorer class, wear a light wool vest and either short drawers or long pants made of wool or its equivalent, in addition to the shirt. Wool shirts are worn by cyclists, cricketers, and tennis players. In morning attire, the inconvenience of the starched shirt-front is usually avoided. A goffered shirt-front in evening wear marks someone as a foreigner in London, though a few men dare to wear a shirt with a pleated and only slightly starched front for the evening. Loose collars, formerly called false collars and descendants of the Puritan’s “plain band,” have been fastened to shirts with studs for at least the last fifty years. Their styles often change, but the older type with turned-down edges is rarely seen. In the 19th century, women’s underwear included drawers. Brantôme, writing in the 16th century, mentioned this garment as having been recently introduced since the time of Henri II., but the trend apparently didn’t last long in France. In England, they were noted as being used occasionally at the Restoration. After 1820, a type of trouser with a frilled edge was worn for a while by fashionable women in England. The pantalette that later appeared in illustrations of young girls was just a legging fastened with ties above the knees. Many women from better social classes only started wearing drawers by the late 1840s, and it can be assumed that this trend reached lower classes much later. By the end of the 19th century, both drawers and the smock or “chemise” were commonly replaced by a more practical “combination garment.”

From Hottenroth, Trachten der Völker, by permission of Gustav Weise Verlag.

Fig. 49.—German Dress (early 16th century).

European Fashions.—Race, climate, poverty and wealth have all had their part in the fashion of clothing. A mountaineer is not clad as a lowlander; the Tirolese in his short breeches, the Highlanders of Scotland and Albania in their tartan or white linen kilts go with uncovered knees. The Russian moujik in winter has his frowsy sheepskin coat, and the Russian prince imitates it in costly furs. While the rich man’s clothing alters with every fancy of the tailors, the poor man’s garments, fewer and cheaper, change slowly in the ages. An old Lincolnshire peasant wearing his smock frock and leathern gaiters might pass unnoted in a peasant crowd of centuries ago. Here and there in Europe we find in the 20th century a peasantry in whose clothing fashion seems to have been suddenly stayed. A Breton peasant in his holiday dress gives us a man of the late 17th century, even as an Irish peasant may keep the breeches, shoes and tailed coat of the early 19th. But the old fashions are passing from Europe: the sewing machine and the railway sweep before them the pleasant provincialisms of dress. A shirt with the bosom heavily embroidered, a skirt with a year’s stitching in the hem are not to be imitated by the dealer in ready-made clothing, who offers, instead, cheapness and the brisk variety of the town. Old writers, each in turn, set up their wail that the time was come when you could not tell Jack from his master, the burgess from the knight. And now that time has come in some sort, for the town dress of the richer classes of London or Paris is imitated by all peoples and by rich and poor. Especially is this the case in England where the clean and honourable blouse of the French workman is not, a journeyman painter or labourer often going to his work 246 in a frayed and greasy morning coat after the cut of that in which a rich man will pay a London morning call. English fashions for men are followed in Paris. London women follow the modes of the rue de la Paix. Berlin tailors and dressmakers laboriously misapprehend both styles. To those who do not understand the international trafficking of the middle ages and the age of renascence it is strange to note how little the fashions varied in European lands. All kinds of folks, crusaders and merchants, diplomatists and religious, carried between nation and nation the news of the latest cut of the shears.

European Fashions.—Race, climate, poverty, and wealth have all influenced clothing styles. A mountaineer dresses differently than someone from the lowlands; the Tirolese wear their short breeches, and the Highlanders of Scotland and Albania sport tartan or white linen kilts that leave their knees exposed. In winter, the Russian peasant wears a scruffy sheepskin coat, while the Russian prince mimics this look using expensive furs. While the clothing of the wealthy changes with every trend set by tailors, the poor's garments, which are fewer and cheaper, change slowly over the years. An old Lincolnshire farmer wearing his smock dress and leather gaiters could easily blend in with a peasant crowd from centuries ago. Even in the 20th century, there are places in Europe where peasant clothing seems to have suddenly stagnated. A Breton peasant in his holiday outfit appears like a man from the late 17th century, just as an Irish peasant may still wear the breeches, shoes, and tailed coat from the early 19th century. However, the old styles are fading from Europe: sewing machines and railways are sweeping away the charming regional styles of dress. A heavily embroidered shirt and a skirt with a year’s worth of stitching in the hem cannot be replicated by ready-made clothing vendors, who instead offer cheap and trendy options from the city. Old writers have lamented that the time had come when you could no longer distinguish a common man from his master or a citizen from a knight. And now, in a way, that time has arrived, as the urban attire of the wealthy classes in London or Paris is now mimicked by everyone, regardless of social status. This is especially true in England, where the neat and respectable blouse of the French worker is often replaced by a journeyman painter or laborer going to work in a worn and greasy morning coat similar to what a rich man would wear for a morning visit in London. English men's fashion is now followed in Paris. London women are adopting the styles of the rue de la Paix. Berlin tailors and dressmakers are awkwardly misunderstanding both trends. For those unfamiliar with the international exchanges during the Middle Ages and the Renaissance, it’s surprising to see how little fashions varied across European countries. All sorts of people—crusaders, merchants, diplomats, and religious figures—spread the news of the latest clothing styles from nation to nation.

From Hottenroth, *Clothing of the Peoples*.
From Hottenroth, *Traditional Costumes of the Peoples*.
Fig. 50.—A French Nobleman (c. 1660). Fig. 51.—A Spanish Nobleman (latter
half of 16th century).

Nevertheless, national character touched each nation’s dress—the Venetian loving the stateliness of flowing line, the Germans grotesque slashings and jaggings. Frenchmen, says Randle Holme in the 17th century, keep warm and muff themselves in cold weather, “but in summer through fantastical dresses go almost naked.” For the same writer the Spaniard was noted as a man in a high-crowned hat with narrow brim, a ruff about his neck, a doublet with short and narrow skirts and broad wings at the shoulders, ruff-cuffs at his hands, breeches narrow and close to his thighs, hose gartered, shoes with rounded toes, a short cloak and a long sword. In all of those points we may take it that the Spaniard differed from the Englishman as observed by this observant one. Even in our own days we may catch something of those national fashions. The Spaniard may no longer walk with his long sword, his ruff and gartered hose, but he keeps his fancy for sombre blacks, and so do the citizens of those Netherlands which he once ruled.

Nevertheless, national character influenced each nation's clothing—the Venetians preferred elegant, flowing designs, while the Germans opted for bold slashes and jagged patterns. According to Randle Holme in the 17th century, the French kept warm and bundled up in cold weather, “but in summer, they wear such outrageous outfits that they almost go naked.” This writer also noted that Spaniards had a distinctive look, characterized by a high-crowned hat with a narrow brim, a ruff around the neck, a doublet with short, narrow skirts and wide shoulders, ruffled cuffs, tight breeches, gartered hose, rounded-toed shoes, a short cloak, and a long sword. In all these aspects, the Spaniard stood out from the Englishman as observed by this keen observer. Even today, we can recognize remnants of those national styles. The Spaniard may no longer carry a long sword or wear a ruff with gartered hose, but he still favors dark colors, which is also seen among the citizens of the Netherlands he once ruled.

(O. Ba.)

III. National and Class Costume

National and Class Costumes

Costume, as readers of Carlyle’s Sartor Resartus know, always has a significance deeper than the mere whims of fashion. In the cosmopolitan society of modern times dress everywhere tends to become assimilated to a common model, and this assimilation, however regrettable from the picturesque point of view, is one of the most potent forces in the break-down of the traditional social distinctions. In the middle ages in Europe, and indeed down to the French Revolution, the various classes of the community were clearly differentiated by their dress. Everywhere, of course, it happened that occasionally jackdaws strutted in peacock’s feathers; but even in England, where class distinctions were early less clearly marked than on the continent of Europe, the assumption of a laced coat and a sword marked the development of a citizen into a “gentleman” (q.v.). Nothing has more powerfully contributed to the social amalgamation of the “upper-middle” and the “upper” classes in England than the fashion, introduced in the 19th century, of extreme simplicity in the costume of men. But, apart from the properties of richness in material or decoration as a symbol of class distinction—at one time enforced by sumptuary laws—there have been, and still are, innumerable varieties of costume more or less traditional as proper to certain nationalities or certain classes within those nationalities. Of national costumes properly so called the best known to the English-speaking world is that of the Highlands of Scotland. This is, indeed no longer generally worn, being usually confined to gentlemen of birth and their dependents, but it remains a national dress and is officially recognized as such by the English court and in the uniforms of the Highland regiments in the British army. The chief peculiarity of this costume, distinguishing it from any others, is the tartan, an arrangement of a prevailing colour with more or less narrow checks of other colours, by which the various clans or septs of the same race can be distinguished, while a certain general uniformity symbolizes the union of the clans in a common nationality. Thus, e.g. the tartan of the clan McDonell is green with narrow checks of red, that of the clan Gregarach red with narrow checks of black. The costume consists of a short tunic, vest, a kilt—heavily pleated—fastened round the waist, and reaching not quite to the knees (like a short petticoat), stockings gartered below the bare knee, and shoes. In front of the person, hanging from a belt round the waist, is the “sporran” or “spleuchan,” a pocket-purse covered with fur; and a large “plaid” or scarf, usually wrapped round the body, the ends hanging down from a brooch fastened on the left shoulder, but sometimes gathered up and hanging from the brooch behind, completes the costume. The head-gear is a cloth cap or “bonnet,” in which a sprig of heather is stuck, or an eagle’s feather in the case of chiefs. A dirk is worn thrust into the right stocking. Up to the end of the 16th century the tunic and “philibeg” or kilt formed a single garment; but otherwise the costume has come down the ages without sensible modification. Kilt and plaid are of tartan; and sometimes tartan “trews,” i.e. trousers, are substituted for the former.

Costume, as readers of Carlyle’s Sartor Resartus know, always holds a meaning that goes beyond just the trends of fashion. In today’s global society, clothing tends to align with a common style, and this alignment, though unfortunate from a visual standpoint, is a powerful factor in breaking down traditional social distinctions. During the Middle Ages in Europe and even up to the French Revolution, different classes were clearly set apart by their clothing. Of course, there were always exceptions, like rooks strutting around in peacock feathers; but even in England, where class differences were less obvious than on the European continent, wearing a laced coat and a sword indicated a person’s transition from a citizen to a “gentleman” (q.v.). Nothing has contributed more to the social blending of the “upper-middle” and “upper” classes in England than the 19th-century trend toward extreme simplicity in men’s clothing. However, aside from fabric richness or decoration as a class distinction—a concept once enforced by sumptuary laws—there have always been, and still are, countless varieties of clothing that are more or less traditional for certain nationalities or specific classes within those nationalities. Among national costumes, the best known to the English-speaking world is that of the Highlands of Scotland. While it’s not commonly worn today, as it’s mainly seen on gentlemen of noble birth and their followers, it remains a national costume, officially recognized by the English court and in the uniforms of Highland regiments in the British army. The standout feature of this outfit, setting it apart from others, is the tartan—an arrangement of a dominant color with narrower checks of different colors—through which various clans or septs of the same race can be identified, while a sense of general uniformity symbolizes the unity of the clans within a shared nationality. For example, the tartan of the McDonell clan is green with narrow red checks, while the Gregarach clan features red with narrow black checks. The costume includes a short tunic, a vest, and a heavily pleated kilt that wraps around the waist and reaches just above the knees (similar to a short petticoat), along with stockings gartered below the bare knee and shoes. A "sporran" or "spleuchan," a fur-covered pocket purse, hangs from a belt at the waist, and a large “plaid” or scarf, usually wrapped around the body with ends dangling from a brooch on the left shoulder, or sometimes gathered and hanging down from the back brooch, completes the ensemble. The headwear consists of a cloth cap or “bonnet” with a sprig of heather, or an eagle’s feather in the case of chiefs. A dirk is tucked into the right stocking. Until the end of the 16th century, the tunic and “philibeg” or kilt were a single garment; but other than that, the costume has remained largely unchanged over the centuries. Both the kilt and plaid are made of tartan, and sometimes tartan “trews,” or trousers, replace the kilt.

Among other national costumes still surviving in Europe may be mentioned the Albanian-Greek dress (characterized by the spreading, pleated white kilt, or fustanella), and the splendid full-dress of a Hungarian gentleman, the prototype of the well-known hussar uniform; to which may be added the Tirolese costume, which, so far as the men are concerned, is characterized by short trousers, cut off above the knee, and a short jacket, the colour varying in different districts. This latter trait illustrates the fact that most of the still surviving “national” costumes in Europe are in fact local and distinctive of class, though they conform to a national type. These “folk-costumes” (Volkstrachten), as the Germans call them, survive most strongly in the most conservative of all classes, that of the peasants and naturally mainly in those districts least accessible to modern “enterprise.” These peasant costumes, often of astonishing richness and beauty, vary more or less in every village, each community having its own traditional type; and, since this type does not vary, they can be handed down as valuable heirlooms from father to son and from mother to daughter. But they are fast disappearing. In the British islands, where there were no free peasant cultivators to maintain the pride of class, they vanished long since; the white caps and steeple-crowned hats of Welsh women were the last to go; and even the becoming and convenient “sun bonnet,” which survives in the United States, has given place almost everywhere to the hideous “cloth cap” of commerce; while the ancient smocked frock, the equivalent of the French peasant’s workmanlike blouse, has become a curiosity. The same process is proceeding elsewhere; for the simple peasant women cannot resist the blandishments of the commercial traveller and the temptation of change and cheap finery. The transition is at once painful and amusing, and not without interest as illustrating the force of tradition in its struggle with fashion; for it is no uncommon thing, e.g. in France or Holland, to see a “Paris model” perched lamentably on the top of the beautiful traditional head-dress. Similarly in the richer Turkish families women are rapidly acquiring a taste for Parisian costumes, frequently worn in absurd combination with their ordinary garments.

Among the various national costumes still existing in Europe are the Albanian-Greek outfit (noted for its flowing, pleated white kilt, or fustanella) and the impressive formal attire of a Hungarian gentleman, which inspired the well-known hussar uniform. There’s also the Tyrolean costume, which, for men, is distinguished by short trousers that end above the knee and a short jacket, with colors varying by region. This highlights the fact that many of the remaining "national" costumes in Europe are actually local and specific to class, while still fitting within a national style. These “folk costumes” (Volkstrachten), as the Germans refer to them, persist most strongly among the most traditional class of all, the peasants, especially in areas that are less influenced by modern “enterprise.” These peasant outfits, often astonishingly rich and beautiful, differ somewhat from village to village, with each community having its own traditional style; and since these styles remain unchanged, they can be passed down as treasured heirlooms from parent to child. However, they are quickly disappearing. In the British Isles, where there were no independent peasant farmers to uphold class pride, they have largely faded away; the white caps and pointed hats of Welsh women were the last to disappear; even the stylish and practical “sun bonnet,” which is still seen in the United States, has been replaced almost everywhere by the unattractive “cloth cap” of commerce; and the traditional smocked dress, similar to the French peasant’s practical blouse, has become a rarity. This same change is happening elsewhere as well, as simple peasant women find it hard to resist the allure of the traveling salesperson and the temptation of change and cheap fancy clothing. The transition is both painful and amusing, and interestingly illustrates the battle between tradition and fashion; for it’s not uncommon to see, for example, in France or Holland, a “Paris model” awkwardly sitting atop a beautiful traditional headpiece. Similarly, in wealthier Turkish families, women are quickly developing a taste for Parisian fashion, often worn in ridiculous combinations with their regular clothes.

The same process has extended far beyond the limits of Europe. Improved communication and industrial enterprise have combined with the prestige of European civilization to commend the European type of costume to peoples for whom it is eminently unsuited. Even the peoples of the East, whose costume has remained unchanged for untold centuries, and for whom the type has been (as in India) often determined by religious considerations, are showing an increasing tendency to yield to the world-fashion. Turkey, as being most closely in touch with Europe, was the first to feel the influence; the introduction of the fez and the frock-coat, in place of the large turban and flowing caftan of the old Turk, was the most conspicuous of the reforms of Sultan Mahmud II.; and when, in 1909, the first Turkish parliament met, only a small minority of its members wore their traditional costumes. The introduction of Japan into the comity of nations was followed by the adoption of European costume by the court and the upper classes, at least in public and on ceremonial occasions; in private the wide-sleeved, loose, comfortable kimono continues to be worn. China, on the other hand, has been more conservative, even her envoys in Europe preserving intact (except sometimes in the matter of boots) the traditional costume of their nation and class, while those of Japan, Corea and Siam appear in the conventional diplomatic or “evening” dress in Europe. In the Mussulman East, even when 247 European dress has been adopted, an exception has usually been made in favour of head-gear, which has a special religious significance. In Turkey, for instance, the hat has not succeeded in displacing the fez; and in India, though the Parsis had by the beginning of the 20th century begun to modify their traditional high turban-like hat into a modified “bowler,” and Hindus—abroad at least—were affecting the head-gear of the West, those Mussulman princes who had adopted, wholly or partially, European dress continued to wear the turban. On the other hand, the amir of Afghanistan, when he visited India, had—out of doors at least—discarded the turban for the ugly “solar topee.” In spite of the natural conservatism, strengthened by religious conventions, of the Eastern races, there is a growing danger that the spread of European enlightenment will more or less rapidly destroy that picturesque variety of costume which is the delight of the traveller and the artist. For Indian costumes see India: Costume; for Chinese see China; &c.

The same process has extended far beyond Europe. Better communication and industrial development have combined with the prestige of European culture to promote the European style of dress to people for whom it doesn't really fit. Even the Eastern cultures, whose clothing has remained the same for countless centuries and often shaped by religious beliefs (like in India), are increasingly yielding to global fashion trends. Turkey, being the closest to Europe, was the first to feel this influence; the introduction of the fez and frock coat, replacing the large turban and flowing caftan of the old Turks, was one of the most notable changes during Sultan Mahmud II.'s reforms. By the time the first Turkish parliament met in 1909, only a small minority of its members wore traditional outfits. Japan's entry into the world community was followed by the court and upper classes adopting European clothing, at least during public and formal events; however, in private, the wide-sleeved, loose, comfortable kimono is still worn. In contrast, China has been more traditional, with even its envoys in Europe maintaining (except sometimes regarding boots) the classic attire of their nation and class, while delegates from Japan, Korea, and Siam dress in conventional Western diplomatic or "evening" attire in Europe. In the Muslim East, even where European clothing has been adopted, there is often an exception made for headwear, which carries specific religious significance. In Turkey, for example, the hat hasn't replaced the fez; and in India, although by the early 20th century, the Parsis started modifying their traditional high turban-like hats into a modified “bowler,” and Hindus—at least abroad—began adopting Western headwear, Muslim princes who embraced European fashion, either fully or partially, still wore the turban. On the flip side, the Amir of Afghanistan, during his visit to India, opted for the unattractive “solar topee” instead of the turban when outdoors. Despite the natural conservatism, bolstered by religious traditions, of Eastern cultures, there’s a growing risk that the spread of European influences will rapidly diminish the beautiful variety of clothing that fascinates travelers and artists. For Indian costumes see India: Costume; for Chinese see China; &c.

IV. Official Costume

IV. Official Outfit

Official costumes, in so far as they are not, like the crowns and tabards of heralds, the coronets of peers, or the gold keys tacked to the coat-tails of royal chamberlains—consciously symbolical, are for the most part ceremonious survivals of bygone general fashions. This is as true of the official costume of the past as of the present; as may be illustrated from ancient Rome, where the toga, once the general costume of Roman citizens, in the 3rd and 4th centuries was the official robe of senators and officials (see also under Vestments). Thus, at the present time, the lay chamberlains of the pope and the members of his Swiss guard wear costumes of the 16th century, and the same is true of the king’s yeomen of the guard in England. In general, however (apart from robes, which are much older in their origin), official costumes in Europe, or in countries of European origin, are based on the fashions of the 18th and early 19th centuries. Knee-breeches, however, which survive in the full-dress of many British officials, as in ordinary court dress, had practically disappeared on the continent of Europe, surviving only in certain peasant costumes, when the emperor William II. reintroduced them at the court of Berlin. The tendency in the modern democratic communities of Anglo-Saxon race has been to dispense with official costumes. In the United States the judges of the Supreme Court alone wear robes; the president of the Republic wears on all occasions the dress of an ordinary citizen, unrelieved by order or decoration, and thus symbolizes his pride of place as primus inter pares; an American ambassador appears on state occasions among his colleagues, gorgeous in bullion-covered coats, in the ordinary black “evening dress” of a modern gentleman. The principle, which tends to assert itself also in the autonomous “British dominions beyond the seas,” is not the result of that native dislike of “dressing up” which characterizes many Englishmen of the upper and middle classes; for modern democracy shares to the full the taste of past ages for official or quasi-official finery, as is proved by the costumes and insignia of the multitudinous popular orders, Knights Templars, Foresters, Oddfellows and the like. It is rather cherished as the outward and visible sign of that doctrine of the equality of all men which remains the most generally gratifying of the gifts of French 18th-century philosophy to the world. In Great Britain, where equality has ever been less valued than liberty, official costumes have tended to increase rather than to fall into disuse; mayors of new boroughs, for instance, are not considered properly equipped until they have their gown and chain of office. In France, on the other hand, the taste of the people for pomp and display, and, it may be added, their innate artistic sense, have combined with their passion for equality to produce a somewhat anomalous situation as regards official costume. Lawyers have their robes, judges their scarlet gowns, diplomatists their gold-laced uniforms; but the state costume of the president of the Republic is “evening dress,” relieved only by the red riband and star of the Legion of Honour. In the Latin states of South America, which tend to be disguised despotisms rather than democracies, the actual rather than the theoretical state of things is symbolized by the gorgeous official uniforms which are among the rewards of those who help the dictator for the time being to power. See also Robes; for military costume see Uniforms; for ecclesiastical costume see Vestments and subsidiary articles.

Official costumes, except for those like the crowns and tabards of heralds, the coronets of peers, or the gold keys pinned to the coat-tails of royal chamberlains—which are clearly symbolic—are primarily ceremonial remnants of past fashions. This applies as much to official costumes of the past as it does to those in the present; a good example is ancient Rome, where the toga, which was once the everyday attire of Roman citizens, by the 3rd and 4th centuries became the official robe for senators and officials (see also under Vestments). Today, the lay chamberlains of the pope and the members of his Swiss guard wear costumes from the 16th century, and the same goes for the king’s yeomen of the guard in England. Generally, though (excluding robes, which have older origins), official costumes in Europe, or in European-influenced countries, are based on styles from the 18th and early 19th centuries. Knee-breeches, which still appear in the formal attire of many British officials and in ordinary court dress, had nearly vanished from mainland Europe, existing only in certain peasant outfits, until Emperor William II reintroduced them at the Berlin court. Modern democratic societies of Anglo-Saxon descent have been moving away from official costumes. In the United States, only the Supreme Court judges wear robes; the president wears standard civilian attire at all times, lacking any orders or decorations, symbolizing his stance as primus inter pares; an American ambassador will appear at state events among colleagues in elaborate, embellished coats but opts for the typical black “evening dress” of a gentleman. This principle, which is also evident in the autonomous “British dominions beyond the seas,” isn’t merely a result of the typical English aversion to “dressing up” among the upper and middle classes; modern democracy embraces the past's fondness for official or semi-official splendor, as shown by the costumes and insignia of popular societies like the Knights Templars and Oddfellows. It's cherished as the visible sign of the idea of equality among all men, which remains one of the most appreciated contributions of 18th-century French philosophy. In Great Britain, where liberty has historically been valued more than equality, official costumes have tended to grow in prevalence rather than diminish; for example, mayors of new boroughs are not seen as properly uniformed without their gown and chain of office. In contrast, in France, the people's appreciation for grandeur and, possibly, their inherent artistic sensibility, combined with their emphasis on equality, has created a somewhat unusual situation regarding official attire. Lawyers wear robes, judges wear scarlet gowns, diplomats wear gold-laced uniforms; however, the official dress of the president of the Republic is “evening dress,” distinguished only by the red ribbon and star of the Legion of Honour. In the Latin American states, which lean more toward disguised despotism than true democracy, the actual state of affairs is represented by the lavish official uniforms, which are often rewards for those who assist the current dictator in seizing power. See also Robes; for military costume see Uniforms; for ecclesiastical costume see Vestments and related articles.

(W. A. P.)

Bibliography.—Apart from the enormous number of books especially devoted to costume, innumerable illustrated works exist which are, in various degrees, useful for the study of the history of this subject. It may be noted here, e.g. that the illuminators and painters of the middle ages did not affect historical accuracy in their presentment of biblical or secular subjects, but clothed their patriarchs, apostles or Roman warriors in the dress of their own ages, their pictures thus becoming invaluable records of the costume of their time. In this respect the knowledge of classical antiquity revived during the Renaissance introduced a certain confusion. Artists began to realize the incongruity of representing antique figures in modern garb, but, in the absence of exact knowledge, fancy began to play a greater part than research in the dressing of their characters. Portraits and representations of contemporary scenes (e.g. Rembrandt’s “Night Watch”) continue to be first-hand authorities for the costume of the period in which they were produced; but representations of biblical or historical scenes have little or no value from this point of view. Thus in Rubens’s famous picture of St Ambrose repelling Theodosius from the door of his cathedral, the bishop is vested in the mitre and cope which only came into vogue centuries later, while the emperor wears a military costume modelled on that of Roman imperators of an earlier day. Even in portraiture, however, a certain conservatism tends to make the record untrustworthy; thus, great men continued to be painted in full armour long after it had in fact ceased to be worn.

References.—In addition to the vast number of books dedicated specifically to costume, there are countless illustrated works that are useful for studying the history of this subject to varying degrees. It's worth noting, for example, that the illuminators and painters of the Middle Ages didn't prioritize historical accuracy in their depictions of biblical or secular subjects; instead, they dressed their patriarchs, apostles, or Roman warriors in the attire of their own times. As a result, their artwork serves as invaluable records of the costume of their era. In this regard, the revival of knowledge about classical antiquity during the Renaissance led to some confusion. Artists began to understand that it was inconsistent to portray ancient figures in modern clothing, but due to a lack of accurate information, imagination took precedence over research in designing their characters' outfits. Portraits and depictions of contemporary scenes (like Rembrandt’s “Night Watch”) remain primary sources for understanding the costume of the period in which they were created; however, portrayals of biblical or historical scenes hold little to no value in this context. For example, in Rubens’s well-known painting of St. Ambrose denying Theodosius entry to his cathedral, the bishop is depicted wearing a mitre and cope that became fashionable centuries later, while the emperor sports a military outfit inspired by earlier Roman generals. Even in portraiture, a tendency toward conservatism can make records unreliable; thus, notable figures continued to be painted in full armor long after it had actually fallen out of use.

Of authorities for English costume the following may be selected as especially useful: J. C. Bruce, The Bayeux Tapestry Elucidated (London, 1856), with 17 plates; F. W. Fairholt, Costume in England to the end of the 18th Century (2nd ed., ib., 1860); William Fowler, Examples of Medieval Art (1796-1829), 116 plates; Froissart’s Chronicles, translated by T. Johnes (4 vols., 1844), 72 plates and many woodcuts; R. N. Humphrey, Illuminated Books of the Middle Ages (ib., 1849); Facsimiles of Original Drawings by Holbein, in the Collection of His Majesty, for Portraits of Persons of the Court of Henry VIII., engraved by F. Bartolozzi, &c. (London, 1884); John Nichols, Progresses, Pageants, &c., of Queen Elizabeth (3 vols., 1823), and of James I. (4 vols., 1828), with numerous plates; Hogarth’s Works, engraved by himself, with descriptions by J. Nichols (1822), 153 plates; Edmund Lodge, Portraits of Illustrious Personages of Great Britain (12 vols., 1823-1835), 240 plates; J. R. Planché, Hist. of British Costume (3rd ed., Bohn, 1874), and Cyclopaedia of Costume (2 vols., 1876-1877); Henry Shaw, Dresses and Decorations of the Middle Ages (2 vols., 1840-1843), 94 plates and many woodcuts; Joseph Strutt, engraver, Dress and Habits of the People of England (2 vols., 1796-1799), and Regal and Ecclesiastical Antiquities of Great Britain, new edition with notes by J. R. Planché (1842), 153 plates; Westwood, Miniatures of Anglo-Saxon and Irish Manuscripts (1868), 54 plates; C. A. Stothard, The Monumental Effigies of Great Britain (1817-1832; ed. Hewitt, 1876); Herbert Haines, Manual of Monumental Brasses (Oxford, 1861), with many woodcuts; J. G. and L. A. B. Waller, A Series of Monumental Brasses (London, 1864); H. Druitt, Costume on Brasses (London, 1906). Of foreign works on costume the most important are Hefner-Alteneck, Trachten, &c., vom frühesten Mittelalter bis Ende des 18. Jahrhunderts (2nd ed., Frankfort, 1879-1890); Viollet-le-Duc, Dictionnaire raisonné du mobilier français (6 vols., Paris, 1858-1875), the first four volumes devoted to armour and costume; Friedrich Hottenroth, Trachten der Völker alter und neuer Zeit (2nd ed., Stuttgart, 1882-1890), with excellent plates, Fr. transl. by J. Bernhoff, Les Costumes chez les peuples, &c. (Paris, 1885), and Handbuch der deutschen Tracht (1898); Bonnard et Mercuri, Costumes historiques des XIIe, XIIIe, XIVe et XVe siècles (2 vols., Paris, 1867), 200 plates; Burgmair, Triomphe de l’empereur Maximilien I. (Vienna, 1796), 135 plates; Chapuy, Le Moyen Age pittoresque (2 vols., 1837), 180 plates; Chevignard et Duplessis, Costumes historiques des XVIe, XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles (2 vols., Paris, 1867), 150 plates; du Sommerard, Les Arts au moyen âge (10 vols., Paris, 1838-1848), 510 plates; Duflos, Recueil d’estampes, représentant les grades, les rangs, et les dignités, suivant le costume de toutes les nations existantes (Paris, 1779-1780), 240 plates; España artistica y monumental (3 vols., Paris, 1842-1859), 145 plates; Fabri, Raccolta di varii vestimenti ed arti del regno di Napoli (Naples, 1773), 27 plates; Jaquemin, Iconographie méthodique du costume du Ve au XIXe siècle (Paris), 200 plates; Lacombe, Galerie de Florence et du palais Pitti (4 vols., Paris, 1789-1807), 192 plates; Paul Lacroix, Manners, Customs and Dress during the Middle Ages and the Renaissance, Eng. trans. (London, 1874), Military and Religious Life in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance (London, 1874), and The 18th Century, its Institutions, Customs, Costumes (London, 1875-1876); L. M. Lanté, Galerie française de femmes célèbres, atlas (Paris, 1841), 70 plates; Malliot et Martin, Recherches sur les costumes, les mœurs, les usages religieux, civils et militaires des anciens peuples (3 vols., Paris, 1809), 228 plates; Pauly, Description ethnographique des peuples (St Petersburg, 1862); Pauquet Frères, Modes et costumes historiques et étrangers 248 (2 vols., Paris, 1873), 196 plates; Auguste Racinet, Le Costume historique, in two forms, large and small (Paris, 1876, another ed. in 6 vols., with 500 plates, 1888); G. M. Straub, Trachten oder Stammbuch (1600), several hundreds of curious woodcuts of costumes; Vecellio, Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo (3 vols., Venice, 1859-1863).

Of authorities for English costume, the following can be selected as particularly useful: J. C. Bruce, The Bayeux Tapestry Elucidated (London, 1856), featuring 17 plates; F. W. Fairholt, Costume in England to the end of the 18th Century (2nd ed., ib., 1860); William Fowler, Examples of Medieval Art (1796-1829), with 116 plates; Froissart’s Chronicles, translated by T. Johnes (4 vols., 1844), containing 72 plates and many woodcuts; R. N. Humphrey, Illuminated Books of the Middle Ages (ib., 1849); Facsimiles of Original Drawings by Holbein, in the Collection of His Majesty, for Portraits of Persons of the Court of Henry VIII., engraved by F. Bartolozzi, &c. (London, 1884); John Nichols, Progresses, Pageants, &c., of Queen Elizabeth (3 vols., 1823), and of James I. (4 vols., 1828), featuring numerous plates; Hogarth’s Works, engraved by himself, with descriptions by J. Nichols (1822), comprising 153 plates; Edmund Lodge, Portraits of Illustrious Personages of Great Britain (12 vols., 1823-1835), with 240 plates; J. R. Planché, Hist. of British Costume (3rd ed., Bohn, 1874), and Cyclopaedia of Costume (2 vols., 1876-1877); Henry Shaw, Dresses and Decorations of the Middle Ages (2 vols., 1840-1843), featuring 94 plates and many woodcuts; Joseph Strutt, engraver, Dress and Habits of the People of England (2 vols., 1796-1799), and Regal and Ecclesiastical Antiquities of Great Britain, new edition with notes by J. R. Planché (1842), comprising 153 plates; Westwood, Miniatures of Anglo-Saxon and Irish Manuscripts (1868), with 54 plates; C. A. Stothard, The Monumental Effigies of Great Britain (1817-1832; ed. Hewitt, 1876); Herbert Haines, Manual of Monumental Brasses (Oxford, 1861), featuring many woodcuts; J. G. and L. A. B. Waller, A Series of Monumental Brasses (London, 1864); H. Druitt, Costume on Brasses (London, 1906). Among foreign works on costume, the most important include Hefner-Alteneck, Trachten, &c., vom frühesten Mittelalter bis Ende des 18. Jahrhunderts (2nd ed., Frankfort, 1879-1890); Viollet-le-Duc, Dictionnaire raisonné du mobilier français (6 vols., Paris, 1858-1875), with the first four volumes dedicated to armor and costume; Friedrich Hottenroth, Trachten der Völker alter und neuer Zeit (2nd ed., Stuttgart, 1882-1890), featuring excellent plates, Fr. transl. by J. Bernhoff, Les Costumes chez les peuples, &c. (Paris, 1885), and Handbuch der deutschen Tracht (1898); Bonnard et Mercuri, Costumes historiques des XIIe, XIIIe, XIVe et XVe siècles (2 vols., Paris, 1867), with 200 plates; Burgmair, Triomphe de l’empereur Maximilien I (Vienna, 1796), featuring 135 plates; Chapuy, Le Moyen Age pittoresque (2 vols., 1837), with 180 plates; Chevignard et Duplessis, Costumes historiques des XVIe, XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles (2 vols., Paris, 1867), with 150 plates; du Sommerard, Les Arts au moyen âge (10 vols., Paris, 1838-1848), containing 510 plates; Duflos, Recueil d’estampes, représentant les grades, les rangs, et les dignités, suivant le costume de toutes les nations existantes (Paris, 1779-1780), with 240 plates; España artistica y monumental (3 vols., Paris, 1842-1859), featuring 145 plates; Fabri, Raccolta di varii vestimenti ed arti del regno di Napoli (Naples, 1773), with 27 plates; Jaquemin, Iconographie méthodique du costume du Ve au XIXe siècle (Paris), with 200 plates; Lacombe, Galerie de Florence et du palais Pitti (4 vols., Paris, 1789-1807), featuring 192 plates; Paul Lacroix, Manners, Customs and Dress during the Middle Ages and the Renaissance, Eng. trans. (London, 1874), Military and Religious Life in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance (London, 1874), and The 18th Century, its Institutions, Customs, Costumes (London, 1875-1876); L. M. Lanté, Galerie française de femmes célèbres, atlas (Paris, 1841), with 70 plates; Malliot et Martin, Recherches sur les costumes, les mœurs, les usages religieux, civils et militaires des anciens peuples (3 vols., Paris, 1809), with 228 plates; Pauly, Description ethnographique des peuples (St Petersburg, 1862); Pauquet Frères, Modes et costumes historiques et étrangers 248 (2 vols., Paris, 1873), with 196 plates; Auguste Racinet, Le Costume historique, available in two formats, large and small (Paris, 1876, another edition in 6 vols., with 500 plates, 1888); G. M. Straub, Trachten oder Stammbuch (1600), featuring several hundred curious woodcuts of costumes; Vecellio, Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo (3 vols., Venice, 1859-1863).

Examples and illustrations of early costume of great interest and value may be found in the Archaeologia, M. Didron’s Annales archéologiques, the Journals of the Archaeological Societies, the various county histories, the Monumenta Vetusta of the London Society of Antiquaries, and other kindred works.

Examples and illustrations of early costumes that are very interesting and valuable can be found in the Archaeologia, M. Didron’s Annales archéologiques, the Journals of the Archaeological Societies, various county histories, the Monumenta Vetusta of the London Society of Antiquaries, and other similar works.

Besides works on costume generally, there are a large number devoted specially to national or “folk” costumes. Of these may be mentioned: F. Hottenroth, Deutsche Volkstrachten, städtische und ländliche, vom XVI. Jahrhundert his zum Anfange des XIX. Jahrhunderts (Frankfort, 1898, 1900, 1902, &c.), including German, Bohemian, Swiss and Dutch local costumes, with references to further works; L. M. Lanté, Costume de divers pays (undated, c. 1825), 177 coloured plates of female costumes, mainly French, some Spanish, German, &c.; A. Hård, Swedish Costumes (Stockholm, 1858), 10 coloured plates; Félix Benoist, La Normandie illustrée (2 vols, fol., Nantes, 1854), with excellent coloured lithographs of costumes by Hyppolite Lalaine; E. H. T. Pingret, Galerie royale de costumes (Paris, undated), beautiful lithographs of costumes, principally Italian with some Spanish and Swiss, lithographed from paintings by Pingret by various artists; Edward Harding, Costume of the Russian Empire (London, 1811), with 70 hand-coloured plates, including costumes of many of the semi-barbaric tribes of central Asia; for Turkish costume in the 18th century see Recueil de cent estampes représentant différentes nations du Levant, engraved by Le Hay (Paris, 1714); for Greek costume at the time of the War of Independence see Baron O. M. von Stackelberg, Costumes et usages des peuples de la Grèce moderne (Rome, 1825), with 30 beautiful plates. For Highland costume see R. R. MacIan, Costumes of the Clans (Glasgow, 1899), with letterpress by J. Logan.

Besides general works on costumes, there are many specifically focused on national or "folk" costumes. Notable examples include: F. Hottenroth, Deutsche Volkstrachten, städtische und ländliche, vom XVI. Jahrhundert his zum Anfange des XIX. Jahrhunderts (Frankfort, 1898, 1900, 1902, etc.), highlighting German, Bohemian, Swiss, and Dutch local costumes, along with references to other works; L. M. Lanté, Costume de divers pays (undated, c. 1825), featuring 177 colored plates of female costumes, primarily French, with some Spanish and German; A. Hård, Swedish Costumes (Stockholm, 1858), which includes 10 colored plates; Félix Benoist, La Normandie illustrée (2 vols, fol., Nantes, 1854), showcasing excellent colored lithographs of costumes by Hyppolite Lalaine; E. H. T. Pingret, Galerie royale de costumes (Paris, undated), featuring beautiful lithographs of costumes, mainly Italian along with some Spanish and Swiss, lithographed from paintings by Pingret by various artists; Edward Harding, Costume of the Russian Empire (London, 1811), containing 70 hand-colored plates, including costumes of many semi-barbaric tribes of central Asia; for Turkish costume in the 18th century, see Recueil de cent estampes représentant différentes nations du Levant, engraved by Le Hay (Paris, 1714); for Greek costume during the War of Independence, check Baron O. M. von Stackelberg, Costumes et usages des peuples de la Grèce moderne (Rome, 1825), featuring 30 beautiful plates. For Highland costume, see R. R. MacIan, Costumes of the Clans (Glasgow, 1899), with text by J. Logan.


1 The Races of Man.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ The Human Races.

2 The comprehensive description by Herodotus (vii. 61 sqq.) of the costumes of the mercenaries of Xerxes is classical (see Rawlinson’s edition, iv. 56 sqq.). For archaeological parallels one may compare the tombs of Rekhmire (15th cent. B.C.) and Harmhab (14th cent.) in Egypt, the “Black Obelisk” of the Assyrian king Shalmaneser II. (9th cent.) or his famous gates at Balawat (ed. W. Birch and T. G. Pinches, and with critical description and plates by A. Billerbeck and F. Delitzsch, Beiträge z. Assyriologie, vi. 1; Leipzig, 1908).

2 The detailed account by Herodotus (vii. 61 sqq.) of the clothing worn by Xerxes’ mercenaries is a classic reference (see Rawlinson’s edition, iv. 56 sqq.). For archaeological comparisons, you can look at the tombs of Rekhmire (15th century B.C.) and Harmhab (14th century) in Egypt, the “Black Obelisk” of the Assyrian king Shalmaneser II. (9th century), or his well-known gates at Balawat (ed. W. Birch and T. G. Pinches, with critical description and plates by A. Billerbeck and F. Delitzsch, Beiträge z. Assyriologie, vi. 1; Leipzig, 1908).

3 Old Babylonian sculptors who represent the enemy as naked (Meyer [see bibliography below], pp. 12, 70 seq., 116), conventionally anticipate the usual treatment of the slain and wounded warriors.

3 Old Babylonian sculptors who depict the enemy as naked (Meyer [see bibliography below], pp. 12, 70 seq., 116) typically expect the standard portrayal of the fallen and injured warriors.

4 Edited P. C. Newberry (Archaeol. Survey of Egypt, 1893). Cf. also the Palestinian short coloured skirt with black tassels of the 14th century (Zeit. f. Ägypt. Sprache, 1898, pp. 126 sqq.).

4 Edited P. C. Newberry (Archaeol. Survey of Egypt, 1893). See also the Palestinian short colored skirt with black tassels from the 14th century (Zeit. f. Ägypt. Sprache, 1898, pp. 126 sqq.).

5 See e.g. Ball, Light from the East, p. 36. On the Aegean dress (Whether a development from spiral swathes or perhaps rather from a series of skirts one above the other), see the discussion of the Aegean loin-cloth by D. Mackenzie, Annual of the British School at Athens, xii. 233-249 (esp. 242 seq.).

5 See e.g. Ball, Light from the East, p. 36. Regarding Aegean dress (whether it evolved from spiral wraps or maybe from a series of skirts layered on top of each other), check out D. Mackenzie's discussion of the Aegean loincloth in Annual of the British School at Athens, xii. 233-249 (especially 242 and following).

6 Joseph’s familiar “coat of many colours,” which we owe to the Septuagint, can perhaps be justified: R. Eisler, Orient. Lit. Zeitung, August, 1908

6 Joseph’s well-known “coat of many colors,” a term we get from the Septuagint, might be defendable: R. Eisler, Orient. Lit. Zeitung, August, 1908

7 Erman, 226 sqq., cf. the modern Bedouin shoe, Jennings-Bramley, Quart. Stat. of Palest. Explor. Fund (1908), p. 115 sq. (on dress of Sinaitic Bedouin generally).

7 Erman, 226 and following, see the modern Bedouin shoe, Jennings-Bramley, Quart. Stat. of Palest. Explor. Fund (1908), p. 115 and following. (on the attire of Sinaitic Bedouin in general).

8 Meyer, 97, see F. Hommel, Aufsätze u. Abhandlungen (Munich, 1900), 160 sqq., 214 sqq. For other feathered head-dresses in western Asia, see Müller, 361 sqq.

8 Meyer, 97, see F. Hommel, Essays and Treatises (Munich, 1900), 160 and following, 214 and following. For other feathered headpieces in western Asia, see Müller, 361 and following.

9 Such tasselled or fringed caps were used by the Syrians in the Christian era, see W. Budge, Book of Governors, ii, 339, 367.

9 Caps with tassels or fringes were worn by the Syrians during the Christian era, see W. Budge, Book of Governors, ii, 339, 367.

10 Comp. the horns of Bau (“mother of the gods”), Samas (Shamash), (H)adad, and (in Egypt) of the Asiatic god assimilated to Set (so, too, Rameses III. is styled “strong-horned” like Baal). With the band dependent from the conical hat of Marduk-bal-iddin II. (Meyer, 8) and other kings, cf. the tail on the head-dress of this foreign Set (e.g. Proc. Soc. of Bibl. Arch. xvi. 87 sq.). The consort of the Pharaoh, in turn, wore the sacred vulture head-dress.

10 Compare the horns of Bau (“mother of the gods”), Samas (Shamash), (H)adad, and (in Egypt) the Asiatic god associated with Set (likewise, Rameses III is referred to as “strong-horned” like Baal). With the band hanging from the conical hat of Marduk-bal-iddin II. (Meyer, 8) and other kings, see the tail on the head-dress of this foreign Set (e.g. Proc. Soc. of Bibl. Arch. xvi. 87 sq.). The Pharaoh’s consort, on the other hand, wore the sacred vulture head-dress.

11 On the resemblance between divine and royal figures in costume, &c., see further Meyer, 9, 14 sq., 17, 23, 53 sq., 67, 79, 102, 105 sq.

11 For more on the similarities between divine and royal figures in their attire, check out Meyer, pages 9, 14 and following, 17, 23, 53 and following, 67, 79, 102, 105 and following.

12 Herod. iii. 8. If the bald Sumerians wore wigs in time of war, (Meyer, 81, 86), war itself from beginning to end was essentially a religious rite; see W. R. Smith, Rel. of Semites, pp. 401 sqq., 491 sq.; F. Schwally, Semitische Kriegsaltertümer, i. On the importance attached to the beard, see Ency. Bib., s.v.

12 Herod. iii. 8. If the bald Sumerians wore wigs during wartime, (Meyer, 81, 86), then war itself, from start to finish, was primarily a religious ritual; see W. R. Smith, Rel. of Semites, pp. 401 sqq., 491 sq.; F. Schwally, Semitische Kriegsaltertümer, i. For more on the significance of the beard, see Ency. Bib., s.v.

13 A typical example is afforded by the solitary representation of a Moabite (Perrot and Chipiez, Phoen. ii. 45) whose helmet and dress suggest a god or king. Equally perplexing is the Egyptian style on the Phoenician statue, ib. 28.

13 A typical example is provided by the only depiction of a Moabite (Perrot and Chipiez, Phoen. ii. 45) whose helmet and outfit imply a god or king. Just as confusing is the Egyptian style seen in the Phoenician statue, ib. 28.

14 Cf. Lev. xvi. 23 sq.; Ex. xix 10; Herod, ii. 37 (ed. Wiedemann); Lagrange, Études sur les relig. sém. 239.

14 See Lev. 16:23 and following; Ex. 19:10; Herod, II, 37 (ed. Wiedemann); Lagrange, Studies on Semitic Religions 239.

15 M. Jastrow, Relig. of Bab. and Ass. p. 666; cf. Rev. biblique, 1908, p. 466 sq., and Meyer, 59, 86, 97, 101. According to the latter Sumerian priests served naked (p. 112).

15 M. Jastrow, Relig. of Bab. and Ass. p. 666; cf. Rev. biblique, 1908, p. 466 sq., and Meyer, 59, 86, 97, 101. According to the latter Sumerian priests served naked (p. 112).

16 For the conspicuous dress of Syrian and Phrygian priests in Rome and for other incidental references, see D. Chwolsohn, Die Ssabier (1856), ii. 655, 712 sq.

16 For the noticeable attire of Syrian and Phrygian priests in Rome and for other related mentions, see D. Chwolsohn, Die Ssabier (1856), ii. 655, 712 sq.

17 Ex. xxviii., xxix. 5; Lev. viii. 6-9, xvi.; Ecclus. xlv.; Joseph. Ant. iii. 7, Wars, v. 5, 7; see commentaries and special dictionaries of the Bible.

17 Ex. 28, 29:5; Lev. 8:6-9, 16; Ecclus. 45; Joseph. Ant. 3:7, Wars 5:5, 7; see commentaries and specialized dictionaries of the Bible.

18 Zimmern, Keilinschrift. u. Alte Test. 629, n. 5; cf. the Bab. priests’ pectoral; Lagrange, op. cit., 236, n. 1.

18 Zimmern, Keilinschrift. u. Alte Test. 629, n. 5; cf. the Bab. priests’ pectoral; Lagrange, op. cit., 236, n. 1.

19 Jubilees, viii. 11, see W. Muss-Arnolt, Amer. Journ. of Semit. Lang., 1900, pp. 207-212.

19 Jubilees, viii. 11, see W. Muss-Arnolt, Amer. Journ. of Semit. Lang., 1900, pp. 207-212.

20 The relations between sacerdotal and civic authority may be seen in the vestments of the church (chasuble, alb, stole), which probably were once the official garments of magistrates.

20 The relationship between religious and civic authority can be seen in the church's vestments (chasuble, alb, stole), which likely used to be the official clothing of magistrates.

21 See articles on mourning customs in the Bible Dictionaries, and, for special studies, Büchler, Zeit. f. alttest. Wissens., 1901, pp. 81-92; M. Jastrow, ib., 1907, 117 sqq.; and in Journ. Amer. Or. Soc. xx. 133 Sqq., xxi. 23-39. For the Babylonian evidence see Zimmern, op. cit., 603. The sculptures of Sennacherib show the bare-headed and bare-footed suppliants of Lachish meanly clad before Sennacherib (Ball, p. 192, contrast the warriors with caps and helmets, ib. p. 190, and on the simple dress, cf. above).

21 Check out articles on mourning customs in the Bible Dictionaries, and for in-depth studies, see Büchler, Zeit. f. alttest. Wissens., 1901, pp. 81-92; M. Jastrow, ib., 1907, 117 sqq.; and in Journ. Amer. Or. Soc. xx. 133 Sqq., xxi. 23-39. For the Babylonian evidence, refer to Zimmern, op. cit., 603. The sculptures of Sennacherib depict the bare-headed and bare-footed supplicants of Lachish poorly dressed before Sennacherib (Ball, p. 192, contrasting them with the warriors wearing caps and helmets, ib. p. 190, and regarding their simple clothing, cf. above).

22 Ezek. xvi. xxiii.; Isa. iii. 16-iv. 1. For the hairy garb, cf. John the Baptist (Matt. iii. 4); it became the ascete’s dress. The founder of the Jacobite Church in Asia owed his surname (Burde’ānā) to his rough horse-cloth. Here may be mentioned the archaic revival in Egypt in the 8th century B.C., which also extended to the costume.

22 Ezek. xvi. xxiii.; Isa. iii. 16-iv. 1. For the hairy clothing, see John the Baptist (Matt. iii. 4); it became the outfit of ascetics. The founder of the Jacobite Church in Asia got his name (Burde’ānā) because of his coarse horse blanket. Also worth mentioning is the old-fashioned revival in Egypt in the 8th century B.C., which also influenced clothing styles.

23 See for details, A. Brüll, Trachten d. Juden (1873).

23 For details, see A. Brüll, Trachten d. Juden (1873).

24 These ornamental bands are carefully described and reproduced in colour by A. Lermann, Altgriechische Plastik (1907), pp. 85 ff., pls. i.-xx. Some authorities hold that the skirt forms part of the over-garment, but it seems clear that it belongs to the χιτών.

24 These decorative bands are detailed and illustrated in color by A. Lermann, Altgriechische Plastik (1907), pp. 85 ff., pls. i.-xx. Some experts believe that the skirt is part of the outer garment, but it seems clear that it belongs to the tunic.

25 The tutulus was worn at Rome by the flaminica.

25 The tutulus was worn in Rome by the flaminica.

26 It was also worn by Roman children.

26 It was also worn by kids in ancient Rome.

27 This seems more likely than the alternative view that it was of elliptical shape and was folded before being put on. Quintilian (xi. 3, 139. a locus classicus for the toga) speaks of it as “rotunda”; but this need not be taken literally.

27 This seems more likely than the other idea that it was elliptical and folded before being worn. Quintilian (xi. 3, 139. a locus classicus for the toga) describes it as “round”; but this doesn’t have to be taken literally.

28 The Lares are thus represented in art.

28 The Lares are shown in art this way.

29 The suffibulum of the vestals, which was fastened on the breast by a brooch (fibula), was a garment of this sort. The marriage-veil (flammeum) derived its name from its bright orange colour. The palliolum was a kind of mantilla.

29 The suffibulum of the vestals, which was secured on the chest by a brooch (fibula), was this type of garment. The marriage veil (flammeum) got its name from its bright orange color. The palliolum was a kind of shawl.





        
        
    
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