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THE ENCYCLOPÆDIA BRITANNICA

A DICTIONARY OF ARTS, SCIENCES, LITERATURE AND GENERAL INFORMATION

ELEVENTH EDITION

 

VOLUME IX SLICE IV

England to English Finance


 

Articles in This Slice

Articles in This Section

ENGLAND ENGLEWOOD
ENGLAND, THE CHURCH OF ENGLISH CHANNEL
ENGLEFIELD, SIR FRANCIS ENGLISH FINANCE
ENGLEHEART, GEORGE  

408

408

ENGLAND. Geographical usage confines to the southern part of the island of Great Britain the name commonly given to the great insular power of western Europe.1 In this restricted sense the present article deals with England, the predominant partner in the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, both as containing the seat of government and in respect of extent, population and wealth.

ENGLAND. Geographical use limits the term to the southern part of the island of Great Britain, referring to the major insular power of western Europe. In this specific sense, the current article focuses on England, which is the leading member of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, given that it houses the seat of government and is significant in terms of size, population, and wealth.

1. Topography.

Landforms.

England extends from the mouth of the Tweed in 55° 46′ N. to Lizard Point in 49° 57′ 30″ N., in a roughly triangular form. The base of the triangle runs from the South Foreland to Land’s End W. by S., a distance of 316 m. in a straight line, but 545 m. following the larger curves of the coast. The east coast runs N.N.W. from the South Foreland to Berwick, a distance of 348 m., or, following the coast, 640 m. The west coast runs N.N.E. from Land’s End to the head of Solway Firth, a distance of 354 m., or following the much-indented coast, 1225 m. The total length of the coast-line may be put down as 2350 m.,2 out of which 515 m. belong to the western principality of Wales.3 The most easterly point is at Lowestoft, 1° 46′ E., the most westerly is Land’s End, in 5° 43′ W. The coasts are nowhere washed directly by the ocean, except in the extreme south-west; the south coast faces the English Channel, which is bounded on the southern side by the coast of France, the two shores converging from 100 m. apart at the Lizard to 21 at Dover. The east coast faces the shallow North Sea, which widens from the point where it joins the Channel to 375 m. off the mouth of the Tweed, the opposite shores being occupied in succession by France, Belgium, Holland, Germany and Denmark. The west coast faces the Irish Sea, with a width varying from 45 to 130 m.

England stretches from the mouth of the Tweed at 55° 46′ N. to Lizard Point at 49° 57′ 30″ N., taking on a roughly triangular shape. The base of this triangle runs from the South Foreland to Land’s End W. by S., covering a straight-line distance of 316 miles, but 545 miles when following the larger curves of the coastline. The east coast runs N.N.W. from the South Foreland to Berwick, a distance of 348 miles, or 640 miles if following the coast. The west coast runs N.N.E. from Land’s End to the head of Solway Firth, a distance of 354 miles, or 1225 miles when following the deeply indented coastline. The overall length of the coastline can be estimated at 2350 miles, out of which 515 miles belong to the western principality of Wales. The most easterly point is Lowestoft at 1° 46′ E., while the most westerly is Land’s End at 5° 43′ W. The coasts are not directly washed by the ocean except in the extreme southwest; the south coast faces the English Channel, which is bordered on the southern side by the coast of France, with the two shores converging from 100 miles apart at the Lizard to 21 miles at Dover. The east coast faces the shallow North Sea, which widens from the point where it joins the Channel to 375 miles off the mouth of the Tweed, with the opposite shores occupied in succession by France, Belgium, Holland, Germany, and Denmark. The west coast faces the Irish Sea, with a width ranging from 45 to 130 miles.

Counties. Area
Statute
Acres.
Population.
1901.
Bedfordshire 298,494 171,240
Berkshire 462,208 256,509
Buckinghamshire 475,682 195,764
Cambridgeshire 549,723 190,682
Cheshire 657,783 815,099
Cornwall 868,220 322,334
Cumberland 973,086 266,933
Derbyshire 658,885 620,322
Devonshire 1,667,154 661,314
Dorsetshire 632,270 202,936
Durham 649,352 1,187,361
Essex 986,975 1,085,771
Gloucestershire 795,709 634,729
Hampshire 1,039,031 797,634
Herefordshire 537,363 114,380
Hertfordshire 406,157 250,152
Huntingdonshire 234,218 57,771
Kent 995,014 1,348,841
Lancashire 1,203,365 4,406,409
Leicestershire 527,123 434,019
Lincolnshire 1,693,550 498,847
Middlesex 181,320 3,585,323
Monmouthshire 341,688 292,317
Norfolk 1,308,439 460,120
Northamptonshire 641,992 338,088
Northumberland 1,291,530 603,498
Nottinghamshire 539,756 514,578
Oxfordshire 483,626 181,120
Rutland 97,273 19,709
Shropshire 859,516 239,324
Somersetshire 1,043,409 508,256
Staffordshire 749,602 1,234,506
Suffolk 952,710 384,293
Surrey 485,122 2,012,744
Sussex 933,887 605,202
Warwickshire 577,462 897,835
Westmorland 503,160 64,303
Wiltshire 879,943 273,869
Worcestershire 480,560 488,338
Yorkshire 3,882,328 3,584,762
Total 32,544,685 30,807,232

The area of England and Wales is 37,327,479 acres or 58,324 sq. m. (England, 50,851 sq. m.), and the population on this area in 1901 was 32,527,843 (England, 30,807,232). The principal territorial divisions of England, as of Wales, Scotland and Ireland, are the counties, of which England comprises 40. Their boundaries are not as a rule determined by the physical features of the land; but localities are habitually defined by the use of their names. A list of the English counties (excluding Wales) is given in the table above.4

The area of England and Wales covers 37,327,479 acres or 58,324 square miles (England, 50,851 square miles), and the population in this area in 1901 was 32,527,843 (England, 30,807,232). The main territorial divisions of England, along with Wales, Scotland, and Ireland, are the counties, with England having 40 counties. Their boundaries are generally not defined by the physical features of the land; instead, local areas are usually identified by their names. A list of the English counties (excluding Wales) is provided in the table above.4

Hills.—As an introduction to the discussion of the natural regions into which England is divided (Section II.), and for the sake of comparison of altitudes, size of rivers and similar details, the salient geographical features may be briefly summarized. The short land-frontier of England with Scotland (its length is only 100 m.) is in great measure a physical boundary, as considerable lengths of it are formed on the east side by the river Tweed, and on the west by Kershope Burn, Liddel Water, and the river Sark; while for the rest it follows pretty closely the summit of the Cheviot Hills, whose highest point is the Cheviot (2676 ft.). A narrow but well-marked pass or depression, known as the Tyne Gap, is taken to separate the Cheviot system from the Pennine Chain, which is properly to be described as a wide tract of hill-country, extending through two degrees of latitude, on an axis from N. by W. to S. by E. The highest point is Cross Fell (2930 ft.). On the north-west side of the Pennine system, marked off from it by the upper valleys of the rivers Eden and Lune, lies the circular hill-tract whose narrow valleys, radiating from its centre somewhat like wheel-spokes, contain the beautiful lakes which give it the celebrated name of the Lake District. In this tract is found the highest land in England, Scafell Pike reaching 3210 ft. East of the Pennines, isolated on three sides by lowlands and on the fourth side by the North Sea, lie the highmoors of the North Riding of Yorkshire, with the Cleveland Hills, and, to the south, the Yorkshire Wolds of the East Riding. Neither of these systems has any great elevation; the moors, towards their north-western edge, reaching an extreme of 1489 ft. in Urra Moor. The tableland called the Peak of Derbyshire, in the south of the Pennine system, is 2088 ft. in extreme height, but south of this system an elevation of 2000 ft. is not found anywhere in England save at a few points on the south Welsh border and in Dartmoor, in the south-west. Wales, on the other hand, projecting into the western sea between Liverpool Bay and the estuary of the Dee on the north, and the Bristol Channel on the south, is practically all mountainous, and has in Snowdon, in the north-west, a higher summit than any in England—3560 ft. But the midlands, the west, and the south of England, in spite of an absence of great elevation, contain no plains of such extent as might make for monotony. The land, generally undulating, is further diversified with hills arranged in groups or ranges, a common characteristic of which is a bold face on the one hand and a long gentle slope, with narrow valleys deeply penetrating, on the other. Southward from the Pennines there may be mentioned, in the midlands, the small elevated tract of Charnwood Forest (Bardon Hill, 912 ft.) in Leicestershire, and Cannock Chase (775 ft.) and the Clent Hills (928 ft.), respectively north and south of the great manufacturing district of Birmingham and Wolverhampton. Of the western counties, the southern half of Shropshire, Herefordshire and Monmouthshire are generally hilly. Among the Shropshire Hills may be mentioned the isolated Wrekin (1335 ft.), Long Mynd (1674 ft.) and the Clee Hills (Brown Clee, 1805 ft.). The 409 long ridge of the Black Mountain reaches an extreme height of 2310 ft. on the Welsh border of Herefordshire. The Malvern Hills on the other side of the county, which, owing to their almost isolated position among lowlands, appear a far more prominent feature, reach only 1395 ft. In western Monmouthshire, again belonging to the south Welsh system, there are such heights as Sugar Loaf (1955 ft.) and Coity (1905 ft.).

Hills.—To kick off the discussion on the natural regions of England (Section II.) and to compare altitudes, river sizes, and similar details, we can summarize the main geographical features. The short land border between England and Scotland (only 100 miles long) mostly acts as a physical boundary, with significant parts defined by the River Tweed on the east and Kershope Burn, Liddel Water, and the River Sark on the west. The rest of the border closely follows the summits of the Cheviot Hills, with the highest point being Cheviot at 2,676 feet. A narrow and distinct gap, known as the Tyne Gap, separates the Cheviot system from the Pennine Chain, which is a broad area of hills extending over two degrees of latitude, oriented from northwest to southeast. The highest spot in this range is Cross Fell at 2,930 feet. To the northwest of the Pennines, separated by the upper valleys of the rivers Eden and Lune, lies a circular hill area where the narrow valleys radiate from the center like spokes on a wheel, home to the beautiful lakes that make up the famous Lake District. This region boasts the highest terrain in England, with Scafell Pike reaching 3,210 feet. East of the Pennines, isolated on three sides by lowlands and bordered on the fourth by the North Sea, are the high moors of North Riding of Yorkshire, including the Cleveland Hills, and to the south, the Yorkshire Wolds of East Riding. Neither of these areas reaches great heights; the moors in the northwest can get up to 1,489 feet at Urra Moor. The plateau known as the Peak of Derbyshire, in the southern part of the Pennines, rises to 2,088 feet; however, south of this range, elevations of 2,000 feet are found only at a few points on the southern Welsh border and in Dartmoor in the southwest. In contrast, Wales, which juts into the western sea between Liverpool Bay and the estuary of the Dee to the north, and the Bristol Channel to the south, is mostly mountainous, featuring Snowdon in the northwest, which is higher than any peak in England at 3,560 feet. Yet, the midlands, west, and south of England, despite lacking significant elevations, do not have plains extensive enough to lead to monotony. The land is generally rolling and is further varied by groups or ranges of hills, characterized by steep faces on one side and long gentle slopes with narrow, deeply penetrating valleys on the other. South of the Pennines, in the midlands, we find the small elevated area of Charnwood Forest (Bardon Hill, 912 feet) in Leicestershire, along with Cannock Chase (775 feet) and the Clent Hills (928 feet), situated respectively to the north and south of the major manufacturing centers of Birmingham and Wolverhampton. In the western counties, the southern half of Shropshire, Herefordshire, and Monmouthshire are generally hilly. Notable hills in the Shropshire region include the isolated Wrekin (1,335 feet), Long Mynd (1,674 feet), and the Clee Hills (Brown Clee, 1,805 feet). The long ridge of the Black Mountain reaches a height of 2,310 feet on the Welsh border of Herefordshire. On the other side of the county, the Malvern Hills, due to their almost isolated position among lowlands, appear much more prominent, but only reach 1,395 feet. In Western Monmouthshire, which belongs to the southern Welsh system, you'll find heights like Sugar Loaf (1,955 feet) and Coity (1,905 feet).

In the south midlands of England there are two main ranges of hills, with axes roughly parallel. The western range is the Cotteswold Hills of Gloucestershire and the counties adjacent on the east running S.W. and N.E. Its highest point is Cleeve Cloud (1134 ft.). The uplands of Northamptonshire continue this range north-eastward, decreasing in elevation. The eastern range, beginning in Wiltshire, runs E.N.E. as the White Horse Hills (856 ft. at the highest point), and after the interruption caused by the gap or narrow valley by which the river Thames penetrates the hills near Goring, continues N.E. as the Chiltern Hills (850 ft.). The East Anglian ridge continues the line E.N.E., gradually decreasing in altitude. In the south-east of England, the North and South Downs are both well-defined ranges, but are characterized by a number of breaches through which rivers penetrate, on the one hand to the Thames or the North Sea and on the other to the English Channel. Leith Hill in the North Downs reaches 965 ft., and Butser Hill in the South Downs 889 ft.; Blackdown and Hindhead, two almost isolated masses of high ground lying between the two ranges of the Downs towards their western extremity, are respectively 918 and 895 ft. in height. In the north of Hampshire along its boundary with Surrey and Berkshire, in the southern half of Wiltshire (where rises the upland of Salisbury Plain), in Dorsetshire, and the south of Somersetshire, the hills may be said to run in a series of connected groups. They cannot be defined as a single range, nor are they named, as a rule, according to the groups into which they fall, but the general title of the Western Downs is applied to them. One point only in all these groups exceeds 1000 ft. in altitude, namely, Inkpen Beacon (1011 ft.) in the extreme south-west of Berkshire, but heights above 900 ft. are not infrequent. In the northern part of Somersetshire, two ranges, short but well defined, lie respectively east and west of a low plain which slopes to the Bristol Channel. These are the Mendips (Black Down, 1068 ft.) and the Quantocks (Will’s Neck, 1261 ft.). The Blackdown Hills, in south-western Somersetshire and eastern Devonshire, reach 1035 ft. in Staple Hill in the first-named county. In western Somersetshire and north Devonshire the elevated mass of Exmoor reaches 1707 ft. in Dunkery Beacon; and in south Devonshire the highest land in southern England is found in the similar mass of Dartmoor (High Willhays, 2039 ft.). The westward prolongation of the great south-western promontory of England, occupied by the county of Cornwall, continues as a rugged ridge broken by a succession of depressions, and exceeds a height of 800 ft., nearly as far as the point where it falls to the ocean in the cliffs of Land’s End.

In the south midlands of England, there are two main hill ranges that run parallel to each other. The western range is the Cotswold Hills in Gloucestershire and the neighboring counties to the east, extending southwest to northeast. Its highest point is Cleeve Cloud (1134 ft.). The uplands of Northamptonshire continue this range northeastward, gradually getting lower. The eastern range starts in Wiltshire and runs east-northeast as the White Horse Hills (856 ft. at its highest point). After a narrow valley where the River Thames cuts through the hills near Goring, it continues northeast as the Chiltern Hills (850 ft.). The East Anglian ridge continues the line east-northeast, slowly decreasing in height. In southeastern England, the North and South Downs are both well-defined ranges but feature several gaps where rivers flow through to the Thames or the North Sea on one side and the English Channel on the other. Leith Hill in the North Downs reaches 965 ft., while Butser Hill in the South Downs is 889 ft.; Blackdown and Hindhead, two almost isolated high grounds between the two ranges towards their western ends, are 918 ft. and 895 ft. high, respectively. In northern Hampshire, along the borders with Surrey and Berkshire, in the southern half of Wiltshire (home to the uplands of Salisbury Plain), in Dorset, and in the south of Somerset, the hills appear as a series of connected groups. They can’t be defined as a single range and usually aren’t named according to their groups, but are generally referred to as the Western Downs. Only one point in all these groups rises above 1000 ft., which is Inkpen Beacon (1011 ft.) in the extreme southwest of Berkshire, although heights above 900 ft. are quite common. In northern Somerset, two short but distinct ranges lie to the east and west of a low plain sloping towards the Bristol Channel. These are the Mendips (Black Down, 1068 ft.) and the Quantocks (Will’s Neck, 1261 ft.). The Blackdown Hills, in southwestern Somerset and eastern Devon, reach 1035 ft. at Staple Hill in Somerset. In western Somerset and northern Devon, the high mass of Exmoor reaches 1707 ft. at Dunkery Beacon, and in southern Devon, the highest land in southern England is found in the Dartmoor mass (High Willhays, 2039 ft.). The extended rugged ridge of the great southwestern promontory of England, which makes up Cornwall, continues as a rough terrain with a series of dips, exceeding 800 ft. nearly all the way to the cliffs of Land’s End, where it drops into the ocean.

Lowlands.—The localities of the more extensive lowlands of England may now be indicated in their relation to the principal hill-systems, and in this connexion the names of some of the more important rivers will occur. In the extreme north-west is the so-called Solway Plain, of no great extent, but clearly defined between the northern foothills of the Lake District and the shore of Solway Firth. In Lancashire a flat coastal strip occurs between the western front of the Pennine Chain and the Irish Sea, and, widening southward, extends into Cheshire and comprises the lower valleys of the Mersey and the Dee. In the preceding review of the English hill-systems it may have been observed that eastern England hardly enters into consideration. The reason now becomes clear. From Yorkshire to the flat indented sea-coast north of the Thames estuary, east of the Pennines and the slight hills indicated as the Northampton uplands, and in part demarcated southward by the East Anglian ridge in Huntingdonshire, Cambridgeshire and Suffolk, the land, although divided between a succession of river-systems, varies so little in level as to be capable of consideration as a single plain. Its character, however, varies in different parts. The Fens, the flat open levels in the lower basins of the Witham, Welland, Nene and Great Ouse, only kept from their former marshy conditions by an extensive system of artificial drainage, and the similar levels round the head of the Humber estuary, differ completely in appearance from the higher and firmer parts of the plain. The coast-land north of the mouth of the Thames is a low plain; and on the south coast somewhat similar tracts are found in Romney Marsh, and about the shallow inlets (Portsmouth Harbour and others) which open from Spithead. The vales of Kent and Sussex are rich undulating lowlands within the area of the Weald, separated by the Forest Ridges, and enclosed by the North and South Downs. In the south-west there is a fairly extensive lowland in south Devonshire watered by the Exe in its lower course. But the most remarkable plain is that in Somersetshire, enclosed by the Mendips, the Western Downs, Blackdown Hills and the Quantocks and entered by the Parrett and other streams. The midlands, owing to the comparatively slight elevation of the land, are capable of geographical consideration as a plain. But it is not a plain in the sense of that of East Anglia. There is no quite level tract of great extent, excepting perhaps the fertile and beautiful district watered by the lower Severn and its tributary the Upper or Warwickshire Avon, overlooked by the Cotteswolds on the one hand and the Malvern and other hills on the other.

Lowlands.—The locations of the larger lowlands in England can now be outlined in relation to the main hill systems, and in this context, some of the key rivers will be mentioned. In the far northwest is the Solway Plain, which isn't very large but is clearly defined between the northern slopes of the Lake District and the coast of Solway Firth. In Lancashire, there's a flat coastal area located between the western edge of the Pennine Chain and the Irish Sea, which widens as it extends south into Cheshire and includes the lower valleys of the Mersey and the Dee. In the earlier overview of the English hill systems, it may have been noted that eastern England is barely mentioned. The reason for this is now apparent. From Yorkshire to the flat, jagged coastline north of the Thames estuary, east of the Pennines and the slight hills known as the Northampton uplands, and partly marked southward by the East Anglian ridge in Huntingdonshire, Cambridgeshire, and Suffolk, the land, although split among several river systems, varies so little in elevation that it can be considered as a single plain. However, its character differs across various parts. The Fens, the flat open regions in the lower basins of the Witham, Welland, Nene, and Great Ouse, are only kept from their previous marshy state by an extensive system of artificial drainage, and the similar areas around the head of the Humber estuary look completely different from the higher and firmer sections of the plain. The coastal land north of the Thames mouth is a low plain; and on the southern coast, somewhat similar areas are found in Romney Marsh and around the shallow inlets (Portsmouth Harbour and others) that open from Spithead. The vales of Kent and Sussex are rich, rolling lowlands within the Weald area, separated by the Forest Ridges, and bordered by the North and South Downs. In the southwest, there is a fairly large lowland area in south Devonshire, fed by the Exe in its lower course. But the most notable plain is in Somersetshire, bordered by the Mendips, the Western Downs, Blackdown Hills, and the Quantocks, and traversed by the Parrett and other streams. The midlands, due to the relatively low elevation of the land, can be geographically regarded as a plain. However, it is not a plain like that of East Anglia. There isn't a completely flat area of great size, except maybe for the fertile and beautiful region fed by the lower Severn and its tributary, the Upper or Warwickshire Avon, overlooked by the Cotswolds on one side and the Malvern and other hills on the other.

Coast.—The coast-line of England is deeply indented by a succession of large inlets, particularly on the east and west. Thus, from north to south there are, on the east coast, the mouths of the Tyne and the Tees, the Humber estuary, the Wash (which receives the waters of the Witham, Welland, Nene and Great Ouse), the Orwell-Stour, Blackwater and Thames-Medway estuaries. On the west there are Solway Firth, Morecambe Bay, the estuaries of the Mersey and Dee, Cardigan Bay of the Welsh coast, and the Bristol Channel and Severn estuary. In this way the land is so deeply penetrated by the water that no part is more than 75 m. from the sea. Thus Buckingham appears to be the most inland town in England, being 75 m. from the estuaries of the Severn, Thames and Wash; Coleshill, near Birmingham, is also almost exactly 75 m. from the Mersey, Severn and Wash.

Coast.—The coastline of England has numerous large inlets, especially on the east and west sides. From north to south on the east coast, you’ll find the mouths of the Tyne and Tees, the Humber estuary, the Wash (which collects the waters of the Witham, Welland, Nene, and Great Ouse), as well as the Orwell-Stour, Blackwater, and Thames-Medway estuaries. On the west, there are the Solway Firth, Morecambe Bay, the estuaries of the Mersey and Dee, Cardigan Bay along the Welsh coast, and the Bristol Channel and Severn estuary. The land is so extensively cut into by the water that no land point is more than 75 miles from the sea. Consequently, Buckingham seems to be the most inland town in England, positioned 75 miles away from the estuaries of the Severn, Thames, and Wash; Coleshill, near Birmingham, is also nearly 75 miles from the Mersey, Severn, and Wash.

The east and south coasts show considerable stretches of uniform uninflected coast-line, and except for the Farne Islands and Holy Island in the extreme north, the flat islands formed by ramifications of the estuaries on the Essex and north Kent coasts, and the Isle of Wight in the south, they are without islands. The west coast, on the other hand, including both shores of the great south-western promontory, is minutely fretted into capes and bays, headlands and inlets of every size, and an island-group lies off each of the more prominent headlands from Land’s End northward. The formation of the coast varies from low, shifting banks of shingle or sand to majestic cliffs, and its character in different localities has been foreshadowed in the previous consideration of the hill-systems and lowlands. Thus in the north-east the coast is generally of no great elevation, but the foothills of the Cheviot and Pennine systems approach it closely. On the Yorkshire coast the Cleveland Hills and the high moors are cut off on the seaward side in magnificent cliffs, which reach the greatest elevation of sea-cliffs on the English coast (666 ft.). The Yorkshire Wolds similarly terminate seaward in the noble promontory of Flamborough Head. From this point as far south as the North Foreland of Kent the coast, like the land, is almost wholly low, though there are slight cliffs at some points, as along the coasts of Norfolk and Suffolk, on which the sea constantly encroaches. On the south coast a succession of cliffs and low shores may be correlated with the main physical features of the land. Thus in succession there are the famous white cliffs about Dover, terminating the North Downs, the low coast of Romney Marsh, projecting seaward in Dungeness, the cliffs above Hastings, terminating an offshoot of the Forest Ridges, the low shore between Hastings and Eastbourne, to which succeeds the lofty Beachy Head, terminating the South Downs. A flat coast follows as far as Selsey Bill and Spithead, but the south coast 410 of the Isle of Wight shows a succession of splendid cliffs. The shallow inlet of Poole Bay is followed by the eminence of St Alban’s Head, and thereafter, right round the south-western promontory of England, the cliff-bound coast, with its bays and inlets closely beset with hills, predominates over the low shore-line, exhibits a remarkable series of different forms, and provides the finest scenery of its kind in England. The shores of the Severn estuary are low, but the Welsh coast, sharing the general character of the land, is more or less elevated throughout, though none of the higher mountain-masses directly approaches the sea. Low shores correspond to the plains of Cheshire, Lancashire and the Solway, while the intervening coast is of no great elevation, as only the foothills of the Lake District approach it with a gradual slope.

The east and south coasts feature long stretches of a straight coastline, and aside from the Farne Islands and Holy Island in the far north, the flat islands created by the river estuaries on the Essex and north Kent coasts, and the Isle of Wight in the south, there are no islands. In contrast, the west coast, including both sides of the large southwestern promontory, is intricately developed with capes and bays, headlands and inlets of all sizes, and an island group sits off each of the more prominent headlands from Land’s End going north. The coastline varies from low, shifting banks of pebbles or sand to impressive cliffs, and its characteristics in different areas have been hinted at in the earlier discussion of the hill systems and lowlands. Thus, in the northeast, the coast is generally not very high, but the foothills of the Cheviot and Pennine ranges come close to it. On the Yorkshire coast, the Cleveland Hills and high moors meet the sea in stunning cliffs, which feature the tallest sea cliffs on the English coast (666 ft.). The Yorkshire Wolds also drop dramatically to the sea at the striking Flamborough Head. From this point down to the North Foreland of Kent, the coast, like the land, is mostly low, though there are some cliffs at various points, such as along the Norfolk and Suffolk coasts, where the sea is constantly encroaching. Along the south coast, a series of cliffs and low shores align with the main geographic features of the land. This includes the famous white cliffs near Dover, marking the end of the North Downs, the low coastline of Romney Marsh, extending out at Dungeness, the cliffs above Hastings, which signal the end of a branch of the Forest Ridges, the low shore between Hastings and Eastbourne, and then the towering Beachy Head, which concludes the South Downs. A flat coastline follows all the way to Selsey Bill and Spithead, but the south coast of the Isle of Wight showcases a series of spectacular cliffs. The shallow inlet of Poole Bay is followed by the elevation of St Alban’s Head, and then wrapping around the southwestern tip of England, the cliff-lined coast, with its bays and inlets surrounded by hills, takes precedent over the low shoreline, displaying a remarkable variety of forms and offering the most beautiful scenery of its kind in England. The shores of the Severn estuary are low, but the Welsh coast, reflecting the general landscape, is mostly elevated throughout, even though none of the higher mountain ranges come directly to the sea. Low shores correspond to the plains of Cheshire, Lancashire, and the Solway, while the coast in between has no significant elevation, as only the foothills of the Lake District approach it with a gradual incline.

Rivers. Length
Miles.
Drainage
Area sq. m.
1. North-east—    
Tweed5 97 1870
Tyne 80 1130
Wear 60 458
Tees 85 708
2. East—    
Humber system6 · · 9293
Witham 80 1079
Welland 70 760
Nene 90 1077
Ouse (Great) 160 2607
Yare 60 880
Stour (Suffolk-Essex) 60 407
Thames7 209 5924
3. South—    
Stour (Kent) 40 370
Rother 32 312
Arun 43 370
Avon (Hampshire) 60 1132
Exe 55 584
Tamar 58 384
4. Bristol Channel (south-west)—    
Torridge 45 336
Taw 48 455
Parrett 37 562
Severn8 9 210 6850
Usk9 70 540
5. North-west—    
 (a) Cheshire-Lancashire—    
Dee9 70 813
Mersey10 70 1596
Ribble 65 585
 (b) Solway—    
Eden 70 1300

A great extent of the English coast is constantly undergoing visible alteration, the sea in some instances receding from the land, and in others gaining upon it. The whole of Romney Marsh, in Kent and Sussex, formerly constituted an arm of the sea, where vessels rode in deep water, carrying produce to ports no longer in existence. Lydd and Romney, though maritime still in name, retaining some of the ancient privileges of the Cinque Ports, have become, through changes in the coast-line, small inland towns; and the same has been the fate of Rye, Winchelsea, and other places in that district. Again, the Isle of Thanet, in the north-eastern corner of Kent, has practically ceased to be an island. The wide estuary of the sea separating it from the mainland, through which ships sailed from the English Channel into the Thames, using it as the shortest route from the south to London, has entirely disappeared, leaving only a flat lowland traversed by branches of the river Stour to mark its former existence. The sea is encroaching over a considerable extent of coast-line on the North Sea as well as on the English Channel. Ravenspur, once an important town of Yorkshire, where Bolingbroke, afterwards Henry IV., landed in 1399, is now submerged; and Dunwich and other ancient ports in East Anglia have met with the same fate. The process of destruction, slow in some places, is so rapid in others that it can be traced even from month to month—the incessant work of the waves washing away the soft strata at the base of the cliffs and leaving the summits unsupported. Many cliffs of the east coast, from the Humber to the mouth of the Thames, are suffering from this destructive action, and instances also occur on the south coast. A royal commission on Coast Erosion was appointed to inquire into this question in 1906 (see Report, 1907 sqq.).

A large portion of the English coast is constantly changing, with the sea sometimes pulling away from the land and other times pushing in. Romney Marsh, in Kent and Sussex, used to be part of the sea, where ships would anchor in deep water, transporting goods to ports that no longer exist. Lydd and Romney, still maritime in name and holding some of the old privileges of the Cinque Ports, have turned into small inland towns due to changes in the coastline; the same has happened to Rye, Winchelsea, and other nearby places. Meanwhile, the Isle of Thanet in the northeastern corner of Kent has nearly stopped being an island. The broad estuary that used to separate it from the mainland—through which ships sailed from the English Channel to the Thames as the quickest route from the south to London—has completely vanished, leaving just a flat lowland with branches of the river Stour marking its previous existence. The sea is encroaching significantly along the coastline of both the North Sea and the English Channel. Ravenspur, once a key town in Yorkshire where Bolingbroke, later Henry IV, landed in 1399, is now underwater; and Dunwich and other historic ports in East Anglia have faced the same fate. The rate of destruction varies; in some areas, it’s slow, while in others, it’s rapid enough to be observed even month by month—the relentless action of the waves eroding the softer layers at the base of the cliffs and leaving the tops unsupported. Many cliffs along the east coast, from the Humber to the Thames estuary, are experiencing this destructive force, and similar instances are occurring on the south coast. A royal commission on Coast Erosion was set up to investigate this issue in 1906 (see Report, 1907 sqq.).

Except along the centre of the Irish Sea, at one point off the Tweed and one between Devon and Normandy, the depth of water between England and the nearest land nowhere exceeds 50 fathoms.

Except along the center of the Irish Sea, at one point off the Tweed, and one between Devon and Normandy, the water depth between England and the nearest land never exceeds 50 fathoms.

Rivers.—The variations in length of the general slope of the land towards successive natural divisions of the coast may be illustrated by a comparative table of the mileage and drainage areas of the principal English rivers. The mileage does not take account of the lesser sinuosities of rivers.

Rivers.—The differences in the length of the overall slope of the land toward the different natural divisions of the coast can be shown in a comparative table of the distances and drainage areas of the main English rivers. The distances do not consider the smaller curves of the rivers.

With the exception of those in the Lake District (q.v.) the lakes of England are few and insignificant. A number of small meres occur in a defined area in Cheshire.

With the exception of those in the Lake District (q.v.), the lakes of England are few and not very notable. There are several small meres found in a specific area in Cheshire.

(O. J. R. H.)

II. Physical Geography

II. Physical Geography

The object of this section is to give a physical description of England and Wales according to natural regions, which usually follow the geology of the country very closely; although the relationship of configuration and geology is not so simple or so clearly marked as in Scotland.

The purpose of this section is to provide a physical description of England and Wales based on natural regions, which generally align closely with the country's geology; however, the connection between landscape and geology isn't as straightforward or well-defined as it is in Scotland.

The land is highest in the west and north, where the rocks also are oldest, most disturbed, and hardest, and the land surface gradually sinks towards the east and south, where the rocks become successively less disturbed, more recent, and softer. The study of the scenery of England and Wales as a whole, or the study of orographical and geological maps of the country, allows a broad distinction to be drawn between the types of land-forms in the west and in the east. This distinction is essential, and applies to all the conditions of which geography takes account. The contrasted districts are separated by an intermediate area, which softens the transition between them, and may be described separately.

The land is highest in the west and north, where the rocks are also the oldest, most disturbed, and hardest. The land gradually slopes down toward the east and south, where the rocks become less disturbed, more recent, and softer. Studying the scenery of England and Wales as a whole, or looking at the orographical and geological maps of the country, helps to clearly differentiate the types of landforms in the west and east. This distinction is important and applies to all the factors considered in geography. The contrasting areas are separated by a middle region that eases the transition between them and can be described on its own.

The Western Division is composed entirely of Archaean and Palaeozoic rocks, embracing the whole range from pre-Cambrian up to Carboniferous. The outcrops of these rocks succeed each other in order of age in roughly concentric belts, with the Archaean mass of the island of Anglesey as a centre, but the arrangement in detail is much disturbed and often very irregular. Contemporary igneous outbursts are extremely common in some of the ancient formations, and add, by their resistance to atmospheric erosion, to the extreme ruggedness of the scenery. The hills and uplands of ancient rocks do not form regular ranges, but rise like islands in four distinct groups from a plain of New Red Sandstone (Permian and Triassic), which separates them from each other and from the newer rocks of the Eastern Division. Each of the uplands is a centre for the dispersal of streams; but with only one prominent exception (the Humber) these reach the sea without crossing into the Eastern Division of the country.

The Western Division is made up entirely of Archaean and Palaeozoic rocks, covering the full range from pre-Cambrian to Carboniferous. The exposures of these rocks appear in a sequence based on age in roughly concentric bands, with the Archaean core of the island of Anglesey at the center, but the detailed layout is quite disturbed and often very irregular. Modern volcanic activity is very common in some of the ancient formations, which, due to their resistance to weathering, further contributes to the ruggedness of the landscape. The hills and highlands of ancient rocks don’t form regular ranges; instead, they rise like islands in four distinct groups from a plain of New Red Sandstone (Permian and Triassic), which separates them from one another and from the newer rocks in the Eastern Division. Each highland acts as a source for streams; however, with one notable exception (the Humber), these streams reach the sea without entering the Eastern Division of the country.

The Eastern Division, lying to the east of the zone of New Red Sandstone, may be defined on the west by a slightly curved line drawn from the estuary of the Tees through Leicester and Stratford-on-Avon to the estuary of the Severn, and thence through Glastonbury to Sidmouth. It is built up of nearly uniform sheets of Mesozoic rock, the various beds of the Jurassic lying above the New Red Sandstone (Triassic), and dipping south-eastward under the successive beds of the Cretaceous system. In exactly the same way the whole of the south-east of the island appears to have been covered uniformly with gently 411 dipping beds of Tertiary sands and clays, beneath which the Cretaceous strata dipped. At some period subsequent to this deposition there was a movement of elevation, which appears to have thrown the whole mass of rocks into a fold along an anticlinal axis running west and east, which was flanked to north and south by synclinal hollows. In these hollows the Tertiary rocks were protected from erosion, and remain to form the London and the Hampshire Basins respectively, while on the anticlinal axis the whole of the Tertiary and the upper Cretaceous strata have been dissected away, and a complex and beautiful configuration has been impressed on the district of the Weald. The general character of the landscape in the Eastern Division is a succession of steep escarpments formed by the edges of the outcropping beds of harder rock, and long gentle slopes or plains on the dip-slopes, or on the softer layers; clay and hard rock alternating throughout the series.

The Eastern Division, located east of the New Red Sandstone zone, is defined on the west by a slightly curved line drawn from the Tees estuary through Leicester and Stratford-on-Avon to the Severn estuary, and then through Glastonbury to Sidmouth. It consists of nearly uniform layers of Mesozoic rock, with the various Jurassic beds sitting above the New Red Sandstone (Triassic) and dipping southeast under the successive layers of the Cretaceous system. Similarly, the entire southeast of the island seems to have been uniformly covered with gently dipping layers of Tertiary sands and clays, beneath which the Cretaceous strata slope down. At some point after this deposition, an uplift occurred that appears to have folded the entire mass of rocks along an east-west anticlinal axis, flanked by synclinal valleys to the north and south. In these valleys, the Tertiary rocks were shielded from erosion, forming the London and Hampshire Basins, while the anticlinal axis saw the complete erosion of the Tertiary and upper Cretaceous strata, resulting in a complex and beautiful landscape in the Weald area. The overall landscape in the Eastern Division features a series of steep escarpments created by the edges of exposed harder rock layers, and long gentle slopes or plains on the dip slopes, or on the softer layers, with clay and hard rock alternating throughout the series.

The contrast between the lower grounds of the Western and the Eastern Divisions is masked in many places by the general covering of the surface with glacial drift, which is usually a stiff clay composed on the whole of the detritus of the rocks upon which it rests, though containing fragments of rocks which have been transported from a considerable distance. This boulder clay covers almost all the low ground north of the Thames Basin, its southern margin fading away into washed sands and gravels.

The difference between the low areas of the Western and Eastern Divisions is often hidden by a layer of glacial debris on the surface, which is typically a hard clay mainly made up of the rubble from the rocks beneath it, although it also includes pieces of rocks that have been moved from far away. This boulder clay covers nearly all the low land north of the Thames Basin, with its southern edge gradually blending into sandy and gravelly areas.

The history of the origin of the land-forms of England, as far as they have been deduced from geological studies, is exceedingly complicated. The fact that every known geological formation (except the Miocene) is represented, proves of itself how long the history has been, and how multifarious the changes. It must suffice to say that the separation of Ireland from England was a comparatively recent episode, while the severance of the land-connexion between England and the continent by the formation of the Strait of Dover is still more recent and probably occurred with the human period.

The history of how England's landforms originated, based on geological studies, is quite complex. The presence of every known geological formation (except for the Miocene) shows just how long this history is and how many changes have taken place. It’s enough to mention that the separation of Ireland from England was a relatively recent event, while the separation of England from the continent due to the creation of the Strait of Dover is even more recent and likely happened during the human era.

Natural Divisions.—The four prominent groups of high land rising from the plain of the Red Rocks are: (1) the Lake District, bounded by the Solway Firth, Morecambe Bay and the valleys of the Eden and the Lune; (2) the Pennine Region, The western division. which stretches from the Scottish border to the centre of England, running south; (3) Wales, occupying the peninsula between the Mersey and the Bristol Channel, and extending beyond the political boundaries of the principality to include Shropshire and Hereford; and (4) the peninsula of Cornwall and Devon. They are all similar in the great features of their land-forms, which have been impressed upon them by the prolonged action of atmospheric denudation rather than by the original order and arrangement of the rocks; but each group has its own geological character, which has imparted something of a distinctive individuality to the scenery. Taken as a whole, the Western Division depends for its prosperity on mineral products and manufactures rather than on farming; and the staple of the farmers is live-stock rather than agriculture. The people of the more rugged and remoter groups of this division are by race survivors of the early Celtic stock, which, being driven by successive invaders from the open and fertile country of the Eastern Division, found refuges in the less inviting but more easily defended lands of the west. Even where, as in the Pennine region and the Lake District, the people have been completely assimilated with the Teutonic stock, they retain a typical character, marked by independence of opinion approaching stubbornness, and by great determination and enterprise.

Natural Divisions.—The four main groups of high land rising from the Red Rocks plain are: (1) the Lake District, surrounded by the Solway Firth, Morecambe Bay, and the valleys of the Eden and the Lune; (2) the Pennine Region, The Western Division. which stretches from the Scottish border down to the center of England; (3) Wales, which occupies the peninsula between the Mersey and the Bristol Channel, extending beyond the political borders of the principality to include Shropshire and Hereford; and (4) the peninsula of Cornwall and Devon. All of these areas share similar major landforms shaped more by long-term weathering than by the original arrangement of the rocks. However, each group also has its own geological traits, giving the landscapes a unique character. Overall, the Western Division relies more on minerals and manufacturing for its economy rather than agriculture, with livestock being the main focus for farmers rather than crops. The people in the more rugged and remote areas of this division are mostly descendants of early Celtic tribes, who were pushed out by waves of invaders from the open and fertile Eastern Division and found refuge in the less appealing but easier-to-defend lands of the west. Even in places like the Pennine region and the Lake District, where residents have been fully integrated with the Teutonic population, they still retain a typical character marked by strong independence that borders on stubbornness, along with significant determination and initiative.

Lake District.—The Lake District occupies the counties of Cumberland, Westmorland and North Lancashire. It forms a roughly circular highland area, the drainage lines of which radiate outward from the centre in a series of narrow valleys, the upper parts of which cut deeply into the mountains, and the lower widen into the surrounding plain. Sheets of standing water are still numerous, and formerly almost every valley contained a single long narrow lake-basin; but some of these have been subdivided, drained or filled up by natural processes. The existing lakes include Windermere and Coniston, draining south; Wastwater, draining south-west, Ennerdale water, Buttermere and Crummock water (the two latter, originally one lake, are now divided by a lateral delta), draining north-west; Derwent water and Bassenthwaite water (which were probably originally one lake), and Thirlmere, draining north; Ullswater and Haweswater, draining north-east. There are, besides, numerous mountain tarns of small size, most of them in hollows barred by the glacial drift which covers a great part of the district. The central and most picturesque part of the district is formed of great masses of volcanic ashes and tuffs, with intrusions of basalts and granite, all of Ordovician (Lower Silurian) age. Scafell and Scafell Pike (3162 and 3210 ft.), at the head of Wastwater, and Helvellyn (3118), at the head of Ullswater, are the loftiest amongst many summits the grandeur of whose outlines is not to be estimated by their moderate height. Sedimentary rocks of the same age form a belt to the north, and include Skiddaw (3054 ft.); while to the south a belt of Silurian rocks, thickly covered with boulder clay, forms the finely wooded valleys of Coniston and Windermere. Round these central masses of early Palaeozoic rocks there is a broken ring of Carboniferous Limestone, and several patches of Coal Measures, while the New Red Sandstone appears as a boundary belt outside the greater part of the district. Where the Coal Measures reach the sea at Whitehaven, there are coal-mines, and the hematite of the Carboniferous Limestones has given rise to the active ironworks of Barrow-in-Furness, now the largest town in the district. Except in the towns of the outer border, the Lake District is very thinly peopled; and from the economic point of view, the remarkable beauty of its scenery, attracting numerous residents and tourists, is the most valuable of its resources. The very heavy rainfall of the district, which is the wettest in England, has led to the utilization of Thirlmere as a reservoir for the water supply of Manchester, over 80 m. distant.

Lake District.—The Lake District is located in the counties of Cumberland, Westmorland, and North Lancashire. It forms a roughly circular highland area, with drainage lines radiating outward from the center in a series of narrow valleys. The upper parts of these valleys cut deeply into the mountains, while the lower parts widen into the surrounding plain. There are still many sheets of standing water, and in the past, almost every valley had a single long, narrow lake basin; however, some have been subdivided, drained, or filled up through natural processes. The existing lakes include Windermere and Coniston, which drain south; Wastwater, which drains south-west; Ennerdale Water, Buttermere, and Crummock Water (the latter two, originally one lake, are now separated by a lateral delta), which drain north-west; Derwent Water and Bassenthwaite Water (which were probably originally one lake), and Thirlmere, which drain north; and Ullswater and Haweswater, which drain north-east. In addition, there are several small mountain tarns, most of which are found in hollows blocked by glacial drift covering a large part of the district. The central and most picturesque part of the district consists of large masses of volcanic ash and tuffs, with intrusions of basalt and granite, all dating from the Ordovician (Lower Silurian) period. Scafell and Scafell Pike (3162 and 3210 ft.) at the head of Wastwater, and Helvellyn (3118) at the head of Ullswater, are the highest among many peaks whose grandeur cannot be measured by their moderate height. Sedimentary rocks of the same age create a belt to the north, including Skiddaw (3054 ft.), while to the south, a belt of Silurian rocks, heavily covered with boulder clay, forms the beautifully wooded valleys of Coniston and Windermere. Surrounding these central masses of early Paleozoic rocks is a broken ring of Carboniferous Limestone and several patches of Coal Measures, while the New Red Sandstone forms a boundary belt around most of the district. Where the Coal Measures reach the sea at Whitehaven, there are coal mines, and the hematite from the Carboniferous Limestones has led to the active ironworks of Barrow-in-Furness, now the largest town in the area. Except for the towns on the outer border, the Lake District is sparsely populated; and from an economic perspective, the stunning beauty of its scenery, which attracts many residents and tourists, is its most valuable resource. The very heavy rainfall in this district, the wettest in England, has led to the use of Thirlmere as a reservoir for Manchester's water supply, over 80 miles away.

Pennine Region.—The Pennine Region, the centre of which forms the so-called Pennine Chain, occupies the country from the Eden valley to the North Sea in the north, and from the lower Tees, Yorkshire Ouse and Trent, nearly to the Irish Sea, in the south. It includes the whole of Northumberland and Durham, the West Riding of Yorkshire, most of Lancashire and Derbyshire, the north of Staffordshire and the west of Nottinghamshire. The region is entirely composed of Carboniferous rocks, the system which transcends all others in the value of its economic minerals. The coal and iron have made parts of the region the busiest manufacturing districts, and the centres of densest population, in the country, or even in the world. The whole region may be looked upon as formed by an arch or anticline of Carboniferous strata, the axis of which runs north and south; the centre has been worn away by erosion, so that the Coal Measures have been removed, and the underlying Millstone Grit and Carboniferous Limestone exposed to the influences which form scenery. On both sides of the arch, east and west, the Coal Measures remain intact, forming outcrops which disappear towards the sea under the more recent strata of Permian or Triassic age. The northern part of the western side of the anticline is broken off by a great fault in the valley of the Eden, and the scarp thus formed is rendered more abrupt by the presence of a sheet of intrusive basalt. Seen from the valley, this straight line of lofty heights, culminating in Crossfell, presents the nearest approach in England to the appearance of a mountain range. In the north the Pennine region is joined to the Southern Uplands of Scotland by the Cheviot Hills, a mass of granite and Old Red Sandstone; and the northern part is largely traversed by dykes of contemporary volcanic or intrusive rock. The most striking of these dykes is the Great Whin Sill, which crosses the country from a short distance south of Durham almost to the source of the Tees, near Crossfell. The elevated land is divided into three masses by depressions, which furnish ready means of communication between east and west. The South Tyne and Irthing valleys cut off the Cheviots on the north from the Crossfell section, which is also marked off on the south by the valleys of the Aire and Ribble from the Kinder Scout or Peak section. The numerous streams of the region carry off the rainfall down long valleys or dales to the east and the south, and by shorter and steeper valleys to the west. The dales are separated from each other by high uplands, which for the most part are heathery moorland or, at best, hill pastures. The agriculture of the region is confined to the bottoms of the dales, and is of small importance. Crossfell and the neighbouring hills are formed from masses of Carboniferous Limestone, which received its popular name of Mountain Limestone from this fact. Farther south, such summits as High Seat, Whernside, Bow Fell, Penyghent and many others, all over 2000 ft. in height, are capped by portions of the grits and sandstones, which rest upon the limestone. The belt of Millstone Grit south of the Aire, lying between the great coal-fields of the West Riding and Lancashire, has a lower elevation, and forms grassy uplands and dales; but farther south, the finest scenery of the whole region occurs in the limestones of Derbyshire, in which the range terminates. The rugged beauty of the south-running valleys, and especially of Dovedale, is enhanced by the rich woods which still clothe the slopes. There are remarkable features underground as well as on the surface, the caverns and subterranean streams of Yorkshire and Derbyshire being amongst the deepest that have yet been explored. Compared with the rugged and picturesque scenery of the Lower Carboniferous rocks, that of the Coal Measures is, as a rule, featureless and monotonous. The coal-fields on the eastern side, from the Tyne nearly to the Trent, are sharply marked off on the east by the outcrop of Permian dolomite or Magnesian limestone, which forms a low terrace dipping towards the east under more recent rocks, and in many places giving rise to an escarpment facing westward towards the gentle slope of the Pennine dales. To the west and south the Coal Measures dip gently under the New Red Sandstone, to reappear at several points through the Triassic plain. The clear water of the upland becks and the plentiful supply of water-power led to the founding of small paper-mills in remote valleys before the days of steam, and some of these primitive establishments still 412 exist. The prosperity and great population of the Pennine region date from the discovery that pit-coal could smelt iron as well as charcoal; and this source of power once discovered, the people bred in the dales developed a remarkable genius for mechanical invention and commercial enterprise, which revolutionized the economic life of the world and changed England from an agricultural to an industrial country. The staple industry of the district in ancient times was sheep-rearing, and the villages in nearly all the dales carried on a small manufacture of woollen cloth. The introduction of cotton caused the woollen manufactures on the western side to be superseded by the working up of the imported raw material; but woollen manufactures, themselves carried on now almost entirely with imported raw material, have continued to employ the energies of the inhabitants of the east. Some quiet market-towns, such as Skipton and Keighley, remain, but most of them have developed by manufactures into great centres of population, lying, as a rule, at the junction of thickly peopled valleys, and separated from one another by the empty uplands. Such are Leeds, Bradford, Sheffield, Huddersfield and Halifax on the great and densely peopled West Riding coal-field, which lies on the eastern slope of the Pennines. The iron ores of the Coal Measures have given rise to great manufactures of steel, from cutlery to machinery and armour-plates. High on the barren crest of the Pennines, where the rocks yield no mineral wealth, except it be medicinal waters, Harrogate, Buxton and Matlock are types of health resorts, prosperous from their pure air and fine scenery. Across the moors, on the western side of the anticline, the vast and dense population of the Lancashire coal-field is crowded in the manufacturing towns surrounding the great commercial centre, Manchester, which itself stands on the edge of the Triassic plain. Ashton, Oldham, Rochdale, Bury, Bolton and Wigan form a nearly confluent semicircle of great towns, their prosperity founded on the underlying coal and iron, maintained by imported cotton. The Lancashire coal-field, and the portion of the bounding plain between it and the seaport of Liverpool, contain a population greater than that borne by any equal area in the country, the county of London and its surroundings not excepted. In the south-west of the Pennine region the coal-field of North Staffordshire supports the group of small but active towns known collectively from the staple of their trade as “The Potteries.” On the north-east the great coal-field of Northumberland and Durham, traversed midway by the Tyne, supports the manufactures of Newcastle and its satellite towns, and leaves a great surplus for export from the Tyne ports.

Pennine Region.—The Pennine Region, centered around the Pennine Chain, stretches from the Eden Valley to the North Sea in the north, and from the lower Tees, Yorkshire Ouse, and Trent, nearly to the Irish Sea in the south. It includes all of Northumberland and Durham, the West Riding of Yorkshire, most of Lancashire and Derbyshire, the northern part of Staffordshire, and the western part of Nottinghamshire. The region is made up entirely of Carboniferous rocks, a system known for its valuable economic minerals. The coal and iron have turned parts of the region into some of the busiest manufacturing areas and densest population centers in the country and even the world. This whole region can be seen as formed by an arch or anticline of Carboniferous layers, with the axis running north to south; the center has been eroded away, removing the Coal Measures and exposing the underlying Millstone Grit and Carboniferous Limestone to scenic influences. On both sides of the arch, to the east and west, the Coal Measures remain intact, creating outcrops that vanish toward the sea under younger Permian or Triassic rocks. The northern part of the western side of the anticline is broken by a large fault in the Eden Valley, and this resulting scarp is made more dramatic by a sheet of intrusive basalt. Seen from the valley, this straight line of high peaks, culminating in Crossfell, is England’s closest resemblance to a mountain range. In the north, the Pennine region connects to the Southern Uplands of Scotland through the Cheviot Hills, a mass of granite and Old Red Sandstone; and the northern part is largely crossed by dykes of contemporary volcanic or intrusive rock. The most prominent of these dykes is the Great Whin Sill, which runs from just south of Durham almost to the source of the Tees, near Crossfell. The elevated land is divided into three sections by valleys, providing easy communication between the east and west. The South Tyne and Irthing valleys separate the northern Cheviots from the Crossfell section, which is also bordered on the south by the Aire and Ribble valleys from the Kinder Scout or Peak section. The many streams of the region channel rainfall through long valleys or dales to the east and south, and via shorter and steeper valleys to the west. The dales are separated by high uplands, mostly consisting of heathery moorland or hill pastures. Agriculture in the region is limited to the valley bottoms and has little significance. Crossfell and nearby hills are made of Carboniferous Limestone, which earned the common name Mountain Limestone. Further south, peaks like High Seat, Whernside, Bow Fell, Penyghent, and many others, all over 2000 ft. in height, are topped by layers of grits and sandstones resting on the limestone. The belt of Millstone Grit south of the Aire, lying between the major coal-fields of West Riding and Lancashire, is at a lower elevation, forming grassy uplands and dales; however, the finest scenery in the region occurs in the limestones of Derbyshire, where the range ends. The rugged beauty of the south-running valleys, especially Dovedale, is enhanced by lush woods that still cover the slopes. There are stunning features underground as well as on the surface, with the caverns and underground streams of Yorkshire and Derbyshire being among the deepest explored. In comparison to the rugged and picturesque scenery of the Lower Carboniferous rocks, that of the Coal Measures is generally flat and monotonous. The coal-fields on the eastern side, from the Tyne almost to the Trent, are sharply defined on the east by the outcrop of Permian dolomite or Magnesian limestone, which creates a low terrace sloping eastward below younger rocks, and often leading to an escarpment facing west toward the gentle slopes of the Pennine dales. To the west and south, the Coal Measures gently dip under the New Red Sandstone, reappearing at several points through the Triassic plain. The clear waters of the upland streams and the abundant water power allowed for the establishment of small paper mills in remote valleys before the steam era, and some of these basic operations still 412 exist. The prosperity and large population of the Pennine region began with the realization that pit coal could smelt iron like charcoal; once this power source was found, the people in the dales developed a remarkable talent for mechanical invention and business, which transformed the economic life of the world and changed England from an agricultural to an industrial nation. In ancient times, the main industry was sheep farming, and villages throughout the dales produced small amounts of woolen cloth. The rise of cotton led to wool production on the western side being replaced by processing imported raw materials; however, wool industries, now mostly reliant on imported raw materials, continue to engage the energies of the eastern inhabitants. Some peaceful market towns, like Skipton and Keighley, remain, but most have grown into large population centers driven by manufacturing, usually located at the junction of densely populated valleys and separated by empty uplands. Examples include Leeds, Bradford, Sheffield, Huddersfield, and Halifax, on the highly populated West Riding coal-field, which is on the eastern slope of the Pennines. The iron ores of the Coal Measures have given rise to a significant steel manufacturing industry, producing everything from cutlery to machinery and armor plate. High on the barren crest of the Pennines, where the rocks offer no mineral wealth, except for medicinal waters, Harrogate, Buxton, and Matlock are examples of health resorts thriving due to their clean air and beautiful scenery. Across the moors on the western side of the anticline, the dense population of the Lancashire coal-field is concentrated in the manufacturing towns surrounding the major commercial center of Manchester, which lies on the edge of the Triassic plain. Ashton, Oldham, Rochdale, Bury, Bolton, and Wigan form a nearly connected semicircle of large towns, their success built on the underlying coal and iron, sustained by imported cotton. The Lancashire coal-field, along with the area of the surrounding plain between it and the seaport of Liverpool, has a population greater than any equal area in the country, including the county of London and its suburbs. In the southwestern part of the Pennine region, the coal-field of North Staffordshire supports a group of small but vibrant towns collectively known for their pottery trade as “The Potteries.” To the northeast, the massive coal-field of Northumberland and Durham, bisected by the Tyne, supports the industries of Newcastle and its surrounding towns, while leaving a large surplus for export from the Tyne ports.

Wales.—The low island of Anglesey, which is built up of the fundamental Archaean rocks, is important as a link in the main line of communication with Ireland, because it is separated from the mainland by a channel narrow enough to be bridged, and lies not far out of the straight line joining London and Dublin. The mainland of Wales rises into three main highlands, the mountain groups of North, Mid and South Wales, connected together by land over 1000 ft. in elevation in most places, but separated by valleys affording easy highways. The streams of the southern and western slopes are short and many, flowing directly to the Bristol Channel and the Irish Sea; but the no less numerous streams of the eastern slopes gather themselves into three river systems, and reach the sea as the Dee, the Severn and the Wye. The mountain group of North Wales is the largest and loftiest; its scenery resembles that of the Scottish Highlands because of the juxtaposition of ancient Palaeozoic rocks—Cambrian and Ordovician, often altered into slate—and contemporaneous volcanic outbursts and igneous intrusions. Here rises the peak of Snowdon (3560 ft.), the culminating point of South Britain, and near it half a dozen summits exceed 3000 ft., while Cader Idris, farther south, though slightly lower, presents a singularly imposing outline. The mild winter climate has fringed the coast with seaside resorts, the rugged heights attract tourists in summer, and the vast masses of slate have given rise to the largest slate quarries in the world. The heavy rainfall of the upper valleys unfits them for agriculture, and the farms are poor. There are several lakes: that of Bala being the largest, except the old lake of Vyrnwy, reconstituted artificially to store the rainfall for the water-supply of Liverpool, 68 m. distant. The Vyrnwy is tributary to the Severn; but north of it the streams gather into the Dee, and flow eventually northward. Mid Wales is built up, for the most part, of Silurian or Ordovician rocks, practically free from igneous intrusions except in the south-west. There the resistance of a series of igneous dykes gives prominence to the Pembroke peninsula, in which the fine fjord-like harbour of Milford Haven lies far out towards the Atlantic. The coast north of Pembroke and Merioneth has been worked into the grand sweep of Cardigan Bay, its surface carved into gently rounded hills, green with rich grass, which sweep downward into wide rounded valleys. Plinlimmon (2468 ft.) is the highest of the hills, and forms a sort of hydrographic centre for the group, as from its eastern base the Severn and the Wye take their rise—the former describing a wide curve to east and south, the latter forming a chord to the arc in its southward course. Mid Wales is mainly a pastoral country, and very thinly peopled. A group of artificial lakes, one of them exceeded in area only by Windermere, has been formed in the valley of the Elan, a tributary of the Wye, for the supply of water to Birmingham. The group of heights of South Wales, running on the whole from west to east, marks the outcrops of the Old Red Sandstone and Carboniferous strata which lie within a vast syncline of the Silurian rocks. The Brecon Beacons of Old Red Sandstone are the highest (2907 ft.), but the Black Mountain bears a number of picturesque summits carved out of Millstone Grit and Carboniferous Limestone, which rise frequently over 2000 ft. Throughout Hereford, and in part of Monmouthshire, the Old Red Sandstone sinks to a great undulating plain, traversed by the exquisite windings of the Wye, and forming some of the richest pasture and fruit lands of England. This plain formed an easy passage from south to north, and since the time of the Romans was a strategical line of the greatest importance, a fact which has left its traces on the present distribution of towns. Around the western and northern edge of the Old Red Sandstone plain the underlying Silurian rocks (and even the Cambrian and Archaean in places) have been bent up so that their edges form hills of singular abruptness and beauty. Of these are the Malvern Hills, east of Hereford, and in particular the hills of Shropshire. Wenlock Edge, running from south-west to north-east, is an escarpment of Silurian limestone, while the broad upland of Long Mynd, nearly parallel to it on the north, is a mass of Archaean rock. The Wrekin, the Caradoc and Cardington Hills are isolated outbursts of pre-Cambrian volcanic rocks. The outer rim of the Welsh area contains a broken series of coal-fields, where patches of Carboniferous strata come to the surface on the edge of the New Red Sandstone plain. Such are the coal-fields of Flint in the north, the Forest of Wyre and the Forest of Dean, close to the Severn, on the east. The great coal-field on the south is a perfect example of a synclinal basin, the Millstone Grit and Carboniferous Limestone which underlie the Coal Measures appearing all round the margin. This coal-field occupies practically the whole of Glamorgan and part of Monmouth, and its surface slopes from the Black Mountain and Brecon Beacons to the sea as a gently inclined plateau, scored by deep valleys draining south. Each chief valley has a railway connecting a string of mining villages, and converging seaward to the busy ports of Newport, Cardiff and Barry (a town created on a sandy island by the excavation of a great dock to form an outlet for the mines). In the north of the field, where the limestone crops out and supplies the necessary flux, Merthyr Tydfil has become great through iron-smelting; and in the west Swansea is the chief centre in the world for copper and tin smelting. The unity and ruggedness of the highlands of Wales have proved sufficient to isolate the people from those of the rest of South Britain, and to preserve a purely Celtic race, still very largely of Celtic speech.

Wales.—The low island of Anglesey, made up of ancient Archaean rocks, is vital as a connection to Ireland, as it's separated from the mainland by a narrow channel that could be bridged, and it sits not far off the straight line between London and Dublin. The mainland of Wales rises into three main highlands—the mountain ranges of North, Mid, and South Wales—linked by land that is over 1000 feet high in most areas but separated by valleys that provide easy routes. The streams on the southern and western slopes are numerous and short, flowing directly into the Bristol Channel and the Irish Sea; meanwhile, the equally numerous streams on the eastern slopes form three river systems and reach the sea as the Dee, the Severn, and the Wye. The mountain range of North Wales is the largest and tallest; its landscapes are similar to the Scottish Highlands due to the mix of ancient Palaeozoic rocks—Cambrian and Ordovician, often transformed into slate—alongside recent volcanic activities and igneous intrusions. Here lies the peak of Snowdon (3560 ft.), the highest point in South Britain, with several neighboring summits surpassing 3000 ft., while Cader Idris, a bit lower to the south, stands out with an impressive shape. The mild winter climate has lined the coast with seaside resorts, the rugged heights draw tourists in summer, and the vast quantities of slate have led to the largest slate quarries globally. The heavy rainfall in the upper valleys makes them unsuitable for agriculture, resulting in poor farms. There are several lakes, with Bala being the largest, aside from the old lake of Vyrnwy, which was artificially reconstructed to store rainfall for Liverpool’s water supply, located 68 miles away. The Vyrnwy feeds into the Severn, but north of it, the streams gather into the Dee and flow northward. Mid Wales consists mainly of Silurian or Ordovician rocks, mostly free from volcanic intrusions, except in the southwest. There, the resistance of a series of igneous dykes highlights the Pembroke peninsula, home to the beautiful fjord-like harbor of Milford Haven, which stretches out toward the Atlantic. The coastline north of Pembroke and Merioneth forms the grand curve of Cardigan Bay, characterized by rounded hills covered in lush green grass that slope down into broad valleys. Plinlimmon (2468 ft.) is the tallest of these hills and acts as a sort of hydrographic center for the area, as the Severn and Wye spring from its eastern base—the former making a wide curve eastward and southward, and the latter forming a straight line south. Mid Wales is mainly pastoral and sparsely populated. A group of artificial lakes, with one only smaller than Windermere, has been created in the Elan Valley, a tributary of the Wye, for Birmingham's water supply. The mountain ranges of South Wales, generally running from west to east, showcase the outcrops of the Old Red Sandstone and Carboniferous layers, which lie within a vast syncline of Silurian rocks. The Brecon Beacons of Old Red Sandstone are the tallest (2907 ft.), but the Black Mountain features several picturesque peaks made of Millstone Grit and Carboniferous Limestone, frequently rising over 2000 ft. Throughout Hereford and parts of Monmouthshire, the Old Red Sandstone descends into an expansive, rolling plain, crossed by the lovely meanderings of the Wye, creating some of England’s richest pastures and fruit lands. This plain provided an easy route from south to north and has been strategically significant since Roman times, influencing the current distribution of towns. Along the western and northern edges of the Old Red Sandstone plain, the underlying Silurian rocks (and even Cambrian and Archaean rocks in some areas) have been uplifted so that their edges form striking hills. Among these are the Malvern Hills, to the east of Hereford, particularly the hills of Shropshire. Wenlock Edge, stretching from southwest to northeast, is a ledge of Silurian limestone, while the broad upland of Long Mynd, nearly parallel to it on the north, is made of Archaean rock. The Wrekin, Caradoc, and Cardington Hills are isolated outcrops of pre-Cambrian volcanic rock. The outer edges of the Welsh region contain a fragmented series of coal fields, where patches of Carboniferous layers surface at the border of the New Red Sandstone plain. Examples include the coal fields of Flint in the north, and the Forest of Wyre and the Forest of Dean, close to the Severn, in the east. The significant coal field to the south is a perfect example of a synclinal basin, where the Millstone Grit and Carboniferous Limestone underlying the Coal Measures appear around the borders. This coal field covers nearly all of Glamorgan and part of Monmouth, and its surface gently slopes from the Black Mountain and Brecon Beacons to the sea, forming a gently inclined plateau, marked by deep valleys draining southward. Each major valley has a railway connecting a series of mining villages, converging seaward to the busy ports of Newport, Cardiff, and Barry (a town developed on a sandy island by excavating a large dock to serve the mines). In the northern part of the field, where limestone is exposed and provides the necessary flux, Merthyr Tydfil has thrived due to iron smelting; and in the west, Swansea is the world's primary center for copper and tin smelting. The unity and ruggedness of Wales' highlands have been enough to isolate its people from the rest of South Britain, preserving a purely Celtic race, still largely speaking Celtic languages.

Cornwall and Devon.—The peninsula of Cornwall and Devon may be looked upon as formed from a synclinal trough of Devonian rocks, which appear as plateaus on the north and south, while the centre is occupied by Lower Carboniferous strata at a lower level. The northern coast, bordering the Bristol Channel, is steep, with picturesque cliffs and deep bays or short valleys running into the high land, each occupied by a little seaside town or village. The plateau culminates in the barren heathy upland of Exmoor, which slopes gently southward from a general elevation of 1600 ft., and is almost without inhabitants. The Carboniferous rocks of the centre form a soil which produces rich pasture under the heavy rainfall and remarkably mild and equable temperature, forming a great cattle-raising district. The Devonian strata on the south do not form such lofty elevations as those on the north, and are in consequence, like the plain of Hereford, very fertile and peculiarly adapted for fruit-growing and cider-making. The remarkable features of the scenery of South Devon and Cornwall are due to a narrow band of Archaean rock which appears in the south of the peninsulas terminating in Lizard Head and Start Point, and to huge masses of granite and other eruptive rocks which form a series of great bosses and dykes. The largest granite boss gives relief to the wild upland of Dartmoor, culminating in High Willhays and Yes Tor. The clay resulting from the weathering of the Dartmoor granite has formed marshes and peat bogs, and the desolation of the district has been emphasized by the establishment in its midst of a great convict prison, and in its northern portion of a range for artillery practice. The Tamar flows from north to south on the Devonian plain, which lies between Dartmoor on the east and the similar granitic boss of Bodmin Moor (where Brown Willy rises to 1345 ft.) on the west. There are several smaller granite bosses, of which the mass of Land’s End is the most important. Most of the Lizard peninsula, the only part of England stretching south of 50° N., is a mass of serpentine. The great variety of the rocks which meet the sea along the south of Cornwall and Devon has led to the formation of a singularly picturesque coast—the headlands being carved from the hardest igneous rocks, the bays cut back in the softer Devonian strata. The fjord-like inlets of Falmouth, Plymouth and Dartmouth are splendid natural harbours, which would have developed great commercial ports but for their remoteness from the centres of commerce and manufactures. China clay from the decomposing granites; tin and copper ore, once abounding at the contacts between the granite and the rocks it pierced, were the former staples of wealth, and the mining largely accounts for the exceptional density of population in Cornwall. Fishing has always been important, the numerous good harbours giving security to fishing-boats; and the fact that this coast is the mildest and almost the sunniest, though by no means the driest, part of Great Britain has led to the establishment of many health 413 resorts, of which Torquay is the chief. The old Cornish language of the Celtic stock became extinct only in the 18th century, and the Cornish character remains as a heritage of the time when the land had leisure to mould the life and the habits of the man. Projecting farthest of all England into the Atlantic, it is not surprising that the West country has supplied a large proportion of the great naval commanders in British history, and of the crews of the navy.

Cornwall and Devon.—The Cornwall and Devon peninsula can be seen as formed from a synclinal trough of Devonian rocks, which rise as plateaus on the north and south, while the center holds Lower Carboniferous layers at a lower elevation. The northern coast, facing the Bristol Channel, is steep, featuring scenic cliffs and deep bays or short valleys that cut into the high land, each hosting a small seaside town or village. The plateau peaks at the barren, heath-covered upland of Exmoor, gently sloping south from an average height of 1600 ft, and is largely uninhabited. The Carboniferous rocks in the center create a soil that yields rich pasture due to heavy rainfall and a notably mild and stable climate, making it a significant cattle-raising area. The Devonian layers in the south do not reach such high elevations as those in the north, and, as a result, like the Hereford plain, are very fertile and particularly well-suited for fruit growing and cider production. The unique features of the scenery in South Devon and Cornwall are attributed to a narrow band of Archaean rock appearing in the southern part of the peninsulas, ending at Lizard Head and Start Point, along with massive granite and other volcanic rocks forming a series of large outcrops and dykes. The largest granite outcrop shapes the rugged upland of Dartmoor, which peaks at High Willhays and Yes Tor. The clay from the weathered Dartmoor granite has created marshes and peat bogs, and the desolation of the area has been heightened by the establishment of a large convict prison in its midst and an artillery practice range in its northern part. The Tamar river flows from north to south on the Devonian plain, nestled between Dartmoor to the east and the similar granite hill of Bodmin Moor (where Brown Willy rises to 1345 ft.) to the west. Several smaller granite outcrops exist, with Land’s End being the most significant. Most of the Lizard peninsula, the only part of England south of 50° N., is made up of serpentine rock. The diverse types of rocks that meet the sea along the southern edges of Cornwall and Devon have created a uniquely picturesque coastline—headlands carved from hard igneous rocks, while the bays recede into the softer Devonian layers. The fjord-like inlets of Falmouth, Plymouth, and Dartmouth serve as excellent natural harbors, which could have evolved into major commercial ports if not for their distance from key centers of trade and manufacturing. China clay from the deteriorating granites; tin and copper ore, once plentiful at the junctions of the granite and the rocks it penetrated, were once the main sources of wealth, and mining has greatly contributed to the exceptional population density in Cornwall. Fishing has always been vital, with numerous safe harbors providing security for fishing boats; the fact that this coast is the mildest and nearly the sunniest, though not the driest, part of Great Britain has led to the establishment of many health resorts, with Torquay being the most prominent. The old Cornish language from the Celtic lineage became extinct only in the 18th century, and the Cornish character continues as a legacy from the time when the land shaped the lives and habits of its people. Extending farthest into the Atlantic of all England, it isn't surprising that the West Country has produced a significant number of Britain’s great naval commanders and naval crews throughout history.

Between the separate uplands there extends a plain of Permian and Triassic rocks, which may conveniently be considered as an intermediate zone between the two main divisions. To the eye it forms an almost continuous plain with The midland plain. the belt of Lias clays, which is the outer border of the Eastern Division; for although a low escarpment marks the line of junction, and seems to influence the direction of the main rivers, there is only one plain so far as regards free movement over its surface and the construction of canals, roads and railways. The plain usually forms a distinct border along the landward margins of the uplands of more ancient rock, though to the east of the Cornwall-Devon peninsula it is not very clear, and its continuity in other places is broken by inliers of the more ancient rocks, which everywhere underlie it. One such outcrop of Carboniferous Limestone in the south forms the Mendip Hills; another of the Coal Measures increases the importance of Bristol, where it stands at the head of navigation on the southern Avon. In the north-west a tongue of the Red rocks forms the Eden valley, separating the Lake District from the Pennine Chain, with Carlisle as its central town. Farther south, these rocks form the low coastal belt of Lancashire, edged with the longest stretches of blown sand in England, and dotted here and there with pleasure towns, like Blackpool and Southport. The plain sweeps round south of the Lancashire coal-field, forms the valley of the Mersey from Stockport to the sea, and farther south in Cheshire the salt-bearing beds of the Keuper marls give rise to a characteristic industry. The plain extends through Staffordshire and Worcester, forming the lower valley of the Severn. The greater part of Manchester, all Liverpool and Birkenhead, and innumerable busy towns of medium size, which in other parts of England would rank as great centres of population, stand on this soil. Its flat surface and low level facilitate the construction of railways and canals, which form a closer network over it than in other parts of the country. The great junction of Crewe, where railways from south-east, south-west, east, west and north converge, is thus explained. South of the Pennines, the Red rocks extend eastward in a great sweep through the south of Derbyshire, Warwick, the west of Leicestershire, and the east of Nottingham, their margin being approximately marked by the Avon, flowing south-west, and the Soar and Trent, flowing north-east. South and east of these streams the very similar country is on the Lias clay. Several small coal-fields rise through the Red rocks—the largest, between Stafford and Birmingham, forms the famous “Black Country,” with Wolverhampton and Dudley as centres, where the manufacture of iron has preserved a historic continuity, for the great Forest of Arden supplied charcoal until the new fuel from the pits took its place. This coal-field, ministering to the multifarious metal manufactures of Birmingham, constitutes the centre of the Midlands. Smaller patches of the Coal Measures appear near Tamworth and Burton, while deep shafts have been sunk in many places through the overlying Triassic strata to the coal below, thus extending the mining and manufacturing area beyond the actual outcrop of the Coal Measures. A few small outcrops occur where still more ancient strata have been raised to the surface, as, for instance, in Charnwood Forest, where the Archaean rocks, with intrusions of granite, create a patch of highland scenery in the very heart of the English plain; and in the Lickey Hills, near Birmingham, where the prominent features are due to volcanic rocks of very ancient date. The “Waterstones,” or Lower Keuper Sandstones,—forming gentle elevations above the softer marls, and usually charged with an abundant supply of water, which can be reached by wells,—form the site of many towns, such as Birmingham, Warwick and Lichfield, and of very numerous villages. The plain as a whole is fertile and undulating, rich in woods and richer in pasture: the very heart of rural England. Cattle-grazing is the chief farm industry in the west, sheep and horse-rearing in the east; the prevalence of the prefix “Market” in the names of the rural towns is noticeable in this respect. The manufacture of woollen and leather goods is a natural result of the raising of live stock; Leicester, Coventry and Nottingham are manufacturing towns of the region. The historic castles, the sites of ancient battles, and the innumerable mansions of the wealthy, combine to give to central England a certain aesthetic interest which the more purely manufacturing districts of the west and north fail to inspire. The midland plain curves northward between the outcrop of the Dolomite on the west and the Oolitic heights on the east. It sinks lowest where the estuary of the Humber gathers in its main tributaries, and the greater part of the surface is covered with recent alluvial deposits. The Trent runs north in the southern half of this plain, the Ouse runs south through the northern half, which is known as the Vale of York, lying low between the Pennine heights on the west and the Yorkshire moors on the east. Where the plain reaches the sea, the soft rocks are cut back into the estuary of the Tees, and there Middlesbrough stands at the base of the Moors. The quiet beauty of the rural country in the south, where the barren Bunter pebble-beds have never invited agriculture, and where considerable vestiges of the old woodland still remain in and near Sherwood Forest, has attracted so many seats of the landed aristocracy as to earn for that part the familiar name of “the Dukeries.” The central position of York in the north made it the capital of Roman Britain in ancient times, and an important railway junction in our own.

Between the separate uplands lies a plain of Permian and Triassic rocks, which can be conveniently viewed as an intermediate zone between the two main areas. To the eye, it appears as an almost continuous plain with The Midland Plain. the belt of Lias clays, which forms the outer border of the Eastern Division. Although a low escarpment marks the boundary and seems to influence the direction of the main rivers, there is really only one plain when it comes to the free movement across its surface and the construction of canals, roads, and railways. The plain usually forms a distinct border along the landward edges of the uplands made of older rock, though to the east of the Cornwall-Devon peninsula, it isn’t very clear, and its continuity in other areas is interrupted by inliers of the older rocks that underlie it everywhere. One such outcrop of Carboniferous Limestone in the south creates the Mendip Hills; another of the Coal Measures boosts the significance of Bristol, where it is located at the navigable head of the southern Avon. In the northwest, a stretch of Red rocks forms the Eden valley, separating the Lake District from the Pennine Chain, with Carlisle as its central town. Further south, these rocks create the low coastal belt of Lancashire, lined with the longest stretches of blown sand in England, and occasionally dotted with popular towns like Blackpool and Southport. The plain curves south of the Lancashire coal-field, forms the Mersey valley from Stockport to the sea, and further south in Cheshire, the salt-bearing layers of the Keuper marls lead to a distinct industry. The plain extends through Staffordshire and Worcester, forming the lower valley of the Severn. Most of Manchester, all of Liverpool and Birkenhead, and countless busy towns of medium size, which in other parts of England would be large population centers, sit on this soil. Its flat surface and low elevation make it easier to build railways and canals, which create a denser network here than in other parts of the country. The major junction of Crewe, where railways from the southeast, southwest, east, west, and north converge, reflects this situation. South of the Pennines, the Red rocks stretch eastward in a broad sweep through the southern part of Derbyshire, Warwick, western Leicestershire, and eastern Nottingham, their edge roughly marked by the Avon flowing southwest and the Soar and Trent flowing northeast. South and east of these rivers, the land closely resembles that on the Lias clay. A few small coalfields emerge from the Red rocks—the largest, between Stafford and Birmingham, forms the well-known "Black Country," with Wolverhampton and Dudley as its hubs, where iron manufacturing has maintained a historical continuity, with the great Forest of Arden supplying charcoal until new fuels from the pits took its place. This coalfield, which supports the diverse metal industries of Birmingham, is at the heart of the Midlands. Smaller patches of the Coal Measures can be found near Tamworth and Burton, while deep shafts have been drilled in many areas through the overlying Triassic layers to the coal below, thus expanding the mining and manufacturing area beyond the visible Coal Measures. A few small outcrops appear where even older layers have come to the surface, such as in Charnwood Forest, where the Archaean rocks, along with granite intrusions, create a patch of highland scenery in the center of the English plain; and in the Lickey Hills, near Birmingham, where the notable features are due to very ancient volcanic rocks. The "Waterstones," or Lower Keuper Sandstones—forming gentle rises above the softer marls and usually containing a plentiful supply of water accessible by wells—are the foundation of many towns like Birmingham, Warwick, and Lichfield, along with numerous villages. Overall, the plain is fertile and rolling, rich in woods and even richer in pasture: the very heart of rural England. Cattle grazing is the main farming activity in the west, while sheep and horse-breeding dominate in the east; the frequent use of the prefix "Market" in the names of rural towns is noteworthy here. The production of woolen and leather goods naturally follows from the raising of livestock; Leicester, Coventry, and Nottingham are manufacturing towns in the region. The historic castles, the sites of ancient battles, and the countless mansions of the wealthy contribute to central England's aesthetic appeal, which the more purely industrial areas of the west and north fail to inspire. The midland plain curves northward between the outcrop of the Dolomite to the west and the Oolitic hills to the east. It reaches its lowest point where the Humber estuary gathers its main tributaries, with most of the surface covered by recent alluvial deposits. The Trent flows north through the southern half of this plain, while the Ouse flows south through the northern half, known as the Vale of York, which lies low between the Pennine heights to the west and the Yorkshire moors to the east. Where the plain meets the sea, the soft rocks are cut back into the Tees estuary, with Middlesbrough located at the base of the Moors. The tranquil beauty of the rural landscape in the south, where the barren Bunter pebble-beds have never encouraged agriculture, and where significant remains of the old woodland still exist in and around Sherwood Forest, has drawn many estates of the landed aristocracy, earning that area the familiar name "the Dukeries." The central location of York in the north made it the capital of Roman Britain in ancient times and an important railway junction today.

Five natural regions may be distinguished in the Eastern Division of England, by no means so sharply marked off as those of the west, but nevertheless quite clearly characterized. The first is the Jurassic Belt, sweeping along the border of the The eastern division. Triassic plain from the south coast at the mouth of the Exe to the east coast at the mouth of the Tees. This is closely followed on the south-east by the Chalk country, occupying the whole of the rest of England except where the Tertiary Basins of London and Hampshire cover it, where the depression of the Fenland carries it out of sight, and where the lower rocks of the Weald break through it. Thus the Chalk appears to run in four diverging fingers from the centre or palm on Salisbury Plain, other formations lying wedge-like between them. Various lines of reasoning unite in proving that the Mesozoic rocks of the south rest upon a mass of Palaeozoic rocks, which lies at no very great depth beneath the surface of the anticlinal axis running from the Bristol Channel to the Strait of Dover. The theoretical conclusion has been confirmed by the discovery of Coal Measures, with workable coal seams, at Dover at a depth of 2000 ft. below the surface.

Five natural regions can be identified in the Eastern Division of England. These aren't as distinctly separated as those in the west, but they are still clearly defined. The first is the Jurassic Belt, stretching along the Triassic plain from the south coast at the mouth of the Exe to the east coast at the mouth of the Tees. This is closely followed in the southeast by the Chalk country, which covers most of the rest of England except in areas where the Tertiary Basins of London and Hampshire are located, where the depression of the Fenland hides it, and where the lower rocks of the Weald break through it. As a result, the Chalk seems to extend in four diverging fingers from the center or palm on Salisbury Plain, with other formations wedging in between. Various lines of evidence suggest that the Mesozoic rocks in the south sit atop a mass of Palaeozoic rocks, which lie not very deep beneath the anticlinal axis that runs from the Bristol Channel to the Strait of Dover. This theoretical conclusion has been supported by the discovery of Coal Measures, containing workable coal seams, at Dover at a depth of 2000 ft. below the surface.

The Eastern Division is built up of parallel strata, the edges of the harder rocks forming escarpments, the sheets of clay forming plains; and on this account similar features are repeated in each of the successive geological formations. The rivers exhibit a remarkably close relation to the geological structure, and thus contrast with the rivers of the Western Division. There are two main classes of river-course—those flowing down the dip-slopes at right angles to the strike, and cutting through opposed escarpments by deep valleys, and those following the line of strike along a bed of easily eroded rock. A third class of streams, tributary to the second, flows down the steep face of the escarpments. By the study of the adjustment of these rivers to their valleys, and of the relation of the valleys to the general structure, Professor W. M. Davis has elaborated a theory of river classification, and a scheme of the origin of surface-features which is attractive in its simplicity. The Thames is the one great river of the division, rising on the Jurassic Belt, crossing the Chalk country, and finishing its course in the Tertiary London Basin, towards which, in its prevailing west-to-east direction, it draws its tributaries from north and south. The other rivers are shorter, and flow either to the North Sea on the east, or to the English Channel on the south. With the exception of the Humber, they all rise and pursue their whole course within the limits of the Eastern Division itself.

The Eastern Division is made up of parallel layers, with the edges of the harder rocks creating cliffs and the clay layers forming flatlands. Because of this, similar features can be seen in each of the different geological formations. The rivers closely match the geological structure, which sets them apart from the rivers in the Western Division. There are two main types of river courses—those that flow down the slopes at right angles to the rock layers and cut through opposing cliffs to create deep valleys, and those that follow the layers along paths made of softer rock. A third type of stream, which feeds into the second, flows down the steep faces of the cliffs. By studying how these rivers fit into their valleys and how the valleys relate to the overall structure, Professor W. M. Davis has developed a theory for classifying rivers and explaining the origins of surface features that is appealing in its simplicity. The Thames is the major river in this division, originating in the Jurassic Belt, crossing the Chalk area, and ending its journey in the Tertiary London Basin. As it flows generally from west to east, it gathers tributaries from both the north and south. The other rivers are shorter and either flow into the North Sea to the east or the English Channel to the south. Except for the Humber, they all start and complete their journeys within the Eastern Division itself.

The Eastern Division is the richest part of England agriculturally, it is the part most accessible to trade with the Continent, and that least adapted for providing refuges for small bodies of men in conflict with powerful invaders. Hence the latest of the conquerors, the Saxon and other Germanic tribes, obtained an easy mastery, and spread over the whole country, holding their own against marauding Northmen, except on the northern part of the east coast; and even after the political conquest by the Normans, continuing to form the great mass of the population, though influenced not a little by the fresh blood and new ideas they had assimilated. The present population is so distributed as to show remarkable dependence on the physical features. The chalk and limestone plateaus are usually almost without inhabitants, and the villages of these districts occur grouped together in long strings, either in drift-floored valleys in the calcareous plateaus, or along the exposure of some favoured stratum at their base. In almost every case the plain along the foot of an escarpment bears a line of villages and small towns, and on a good map of density of population the lines of the geological map may be readily discerned.

The Eastern Division is the most agriculturally rich area of England, it's the part that's easiest to trade with the Continent, and it's the least suitable for providing safe havens for smaller groups during conflicts with powerful invaders. As a result, the latest conquerors, the Saxons and other Germanic tribes, were able to gain control easily and spread throughout the entire country, managing to defend themselves against raiding Northmen, except for the northern part of the east coast. Even after the Normans took political control, they continued to make up a large portion of the population, although they were significantly influenced by the new ideas and fresh blood they absorbed. The current population is distributed in a way that reflects a strong reliance on the physical landscape. The chalk and limestone plateaus are usually nearly uninhabited, and the villages in these areas are often found clustered together in long lines, either in valleys on the calcareous plateaus or along the edge of some favored layer at the bottom. In most cases, the flat land at the base of a steep slope has a line of villages and small towns, and on a good population density map, the lines from the geological map are clearly visible.

The Jurassic Belt.—The Jurassic belt is occupied by the counties of Gloucester, Oxford, Buckingham, Bedford, Northampton, Huntingdon, Rutland, Lincoln and the North Riding of Yorkshire. The rocks of the belt may be divided into two main groups: the Lias beds, which come next to the Triassic plain, and the Oolitic beds. Each group is made up of an alternation of soft marls or clays and hard limestones or sandstones. The low escarpments of the harder beds of the Lias are the real, though often scarcely perceptible, boundary between the Triassic plain and the Jurassic belt. They run along the right bank of the Trent in its northward course to the Humber, and similarly direct the course of the Avon southward to the Severn. The great feature of the region is the long line of the Oolitic escarpment, formed in different places by the edges of different beds of rock. The escarpment runs north from Portland Island on the English Channel, curves north-eastward as the Cotteswold Hills, rising abruptly from the Severn plain to heights of over 1000 ft.; it sinks to insignificance in the Midland counties, is again clearly marked in Lincolnshire, and rises in the North Yorkshire moors to its maximum height of over 1500 ft. Steep towards the west, where it overlooks the low Lias plain as the Oolitic escarpment, the land falls very gently in slopes of Oxford Clay towards the Cretaceous escarpments on the south and east. Throughout its whole extent it yields valuable building-stone, and in the Yorkshire 414 moors the great abundance of iron ore has created the prosperity of Middlesbrough, on the plain below. The Lias plain is rich grazing country, the Oxford Clay forms valuable agricultural land, yielding heavy crops of wheat. The towns of the belt are comparatively small, not one attains a population of 75,000, and the favourite site is on the Lias plain below the great escarpment. They are for the most part typical rural market-towns, the manufactures, where such exist, being usually of agricultural machinery, or woollen and leather goods. Bath, Gloucester, Oxford, Northampton, Bedford, Rugby, Lincoln and Scarborough are amongst the chief. North of the gap in the low escarpment in which the town of Lincoln centres, a close fringe of villages borders the escarpment on the west; and throughout the belt the alternations of clay and hard rock are reflected in the grouping of population.

The Jurassic Belt.—The Jurassic belt includes the counties of Gloucester, Oxford, Buckingham, Bedford, Northampton, Huntingdon, Rutland, Lincoln, and the North Riding of Yorkshire. The rocks in this belt can be divided into two main groups: the Lias beds, which sit next to the Triassic plain, and the Oolitic beds. Each group is made up of alternating soft marls or clays and hard limestones or sandstones. The low cliffs of the harder Lias beds mark the true, though often barely noticeable, boundary between the Triassic plain and the Jurassic belt. They run along the right bank of the Trent as it flows north towards the Humber, and similarly guide the Avon southward to the Severn. A key feature of the region is the long line of the Oolitic escarpment, formed in various places by the edges of different rock layers. The escarpment extends north from Portland Island on the English Channel, curves northeast as the Cotteswold Hills, rising sharply from the Severn plain to heights over 1,000 ft.; it diminishes in size in the Midlands, is clearly visible again in Lincolnshire, and rises in the North Yorkshire moors to a peak of over 1,500 ft. Steep on the west, overlooking the low Lias plain as the Oolitic escarpment, the land gently slopes down in Oxford Clay toward the Cretaceous escarpments to the south and east. Throughout its entirety, it produces valuable building stone, and in the Yorkshire moors, the abundance of iron ore has contributed to the prosperity of Middlesbrough, located on the plain below. The Lias plain is excellent for grazing, and the Oxford Clay creates productive agricultural land that yields heavy wheat crops. The towns in the belt are relatively small, none reaching a population of 75,000, with the most preferred locations being on the Lias plain below the major escarpment. They are mostly typical rural market towns, with any manufacturing usually related to agricultural machinery or wool and leather goods. Among the main towns are Bath, Gloucester, Oxford, Northampton, Bedford, Rugby, Lincoln, and Scarborough. North of the gap in the low escarpment surrounding Lincoln, a close line of villages runs along the escarpment to the west; and throughout the belt, the mix of clay and hard rock influences the population distribution.

The Chalk Country.—The dominating surface-feature formed by the Cretaceous rocks is the Chalk escarpment, the northern edge of the great sheet of chalk that once spread continuously over the whole south-east. It appears as a series of rounded hills of no great elevation, running in a curve from the mouth of the Axe to Flamborough Head, roughly parallel with the Oolitic escarpment. Successive portions of this line of heights are known as the Western Downs, the White Horse Hills, the Chiltern Hills, the East Anglian Ridge, the Lincolnshire Wolds and the Yorkshire Wolds. The rivers from the gentle southern slopes of the Oolitic heights pass by deep valleys through the Chalk escarpments, and flow on to the Tertiary plains within. The typical scenery of the Chalk country is unrelieved by small streams of running water; the hills rise into rounded downs, often capped with fine clumps of beech, and usually covered with thin turf, affording pasture for sheep. The chalk, when exposed on the surface, is an excellent foundation for roads, and the lines of many of the Roman “streets” were probably determined by this fact. The Chalk country extends over part of Dorset, most of Wiltshire, a considerable portion of Hampshire and Oxfordshire, most of Hertfordshire and Cambridgeshire, the west of Norfolk and Suffolk, the east of Lincolnshire, and the East Riding of Yorkshire. From the upland of Salisbury Plain, which corresponds to the axis of the anticline marking the centre of the double fold into which the strata of the south of England have been thrown, the great Chalk escarpment runs north-eastward; fingers of Chalk run eastward one each side of the Weald, forming the North and South Downs, while the southern edge of the Chalk sheet appears from beneath the Tertiary strata at several places on the south coast, and especially in the Isle of Wight. Flamborough Head, the South Foreland, Beachy Head and the Needles are examples of the fine scenery into which chalk weathers where it fronts the sea, and these white cliffs gave to the island its early name of Albion. The Chalk is everywhere very thinly peopled, except where it is thickly covered with boulder clay, and so becomes fertile, or where it is scored by drift-filled valleys, in which the small towns and villages are dotted along the high roads. The thickest covering of drift is found in the Holderness district of Yorkshire, where, from the chalk cliffs of Flamborough Head to the sandspit of Spurn Point, the whole coast is formed of boulder-clay resting on chalk. Of the few towns in the Chalk country, the interest of which is largely historical or scholastic, Salisbury, Winchester, Marlborough and Cambridge are the most distinguished. Reading flourishes from its position on the edge of the London Tertiary Basin, Croydon is a suburb of London, and Hull, though on the Chalk, derives its importance from the Humber estuary, which cuts through the Chalk and the Jurassic belts, to drain the Triassic plain and the Pennine region. The narrow strip of Greensands appearing from beneath the Chalk escarpment on its northern side is crowded with small towns and villages on account of the plentiful water-supply. The distinction between the low grounds of the Jurassic belt and the Chalk country is not always very apparent on the surface, and from the historic point of view it is important to recognize the individuality of the Eastern plain which extends from the Vale of York across the Humber and the Wash into Essex. The Eastern plain thus includes a portion of the Triassic plain in the north, a portion of the Jurassic and Chalk belts in the middle, and a portion of the Tertiary plain of the London Basin in the south.

The Chalk Country.—The main feature of the landscape created by the Cretaceous rocks is the Chalk escarpment, which forms the northern edge of the extensive chalk layer that used to cover the entire southeast region. It looks like a series of gently rolling hills that aren't very tall, stretching in a curve from the mouth of the Axe to Flamborough Head, roughly parallel to the Oolitic escarpment. Different sections of this ridge are known as the Western Downs, the White Horse Hills, the Chiltern Hills, the East Anglian Ridge, the Lincolnshire Wolds, and the Yorkshire Wolds. Rivers flowing from the gentle southern slopes of the Oolitic heights pass through deep valleys in the Chalk escarpments and continue onto the Tertiary plains beyond. The typical landscape of the Chalk country is relatively free of small streams; the hills transition into rounded downlands, often topped with clusters of beech trees and usually covered with thin grass, providing grazing for sheep. Exposed chalk makes for excellent road foundations, and the paths of many Roman "streets" were likely designed with this in mind. The Chalk country spans parts of Dorset, most of Wiltshire, a sizable portion of Hampshire and Oxfordshire, most of Hertfordshire and Cambridgeshire, western Norfolk and Suffolk, eastern Lincolnshire, and the East Riding of Yorkshire. From the uplands of Salisbury Plain, which aligns with the axis of the anticline at the center of the double fold created by the geological layers in southern England, the great Chalk escarpment extends northeast. Strips of Chalk run eastward on either side of the Weald, forming the North and South Downs, while the southern edge of the Chalk layer emerges from beneath the Tertiary layers at several points along the south coast, especially on the Isle of Wight. Flamborough Head, the South Foreland, Beachy Head, and the Needles are examples of the stunning scenery where chalk erodes along the coastline, giving the island its early name, Albion. The Chalk region is generally sparsely populated, except in areas covered with boulder clay, which makes them fertile, or where eroded valleys filled with drift create small towns and villages along main roads. The thickest layer of drift can be found in the Holderness region of Yorkshire, where the chalk cliffs of Flamborough Head extend to the sandspit of Spurn Point, with the entire coast made up of boulder clay resting on chalk. Among the few towns in the Chalk country that are historically or academically significant, Salisbury, Winchester, Marlborough, and Cambridge stand out. Reading thrives due to its location on the fringe of the London Tertiary Basin, Croydon is a suburb of London, and Hull, while situated on the Chalk, owes its significance to the Humber estuary, which cuts through the Chalk and Jurassic belts to drain the Triassic plain and the Pennine area. The narrow strip of Greensands appearing from beneath the Chalk escarpment on its northern side is dotted with numerous small towns and villages due to the abundant water supply. The difference between the lowlands of the Jurassic belt and the Chalk country isn't always very clear on the surface, and from a historical perspective, it's essential to acknowledge the uniqueness of the Eastern plain that stretches from the Vale of York across the Humber and the Wash into Essex. Thus, the Eastern plain encompasses parts of the northern Triassic plain, the middle Jurassic and Chalk belts, and the southern Tertiary plain of the London Basin.

The Fenland.—The continuity of the belts of Chalk and of the Middle and Upper Oolites in the Eastern Plain is broken by the shallow depression of the Wash and the Fenland. The Fenland comprises a strip of Norfolk, a considerable part of Cambridgeshire, and the Holland district of Lincoln. Formerly a great inlet with vague borders of lagoons and marshes, the Fenland has been reclaimed partly by natural processes, partly by engineering works patiently continued for centuries. The whole district is flat and low, for the most part within 15 ft. of sea-level; the seaward edge in many places is below the level of high tide, and is protected by dykes as in Holland, while straight canals and ditches carry the sluggish drainage from the land. The soil is composed for the most part of silt and peat. A few small elevations of gravel, or of underlying formations, rise above the level of 25 ft.; these were in former times islands, and now they form the sites of the infrequent villages. Boston and King’s Lynn are memorials of the maritime importance of the Wash in the days of small ships. The numerous ancient churches and the cathedrals of Ely and Peterborough bear witness to the share taken by religious communities in the reclamation and cultivation of the land.

The Fenland.—The continuous belts of Chalk and the Middle and Upper Oolites in the Eastern Plain are interrupted by the shallow dip of the Wash and the Fenland. The Fenland includes a strip of Norfolk, a large portion of Cambridgeshire, and the Holland district of Lincoln. Once a vast inlet surrounded by unclear borders of lagoons and marshes, the Fenland has been reclaimed partly through natural processes and partly through engineering efforts that have continued for centuries. The entire area is flat and low, mostly within 15 ft. of sea level; in many places, the seaward edge is below high tide and is protected by dykes similar to those in Holland, while straight canals and ditches manage the slow drainage from the land. The soil mainly consists of silt and peat. A few small raised areas of gravel or underlying formations reach above 25 ft.; these were once islands and now serve as the locations for the rare villages. Boston and King’s Lynn are reminders of the maritime significance of the Wash during the era of small ships. The many ancient churches and the cathedrals of Ely and Peterborough testify to the role that religious communities played in reclaiming and cultivating the land.

The Weald.—The dissection of the great east and west anticline in the south-east of England has resulted in a remarkable piece of country, occupying the east of Hampshire and practically the whole of Sussex, Surrey and Kent, in which each geological stratum produces its own type of scenery, and exercises its own specific influence on every natural distribution. The sheet of Chalk shows its cut edges in the escarpments facing the centre of the Weald, and surrounding it in an oval ring, the eastern end of which is broken by the Strait of Dover, so that its completion must be sought in France. From the crest of the escarpment, all round on south, west and north, the dip-slope of the Chalk forms a gentle descent outwards, the escarpment a very steep slope inwards. The cut edges of the escarpment forming the Hog’s Back and North Downs on the north, and the South Downs on the south, meet the sea in the fine promontories of the South Foreland and Beachy Head. The Downs are almost without population, waterless and grass-covered, with patches of beech wood. Their only important towns are on the coast, e.g. Brighton, Eastbourne, Dover, Chatham, or in the gaps where rivers from the centre pierce the Chalk ring, as at Guildford, Rochester, Canterbury, Lewes and Arundel. Within the Chalk ring, and at the base of the steep escarpment, there is a low terrace of the Upper Greensand, seldom so much as a mile in width, but in most places crowded with villages scarcely more than a mile apart, and ranged like beads on a necklace. Within the Upper Greensand an equally narrow ring of Gault is exposed, its stiff clay forming level plains of grazing pasture, without villages, and with few farmhouses even; and from beneath it the successive beds of the Lower Greensand rise towards the centre, forming a wider belt, and reaching a considerable height before breaking off in a fine escarpment, the crest of which is in several points higher than the outer ring of Chalk. Leith Hill and Hindhead are parts of this edge in the west, where the exposure is widest. Several towns have originated in the gaps of the Lower Greensand escarpment which are continuous with those through the Chalk: such are Dorking, Reigate, Maidstone and Ashford. Folkestone and Pevensey stand where the two ends of the broken ring meet the sea. It is largely a region of oak and pine trees, in contrast to the beech of the Chalk Downs. The Lower Greensand escarpment looks inwards in its turn over the wide plain of Weald Clay, along which the Medway flows in the north, and which forms a fertile soil, well cultivated, and particularly rich in hops and wheat. The primitive forests have been largely cleared, the primitive marshes have all been drained, and now the Weald Clay district is fairly well peopled and sprinkled with villages. From the middle of this plain the core of Lower Cretaceous sandstones known as the Hastings Beds emerges steeply, and reaches in the centre an elevation of 796 ft. at Crowborough Beacon. It is on the whole a region with few streams, and a considerable portion of the ancient woodland still remains in Ashdown Forest. The greater part of the Forest Ridges is almost without inhabitants. Towns are found only round the edge bordering the Weald Clay, such as Tonbridge, Tunbridge Wells and Horsham; and along the line where it is cut off by the sea, e.g. Hastings and St Leonards. The broad low tongue of Romney Marsh running out to Dungeness is a product of shore-building by the Channel tides, attached to the Wealden area, but not essentially part of it.

The Weald.—The division of the large east-west anticline in the southeast of England has resulted in a fascinating landscape that covers the eastern part of Hampshire and almost all of Sussex, Surrey, and Kent. In this area, each layer of rock creates its own type of scenery and uniquely influences the natural distribution of plants and animals. The Chalk layer forms steep edges on the escarpments that face the center of the Weald, creating an oval ring, with the eastern part interrupted by the Strait of Dover, requiring us to look to France for its continuation. From the top of the escarpment, the Chalk slopes down gently outward in the south, west, and north, while the escarpment itself has a very steep slope inward. The cut edges of the escarpment that make up the Hog’s Back and North Downs to the north, and the South Downs to the south, meet the sea at the beautiful coastlines of South Foreland and Beachy Head. The Downs have very few people, are dry, and covered in grass with patches of beech trees. The main towns are located along the coast, such as Brighton, Eastbourne, Dover, Chatham, or in the gaps where rivers from the center break through the Chalk ring, as in Guildford, Rochester, Canterbury, Lewes, and Arundel. Inside the Chalk ring, at the foot of the steep escarpment, there is a narrow terrace of Upper Greensand, rarely extending more than a mile in width, but filled with villages that are just about a mile apart, lined up like beads on a necklace. Inside the Upper Greensand, there is a similarly narrow band of Gault clay, which forms flat plains of grazing land, almost devoid of villages and with very few farmhouses. Beneath it, layers of Lower Greensand rise toward the center, forming a broader band, reaching significant heights before creating a beautiful escarpment, the highest points of which are several feet taller than the surrounding Chalk. Leith Hill and Hindhead are parts of this western edge, where the exposure is most extensive. Several towns have developed in the gaps of the Lower Greensand escarpment that connect with those in the Chalk: towns like Dorking, Reigate, Maidstone, and Ashford. Folkestone and Pevensey are located where the two ends of the broken ring meet the sea. This area is mostly made up of oak and pine trees, contrasting with the beech trees of the Chalk Downs. The Lower Greensand escarpment looks inward over the wide Weald Clay plain, where the Medway River flows in the north, creating fertile soil that is well-farmed and particularly rich in hops and wheat. The original forests have mostly been cleared, and the original marshes have all been drained, so the Weald Clay area is now relatively populated and dotted with villages. From the center of this plain, the core of Lower Cretaceous sandstones, known as the Hastings Beds, rises steeply, reaching 796 feet at Crowborough Beacon. Overall, this is an area with few streams, and a significant portion of the ancient woodlands still exist in Ashdown Forest. Most of the Forest Ridges have very few inhabitants. Towns are primarily found around the edge of the Weald Clay, such as Tonbridge, Tunbridge Wells, and Horsham; and along the coast where it meets the sea, such as Hastings and St Leonards. The broad low stretch of Romney Marsh extending out to Dungeness is formed by the tides of the Channel, connected to the Wealden area but not fundamentally part of it.

The London Basin.—The London Basin occupies a triangular depression in the Chalk which is filled up with clays and gravels of Tertiary and later age. It extends from the eastern extremity of Wiltshire in a widening triangle to the sea, which it meets along an irregular line from Deal to Cromer. It thus occupies parts of Wiltshire, Hampshire, Surrey, Kent, Berkshire, Hertfordshire, the whole of Middlesex, the county of London and Essex, and the eastern edge of Suffolk and Norfolk. The scenery is quiet in its character, but the gravel hills are often prominent features, as at Harrow and in the northern suburbs of London; the country is now mainly under grass or occupied with market and nursery gardens, and many parts, of which Epping Forest is a fine example, are still densely wooded, the oak being the prevailing tree. The coast is everywhere low and deeply indented by ragged and shallow estuaries, that of the Thames being the largest. Shallow lagoons formed along the lower courses of the rivers of Norfolk have given to that part of the country the name of the Broads, a district of low and nearly level land. Apart from the huge area of urban and suburban London, the London Basin has few large towns. Norwich and Ipswich, Yarmouth, Lowestoft, Harwich and Colchester may be mentioned in the north-eastern part, all depending for their prosperity on agriculture or on the sea; and a fringe of summer resorts on the low coast has arisen on account of the bracing climate. Reading and Windsor lie in the western portion, beyond the suburban sphere of London. The Bagshot Beds in the west form infertile tracts of sandy soil, covered with heath and pine, where space is available for the great camps and military training-grounds round Aldershot, and for the extensive cemeteries at Woking. The London Clay in the east is more fertile and crowded with villages, while the East Anglian portion of the basin consists of the more recent Pliocene sands and gravels, which mix with the boulder clay to form the best wheat-growing soil in the country.

The London Basin.—The London Basin is a triangular depression in the Chalk filled with clays and gravels from the Tertiary period and later. It stretches from the eastern tip of Wiltshire in a widening triangle to the sea, reaching it along a jagged line from Deal to Cromer. This area includes parts of Wiltshire, Hampshire, Surrey, Kent, Berkshire, Hertfordshire, all of Middlesex, the county of London and Essex, as well as the eastern edges of Suffolk and Norfolk. The scenery is generally calm, but the gravel hills, like those at Harrow and in the northern suburbs of London, stand out. The land is mainly covered with grass or used for market and nursery gardens, and many areas, such as Epping Forest, remain densely wooded, predominantly featuring oak trees. The coast is mostly low, with rugged and shallow estuaries, the Thames being the largest. Shallow lagoons along the lower sections of the rivers in Norfolk have earned that region the name of the Broads, a flat and low-lying area. Besides the vast urban and suburban sprawl of London, the London Basin has few large towns. In the northeastern part, Norwich, Ipswich, Yarmouth, Lowestoft, Harwich, and Colchester depend on farming or the sea for their economic success; a series of summer resorts along the low coast have emerged due to the invigorating climate. Reading and Windsor are located in the western part, beyond London's suburban reach. The Bagshot Beds to the west consist of infertile sandy soil, covered in heath and pine, providing space for large military camps and training grounds around Aldershot, as well as the extensive cemeteries at Woking. The London Clay in the east is more fertile and populated with villages, while the East Anglian section of the basin features more recent Pliocene sands and gravels, mixed with boulder clay, creating the best wheat-growing soil in the country.

The Hampshire Basin.—The Hampshire Basin forms a triangle 415 with Dorchester, Salisbury and Worthing near the angles, and the rim of Chalk to the south appears in broken fragments in the Isle of Purbeck, the Isle of Wight, and to the east of Bognor. On the infertile Bagshot Beds the large area of the New Forest remains untilled under its ancient oaks. The London Clay of the east is more fertile, but the greatness of this district lies in its coast-line, which is deeply indented, like that of the London Basin. Southampton and Portsmouth have gained importance through their fine natural harbours, improved by engineering works and fortifications; Bournemouth and Bognor, from their favourable position in the sunniest belt of the country, as health resorts.

The Hampshire Basin.—The Hampshire Basin forms a triangle 415 with Dorchester, Salisbury, and Worthing at the corners, and the Chalk rim to the south appears in broken pieces on the Isle of Purbeck, the Isle of Wight, and east of Bognor. The large area of the New Forest, located on the barren Bagshot Beds, remains untouched beneath its ancient oaks. The London Clay in the east is more fertile, but the real highlight of this area is its coastline, which is deeply indented, similar to that of the London Basin. Southampton and Portsmouth have become important due to their excellent natural harbors, enhanced by engineering projects and fortifications; Bournemouth and Bognor have thrived because they are situated in the sunniest part of the country, serving as health resorts.

Communications.—The configuration of England, while sufficiently pronounced to allow of the division of the country into natural regions, is not strongly enough marked to exercise any very great influence upon lines of communication. The navigable rivers are all connected by barge-canals, even across the Pennine Chain. Although the waterways are much neglected, compared with those of France or of Germany, they might still be very useful if they were enlarged and improved and if free competition with railways could be secured. The main roads laid out as arteries of intercommunication by the Romans, suffered to fall into neglect, and revived in the coaching days of the beginning of the 19th century, fell into a second period of comparative neglect when the railway system was completed; but they have recovered a very large share of their old importance in consequence of the development of motor-traffic. Following the Roman roads, the high roads of the Eastern Division very frequently run along the crests of ridges or escarpments; but in the Western Division they are, as a rule, forced by the more commanding relief of the country to keep to the river valleys and cross the rougher districts through the dales and passes. The railways themselves, radiating from the great centres of population, and especially from London, are only in a few instances much affected by configuration. The Pennine Chain has always separated the traffic from south to north into an east coast route through the Vale of York, and a west coast route by the Lancashire plain. The Midland railway, running through the high and rugged country between the two, was the last to be constructed. The most notable bridges over navigable water affording continuous routes are those across Menai Strait, the Tyne at Newcastle, the Severn at Severn Bridge and the Manchester Ship Canal. It is more usual to tunnel under such channels, and the numerous Thames tunnels, the Mersey tunnel between Liverpool and Birkenhead, and the Severn tunnel, the longest in the British Islands (4½ m.), on the routes from London to South Wales, and from Bristol to the north of England, are all important. The Humber estuary is neither bridged nor tunnelled below Goole.

Communications.—The layout of England allows for the division of the country into natural regions, but it isn’t so distinct that it significantly impacts communication routes. Navigable rivers are connected by barge canals, even across the Pennine Chain. Although these waterways are quite neglected compared to those in France or Germany, they could still be very useful if they were expanded and improved, and if they could compete freely with railways. The main roads that the Romans established as communication routes fell into disrepair and were revived in the coaching era at the beginning of the 19th century, only to be neglected again after the railway system was finished. However, they have regained much of their former importance due to the rise of motor traffic. In the Eastern Division, the main roads often follow the ridges or escarpments, while in the Western Division, they are generally compelled by the more rugged terrain to stick to the river valleys and navigate tougher areas through dales and passes. The railways, spreading out from major population centers, especially London, are only slightly affected by the landscape in a few areas. The Pennine Chain has always split the traffic heading north and south into an east coast route through the Vale of York and a west coast route via the Lancashire plain. The Midland railway, which travels through the high and rugged terrain between the two, was the last to be built. Notable bridges over navigable water that provide continuous routes include those over Menai Strait, the Tyne at Newcastle, the Severn at Severn Bridge, and the Manchester Ship Canal. It's more common to tunnel under such waterways; the many Thames tunnels, the Mersey tunnel between Liverpool and Birkenhead, and the Severn tunnel, the longest in the British Isles (4.5 miles), on the routes from London to South Wales and from Bristol to northern England, are all significant. The Humber estuary is neither bridged nor tunnelled below Goole.

Density of Population.—The present distribution of population over England and Wales shows a dense concentration at all large seaports, in the neighbourhood of London, and on the coal-fields where manufactures are carried on. Agricultural areas are very thinly peopled; purely pastoral districts can hardly be said to have any settled population at all. There are very few dwellings situated at a higher level than 1000 ft., and on the lower ground the Chalk and the Oolitic limestones, where they crop out on the surface, are extremely thinly peopled, and so as a rule are areas of alluvial deposits and the Tertiary sands. But, on the other hand, the broad clay plains of all formations, the Cretaceous sandstones, and the Triassic plain, are peopled more densely than any other district without mineral wealth or sea trade.

Population Density.—The current distribution of the population across England and Wales shows a high concentration at major seaports, around London, and in the coalfields where industries are located. Agricultural regions are sparsely populated; purely pastoral areas usually don't have any permanent residents at all. There are very few homes located above 1,000 ft., and in the lower regions, the areas where Chalk and Oolitic limestones are exposed are extremely sparsely populated, as are alluvial deposits and Tertiary sands. However, in contrast, the large clay plains from all geological formations, along with Cretaceous sandstones and the Triassic plain, have a denser population than any other regions without mineral resources or maritime trade.

Political Divisions.—In the partition of England and Wales into counties, physical features play but a small part. The forty ancient counties, remnants of various historical groupings and partings, are occasionally bounded by rivers. Thus the Thames divides counties along nearly its whole length, forming the southern boundary of four and the northern boundary of three. Essex and Suffolk, Suffolk and Norfolk, Cornwall and Devon, Durham and Yorkshire, Lancashire and Cheshire, are all separated by rivers, while rivers form some part of the boundaries of almost every county. Still, it is noteworthy that the Severn and Trent nowhere form continuous county boundaries. Watersheds are rarely used as boundaries for any distance; but, although slightly overlapping the watershed on all sides, Yorkshire is very nearly coincident with the basin of the Ouse. The boundaries of the parishes, the fundamental units of English political geography, are very often either rivers or watersheds, and they frequently show a close relation to the strike of the geological strata. The hundreds, or groups of parishes, necessarily share their boundaries, and groups of hundreds are often aggregated to form larger subdivisions of counties. A wider grouping according to natural characteristics may now be recognized only in the cases of Wales, East Anglia, Wessex and such less definite groups as the Home Counties around London or the Midlands around Birmingham. Configuration is only one out of many conditions modifying distributions, and its effects on England as a whole appear to be suggestive rather than determinative.

Political Divisions.—In dividing England and Wales into counties, physical features play a minor role. The forty historic counties, remnants of various historical arrangements, are occasionally separated by rivers. For instance, the Thames marks the boundary between counties along much of its length, serving as the southern boundary for four counties and the northern boundary for three. Essex and Suffolk, Suffolk and Norfolk, Cornwall and Devon, Durham and Yorkshire, Lancashire and Cheshire are all divided by rivers, and rivers are part of the boundaries for nearly every county. However, it's interesting to note that the Severn and Trent do not create continuous county boundaries. Watersheds are rarely used as boundaries over any significant distance; yet, with minor overlap, Yorkshire closely aligns with the Ouse basin. The boundaries of parishes, the basic units of English political geography, often follow rivers or watersheds and frequently relate to the geological layers. The hundreds, or groups of parishes, share their borders, and groups of hundreds often come together to create larger subdivisions of counties. A broader classification based on natural features is only recognized in regions like Wales, East Anglia, Wessex, and less defined areas such as the Home Counties around London or the Midlands around Birmingham. The landscape is just one of many factors that influence distributions, and its impact on England as a whole seems to be more suggestive than definitive.

(H. R. M.)

III. Geology

III. Geology

For an area so small, England is peculiarly rich in geological interest. This is due in some degree to the energy of the early British geologists, whose work profoundly influenced all subsequent thought in the science, as may be seen by the general acceptation of so many of the English stratigraphical terms; but the natural conditions were such as to call forth and to stimulate this energy in an unusual way. Almost every one of the principal geological formations may be studied in England with comparative ease.

For such a small area, England is surprisingly rich in geological interest. This is partly because of the early British geologists, whose work greatly influenced all later thinking in the field, as can be seen in the widespread use of many English stratigraphical terms. However, the natural conditions also encouraged and stimulated this energy in a unique way. Almost all of the main geological formations can be studied in England with relative ease.

If we lay aside for the moment all the minor irregularities, we find, upon examination of a geological map of England, two structural features of outstanding importance. (1) The first is the great anticline of the Pennine Hills which dominates the northern half of England from the Scottish border to Derby. Its central core of Lower Carboniferous rock is broadly displayed towards the north, while southward it contracts; on either side lie the younger rocks, the coal-fields, the Permian strata and the Triassic formations, the last-named, while sweeping round the southern extremity of the Carboniferous axis of the uplift from its eastern and western flanks, spread out in a large sheet over the midland counties. (2) The second striking feature is the regular succession of Jurassic and Cretaceous rocks which crop out in almost unbroken lines from the coast of Dorsetshire, whither they appear to converge, to the Cleveland Hills and the Yorkshire coast. Lying upon the Cretaceous rocks in the S.E. of England are the two Tertiary basins of London and Hampshire, separated by the dissected anticline of the Weald.

If we set aside all the minor irregularities for a moment, we find that when we look at a geological map of England, there are two major structural features of great significance. (1) The first is the large anticline of the Pennine Hills, which dominates the northern half of England from the Scottish border down to Derby. Its central core of Lower Carboniferous rock is prominently visible to the north, while it narrows as you go south; on either side are the younger rocks, the coal fields, the Permian layers, and the Triassic formations. The last of these formations wraps around the southern end of the Carboniferous uplift from both its eastern and western sides, spreading out in a large sheet over the midland counties. (2) The second notable feature is the consistent succession of Jurassic and Cretaceous rocks that appear in almost uninterrupted lines from the coast of Dorset, where they seem to converge, to the Cleveland Hills and the Yorkshire coast. Sitting on top of the Cretaceous rocks in southeastern England are the two Tertiary basins of London and Hampshire, separated by the fragmented anticline of the Weald.

The older rocks in England occupy relatively small areas. Pre-Cambrian rocks are represented by the gneisses of Primrose Hill and schists of Rushton in Shropshire; by the gneisses forming the core of the Malvern Hills, and by the ancient volcanic and other rocks of the Wrekin, Charnwood Forest and Nuneaton. The slates of the Long Mynd, on the Shropshire border, belong to this system. Cambrian strata appear in Shropshire in the form of sandstones and quartzites; in the Malvern Hills they are black shales, while in the 416 Lake District they are represented by the Skiddaw slates. Next in point of age comes the Ordovician system, which is well developed upon the Shropshire border and in the Lake District. In the same two areas we find the Silurian rocks, shales and limestones with grits and flags. In N. and S. Devon are the Devonian limestones, grits and shales; the corresponding Old Red Sandstone type of the system (marls and sandstones) being exposed over a large part of Herefordshire, stretching also into Shropshire and Monmouth. Next in order of succession comes the Carboniferous system, with shales and limestones in the lower members, grits, sandstones and shales—the Millstone Grit series—in the middle of the system, followed by the Coal Measures—a great series of shales with coal, sandstones and ironstone at the top. This important system occupies a large area in England. The limestones and shales are well exposed in Derbyshire, Yorkshire, Northumberland, the Mendip Hills and at Clifton. The Millstone Grit series is prominent in Lancashire, Derbyshire, N. Staffordshire, Yorkshire and in the Forest of Dean. The Coal Measures rest upon the Millstone Grits in most places, generally in synclinal basins. On the eastern side of the Pennine range are the conterminous coal-fields of Yorkshire, Derbyshire and Nottinghamshire, and the coal-field of Durham and Northumberland; on the western side are the Whitehaven, Burnley, S. Lancashire and N. Staffordshire coal-fields. Farther south are the S. Staffordshire, Warwickshire, Coalbrook Dale, Forest of Wyre, Forest of Dean and Bristol and Somerset coal-fields; while much concealed coal lies under younger formations in the south-east of England, as has been proved at Dover. A large part of N. Devon is occupied by the Culm shales, limestones and grits of Carboniferous age. The principal development of Permian rocks is the narrow strip which extends from Nottingham to Tynemouth; here the Magnesian limestone is the characteristic feature. On the other side of the Pennine Hills we find the Penrith sandstone of the Vale of Eden and the Brockram beds of the Lake District. Red sandstones and conglomerates of this age constitute some of the red rocks which form the picturesque scenery about Dawlish and Teignmouth.

The older rocks in England cover relatively small areas. Pre-Cambrian rocks include the gneisses of Primrose Hill and the schists of Rushton in Shropshire; the gneisses that form the core of the Malvern Hills, and the ancient volcanic and other rocks of the Wrekin, Charnwood Forest, and Nuneaton. The slates of the Long Mynd, located on the Shropshire border, belong to this system. Cambrian strata appear in Shropshire as sandstones and quartzites; in the Malvern Hills, they are black shales, while in the 416 Lake District, they are represented by the Skiddaw slates. Next in age is the Ordovician system, which is well developed along the Shropshire border and in the Lake District. In these two areas, we also find Silurian rocks, including shales and limestones along with grits and flags. In North and South Devon, there are Devonian limestones, grits, and shales, while the corresponding Old Red Sandstone type of the system (marls and sandstones) is exposed over a large part of Herefordshire, extending into Shropshire and Monmouth. Following this is the Carboniferous system, featuring shales and limestones in the lower members, then grits, sandstones, and shales—the Millstone Grit series—in the middle of the system, topped by the Coal Measures, a significant series of shales containing coal, sandstones, and ironstone. This important system covers a large area in England. The limestones and shales are well exposed in Derbyshire, Yorkshire, Northumberland, the Mendip Hills, and Clifton. The Millstone Grit series is prominent in Lancashire, Derbyshire, North Staffordshire, Yorkshire, and the Forest of Dean. The Coal Measures are generally found resting on the Millstone Grits in most locations, usually in synclinal basins. On the eastern side of the Pennine range, there are the adjacent coalfields of Yorkshire, Derbyshire, and Nottinghamshire, along with the coalfield of Durham and Northumberland; on the western side are the coalfields of Whitehaven, Burnley, South Lancashire, and North Staffordshire. Further south are the South Staffordshire, Warwickshire, Coalbrook Dale, Forest of Wyre, Forest of Dean, and Bristol and Somerset coalfields; meanwhile, much concealed coal lies beneath younger formations in the southeast of England, as demonstrated in Dover. A large part of North Devon is taken up by the Culm shales, limestones, and grits from the Carboniferous age. The main development of Permian rocks is the narrow strip that runs from Nottingham to Tynemouth, where the Magnesian limestone is the defining feature. On the other side of the Pennine Hills, we find the Penrith sandstone of the Vale of Eden and the Brockram beds of the Lake District. Red sandstones and conglomerates from this age make up some of the red rocks that create the scenic views around Dawlish and Teignmouth.

The Triassic rocks, red sandstones, marls and conglomerates cover a broad area in the Midlands in Worcestershire, Warwickshire and Leicestershire, whence they may be followed south-westward through Somerset to the coast at Sidmouth, and northward, round either flank of the Pennine Hills, through Nottinghamshire and Yorkshire to Middlesbrough on the one hand, and upon the other through Staffordshire, Cheshire and Lancashire to Carlisle.

The Triassic rocks, which include red sandstones, marls, and conglomerates, cover a large area in the Midlands, specifically in Worcestershire, Warwickshire, and Leicestershire. From there, they extend southwest through Somerset to the coast at Sidmouth, and they stretch northward around both sides of the Pennine Hills, passing through Nottinghamshire and Yorkshire to Middlesbrough on one side, and on the other side through Staffordshire, Cheshire, and Lancashire to Carlisle.

The outcrop of the Lias, mainly clay with thin limestones and ironstones, runs in an almost continuous band across the country from Lyme Regis, through Bath, Cheltenham, near Leicester, and Lincoln to Redcar in Yorkshire. Closely following the same line are the alternating clays and limestones of the Oolitic series. Next in order come the Greensands and Gault, which lie at the base of the Chalk escarpment, between that formation and the Oolites. The Chalk occupies all the remaining portion of the south-east of England, save the Wealden area, and extends northward as far as Flamborough in Yorkshire, forming the Yorkshire Wolds, the Lincolnshire Wolds, the Chiltern Hills, the N. and S. Downs, the Dorsetshire heights and Salisbury Plain. But in the eastern and southern counties the Chalk is covered by younger deposits of Tertiary age; the Pliocene Crags of Norfolk and Suffolk, the Lower London Tertiaries (London Clay, Woolwich and Reading Beds, &c.) of the London Basin comprising parts of Essex, Hertfordshire, Middlesex, Bucks and Berks, and northern Kent. Again, in the Hampshire Basin and Isle of Wight, Eocene and Oligocene formations rest upon the Chalk.

The outcrop of the Lias, primarily clay with thin layers of limestone and ironstone, runs almost continuously across the country from Lyme Regis, through Bath, Cheltenham, near Leicester, and Lincoln to Redcar in Yorkshire. Closely following that path are the alternating clays and limestones of the Oolitic series. Next in line are the Greensands and Gault, which sit at the base of the Chalk escarpment, positioned between that formation and the Oolites. The Chalk covers the rest of the southeastern part of England, except for the Wealden area, and extends northward as far as Flamborough in Yorkshire, forming the Yorkshire Wolds, Lincolnshire Wolds, Chiltern Hills, North and South Downs, Dorset heights, and Salisbury Plain. However, in the eastern and southern counties, the Chalk is covered by younger deposits from the Tertiary period; the Pliocene Crags of Norfolk and Suffolk, the Lower London Tertiaries (London Clay, Woolwich and Reading Beds, etc.) of the London Basin, which includes parts of Essex, Hertfordshire, Middlesex, Bucks, Berks, and northern Kent. Additionally, in the Hampshire Basin and Isle of Wight, Eocene and Oligocene formations lie on top of the Chalk.

When we attempt to decipher the physical history of the country from the complicated record afforded by the stratigraphical palimpsest, we are checked at the outset by the dearth of information from being able to picture the geographical condition in the older Palaeozoic periods. All we can say is, that in those remote times what is now England had no existence; its site was occupied by seas which were tenanted by marine invertebrates, long since extinct. As for the boundaries of these ancient seas, we can say nothing with certainty, but it is of interest to note the evidence we possess of still older land conditions, such as we have in the old rocks of Shropshire, &c. In the Devonian period it is clear that an elevatory movement had set in towards the north, which gave rise to the formation of inland lakes and narrow estuaries in which the Old Red Sandstone rocks were formed, while in the south of England lay the sea with a vigorous coral fauna. This condition led up to the Carboniferous period, which began with fairly open sea over the south and north of England, but in the centre there rose an elevated land mass from which much of the Millstone Grit was derived; other land lay towards the north. Slowly this sea shallowed, giving rise to the alternating estuarine marine and freshwater deposits of the Coal Measures. Continual elevation of the land brought about the close of the coal-forming period and great changes ensued. Desert conditions, with confined inland seas, marked the Permian and Triassic periods. It was about this time that the Pennine Hills, the Lake District mountain mass, and the Mendip Hills were being most vigorously uplifted, while the granite masses of Cornwall and Devon were perhaps being injected into the Carboniferous and Devonian rocks. From this period, more or less of the Pennine ridge has always remained above the sea, along with much of Cornwall and parts of Devonshire.

When we try to understand the physical history of the country from the complex record provided by the layered geological history, we are hindered at the start by the lack of information that prevents us from visualizing the geographical situation in the older Paleozoic periods. All we can say is that during those distant times, what is now England did not exist; its location was occupied by seas inhabited by marine invertebrates that are long extinct. As for the boundaries of these ancient seas, we can’t say anything for sure, but it’s interesting to note the evidence we have of even older land conditions, like those found in the old rocks of Shropshire, etc. In the Devonian period, it’s clear that there was an upward movement toward the north, which resulted in the formation of inland lakes and narrow estuaries where the Old Red Sandstone rocks were created, while the south of England was covered by a sea rich in coral life. This situation led to the Carboniferous period, which started with a relatively open sea over southern and northern England, but in the center, a raised landmass emerged from which much of the Millstone Grit was formed; other land was located to the north. Gradually, this sea became shallower, leading to the alternating estuarine marine and freshwater deposits of the Coal Measures. The ongoing rise of the land brought an end to the coal-forming period and significant changes followed. Dry desert conditions with confined inland seas characterized the Permian and Triassic periods. Around this time, the Pennine Hills, the Lake District mountain range, and the Mendip Hills were being lifted vigorously, while the granite formations of Cornwall and Devon were possibly being injected into the Carboniferous and Devonian rocks. From this period onward, much of the Pennine ridge has remained above sea level, along with significant parts of Cornwall and Devonshire.

In early Jurassic times the sea probably again occupied most of England with the exception of the above-mentioned areas, the Lake District and eastern part of the London Basin; Wales, too, and much of Scotland were land. Elevation gradually caused more land to appear in later Jurassic and early Cretaceous times when a river system, now entirely obliterated, drained into the Purbeck estuary and Wealden lake; but a subsequent depression led to the wide extension of the Chalk sea. By the beginning of the Eocene period we find the sea limited to the S.E. of England, where the London Clay, &c., were being laid down. It was not until quite late in Tertiary time that these islands began to assume anything like their present form. In the earlier part of the Pleistocene period, England and Ireland were still incompletely severed, and the combined activity of certain extinct rivers and the sea had not yet cut through the land connexion with the continent. The last well-marked lowering of the land took place in the Pleistocene period, when it was accompanied by glacial conditions, through which the greater part of northern England and the Midlands was covered by ice; a state of things which led directly and indirectly to the deposition of those extensive boulder clays, sands and gravels which obscure so much of the older surface of the country in all but the southern counties.

In the early Jurassic period, the sea likely covered most of England, except for the areas mentioned above, like the Lake District and the eastern part of the London Basin. Wales and much of Scotland were also dry land. As the land rose, more land became visible in the later Jurassic and early Cretaceous periods when a river system, now completely lost, flowed into the Purbeck estuary and Wealden lake. However, a later sinking of the land led to the expansive Chalk sea. By the start of the Eocene period, the sea was mostly confined to the southeast of England, where the London Clay, among others, was being formed. It wasn't until much later in the Tertiary period that the islands began to take on anything resembling their current shape. In the earlier part of the Pleistocene period, England and Ireland were still not completely separated, and the combined action of certain extinct rivers and the sea had yet to break the land connection with the continent. The last significant lowering of the land occurred during the Pleistocene period, accompanied by glacial conditions, which covered much of northern England and the Midlands with ice; this situation directly and indirectly led to the accumulation of extensive boulder clays, sands, and gravels that cover much of the older surface of the country, except in the southern counties.

Throughout the whole period of its geological history, volcanic activity has found expression with varying degrees of intensity along what is now the western side of the island, with the exception that in the Mesozoic era this activity was in abeyance. We may note the pre-Cambrian lavas and tuffs of the Wrekin district in Shropshire and the somewhat later volcanic rocks of Charnwood; the porphyrites, andesites, tuffs and rhyolites of the Borrowdale volcanic centre, erupted in the Ordovician period, and the Silurian granites of the same region. The volcanic outbursts which followed became feebler in the Devonian and Carboniferous periods and ceased with the Permian. When again the volcanic forces became active, it was in the early Tertiary era; the evidences for this lie outside the English border.

Throughout its geological history, volcanic activity has varied in intensity along what is now the western side of the island, except during the Mesozoic era when this activity paused. We can point to the pre-Cambrian lavas and tuffs of the Wrekin district in Shropshire and the somewhat later volcanic rocks of Charnwood; the porphyrites, andesites, tuffs, and rhyolites of the Borrowdale volcanic center, which erupted during the Ordovician period, and the Silurian granites from the same area. The volcanic eruptions that followed became weaker during the Devonian and Carboniferous periods and stopped by the Permian. When volcanic forces became active again, it was in the early Tertiary era; the evidence for this is found outside the English border.

The principal directions of crust movement in England are: (1) north and south, by which the Pennine folds and faults, and the Malvern Hills have been produced; (2) east and west, by which the folds of the Weald and the Mendip Hills, and those of Devonshire have been formed. Another less important direction is N.W. and S.E., as in the Charnwood folding.

The main directions of crust movement in England are: (1) north and south, which created the Pennine folds and faults, as well as the Malvern Hills; (2) east and west, resulting in the folds of the Weald, the Mendip Hills, and those in Devon. Another, less significant direction is northwest and southeast, like in the Charnwood folding.

Further details of the geology are given under the heads of the counties.

Further details about the geology are provided under the headings of the counties.

(J. A. H.)

IV. Climate

IV. Climate Change

Temperature.—The mean annual temperature of the whole of England and Wales (reduced to sea-level) is about 50° F., varying from something over 52° in the Scilly Isles to something under 48° at the mouth of the Tweed. The mean annual Climate. temperature diminishes very regularly from south-west to north-east, the west coast being warmer than the east, so that the mean temperature at the mouth of the Mersey is as high as that at the mouth of the Thames. During the coldest month of the year (January) the mean temperature of all England is about 40°. The influence of the western ocean is very strongly marked, the temperature falling steadily from west to east. Thus while the temperature in the west of Cornwall is 44°, the temperature on the east coast from north of the Humber to the Thames is under 38°, the coldest winters being experienced in the Fenland. In the hottest month (July) the mean temperature of England and Wales is about 61.5°, and the westerly wind then exercises a cooling effect, the greatest heat being found in the Thames basin immediately around London, where the mean temperature of the month exceeds 64°; the mean temperature along the south coast is 62°, and that at the mouth of the Tweed a little under 59°. In the centre of the country along a line drawn from London to Carlisle the mean temperature in July is found to diminish gradually at an average rate of 1° per 60 m. The coasts are cooler than the centre of the country, but the west coast is much cooler than the east, modified continental conditions prevailing over the North Sea. The natural effect of the heating of the air in summer and the cooling of the air in winter by contact with the land is largely masked in England on account of the strength of the prevailing south-westerly wind carrying oceanic influence into the heart of the country. This effect is well seen in the way in which the wind blowing directly up the Severn estuary is directed along the edges of the Oolitic escarpment north-eastward, thus displacing the centre of cold in winter to the east coast, and the centre of heat in summer to the lower Thames, from the position which both centres would occupy, if calms prevailed, in a belt running from Birmingham to Buckingham. As to how far the narrow portion of the North Sea modifies the influence of the European continent, there seems reason to believe that the prevailing winds blowing up the English Channel carry oceanic conditions some distance inland, along those parts of the continent nearest to England. The Mersey estuary, being partly sheltered by Ireland and North Wales, does not serve as an inlet for modifying influences to the same extent as the Bristol Channel; and as the wind entering by it blows squarely against the slope of the Pennine Chain, it does not much affect the climate of the midland plain.

Temperature.—The average annual temperature for all of England and Wales (adjusted to sea level) is about 50° F., ranging from just over 52° in the Scilly Isles to just under 48° at the mouth of the Tweed. The average annual temperature consistently decreases from southwest to northeast, with the west coast being warmer than the east, so the average temperature at the mouth of the Mersey is about the same as at the mouth of the Thames. During the coldest month of the year (January), the average temperature for all of England is around 40°. The influence of the western ocean is very noticeable, with temperatures steadily dropping from west to east. For example, while the temperature in West Cornwall is 44°, the temperature on the east coast from north of the Humber to the Thames is below 38°, with the coldest winters occurring in Fenland. In the hottest month (July), the average temperature for England and Wales is about 61.5°, and the westerly wind then has a cooling effect, with the highest temperatures found in the Thames basin near London, where the average temperature exceeds 64°; the average temperature along the south coast is 62°, and at the mouth of the Tweed, it's just under 59°. In the central region of the country, along a line drawn from London to Carlisle, the average temperature in July decreases gradually at an average rate of 1° per 60 miles. The coasts are cooler than the central part of the country, but the west coast is much cooler than the east, where modified continental conditions prevail over the North Sea. The natural warming of the air in summer and cooling in winter due to contact with the land is largely hidden in England due to the strength of the prevailing south-westerly wind, which brings oceanic influences deep into the country. This effect is evident in how the wind blowing directly up the Severn estuary is directed along the edges of the Oolitic escarpment northeastward, thus pushing the center of cold in winter to the east coast and the center of heat in summer to the lower Thames, from the positions those centers would take if calm conditions ruled in a band running from Birmingham to Buckingham. As for how much the narrow portion of the North Sea alters the influence of the European continent, there is reason to believe that the prevailing winds blowing up the English Channel carry oceanic conditions some distance inland, along those parts of the continent closest to England. The Mersey estuary, somewhat sheltered by Ireland and North Wales, does not allow for modifying influences to the same extent as the Bristol Channel; and since the wind entering through it blows straight against the slope of the Pennine Chain, it doesn’t significantly impact the climate of the midlands.

Winds.—The average barometric pressure over England is about 417 29.94 in., and normally diminishes from south-west to north-east at all seasons, the mean pressure on the south coast being 29.97 and that on the northern border 29.88. The pressure at any given latitude is normally highest in the centre of the country and on the east coast, and lowest on the west coast. The direction of the mean annual isobars shows that the normal wind in all parts of England and Wales must be from the south-west on the west coast, curving gradually until in the centre of the country, and on the east coast it is westerly, without a southerly component. The normal seasonal march of pressure-change produces a maximum gradient in December and January, and a minimum gradient in April; but for every month in the year the mean gradient is for winds from southerly and westerly quarters. In April the gradient is so slight that any temporary fall of pressure to the south of England or any temporary rise of pressure to the north, which would suffice in other months merely to reduce the velocity of the south-westerly wind, is sufficient in that month to reverse the gradient and produce an east wind over the whole country. The liability to east wind in spring is one of the most marked features of the English climate, the effect being naturally most felt on the east coast. The southerly component in the wind is as a rule most marked in the winter months, the westerly component predominating in summer. The west end of a town receives the wind as it blows in fresh from the country at all seasons, and consequently the west end of an English town is with few exceptions the residential quarter, while smoke-producing industries are usually relegated to the east end.

Winds.—The average barometric pressure over England is about 417 29.94 in., and usually decreases from the south-west to the north-east throughout the year. The mean pressure on the south coast is 29.97, while on the northern border it’s 29.88. The pressure at any specific latitude is generally highest in the center of the country and on the east coast, and lowest on the west coast. The direction of the average annual isobars indicates that the typical wind across England and Wales comes from the south-west on the west coast, gradually curving so that in the center of the country and on the east coast it blows from the west, without a southern component. The usual seasonal pattern of pressure changes creates a maximum gradient in December and January and a minimum gradient in April. However, for every month of the year, the average gradient favors winds from the south and west. In April, the gradient is so weak that any temporary drop in pressure to the south of England or rise in pressure to the north, which would only reduce the speed of the south-westerly wind in other months, is enough to reverse the gradient and create an east wind across the entire country. The tendency for east winds in spring is one of the most noticeable aspects of the English climate, with the impact being especially felt on the east coast. The southerly aspect of the wind is usually most pronounced during the winter months, while the westerly aspect prevails in summer. The west side of a town gets the wind as it comes in fresh from the countryside all year round, so the west side of an English town is, with few exceptions, the residential area, while smoke-generating industries are typically located in the east side.

Storms.—On account of the great frequency of cyclonic disturbances passing in from the Atlantic, the average conditions of wind over the British Islands give no idea of the frequency of change in direction and force. The chief paths of depressions are from south-west to north-east across England; one track runs across the south-east and eastern counties, and is that followed by a large proportion of the summer and autumn storms, thereby perhaps helping to explain the peculiar liability of the east of England to damage from hail accompanying thunderstorms. A second track crosses central England, entering by the Severn estuary and leaving by the Humber or the Wash; while a third crosses the north of England from the neighbourhood of Morecambe Bay to the Tyne. While these are tracks frequently followed by the centres of barometric depressions, individual cyclones may and do cross the country in all directions, though very rarely indeed from east to west or from north to south.

Storms.—Due to the high frequency of cyclonic disturbances coming in from the Atlantic, the typical wind conditions over the British Islands don’t reflect how often the direction and strength change. The main paths of low-pressure systems move from south-west to north-east across England; one route goes through the south-east and eastern counties, which is taken by a large number of summer and autumn storms, possibly explaining why eastern England is particularly vulnerable to hail damage during thunderstorms. A second route goes across central England, entering through the Severn estuary and exiting by the Humber or the Wash; while a third crosses northern England from the area around Morecambe Bay to the Tyne. Although these are common paths for the centers of barometric lows, individual cyclones can and do cross the country in various directions, although it’s extremely rare for them to move from east to west or from north to south.

Rainfall.—The rainfall of England, being largely due to passing cyclones, can hardly be expected to show a very close relation to the physical features of the country, yet looked at in a general way the relation between prevailing winds and orographic structure is not obscure. The western or mountainous division is the wettest at all seasons, each orographic group forming a centre of heavy precipitation. There are few places in the Western Division where the rainfall is less than 35 in., while in Wales, the Cornwall-Devon peninsula, the Lake District and the southern part of the Pennine Region the precipitation exceeds 40 in., and in Wales and the Lake District considerable areas have a rainfall of over 60 in. In the Eastern Division, on the other hand, an annual rainfall exceeding 30 in. is rare, and in the low ground about the mouth of the Thames estuary and around the Wash the mean annual rainfall is less than 25 in. In the Western Division and along the south coast the driest month is usually April or May, while in the Eastern Division it is February or March. The wettest month for most parts of England is October, the most noticeable exception being in East Anglia, where, on account of the frequency of summer thunderstorms, July is the month in which most rain falls, although October is not far behind. In the Western Division there is a tendency for the annual maximum of rainfall to occur later than October. It may be stated generally that the Western Division is mild and wet in winter, and cool and less wet in summer; while the Eastern Division is cold and dry in winter and spring, and hot and less dry in summer and autumn. The south coast occupies an intermediate position between the two as regards climate. Attention has been called to the fact that the bare rocks and steep gradients which are common in the Western Division allow of the heavy rainfall running off the surface rapidly, while the flat and often clayey lands of the Eastern Division retain the scantier rainfall in the soil for a longer time, so that for agricultural purposes the effect of the rainfall is not very dissimilar throughout the country.

Rainfall.—The rainfall in England, largely caused by passing cyclones, isn’t deeply connected to the country’s physical features. However, when viewed broadly, the relationship between prevailing winds and the land’s structure is noticeable. The western or mountainous area is the wettest all year round, with each mountain group being a center for heavy rainfall. There are few places in the Western Division where the rainfall is less than 35 inches, while in Wales, the Cornwall-Devon peninsula, the Lake District, and the southern part of the Pennine Region, the precipitation exceeds 40 inches. In Wales and the Lake District, some areas have over 60 inches of rainfall. In contrast, in the Eastern Division, an annual rainfall over 30 inches is uncommon, and in the lowland areas near the mouth of the Thames estuary and around the Wash, the average annual rainfall is below 25 inches. In the Western Division and along the south coast, the driest month is usually April or May, while in the Eastern Division, it's February or March. For most of England, October is the wettest month, with East Anglia being a notable exception, where due to frequent summer thunderstorms, July sees the most rain, although October is close behind. In the Western Division, the highest annual rainfall tends to occur later than October. Generally, the Western Division experiences mild and wet winters, and cool and less wet summers, while the Eastern Division is cold and dry in winter and spring, and hot and less dry in summer and autumn. The south coast has a climate that falls in between the two. It’s worth noting that the bare rocks and steep slopes common in the Western Division allow heavy rainfall to drain off quickly, while the flat and often clayey lands of the Eastern Division hold onto the lighter rainfall in the soil for a longer time, so the impact of rainfall for farming purposes is quite similar across the country.

Sunshine.—The distribution of sunshine is not yet fully investigated, but it appears that the sunniest part is the extreme south coast, where alone the total number of hours of bright sunshine reaches an average of more than 1600 per annum. The north-east, including the Pennine Region and the whole of Yorkshire, has less than 1300 hours of sunshine, and a portion of North Wales is equally cloudy. Although little more than a guess, 1375 hours may be put down as approximately the average duration of bright sunshine for England as a whole, which may be compared with 2600 hours for Italy, and probably about 1200 hours for Norway.

Sunshine.—The distribution of sunshine hasn't been fully studied yet, but it seems that the sunniest area is the far south coast, where the total number of hours of bright sunshine averages over 1600 per year. The northeast, which includes the Pennine Region and all of Yorkshire, has less than 1300 hours of sunshine, and part of North Wales is similarly cloudy. Although it's mostly a guess, about 1375 hours can be estimated as the average duration of bright sunshine for England overall, which can be compared to 2600 hours for Italy and about 1200 hours for Norway.

For the purpose of forecasting the weather, the meteorological office divides England into six districts, which are known as England N.E., Midland Counties, England East, London and Channel, England N.W. and North Wales, and England S.W. and South Wales.

For weather forecasting, the meteorological office splits England into six districts: England N.E., Midland Counties, England East, London and Channel, England N.W. and North Wales, and England S.W. and South Wales.

(H. R. M.)

V. English Place-Names

V. English Place Names

English place-names are of diverse origin and often extremely corrupt in their modern form, so that the real etymology of the names can often be discovered only by a careful comparison of the modern form with such ancient forms as are to be found in charters, ancient histories, and other early documents. By the aid of these a certain amount of work has been done in the subject, but it is still largely an unworked field. The most satisfactory method of characterizing English place-nomenclature is to deal with it historically and chronologically, showing the influence of the successive nations who have borne sway in this island. The Celtic influence is to be found scattered evenly up and down the country so far as names of rivers and mountains are concerned; in names of towns it is chiefly confined to the west. Roman influence is slight but evenly distributed. English influence is all-pervading, though in the northern and north-midland counties this influence has been encroached upon by Scandinavian influence. Norman influence is not confined to any particular district.

English place names come from various origins and are often quite distorted in their modern versions, making it difficult to uncover their true meanings. Typically, the real etymology of these names can only be traced through careful comparisons with ancient forms found in charters, old histories, and other early documents. Some research has been done in this area, but it remains largely unexplored. The best way to describe English place names is to examine them historically and chronologically, highlighting the impact of the different nations that have ruled this island. The Celtic influence is widely spread throughout the country, especially in names of rivers and mountains, while in town names, it is mainly limited to the west. The Roman impact is minor but consistent. The English influence is everywhere, although in the northern and north-midland counties, it has been somewhat overshadowed by Scandinavian influence. The Norman impact is not restricted to any specific region.

Celtic.—Though scattered notices of towns, cities and rivers in Britain are to be found in various early Roman writers, it is not till the time of Ptolemy (2nd century), who constructed a map of the island, and of the itinerary of Antonine (beginning of the 3rd century) that we have much information as to the cities and towns of Britain. We there learn that the following place-names are ultimately of Celtic origin:—Brougham, Catterick, York, Lincoln (Lindum), Manchester (Mancunium), Doncaster (Danum), Wroxeter (Viroconium), Lichfield (Letocetum), Gloucester (Glevum), Cirencester (Corinium), Colchester (Camulodunum), London, Reculver, Richborough (Rutupiae), Dover, Lymne, Isle of Wight, Dorchester (Durnovaria), Sarum, Exeter (Isca), Brancaster (Branodunum), Thanet. We also have the names of the following rivers:—Eden, Dee, Trent, Yare, Colne, Thames, Kennet, Churne, Exe, Severn, Tamar. Gildas, writing in the 6th century, speaks of the twenty-eight cities of the Britons. Nennius’ Historia Britonum gives what purports to be a list of these cities. Of these, excluding Welsh ones, we may with some certainty identify Canterbury (Caint), Caerleon-on-Usk, Leicester (Lerion), Penzelwood, Carlisle, Colchester, Grantchester (Granth), London, Worcester (Guveirangon), Doncaster (Daun), Wroxeter (Guoricon), Chester (Legion—this is Roman), Lichfield (Licitcsith) and Gloucester (Gloui). Others less certain are Preston-on-Humber and Manchester (Manchguid).

Celtic.—While there are mentions of towns, cities, and rivers in Britain from various early Roman writers, we only get significant details about the cities and towns of Britain from Ptolemy in the 2nd century, who created a map of the island, and the Antonine itinerary from the start of the 3rd century. From these sources, we learn that the following place-names have Celtic origins: Brougham, Catterick, York, Lincoln (Lindum), Manchester (Mancunium), Doncaster (Danum), Wroxeter (Viroconium), Lichfield (Letocetum), Gloucester (Glevum), Cirencester (Corinium), Colchester (Camulodunum), London, Reculver, Richborough (Rutupiae), Dover, Lymne, Isle of Wight, Dorchester (Durnovaria), Sarum, Exeter (Isca), Brancaster (Branodunum), and Thanet. We also have the names of the following rivers: Eden, Dee, Trent, Yare, Colne, Thames, Kennet, Churne, Exe, Severn, and Tamar. Gildas, writing in the 6th century, mentions the twenty-eight cities of the Britons. Nennius’ Historia Britonum provides what seems to be a list of these cities. From this list, excluding Welsh ones, we can fairly confidently identify Canterbury (Caint), Caerleon-on-Usk, Leicester (Lerion), Penzelwood, Carlisle, Colchester, Grantchester (Granth), London, Worcester (Guveirangon), Doncaster (Daun), Wroxeter (Guoricon), Chester (Legion—this is Roman), Lichfield (Licitcsith), and Gloucester (Gloui). The identification of Preston-on-Humber and Manchester (Manchguid) is less certain.

In modern place-names the suffix don often goes back to the Celtic dun, a hill, e.g. Bredon, Everdon, but the suffix was still a living one in Saxon times. Of river-names the vast majority are Celtic (possible exceptions will be named later), and the same is true of mountains and hills. The forests of Wyre, Elmet and Sel (wood), and the districts of the Wrekin and the Peak are probably Celtic.

In today's place names, the suffix don often comes from the Celtic dun, meaning a hill, e.g. Bredon, Everdon, but the suffix was still in use during Saxon times. The vast majority of river names are Celtic (possible exceptions will be mentioned later), and the same applies to mountains and hills. The forests of Wyre, Elmet, and Sel (meaning wood), along with the areas of the Wrekin and the Peak, are likely of Celtic origin.

Roman.—We do not owe entire place-names to Roman influence, with the exception of a few such as Chester, Chester-le-Street (L. strata [via], a road) and Caistor, but Roman influence is to be found in many names compounded of Celtic and Roman elements. The chief of these is the element chester—(L. castrum, a fort), e.g. Ebchester, Silchester, Grantchester. Porchester is entirely Latin, but may not have been formed till Saxon times. The form caster is found in the north and east, under Scandinavian influence, e.g. Tadcaster, Lancaster; and in the south-west and in the midlands we have a group of towns with the form cester:—Bicester, Gloucester, Cirencester, Worcester, Alcester, Leicester, Towcester. Exeter, Wroxeter and perhaps Uttoxeter show the suffix in slightly different form. In names like Chesterton, Chesterford, Chesterholm, Woodchester, the second element shows that the names are of later English or Scandinavian formation. In Lincoln we have a compound of the Celtic Lindum and the Latin colonia.

Roman.—We don’t owe all place names to Roman influence, except for a few like Chester, Chester-le-Street (L. strata [via, a road]) and Caistor. However, Roman influence can be seen in many names that mix Celtic and Roman elements. The main one is the element chester—(L. castrum, a fort), like in Ebchester, Silchester, and Grantchester. Porchester is completely Latin, but it may not have been created until Saxon times. The form caster appears in the north and east, influenced by Scandinavian, such as in Tadcaster and Lancaster; while in the south-west and midlands, we have a group of towns ending with cester:—Bicester, Gloucester, Cirencester, Worcester, Alcester, Leicester, and Towcester. Exeter, Wroxeter, and possibly Uttoxeter show the suffix in slightly different forms. In names like Chesterton, Chesterford, Chesterholm, and Woodchester, the second part indicates that these names were formed later in English or Scandinavian. In Lincoln, we have a combination of the Celtic Lindum and the Latin colonia.

Saxon.—The chief suffixes of Saxon origin to be found in English place-names are as follows (some of them being also used independently): -burgh, -borough, -bury (O.E. burh, fortified town), e.g. Burgh, Bamborough, Aylesbury, Bury; -bourne, -borne, -burn (O.E. burne, -a, a stream), e.g. Ashbourne, Sherborne, Sockburn; -bridge, e.g. Weybridge, Bridge; -church, e.g. Pucklechurch; -den, -dean (O.E. denu, a valley), e.g. Gaddesden, Rottingdean; -down, -don, -ton (O.E. dūn [Celtic], a hill), e.g. Huntingdon, Seckington, Edington; -ey, -ea, -y (O.E. īg, an island), e.g. Thorney, Mersea, Ely; -fleet (O.E. fleot, an estuary) e.g. Benfleet; -field, e.g. Lichfield; -ford, e.g. Bradford; -ham (O.E. hām, a home, and hamm, an enclosure); these are not distinguished in modern English, e.g. Bosham, Ham; -hall (O.E. healh, a corner), e.g. Riccall, Tettenhall; -head, e.g. Gateshead; -hill, e.g. Tickhill; -hurst (O.E. hyrst, copse, wood), e.g. Deerhurst; -ing (patronymic suffix, plural form in O.E.), e.g. Basing, Reading; -leigh, -ley, -lea (O.E. lēah, meadow), e.g. Leigh, Stoneleigh, Whalley; -lade (O.E. lād, path, course), e.g. Cricklade; -land, e.g. Crowland; -lock (O.E. loca, enclosure), e.g. Porlock; -minster (O.E. mynster, L. monasterium), e.g. Axminster, Minster; -mouth, e.g. Exmouth; -port (O.E. port, market-town, a word of Latin 418 origin), e.g. Bridport; -sted, -stead (O. E. stede, a place), e.g. Stansted, Wanstead; -stone, -ston, e.g. Beverstone, Sherston; -staple (O.E. stapol, foundation), e.g. Barnstaple; -stow (O.E. stow, place), e.g. Stow, Chepstow, Bristol (earlier Bristow); -tree, -try, e.g. Coventry, Elstree, Seasalter; -ton (O.E. tŭn, enclosure), e.g. Milton; -wark (O.E. geweorc, fortification), e.g. Southwark; -well, e.g. Bakewell; -wich, -wick (O.E. wic, a dwelling), e.g. Norwich, Swanage (O.E. Swanawic), Warwick; -worth, -worthy (O.E. weorth, weorthig, an enclosure), e.g. Polesworth, Holsworthy.

Saxon.—The main suffixes of Saxon origin found in English place names include the following (some of which are also used independently): -burgh, -borough, -bury (O.E. burh, fortified town), e.g. Burgh, Bamborough, Aylesbury, Bury; -bourne, -borne, -burn (O.E. burne, -a, a stream), e.g. Ashbourne, Sherborne, Sockburn; -bridge, e.g. Weybridge, Bridge; -church, e.g. Pucklechurch; -den, -dean (O.E. denu, a valley), e.g. Gaddesden, Rottingdean; -down, -don, -ton (O.E. dūn [Celtic], a hill), e.g. Huntingdon, Seckington, Edington; -ey, -ea, -y (O.E. īg, an island), e.g. Thorney, Mersea, Ely; -fleet (O.E. fleot, an estuary) e.g. Benfleet; -field, e.g. Lichfield; -ford, e.g. Bradford; -ham (O.E. hām, a home, and hamm, an enclosure); these are not distinguished in modern English, e.g. Bosham, Ham; -hall (O.E. healh, a corner), e.g. Riccall, Tettenhall; -head, e.g. Gateshead; -hill, e.g. Tickhill; -hurst (O.E. hyrst, a copse, wood), e.g. Deerhurst; -ing (patronymic suffix, plural form in O.E.), e.g. Basing, Reading; -leigh, -ley, -lea (O.E. lēah, meadow), e.g. Leigh, Stoneleigh, Whalley; -lade (O.E. lād, path, course), e.g. Cricklade; -land, e.g. Crowland; -lock (O.E. loca, enclosure), e.g. Porlock; -minster (O.E. mynster, L. monasterium), e.g. Axminster, Minster; -mouth, e.g. Exmouth; -port (O.E. port, market-town, a word of Latin origin), e.g. Bridport; -sted, -stead (O.E. stede, a place), e.g. Stansted, Wanstead; -stone, -ston, e.g. Beverstone, Sherston; -staple (O.E. stapol, foundation), e.g. Barnstaple; -stow (O.E. stow, place), e.g. Stow, Chepstow, Bristol (earlier Bristow); -tree, -try, e.g. Coventry, Elstree, Seasalter; -ton (O.E. tŭn, enclosure), e.g. Milton; -wark (O.E. geweorc, fortification), e.g. Southwark; -well, e.g. Bakewell; -wich, -wick (O.E. wic, a dwelling), e.g. Norwich, Swanage (O.E. Swanawic), Warwick; -worth, -worthy (O.E. weorth, weorthig, an enclosure), e.g. Polesworth, Holsworthy.

Of river names the Blackwater, Witham, Ashburne, Swift, Washburn, Loxly, Wythburn, Eamont are perhaps English and so also may be the Waveney in Suffolk.

Of river names, the Blackwater, Witham, Ashburne, Swift, Washburn, Loxly, Wythburn, and Eamont are probably English, and so might the Waveney in Suffolk.

Scandinavian.—The following suffixes are Scandinavian in origin, some of them being also used independently: -beck (O.N. bekkr, stream), e.g. Starbeck, Troutbeck; -by (O.N. byr, town), e.g. Whitby; -dale (O.N. dalr), e.g. Swaledale; -car(r), -ker (O.N. kiörr, marshy ground), e.g. Redcar, The Carrs, Muker; -fell (O.N. fjäll, mountain), e.g. Scafell; -force, -foss (O.N. fors, waterfall). High Force, Wilberfoss; -garth (O.N. garðr, enclosure), e.g. Hoggarths; -gill (O.N. gil, a deep narrow glen), e.g. Skelgill, Dungeon Ghyll; -holm(e) (O.N. hólmr, island), e.g. Axholme, Durham (earlier Dunholm); keld (O.N. kelda, well, spring), e.g. Threlkeld, Keld; -lund (O.N. lundr, grove), e.g. Snelland, Timberland, Lound; -how (O.N. haugr, hill), e.g. Greenhow; -scale (O.N. skále, hut, shed), e.g. Seascale; -skew (O.N. skógr, forest), e.g. Litherskew; -thorpe (O.N. þorp, village), e.g. Thorpe, Osgathorp; -thwaite (O.N. þveit, a piece of land), e.g. Rosthwaite; -toft (O.N. topt, a green knoll), e.g. Toft, Langtoft; -with (O.N. viðr, a wood), e.g. Blawith, Stowiths.

Scandinavian.—The following suffixes come from Scandinavian origins, and some are also used on their own: -beck (O.N. bekkr, stream), e.g. Starbeck, Troutbeck; -by (O.N. byr, town), e.g. Whitby; -dale (O.N. dalr), e.g. Swaledale; -car(r), -ker (O.N. kiörr, marshy ground), e.g. Redcar, The Carrs, Muker; -fell (O.N. fjäll, mountain), e.g. Scafell; -force, -foss (O.N. fors, waterfall), e.g. High Force, Wilberfoss; -garth (O.N. garðr, enclosure), e.g. Hoggarths; -gill (O.N. gil, a deep narrow glen), e.g. Skelgill, Dungeon Ghyll; -holm(e) (O.N. hólmr, island), e.g. Axholme, Durham (formerly Dunholm); keld (O.N. kelda, well, spring), e.g. Threlkeld, Keld; -lund (O.N. lundr, grove), e.g. Snelland, Timberland, Lound; -how (O.N. haugr, hill), e.g. Greenhow; -scale (O.N. skále, hut, shed), e.g. Seascale; -skew (O.N. skógr, forest), e.g. Litherskew; -thorpe (O.N. þorp, village), e.g. Thorpe, Osgathorp; -thwaite (O.N. þveit, a piece of land), e.g. Rosthwaite; -toft (O.N. topt, a green knoll), e.g. Toft, Langtoft; -with (O.N. viðr, a wood), e.g. Blawith, Stowiths.

Tarn (a mountain pool), grain and sike (mountain streams) are also Scandinavian terms.

Tarn (a mountain pool), grain, and sike (mountain streams) are also Scandinavian terms.

Norman.—Norman influence has not been very great in English place-nomenclature. The number of places with pure French names is extremely limited; a few such are Beaulieu, Belvoir, Beauchief, Beaudesert, Beaufort, Beaumont, also Theydon Bois, War-boys. Norman influence is marked more strongly in certain compound place-names, where one of the elements often represents the name of the original Norman tenant or holder, e.g. Thorpe Mandeville, Helion Bumstead, Higham Ferrers, Swaffham Bulbeck, Stoke Gifford, Shepton Mallet; similarly names like Lyme Regis, King’s Sutton, Monks’ Kirby, Zeal Monachorum, Milton Abbas, Bishop’s Waltham, Prior’s Dean, Huish Episcopi date from feudal times. Gallicized forms are also to be found in a few forms like Kirkby-le-Soken, Chapel-en-le-Frith, Alsop-en-le-Dale, Barnoldby-le-Beck. Ecclesiastical influence is to be found in such names as Aldwinkle St Peter, Barford St Martin, Belchamp St Paul, the name of the saint being the name either of the saint to whom the church at that place was dedicated or the patron-saint of the monastery or abbey to whom lands in that district belonged.

Norman.—The Norman influence on English place names hasn't been very significant. There are only a few places with pure French names, such as Beaulieu, Belvoir, Beauchief, Beaudesert, Beaufort, and Beaumont, along with Theydon Bois and War-boys. The Norman impact is more evident in certain compound place names, where one part usually represents the name of the original Norman tenant or landholder, for example, Thorpe Mandeville, Helion Bumstead, Higham Ferrers, Swaffham Bulbeck, Stoke Gifford, and Shepton Mallet; similarly, names like Lyme Regis, King’s Sutton, Monks’ Kirby, Zeal Monachorum, Milton Abbas, Bishop’s Waltham, and Prior’s Dean, Huish Episcopi date from feudal times. Gallicized forms can also be seen in a few names like Kirkby-le-Soken, Chapel-en-le-Frith, Alsop-en-le-Dale, and Barnoldby-le-Beck. Ecclesiastical influence is evident in names such as Aldwinkle St Peter, Barford St Martin, and Belchamp St Paul, where the name of the saint refers to either the saint to whom the local church was dedicated or the patron saint of the monastery or abbey that owned lands in the area.

(A. Mw.)

VI. Population

VI. Population

Until the beginning of the 19th century there existed no other knowledge of the actual area and population of the country but what was given in the vaguest estimates. But there can be little doubt that the population of England and Wales increased very slowly for centuries, owing largely to want of intercommunication, which led to famines, more or less severe—it being a common occurrence that, while one county, with a good harvest, was enjoying abundance, the people of the adjoining one were starving. The interpretation of certain figures given in the Domesday Survey (which do not cover certain parts of modern England nor take account of the ecclesiastical population) is a matter of widely divergent opinion; but a total population of one million and a half has been accepted by many for the close of the 11th century. In 1377 the levying of a poll-tax provides partial figures from which a total of two to two-and-a-half millions has been deduced, but again divergent views have been expressed as to how far the number was still affected by the Black Death of 1348-1349. It is calculated, on the basis of registers of births and deaths, that the population of England and Wales numbered 5,475,000 in 1700, and 6,467,000 in 1750. From the later part of the 18th century a stronger tendency to increase set in, and at the taking of the first census, in 1801, it was ascertained that the population numbered 8,892,536, being—if the former estimates were approximately correct—an increase of very nearly 2½ millions in little over fifty years. This rate of increase was not only continued, but came to be greatly exceeded.

Until the early 19th century, there was no precise knowledge about the actual area and population of the country aside from vague estimates. However, it's clear that the population of England and Wales grew very slowly for centuries, mainly due to a lack of communication, which resulted in famines of varying severity. It was common for one county with a good harvest to be thriving while the neighboring county faced starvation. The interpretation of certain figures from the Domesday Survey (which doesn't cover some areas of modern England or account for the ecclesiastical population) varies widely; however, many accept a total population of about one and a half million at the end of the 11th century. In 1377, a poll tax provided partial figures that estimated the population to be between two and two and a half million, but opinions differ on how much the figure was affected by the Black Death of 1348-1349. Based on birth and death records, it's estimated that the population of England and Wales was around 5,475,000 in 1700 and 6,467,000 in 1750. Starting in the later part of the 18th century, the population began to increase more significantly, and in the first census conducted in 1801, it was found that the population had reached 8,892,536, which—if the earlier estimates were roughly correct—represents an increase of nearly 2.5 million in just over fifty years. This growth rate not only continued but was also greatly exceeded.

Since the first census of 1801, regular enumerations of the people of England and Wales have been taken every ten years. The results of these enumerations are published in separate volumes for each county, in a volume of summary tables, and in a general report. In the summaries England and Wales are treated as one, and this treatment is followed here. The following table gives the total numbers of the population of England and Wales at each census, together with the absolute increase, and growth per cent, during each decennial period:—

Since the first census in 1801, regular counts of the population of England and Wales have been conducted every ten years. The results of these counts are published in separate volumes for each county, in a volume of summary tables, and in a general report. In the summaries, England and Wales are combined, and this approach is maintained here. The following table provides the total population numbers for England and Wales at each census, along with the absolute increase and percentage growth during each ten-year period:—

Dates of
Enumeration.
Population. Increase at
each Census.
Decennial
Rate of Increase
per Cent.
1801, March 10th 8,892,536 · · · ·
1811, May 27th 10,164,256 1,271,720 14.00
1821, May 28th 12,000,236 1,835,980 18.06
1831, May 30th 13,896,797 1,896,561 15.80
1841, June 7th 15,914,148 2,017,351 14.27
1851, March 31st 17,927,609 2,013,461 12.65
1861, April 8th 20,066,224 2,138,615 11.90
1871, April 3rd 22,712,266 2,646,042 13.21
1881, April 4th 25,974,439 3,262,173 14.36
1891, April 6th 29,002,525 3,028,086 11.65
1901, April 1st 32,527,843 3,525,318 12.17

Allowing for a rate of increase equivalent to that which obtained between 1891 and 1901, the estimated population was 34,152,977 in 1905, and 36,169,150 in 1910.

Allowing for a growth rate similar to what occurred between 1891 and 1901, the estimated population was 34,152,977 in 1905 and 36,169,150 in 1910.

Distribution.—A detailed map of the distribution of population in England and Wales11 shows certain well-defined areas of very dense population. First for consideration, though not in geographical extent, stands the area round London, in Middlesex, Surrey, Kent, Essex and Hertfordshire. A great proportion of this population is purely residential, that is to say, its working members do not practise their professions at home or close to home, but in the metropolis, travelling a considerable distance between their residences and their offices. Just as London, in spite of its manifold industrial interests, is hardly to be termed a manufacturing centre, so the populous district surrounding it is not to be termed an industrial district in the sense in which that term is applied to the remaining regions of dense population which fall for consideration here. London gained its paramount importance from its favourable geographical position in respect of the rest of England on the one hand and the Continent on the other, and the populous district of the “home counties” owes its existence to that importance; whereas other populous districts have generally grown up at the point where some source of natural wealth, as coal or iron, lay to hand. The great populous area which covers south Lancashire and the West Riding of Yorkshire, and extends beyond them into Cheshire, Derbyshire, Staffordshire and Nottinghamshire, is not in reality a unit. The whole of the lowland in the south of Lancashire has almost the appearance of one vast town, whereas among the hills of the Pennine Chain the population crowds the valleys on either flank and leaves in the high-lying centre some of the largest tracts of practically uninhabited country in England. Moreover, the industries in different parts of this area (for it is strictly an industrial area) differ completely, as will be observed later, though coal-mining is common to all. The other most extensive centres of dense population are the coal-mining or manufacturing districts of Northumberland and Durham, of the midlands (parts of Warwickshire, Worcestershire and Leicestershire), and of South Wales and Monmouthshire; and it is in these districts, and others smaller, but of similar character, that the greatest increase of population has been recorded, since the extensive development of 419 their resources during the 19th century. Thus the preceding counties12 showed an increase, under normal conditions, exceeding 10% during the ten years 1891-1901, the percentage of increase in 1871-1891 being given for comparison.

Distribution.—A detailed map showing the population distribution in England and Wales11 reveals specific areas with very high population densities. The area around London, covering Middlesex, Surrey, Kent, Essex, and Hertfordshire, is the most notable, although it's not the largest in size. A large part of this population is residential, meaning that people usually work in the city rather than their immediate neighborhoods, commuting significant distances between their homes and offices. Even though London has a diverse industrial base, it isn’t really considered a manufacturing hub, and similarly, the densely populated areas surrounding it aren't classified as industrial regions in the same way other populated areas in this discussion are. London's importance comes from its advantageous location relative to the rest of England and the continent, and the surrounding “home counties” have developed because of this significance. In contrast, other populated areas typically formed around local sources of natural resources like coal or iron. The large urban area covering south Lancashire and the West Riding of Yorkshire, extending into Cheshire, Derbyshire, Staffordshire, and Nottinghamshire, is actually not a single entity. The lowland area in southern Lancashire looks almost like one massive city, while in the Pennine Chain, population clusters in the valleys, leaving the high central areas as some of the least populated regions in England. Additionally, the industries in various parts of this area (which is primarily industrial) are quite different from each other, although coal mining is prevalent throughout. Other major centers of dense population include the coal-mining and manufacturing regions of Northumberland and Durham, parts of the Midlands (including Warwickshire, Worcestershire, and Leicestershire), as well as South Wales and Monmouthshire. These areas, along with some smaller but similar regions, have experienced the most significant population growth following extensive resource development in the 19th century. In fact, the aforementioned counties12 saw an increase of over 10% from 1891 to 1901 under normal conditions, with the percentage increase from 1871 to 1891 provided for comparison.

Counties. Increase per cent.
1871-1891. 1891-1901.
Middlesex 47.42 45.11
Essex 31.54 39.60
Glamorganshire (S. Wales) 30.72 25.10
Surrey 25.03 24.78
Northumberland 14.42 19.19
Worcestershire 12.12 18.49
Nottinghamshire 19.30 18.09
Durham 21.67 16.62
Leicestershire 17.43 16.46
Kent 13.15 15.95
Hampshire 12.73 15.33
Monmouthshire 12.08 14.97
Yorkshire (E. Riding) 14.31 13.49
Northamptonshire 11.40 13.27
Warwickshire 12.78 12.95
Staffordshire 12.15 12.92
Derbyshire 15.52 12.81
Yorkshire (W. Riding) 15.36 12.70
Cheshire 14.62 12.56
Lancashire 17.92 12.05
Hertfordshire  5.08 10.91

It will be observed that three of the home counties occur in the first four in the above list. It is interesting to note, in this connexion, that the increase of population diminished steadily, in the three decades under notice, within the area covered by the administrative county of London, which is only the central part of urban London (compare the population table of the great urban districts, below). This was 17.44% in 1871-1881, 10.39 in 1881-1891, and 7.3 in 1891-1901. This illustrates the constant tendency for the residential districts of a city to radiate away from its centre, which appears, though in a modified degree, in the case of all the great English cities.

You'll notice that three of the home counties are in the top four of the list above. It's interesting to point out that the population growth declined steadily over the three decades mentioned, within the area of the administrative county of London, which only covers the central part of urban London (see the population table of the major urban districts below). This was 17.44% from 1871-1881, 10.39% from 1881-1891, and 7.3% from 1891-1901. This shows the ongoing trend for residential areas of a city to spread out from its center, which also occurs, though to a lesser extent, in all the major English cities.

During the period 1891-1901 five English and five Welsh counties showed a decrease per cent in the population. The English counties were:—

During the years 1891-1901, five English and five Welsh counties experienced a decrease in population percentage. The English counties were:—

  Decrease or Increase(+). Decrease.
1891-1901.
1871-1881. 1881-1891.
Huntingdonshire 8.29 5.51 7.04
Rutland 1.55 3.73 5.59
Westmorland 1.25 +2.96 2.73
Oxfordshire +1.27 +3.64 1.70
Herefordshire 3.26 4.02 1.62

The Welsh counties were Montgomeryshire, Cardiganshire, Flintshire, Merionethshire and Brecknockshire, the first-named showing the highest decrease, 5.08%, in 1891-1901. These counties are principally agricultural, and it is in agricultural Urban and rural districts. districts elsewhere that the increase of population is slightest. But in 1871-1881 a decrease was found in the case of fifteen counties in all, and in 1881-1891 in the case of thirteen, whereas in 1891-1901, although Radnorshire, which returned a decrease previously, now returned an abnormal increase owing to the temporary employment of workmen on the construction of the Birmingham waterworks, the number fell to 10, and the average percentage also fell. This suggested some tendency to return to a state of equilibrium as between urban and rural districts. This is in a measure borne out by the movement of population in the districts classed as purely rural in 1901. In these there was an increase per cent of 14.2 in 1811-1821, which fell off to 2.8 in 1841-1851. A decrease then set in and grew from 0.2 in 1851-1861 to 0.67 in 1881-1891, but in 1891-1901 an increase, 1.95, was once more recorded. But the drain on the rural population continued heavy, for in the same purely rural area, which had a population in 1901 of 1,330,319, the excess of births over deaths was 150,437, but the actual increase of population was only 25,492, leaving a heavy loss (9.6%) to be accounted for by migration, the term used in this connexion in the general report of the Census to include movement of population to any new locality, home or foreign.

The Welsh counties included Montgomeryshire, Cardiganshire, Flintshire, Merionethshire, and Brecknockshire, with Montgomeryshire showing the highest decrease at 5.08% from 1891 to 1901. These counties are mainly agricultural, and it's in agricultural Urban and rural areas. areas elsewhere that the population increase is the smallest. However, from 1871 to 1881, fifteen counties experienced a decrease, and from 1881 to 1891, thirteen counties saw a decline. In the 1891-1901 period, even though Radnorshire, which had a previous decrease, showed an unusual increase due to temporary work for the Birmingham waterworks project, the total number of counties facing a decrease dropped to 10, and the average percentage also declined. This indicated a possible trend towards balancing the population between urban and rural areas. This is somewhat supported by the population changes in districts classified as purely rural in 1901. In these areas, there was a 14.2% increase from 1811 to 1821, which dropped to 2.8% between 1841 and 1851. A decrease began afterward, climbing from 0.2% in 1851-1861 to 0.67% in 1881-1891, but in 1891-1901 there was again an increase of 1.95%. Nevertheless, the outflow from the rural population remained significant, as in the same purely rural area, which had a population of 1,330,319 in 1901, the excess of births over deaths was 150,437, but the actual population growth was only 25,492, resulting in a substantial loss (9.6%) attributed to migration, which in the Census report refers to the movement of people to any new location, whether domestic or international.

Housing.—The total area of England and Wales covered by urban districts (a term which coincides pretty nearly with that of towns, which bears no technical meaning in England) was 3,848,987 acres, and contained a population of 25,058,355 in 1901, the increase in the decade 1891-1901 being 15.2%. The number of inhabited houses in the whole country in 1901, namely 6,260,852, may be compared with the numbers in 1801 (1,575,923) and 1851 (3,278,039); it gives an average of 5.2 persons to each house. This average has decreased with some regularity from a maximum of 5.75 in 1821, but there is no certain evidence on which to affirm or deny that the average cubic capacity of dwelling-houses has been maintained. The urban population averaged 5.4 persons to a house, but varied greatly in different towns. Thus, an average below 4.4 is quoted for Rochdale, Halifax, Huddersfield, Yarmouth, Bradford and Stockport, while the average for London was 7.93, and for Gateshead, Newcastle-upon-Tyne and South Shields, in the northern industrial district of the Tyne, and for Devonport, the average exceeded 8. The average of persons to a house in rural districts was 4.6.

Housing.—The total area of England and Wales that was covered by urban districts (a term that is almost the same as towns, which doesn’t have any technical meaning in England) was 3,848,987 acres, with a population of 25,058,355 in 1901. This was an increase of 15.2% over the decade from 1891 to 1901. The total number of inhabited houses in the country in 1901 was 6,260,852, which can be compared to 1,575,923 in 1801 and 3,278,039 in 1851; this gives an average of 5.2 people per house. This average has been steadily decreasing from a maximum of 5.75 in 1821, but there’s no solid evidence to confirm whether the average cubic capacity of homes has remained the same. The average urban population was 5.4 people per house, but this varied greatly from town to town. For example, the average was below 4.4 in Rochdale, Halifax, Huddersfield, Yarmouth, Bradford, and Stockport, while in London it was 7.93, and in Gateshead, Newcastle-upon-Tyne, South Shields in the northern industrial area of the Tyne, and Devonport, the average exceeded 8. In rural areas, the average number of people per house was 4.6.

Year. Percentage of Excess of Estimated
over Enumerated
Population.
Increase by
Births.
Decrease by
Deaths.
1851-1861 36.19 23.58 122,111
1861-1871 37.56 23.98 78,968
1871-1881 37.89 22.80 164,307
1881-1891 34.24 20.27 601,389
1891-1901 31.57 19.18 68,330

Vital Statistics.—“The increase or decrease of population is governed by two factors: (1) the balance between births and deaths, and (2) the balance between immigration and emigration.”13 The following table is therefore given to show (1) the percentage of increase by births and decrease by deaths in each decade from 1851, and (2) the difference at the close of each decade (i.e. in the later year mentioned in each line) between the population which would have followed upon the natural increase unaffected by migration and the population as actually enumerated. In the case of (2) the actual population has always been exceeded by the estimate based on natural increase, and this demonstrates an excess of emigration over immigration.

Vital Statistics.—“The growth or decline of the population is influenced by two main factors: (1) the balance between births and deaths, and (2) the balance between immigration and emigration.”13 The following table shows (1) the percentage increase from births and decrease from deaths for each decade starting in 1851, and (2) the difference at the end of each decade (i.e. in the later year noted in each line) between the population that would have resulted from natural growth, without migration, and the population actually counted. In case (2), the actual population has always been lower than the estimate based on natural increase, indicating that more people have emigrated than immigrated.

The proportion of males to females is 1000 to 1068, this being a higher proportion of females than any recorded in the 19th century, during which the lowest proportion of females was 1036 in 1821. The proportion rose at each census from 1851. But on the other hand 1000 male children were born against only 965 female, on an average in 1891-1901. This excess of male births, which is usual, has been ascertained to find its equilibrium, through a higher rate of infant mortality among the males, about the tenth year of life, and is finally changed by perilous male occupations and other causes, including the stronger tendency of males to emigration. The proportion of females varies much in different localities, being highest in such districts as London and the home counties, which are residential, and in which, therefore, many domestic servants are enumerated; and Somersetshire, Bedfordshire and other seats of industries which especially occupy women (e.g. the straw-plaiting of the county last named). It is lowest, naturally, in the mining districts, as Glamorgan, Monmouth, Durham, Northumberland; but an exception may be noted in the case of Cornwall, where a high proportion of females is attributed to the emigration of miners consequent upon the relative decrease in importance of the tin-mines. In 1901 the proportion of females to males in urban districts was 1086 to 1000, and in rural districts 1011 to 1000.

The ratio of males to females is 1000 to 1068, which is a higher ratio of females than any recorded in the 19th century, when the lowest female ratio was 1036 in 1821. The ratio increased at each census from 1851. However, from 1891 to 1901, there were on average 1000 male births compared to only 965 female births. This common excess of male births has been shown to reach a balance due to higher infant mortality rates among males, around the age of ten, and is ultimately affected by hazardous male jobs and other factors, including a stronger tendency for males to emigrate. The ratio of females varies significantly across different areas, being highest in regions like London and the home counties, which are residential and have many domestic servants counted; as well as in Somersetshire, Bedfordshire, and other industrial areas that particularly employ women (e.g., the straw-plaiting in the latter). It is lowest, as expected, in mining areas like Glamorgan, Monmouth, Durham, and Northumberland; although Cornwall is an exception where the high female ratio is attributed to miners emigrating due to the dwindling significance of the tin-mines. In 1901, the ratio of females to males in urban areas was 1086 to 1000, and in rural areas, it was 1011 to 1000.

Urban Districts of England and Wales with Population exceeding 80,000 (1901).

Urban Districts of England and Wales with Population exceeding 80,000 (1901).

  Population. Increase
per cent.
1891. 1901.
London * 4,228,317 4,536,541 7.3
Liverpool 629,548 684,958 8.8
Manchester 505,368 543,872 7.6
Birmingham 478,113 522,204 9.2
Leeds 367,505 428,968 16.7
Sheffield 324,243 380,793 17.4
Bristol 289,280 328,945 13.7
Bradford 265,728 279,767 5.3
West Ham ** 204,903 267,358 30.5
Hull 200,472 240,259 19.8
Nottingham 213,877 239,743 12.1
Salford 198,139 220,957 11.5
Newcastle-upon-Tyne 186,300 215,328 15.6
Leicester 174,624 211,579 21.2
Portsmouth 159,278 188,133 18.1
Bolton 146,487 168,215 14.8
Cardiff (Wales) 128,915 164,333 27.5
Sunderland 131,686 146,077 10.9
Oldham 131,463 137,246 4.4
Croydon ** 102,695 133,895 30.4
Blackburn 120,064 127,626 6.3
Brighton 115,873 123,478 6.6
Willesden ** 61,265 114,811 87.4
Rhondda (Wales) 88,351 113,735 28.7
Preston 107,573 112,989 5.0
Norwich 100,970 111,733 10.7
Birkenhead 99,857 110,915 11.1
Gateshead 85,692 109,888 28.2
Plymouth 88,931 107,636 21.0
Derby 94,146 105,912 12.5
Halifax 97,714 104,936 7.4
Southampton 82,126 104,824 27.6
Tottenham ** 71,343 102,541 43.7
Leyton ** 63,106 98,912 56.7
South Shields 78,391 97,263 24.1
Burnley 87,016 97,043 11.5
East Ham ** 32,712 96,018 193.5
Walthamstow ** 46,346 95,131 105.3
Huddersfield 95,420 95,047 0.4 decr.
Swansea (Wales) 91,034 94,537 3.8
Wolverhampton 82,662 94,187 13.9
Middlesborough 75,532 91,302 20.9
Northampton 75,075 87,021 15.9
Walsall 71,789 86,430 20.4
St Helens 72,413 84,410 16.6
Rochdale 76,161 83,114 9.1
* Administrative county.
** These districts, administratively distinct, belong topographically to Greater London.

The proportion of married adults (aged twenty and upwards) was found to decrease from 1881 to 1901, being 630 per thousand 420 in the former and 604.5 in the latter year. The marriage-rate per thousand has ranged since 1841 from 14.2 in 1886 to 17.6 in 1873, and is evidently closely associated with the general prosperity of the country, for in the latter year the value of the total imports and exports per head of the population of the United Kingdom was at its highest, and in the former year at its lowest. The five years 1895-1899 exhibited a remarkable sequence illustrative of this:—

The percentage of married adults (aged twenty and older) was found to decrease from 1881 to 1901, being 630 per thousand 420 in the first year and 604.5 in the second. The marriage rate per thousand has varied since 1841, ranging from 14.2 in 1886 to 17.6 in 1873, and is clearly linked to the overall prosperity of the country, as in 1873 the total value of imports and exports per person in the United Kingdom was at its highest, while in 1886 it was at its lowest. The years 1895-1899 displayed a striking pattern that exemplifies this:—

Years. Marriage-
Rate.
Value,
Exports and
Imports.
    £. s. d.
1895 15.0 17 19 3
1896 15.8 18 14 1
1897 16.0 18 14 3
1898 16.3 19  0 5
1899 16.5 20  1 8

The marriage-rate declined, subsequently to the year last quoted in this table, to 15.6 in 1903.

The marriage rate dropped after the last year mentioned in this table, reaching 15.6 in 1903.

(O. J. R. H.)

Religion.—In attempting to give a concise account of the religious conditions of England we are confronted from the outset with the absence of any trustworthy statistics. A religious census, such as is customary in other countries, has not been taken since 1851; nor is it probable that such a census would be any true indication of the actual religious beliefs of the population. Still less satisfactory, from this standpoint, is the attempt to compile statistics of religious belief from the registrar-general’s report on the number of marriages celebrated in the places of worship of the various denominations; for among those who are practically attached to no religious body, and even some Nonconformists, a prejudice survives in favour of having their marriages celebrated and their funerals conducted by the clergy of the Established Church. Nor is the test of “sittings” provided by the various denominations, nor even the number of their communicants, a trustworthy test of the relative number of their adherents. In Wales, for instance, the rivalry of the sects has multiplied chapel accommodation out of all proportion to the population; while everywhere it happens that churches, at one time crowded every Sunday, have been emptied by the shifting of population or other causes. As for the test of communicancy, it is untrustworthy because the insistence on communion as the pledge of membership varies with the different denominations and even with different sections of opinion within those denominations. Any statistics of this nature, then, however useful they may be as a general indication, must not be treated as conclusive.

Religion.—When trying to provide a brief overview of the religious situation in England, we immediately face the challenge of lacking reliable statistics. A religious census, which is common in other countries, hasn't been conducted since 1851; and it’s unlikely that such a census would accurately reflect the true religious beliefs of the population. Even less reliable, in this regard, is the effort to gather statistics on religious beliefs from the registrar-general’s report concerning the number of weddings held in places of worship across various denominations. Many individuals who don't align closely with any religious group, and even some Nonconformists, still prefer to have their weddings and funerals performed by clergy from the Established Church. Additionally, the measure of “sittings” provided by different denominations, or even the number of their communicants, is not a dependable indicator of their actual followers. For example, in Wales, the competition among different sects has led to a disproportionate increase in chapel space compared to the population. Meanwhile, churches that were once full every Sunday have become empty due to changes in population or other factors. As for the metric of communicancy, it is not reliable because the requirement for communion as a sign of membership differs among denominations and even among differing views within those denominations. Therefore, any statistics of this kind, while they may serve as a general indication, should not be considered definitive.

Whatever disputes there may be as to the relative strength of the various churches and sects, there can be no questioning the fact that the dominant religion in England is Protestant Christianity. Protestantism, indeed, since the Act of Settlement in 1689, has been of the essence of the Constitution, the sovereign forfeiting his or her crown ipso facto by acknowledging the authority of the pope, by accepting “the Romish religion,” or by marrying a Roman Catholic; and though of late years efforts have been made to modify or to abrogate this provision, the fact that such efforts have met with widespread opposition shows that it still represents the general attitude of the British nation. Protestantism, however, is a generic term which in England covers a great variety of opinions, and a large number of rival religious organizations. The state church, the Church of England as by law established, represents the tradition of a The Church of England. time when church and state were regarded as two aspects of one divinely ordered organism. In law every subject of the state is also a member of the Established Church, and can lay claim to its ministrations so long as he or she obeys the ecclesiastical law, which is also the law of the state. No Englishman, whatever his opinions, can be excommunicated without due process of law. The Church of England is thus theoretically coextensive with the English nation, each unit of which is legally assumed to belong to it unless proof be brought to the contrary. To state the theory is, however, to risk giving an entirely false impression of the facts. In practice the Church of England is no longer regarded as coextensive with the state; nor is nonconformity any longer, as it once was, an offence against the law. Since the abolition of the Test Acts and the emancipation of the Catholics no Englishman has suffered any civil disability owing to his religion14; and the progress of democracy has given to the great so-called “Free Churches” a political power that rivals that of the Established Church. In the matter of the estimation of their relative strength the main grievance of the Nonconformists is that the law classes as members of the Church of England that enormous floating population which is really conscious of no ecclesiastical allegiance at all.

Whatever disagreements there may be about the relative strength of various churches and sects, it’s undeniable that the dominant religion in England is Protestant Christianity. Since the Act of Settlement in 1689, Protestantism has been essential to the Constitution, with the sovereign losing their crown automatically by recognizing the pope's authority, accepting “the Romish religion,” or marrying a Roman Catholic. Although there have been recent efforts to change or get rid of this provision, the significant opposition to these efforts indicates that it still reflects the general attitude of the British nation. However, Protestantism is a broad term that encompasses a wide range of beliefs and many competing religious organizations in England. The state church, the Church of England as established by law, symbolizes a time when church and state were viewed as two aspects of one divinely ordered entity. In legal terms, every subject of the state is also a member of the Established Church and can access its services as long as they follow ecclesiastical law, which is also the law of the state. No Englishman, regardless of their beliefs, can be excommunicated without due process of law. Thus, the Church of England is, in theory, coextensive with the English nation, with each individual legally assumed to belong to it unless proven otherwise. However, stating this theory risks giving a misleading impression of reality. In practice, the Church of England is no longer seen as coextensive with the state; nor is nonconformity still considered a legal offense as it once was. Since the abolition of the Test Acts and the emancipation of Catholics, no Englishman has faced civil disabilities due to their religion14; and the rise of democracy has given the large so-called “Free Churches” political power that competes with that of the Established Church. In terms of assessing their relative strength, the main complaint from Nonconformists is that the law counts as members of the Church of England a vast floating population that actually feels no real ecclesiastical loyalty at all.

The Church of England, both in constitution and doctrine, represents in general the mean between Roman Catholicism on the one hand and the more advanced forms of Protestantism on the other (see Episcopacy). Though its doctrine was reformed in the 16th century and the spiritual supremacy of the pope was repudiated, the continuity of its organic life was not interrupted, and historically as well as legally it is the same church as that established before the Reformation. The ecclesiastical system is episcopal, the whole of England (including for this purpose Wales) being divided into two provinces, Canterbury and York, and 37 bishoprics (including the primatial sees of Canterbury and York). These again are subdivided into 14,080 parishes (1901), the smallest ecclesiastical units, which are grouped for certain administrative purposes into 810 rural deaneries. The sovereign is by law the supreme governor of the church, both in things spiritual and temporal, and he has the right to nominate to vacant sees. In the case of sees of old foundation this is done by means of the congé d’élire (q.v.), in that of others by letters patent.15 The bishops hold their temporalities as baronies, for which they do homage in the ancient form, and are spiritual peers of parliament. Only 26, however, have the right to seats in the House of Lords, of whom five—viz. the two archbishops and the bishops of London, Durham and Winchester—always sit, the others taking their seats in order of seniority of consecration. Under the bishops the affairs of the dioceses are managed by archdeacons (q.v.) and rural deans (see Archpriest and Dean). The cathedral churches are governed by chapters consisting of a dean, canons and prebendaries (see Cathedral). The deaneries are in the gift of the crown, canonries and prebends sometimes in that of the crown, sometimes in that of the bishops. The parish clergy, with a few rare exceptions (when they are elected by the ratepayers), are appointed by patronage. The right of presentation to some 8500 benefices or “livings” is in the hands of private persons; the right is regarded in law as property and is, under certain restrictions for the avoidance of gross simony, saleable (see Advowson). The patronage of the remaining benefices belongs in the main to the crown, the bishops and cathedral chapters, the lord chancellor, and the universities of Oxford and Cambridge.

The Church of England, in both its structure and beliefs, generally strikes a balance between Roman Catholicism and more progressive forms of Protestantism (see Episcopacy). Although its doctrine underwent reforms in the 16th century and rejected the pope's spiritual authority, its ongoing existence remained intact. Historically and legally, it is the same church that was established before the Reformation. The church's governance is episcopal, with all of England (including Wales for this purpose) divided into two provinces, Canterbury and York, and 37 bishoprics (including the archbishopric of Canterbury and York). These are further divided into 14,080 parishes (as of 1901), which are the smallest ecclesiastical units and are organized into 810 rural deaneries for certain administration purposes. The monarch is legally the supreme governor of the church, both spiritually and temporally, and has the authority to appoint bishops to vacant sees. For older sees, this is done through a congé d’élire (q.v.), while for others, it's through letters patent.15 Bishops hold their temporal lands as baronies, for which they owe homage in the traditional way, and they are spiritual peers in parliament. However, only 26 bishops have the right to sit in the House of Lords, with five—namely, the two archbishops and the bishops of London, Durham, and Winchester—always present, while the others sit according to their consecration seniority. Under the bishops, diocesan matters are overseen by archdeacons (q.v.) and rural deans (see Archpriest and Dean). Cathedral churches are managed by chapters that include a dean, canons, and prebendaries (see Cathedral). Deanships are given by the crown, while canonries and prebends may be granted by either the crown or the bishops. Parish clergy, with a few exceptions where they are elected by local ratepayers, are appointed through patronage. The right to present candidates for about 8,500 benefices or “livings” lies with private individuals; this right is legally regarded as property and can be sold, subject to certain restrictions to prevent gross simony (see Advowson). Patronage for the remaining benefices primarily belongs to the crown, bishops, cathedral chapters, the lord chancellor, and the universities of Oxford and Cambridge.

In spite of the fact that the Church of England is collectively one of the wealthiest in Christendom, a large proportion of the “livings” are extremely poor. To understand this and other anomalies it is necessary to bear in mind that the church is not, like the established Protestant churches of Germany, an elaborately organized state department, nor is it a single corporation with power to regulate its internal polity. It is a conglomeration of corporations. Even the incumbent of a parish is in law a “corporation sole,” his benefice a freehold; and until the establishment in 1836, by act of parliament, of the Ecclesiastical Commissioners (q.v.) nothing could be done to adjust the inequalities in the emoluments of the clergy resulting from the natural rise and fall of the value of property in various parts of the country. Even more extraordinary is the effect of the singular constitution of the church on its discipline. An incumbent, once inducted, can only be disturbed by complicated and extremely costly processes of law; in effect, except in cases of gross 421 misconduct, he is only checked—so far as ecclesiastical order is concerned—by his oath of canonical obedience to the “godly” monitions of his bishop; and, since these monitions are difficult and costly to enforce, while their “godliness” may be a matter of opinion, an incumbent is practically himself the interpreter of the law as applied to the doctrine and ritual of his particular church. The result has been the development within the Established Church of a most startling diversity of doctrine and ritual practice, varying from what closely resembles that of the Church of Rome to the broadest Liberalism and the extremest evangelical Protestantism. This broad comprehensiveness, which to outsiders looks like ecclesiastical anarchy, is the characteristic note of the Church of England; it may be, and has been, defended as consonant with Christian charity and suited to the genius of a people not remarkable for logical consistency; but it makes it all the more difficult to say what the religion of Englishmen actually is, even within the English Church.

Despite the fact that the Church of England is one of the wealthiest institutions in Christianity, many of its “livings” are extremely poor. To understand this and other oddities, it's important to remember that the church isn’t, like the established Protestant churches of Germany, a well-organized state department, nor is it a single corporation with authority to manage its internal affairs. It’s a mix of various corporations. Even a parish priest is legally a “corporation sole,” and his benefice is a freehold; and until the establishment of the Ecclesiastical Commissioners in 1836 by act of parliament, nothing could be done to address the inequalities in clergy pay resulting from the natural fluctuations in property values across the country. Even more surprising is how the unique structure of the church affects its discipline. Once a priest is appointed, they can only be removed through complicated and very expensive legal processes; essentially, except in severe misconduct cases, their only limitations—regarding ecclesiastical order—are their oath of canonical obedience to the “godly” reminders from their bishop; and since enforcing these reminders can be difficult and costly while their “godliness” is often subjective, a priest essentially interprets the law as it applies to the beliefs and practices of their particular church. This has led to a remarkable variety of beliefs and practices within the Established Church, ranging from those closely resembling those of the Church of Rome to the widest Liberalism and the most extreme evangelical Protestantism. This broad inclusiveness, which may appear to outsiders as ecclesiastical chaos, is a defining characteristic of the Church of England; it can be, and has been, defended as aligned with Christian charity and fitting for a culture not known for logical consistency; however, this makes it even harder to define what the religion of English people actually is, even within the English Church.

The following is a list of the archiepiscopal and episcopal sees of England and Wales—the latter arranged in alphabetical order,—with date of their establishment and amount of emoluments:—

The following is a list of the archiepiscopal and episcopal sees of England and Wales—the latter organized in alphabetical order—with their dates of establishment and the amount of income:—

  Year of
Foundation.
Annual
Emoluments.
Province of Canterbury—    
Canterbury (archbishopric) 597 £15,000
Bangor c. 550 4,200
Bath and Wells 1139 5,000
Birmingham 1904 3,500
Bristol 1897* 3,000
Chichester 1075 4,200
Ely 1109 5,500
Exeter 1050 4,200
Gloucester 1541 4,300
Hereford 676 4,200
Lichfield 669 4,200
Lincoln 1067 4,500
Llandaff c. 550 4,200
London 605 10,000
Norwich 1094 4,500
Oxford 1542 5,000
Peterborough 1541 4,500
Rochester 604 3,800
St Albans 1877 3,200
St Asaph c. 550 4,200
St David’s c. 550 4,500
Salisbury 1075 5,000
Southwark 1904 3,000
Southwell 1884 3,500
Truro 1876 3,000
Winchester c. 650 6,500
Worcester c. 680 4,200
Province of York—    
York (archbishopric) 625 10,000
Carlisle 1133 4,500
Chester 1541 4,200
Durham 995 7,000
Liverpool 1880 4,200
Manchester 1847 4,200
Newcastle 1882 3,500
Ripon 1836 4,200
Sodor and Man 1154 1,500
Wakefield 1888 3,000
* Modern refoundation.

The following are suffragan or assistant bishoprics (the names of the dioceses to which each belongs being given in brackets): Dover, Croydon (Canterbury), Beverley, Hull, Sheffield (York), Stepney, Islington, Kensington (London), Jarrow (Durham), Guildford, Southampton, Dorking (Winchester), Barrow-in-Furness (Carlisle), Crediton (Exeter), Grantham (Lincoln), Burnley (Manchester), Thetford, Ipswich (Norwich), Reading (Oxford), Leicester (Peterborough), Richmond, Knaresborough (Ripon), Colchester, Barking (St Albans), Swansea (St. David’s), Woolwich, Kingston-on-Thames (Southwark), Derby (Southwell), St Germans (Truro). See also England, Church of; Anglican Communion; Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction; Vestments; Mass.

The following are suffragan or assistant bishoprics (with the names of their respective dioceses in brackets): Dover, Croydon (Canterbury), Beverley, Hull, Sheffield (York), Stepney, Islington, Kensington (London), Jarrow (Durham), Guildford, Southampton, Dorking (Winchester), Barrow-in-Furness (Carlisle), Crediton (Exeter), Grantham (Lincoln), Burnley (Manchester), Thetford, Ipswich (Norwich), Reading (Oxford), Leicester (Peterborough), Richmond, Knaresborough (Ripon), Colchester, Barking (St Albans), Swansea (St. David’s), Woolwich, Kingston-on-Thames (Southwark), Derby (Southwell), St Germans (Truro). See also England, Church of; Anglican Communion; Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction; Vestments; Mass.

  Sittings. Communicants. Ministers
(Pastoral).
Local
Preachers.
Sunday
Scholars.
Baptists16 1,421,742 424,741 2134 5,748 590,321
Congregationalists (1907) 1,801,447 498,953 3197 5,603 729,347
Presbyterian Church of England17 173,047 85,755 323 · · 98,258
Society of Friends · · 17,442 · · · · 62,347
Moravians 10,100 2,999 34 · · 4,542
Wesleyan Methodists18 2,500,000 620,350 2658 20,119 1,039,437
Primitive Methodists16 1,017,690 205,407 1101 15,963 477,114
United Methodist Church19 738,840 158,095 833 5,577 315,993
Wesleyan Reform Union 47,435 8,717 19 508 23,008
Independent Methodists 33,000 9,732 · · 375 28,387
Welsh Calvinistic Methodist 472,089 185,935 900 361 187,484
Countess of Huntingdon’s Connexion 12,347 2,469 26 · · 3,040
Reformed Episcopal Church 6,000 1,090 28 · · 2,600
Free Church of England 8,140 1,352 24 · · 4,196

The number of “denominations” by whom buildings were certified for worship up to 1895 was 293 (see list in Whitaker’s Almanack, 1886, p. 252), but in many instances such “denominations” consisted of two or Other Protestant communions. three congregations only, in some cases of a single congregation. The more important nonconformist churches are fully dealt with under their several headings. The above table, however, based on that in the Statesman’s Year-Book for 1908, and giving the comparative statistics of the chief nonconformist churches, may be useful for purposes of comparison. It may be prefaced by stating that, according to returns made in 1905, the Church of England provided sitting accommodation in parish and other churches for 7,177,144 people; had an estimated number of 2,053,455 communicants, 206,873 Sunday-school teachers, and 2,538,240 Sunday scholars. There were 14,029 incumbents (rectors, vicars, and perpetual curates), 7500 curates, i.e. assistant clergy, and some 4000 clergy on the non-active list.

The number of “denominations” that certified buildings for worship up to 1895 was 293 (see list in Whitaker’s Almanack, 1886, p. 252), but often these “denominations” were just two or three congregations, and in some cases, even a single congregation. The more significant nonconformist churches are thoroughly covered under their respective headings. However, the table above, based on the one in the Statesman’s Year-Book for 1908 and providing comparative statistics of the main nonconformist churches, may be helpful for comparison. It can be prefaced by noting that, according to reports from 1905, the Church of England provided seating for 7,177,144 people in parish and other churches; had an estimated 2,053,455 communicants, 206,873 Sunday school teachers, and 2,538,240 Sunday school students. There were 14,029 incumbents (rectors, vicars, and perpetual curates), 7,500 curates, i.e. assistant clergy, and about 4,000 clergy on the non-active list.

Besides the bodies enumerated in the table there are other churches concerning which similar statistics are lacking, but which, in several cases, have large numbers of adherents. The Unitarians are an important body with (1908) 350 ministers and 345 places of worship. Most numerous, probably, are the adherents of the Salvation Army, which with a semi-military organization has in Great Britain alone over 60,000 officers, and “barracks,” i.e. preaching stations, in almost every town. The Brethren, generally known, from their place of origin, as the Plymouth Brethren, have “rooms” and adherents throughout England; the Catholic Apostolic Church (“Irvingites”) have some 80 churches; the New Jerusalem Church (Swedenborgians) had (1908) 75 “societies”; the Christian Scientists, the Christadelphians, the British Israelites and similar societies, such as the New and Latter House of Israel, the Seventh Day Baptists, deserve mention. The Latter Day Saints (Mormons) had (1908) 82 churches in Great Britain.

Besides the churches listed in the table, there are others for which similar statistics are missing, but which, in several cases, have a large number of followers. The Unitarians are a significant group with (1908) 350 ministers and 345 places of worship. The most numerous, likely, are the members of the Salvation Army, which, with a semi-military structure, has over 60,000 officers in Great Britain alone, and “barracks,” i.e., preaching stations, in almost every town. The Brethren, commonly known from their place of origin as the Plymouth Brethren, have “rooms” and followers throughout England; the Catholic Apostolic Church (“Irvingites”) has about 80 churches; the New Jerusalem Church (Swedenborgians) had (1908) 75 “societies”; the Christian Scientists, the Christadelphians, the British Israelites, and similar groups, such as the New and Latter House of Israel and the Seventh Day Baptists, are also worth mentioning. The Latter Day Saints (Mormons) had (1908) 82 churches in Great Britain.

Roman Catholicism in England has shown a tendency to advance, especially among the upper and upper-middle classes. The published lists of “converts” are, however, no safe index to actual progress; for no Roman Catholics. equivalent statistics are available for “leakage” in the opposite direction. The membership of the Roman Catholic Church in England is estimated at about 2,200,000. But though the 422 growth of the church relatively to the population has not been particularly startling, there can be no doubt that, since the restoration of the Roman Catholic hierarchy in 1851, its general political and religious influence has enormously increased. A notable feature in this has been the great development of monastic institutions, due in large measure to the settlement in England of the congregations expelled from France. The Roman Catholic Church in England is organized in 15 dioceses, which are united in a single province under the primacy of the archbishop of Westminster. In December 1907 there were 1736 Roman Catholic churches and stations, and the number of the clergy was returned at 3524 (see Roman Catholic Church).

Roman Catholicism in England has been on the rise, particularly among the upper and upper-middle classes. However, the published lists of “converts” are not a reliable measure of actual growth because there are no equivalent statistics for those leaving the faith. The Roman Catholic Church's membership in England is estimated to be around 2,200,000. While the church's growth in relation to the population has not been particularly dramatic, it's clear that since the restoration of the Roman Catholic hierarchy in 1851, its overall political and religious influence has significantly increased. A key aspect of this has been the substantial growth of monastic institutions, largely due to the arrival of congregations expelled from France. The Roman Catholic Church in England is organized into 15 dioceses, which fall under a single province led by the archbishop of Westminster. In December 1907, there were 1,736 Roman Catholic churches and stations, and the number of clergy was recorded as 3,524 (see Roman Catholic Church).

The Jews in Great Britain, chiefly found in London and other great towns, number (1907) about 196,000 and have Jews. some 200 synagogues; at the head of their organization is a chief Rabbi resident in London.

The Jews in Great Britain, mostly located in London and other major cities, numbered about 196,000 in 1907 and have around 200 synagogues. A chief Rabbi, who lives in London, leads their organization.

Finally it may be mentioned that a small number of Englishmen, chiefly resident in Liverpool and London, have embraced Islam; they have a mosque at Liverpool. Various foreign churches which have numbers of adherents settled in England have also branch churches and organizations in the country, notably the Orthodox Eastern Church,—with a considerable number of adherents in London, Liverpool and Manchester,—the Lutheran, and the Armenian churches.

Finally, it's worth noting that a small group of Englishmen, mostly living in Liverpool and London, have converted to Islam; they have a mosque in Liverpool. Various foreign churches with followers in England also have branch churches and organizations in the country, especially the Orthodox Eastern Church—which has a significant number of followers in London, Liverpool, and Manchester—along with the Lutheran and Armenian churches.

(W. A. P.)

VII. Communications

VII. Communication

Roads.—In England and Wales the high-roads, or roads on which wheeled vehicles can travel, are of two classes: (1) the main roads, or great arteries along which the main vehicular traffic of the country passes; and (2) ordinary highways, which are by-roads serving only local areas. The length of the main roads is about 22,000 m., and that of ordinary highways about 96,000. The highways of England, the old coaching roads, are among the best in the world, being generally of a beautiful smoothness and well maintained; they vary, naturally, in different districts, but in many even the local roads are superior to some main roads in other countries. The supersession of the stage coach by the railway took a vast amount of traffic away from the main roads, but their proper maintenance did not materially suffer; and a larger accession of traffic took place subsequently on the development of the cycle and the motor-vehicle.

Roads.—In England and Wales, the main roads, or roads that wheeled vehicles can travel on, fall into two categories: (1) the major roads, which are the key routes for most vehicular traffic in the country; and (2) ordinary highways, which are side roads serving only local areas. The main roads total around 22,000 miles, while ordinary highways cover about 96,000. The highways in England, the old coaching routes, are among the best in the world, generally known for their smooth surfaces and good maintenance. They do differ in various regions, but in many places, even local roads are better than some main roads in other countries. The shift from stagecoaches to railways took a significant amount of traffic off the main roads, but their maintenance really didn't suffer; afterward, traffic increased again with the rise of bicycles and motor vehicles.

The system of road-building by private enterprise, the undertakers being rewarded by tolls levied from vehicles, persons or animals using the roads, was established in England in 1663, when an act of Charles II. authorized the taking of such tolls at “turnpikes” in Hertfordshire and Cambridgeshire. A century later, in 1767, the authorization was extended over the whole kingdom by an act of George III. In its fulness the system lasted just sixty years, for the first breach in it was made by an act of George IV., in 1827, by which the chief turnpikes in London were abolished. Further acts followed in the same direction, leading to the gradual extinction, by due compensation of the persons interested, of the old system, the maintenance of the roads being vested in “turnpike trusts and highway boards,” empowered to levy local rates. The last turnpike trust ceased to exist on the 5th of November 1895, and the final accounts in connexion with its debt were closed in 1898-1899. Toll-gates are now met with only at certain bridges, where the right to levy tolls is statutory or by prescription. By the Local Government Act of 1888 the duty of maintaining main roads was imposed on the county councils, but these bodies were enabled to make arrangements with the respective highway authorities for their repair. Under the Local Government Act of 1894 the duties of all the highway authorities were transferred to the rural district councils on or before the 31st of March 1899.

The system of road construction by private companies, where they received tolls from vehicles, people, or animals using the roads, was established in England in 1663, when an act by Charles II allowed tolls to be collected at “turnpikes” in Hertfordshire and Cambridgeshire. A century later, in 1767, this authorization was expanded to cover the entire kingdom by an act of George III. The system lasted a full sixty years, with the first significant change coming from an act of George IV in 1827, which abolished the main turnpikes in London. More acts followed in the same vein, gradually phasing out the old system through compensation for those affected, with road maintenance being taken over by “turnpike trusts and highway boards,” which could impose local rates. The last turnpike trust ended on November 5, 1895, and the final accounts related to its debt were settled in 1898-1899. Toll-gates are now only found at certain bridges where the right to charge tolls is either statutory or traditional. The Local Government Act of 1888 assigned the responsibility for maintaining main roads to county councils, but these councils were allowed to make agreements with the relevant highway authorities for their upkeep. Under the Local Government Act of 1894, all duties of highway authorities were transferred to rural district councils by March 31, 1899.

It was not until the close of the 18th century, when the period of road-building activity already indicated set in, that English roads were redeemed from an extraordinarily bad condition. The roads were until then, as a rule, merely tracks, deeply worn by ages of traffic into the semblance of ditches, and, under adverse weather conditions, impassable. Travellers also had the risk of assault by robbers and highwaymen. As early as 1285 a law provided for the cutting down of trees and bushes on either side of highways, so as to deprive lawless men of cover. Instances of legislation as regards the upkeep of roads are recorded from time to time after this date, but (to take a single illustration) even in the middle of the 18th century the journey from the village, as it was then, of Paddington to London by stage occupied from 2½ to 3 hours. But from 1784 to 1792 upwards of 300 acts were passed dealing with the construction of new roads and bridges.

It wasn't until the end of the 18th century, when the period of road-building started, that English roads improved from an incredibly poor state. Before then, the roads were generally just tracks, worn down over time into the likeness of ditches, and often impossible to navigate during bad weather. Travelers also faced the danger of attacks by robbers and highwaymen. As early as 1285, a law was enacted to clear trees and bushes on both sides of highways to take away hiding spots for criminals. After that, there are occasional records of laws regarding road maintenance, but for example, even in the mid-18th century, the trip from the then-small village of Paddington to London by stagecoach took about 2½ to 3 hours. However, from 1784 to 1792, more than 300 laws were passed concerning the construction of new roads and bridges.

Railways.—The history and development of railways in England, their birthplace, and in Ireland and Scotland, with illustrative statistics, are considered under the heading United Kingdom. The following list indicates the year of foundation, termini, chief offices and geographical sphere of the chief railways of England and Wales.

Railways.—The history and development of railways in England, their birthplace, and in Ireland and Scotland, along with relevant statistics, are discussed under the heading United Kingdom. The list below shows the year each railway was founded, their termini, main offices, and the geographical areas they cover in England and Wales.

1. Railways with Termini in London.

Railways ending in London.

(a) Northern.

Northern.

Great Northern (1846).—Terminus and offices, King’s Cross. Main line—Peterborough, Grantham, Newark, Doncaster; forming, with the North-Eastern and North British lines, the “East Coast” route to Scotland. Serving also the West Riding of Yorkshire, Lincolnshire, Nottingham and other towns of the midlands, and Manchester (by running powers over the Great Central metals). This company has so extensive a system of running powers over other railways, and of lines held jointly with other companies, that few of its more important express trains from London complete their journeys entirely on the company’s own lines.

Great Northern (1846).—Terminus and offices at King’s Cross. Main line—Peterborough, Grantham, Newark, Doncaster; along with the North-Eastern and North British lines, making up the “East Coast” route to Scotland. It also serves the West Riding of Yorkshire, Lincolnshire, Nottingham, and other midlands towns, as well as Manchester (through running powers over the Great Central tracks). This company has such an extensive network of running rights over other railways and shared lines with other companies that very few of its major express trains from London finish their journeys entirely on the company’s own tracks.

Midland (1844, an amalgamation of the former North Midland, Midland Counties, Birmingham & Derby, and other lines).—Terminus, St Pancras; offices, Derby. Main line—Bedford, Leicester, Sheffield, Leeds and Carlisle, affording the “Midland” route to Scotland. Serving also Nottingham, Derby, and the principal towns of the midlands and West Riding, and Manchester. West and North line from Bristol, Gloucester and Birmingham to Leicester and Derby. Also an Irish section, the Belfast and Northern Counties system being acquired in 1903. Docks at Heysham, Lancashire; and steamship services to Belfast, &c.

Midland (1844, a combination of the old North Midland, Midland Counties, Birmingham & Derby, and other lines).—Terminus, St Pancras; headquarters, Derby. Main line—Bedford, Leicester, Sheffield, Leeds, and Carlisle, providing the “Midland” route to Scotland. It also serves Nottingham, Derby, and the main towns in the midlands and West Riding, as well as Manchester. There’s a West and North line from Bristol, Gloucester, and Birmingham to Leicester and Derby. Additionally, an Irish section, with the Belfast and Northern Counties system acquired in 1903. Docks at Heysham, Lancashire; and steamship services to Belfast, etc.

London & North-Western (1846, an amalgamation of the London & Birmingham, Grand Junction, and Manchester & Birmingham lines).—Terminus and offices, Euston. Main line—Rugby, Crewe, Warrington, Preston, Carlisle; forming, with the Caledonian system, the “West Coast” route to Scotland. Serves also Manchester, Liverpool and all parts of the north-west, North Wales, Birmingham and the neighbouring midland towns, and by joint-lines, the South Welsh coal-fields. Maintains docks at Garston on the Mersey, a steamship traffic with Dublin and Greenore from Holyhead, and, jointly with the Lancashire & Yorkshire Company, a service to Belfast, &c., from Fleetwood.

London & North-Western (1846, a merger of the London & Birmingham, Grand Junction, and Manchester & Birmingham lines).—Terminus and offices located at Euston. Main line—Rugby, Crewe, Warrington, Preston, Carlisle; together with the Caledonian system, it forms the “West Coast” route to Scotland. It also serves Manchester, Liverpool and all areas in the northwest, North Wales, Birmingham and nearby midland towns, and via joint lines, the South Welsh coalfields. It operates docks at Garston on the Mersey, manages steamship traffic with Dublin and Greenore from Holyhead, and, in partnership with the Lancashire & Yorkshire Company, provides a service to Belfast, etc., from Fleetwood.

Great Central (1846; until 1897, when an extension to London was undertaken, called the Manchester, Sheffield & Lincolnshire).—Terminus, Marylebone; offices, Manchester. Main line—Rugby, Nottingham, Leicester, Sheffield, Manchester. The former main line runs from Manchester and Sheffield east to Retford, thence serving Grimsby and Hull, with branches to Lincoln, &c. The main line reached from London by joining the line of the Metropolitan railway near Aylesbury and following it to Harrow. Subsequently an alternative route out of London was constructed between Neasden and Northolt, where it joins another line, of the Great Western railway, from Acton, and continues as a line held jointly by the two companies through Beaconsfield and High Wycombe. Here it absorbs the old Great Western line as far as Prince’s Risborough, and continues thence to Grendon Underwood, effecting a junction with the original main line of the Great Central system. This line was opened for passenger traffic in April 1906. The Great Central company owns docks at Grimsby.

Great Central (1846; until 1897, when an extension to London was started, known as the Manchester, Sheffield & Lincolnshire).—Terminus, Marylebone; offices, Manchester. Main line—Rugby, Nottingham, Leicester, Sheffield, Manchester. The former main line goes from Manchester and Sheffield east to Retford, then serves Grimsby and Hull, with branches to Lincoln, etc. The main line connects to London by joining the Metropolitan railway near Aylesbury and following it to Harrow. Later, an alternative route out of London was built between Neasden and Northolt, where it links to another line from the Great Western railway, coming from Acton. This route continues as a line jointly operated by both companies through Beaconsfield and High Wycombe. Here, it takes over the old Great Western line up to Prince’s Risborough and continues from there to Grendon Underwood, connecting with the original main line of the Great Central system. This line opened for passenger traffic in April 1906. The Great Central company owns docks at Grimsby.

(b) Eastern.

(b) Eastern.

Great Eastern (1862).—Terminus and offices, Liverpool Street. Serving Essex, Suffolk, Cambridgeshire, Norfolk. Joint-line with Great Northern from March to Lincoln and Doncaster. Passenger steamship services from Harwich to the Hook of Holland, Antwerp, Rotterdam, &c.

Great Eastern (1862).—Terminus and offices, Liverpool Street. Serving Essex, Suffolk, Cambridgeshire, Norfolk. Joint-line with Great Northern from March to Lincoln and Doncaster. Passenger steamship services from Harwich to the Hook of Holland, Antwerp, Rotterdam, etc.

London, Tilbury & Southend (1852).—Terminus and offices, Fenchurch Street. Serving places on the Essex shore of the Thames estuary, terminating at Shoeburyness.

London, Tilbury & Southend (1852).—End point and offices, Fenchurch Street. Serving locations on the Essex shore of the Thames estuary, ending at Shoeburyness.

(c) Western.

(c) Western.

Great Western (1835, London to Bristol).—Terminus and offices, Paddington. Main line—Reading, Didcot, Swindon, Bath, Bristol, Taunton, Exeter, Plymouth, Penzance. Numerous additional main lines—Reading to Newbury, Weymouth and the west, a new line opened in 1906 between Castle Cary and Langport effecting a great reduction in mileage between London and Exeter and places beyond; Didcot, Oxford, Birmingham, Shrewsbury, Chester with connexions northward, and to North Wales; Oxford to Worcester, and Swindon 423 to Gloucester and the west of England; South Welsh system (through route from London via Wootton Bassett or via Bristol, and the Severn tunnel), Newport, Cardiff, Swansea, Milford. Steamship services to the Channel Islands from Weymouth to Waterford, Ireland from Milford, and to Rosslare, Ireland, from Fishguard, the route last named being opened in 1906. The line constructed jointly with the Great Central company (as detailed in the description above) was extended in 1910 from Ashendon to Aynho, to form a short route to the great centres north of Oxford.

Great Western (1835, London to Bristol).—Terminus and offices, Paddington. Main line—Reading, Didcot, Swindon, Bath, Bristol, Taunton, Exeter, Plymouth, Penzance. Numerous additional main lines—Reading to Newbury, Weymouth and the west, a new line opened in 1906 between Castle Cary and Langport significantly reducing the distance between London and Exeter and places beyond; Didcot, Oxford, Birmingham, Shrewsbury, Chester with connections northward, and to North Wales; Oxford to Worcester, and Swindon to Gloucester and the west of England; South Welsh system (through route from London via Wootton Bassett or via Bristol, and the Severn tunnel), Newport, Cardiff, Swansea, Milford. Steamship services to the Channel Islands from Weymouth to Waterford, Ireland from Milford, and to Rosslare, Ireland, from Fishguard, the last route being opened in 1906. The line built jointly with the Great Central company (as previously mentioned) was extended in 1910 from Ashendon to Aynho, creating a shorter route to the major centers north of Oxford.

London & South-Western (1839, incorporating the London & Southampton railway of 1835).—Terminus and offices, Waterloo. Main line—Woking, Basingstoke, Salisbury, Yeovil, Exeter, Plymouth; Woking, Guildford and Portsmouth; Basingstoke, Winchester, Southampton, Bournemouth, &c. Extensive connexions in Surrey, Hampshire and the south-west, as far as North Cornwall. This company owns the great docks at Southampton, and maintains passenger services from that port to the Channel Islands, Havre, St Malo and Cherbourg.

London & South-Western (1839, incorporating the London & Southampton railway of 1835).—Terminus and offices, Waterloo. Main line—Woking, Basingstoke, Salisbury, Yeovil, Exeter, Plymouth; Woking, Guildford and Portsmouth; Basingstoke, Winchester, Southampton, Bournemouth, etc. Extensive connections in Surrey, Hampshire and the south-west, reaching as far as North Cornwall. This company owns the large docks at Southampton and offers passenger services from that port to the Channel Islands, Havre, St Malo and Cherbourg.

(d) Southern.

(d) Southern.

London, Brighton & South Coast (1846).—Termini, Victoria and London Bridge. Serving all the coast stations from Hastings to Portsmouth, with various lines in eastern Surrey and in Sussex. Maintains a service of passenger steamers between Newhaven and Dieppe.

London, Brighton & South Coast (1846).—Terminals, Victoria and London Bridge. Covers all the coastal stations from Hastings to Portsmouth, along with various routes in eastern Surrey and Sussex. Operates a passenger ferry service between Newhaven and Dieppe.

South Eastern & Chatham (under a managing committee, 1899, of the South-Eastern company, 1836, and the London, Chatham & Dover company, 1853).—Termini—Victoria, Charing Cross, Holborn Viaduct, Cannon Street. Offices, London Bridge Station. Various lines chiefly in Kent. Steamship services between Folkestone and Boulogne, Dover and Calais, &c.

South Eastern & Chatham (managed by a committee since 1899, part of the South-Eastern company established in 1836, and the London, Chatham & Dover company founded in 1853).—Terminals—Victoria, Charing Cross, Holborn Viaduct, Cannon Street. Offices located at London Bridge Station. Various lines mainly serving Kent. Ferry services between Folkestone and Boulogne, Dover and Calais, etc.

2. Provincial Railways.

2. Local Railways.

The two most important railway companies not possessing lines to London are the North-Eastern and the Lancashire & Yorkshire.

The two most important railway companies that don't have lines to London are the North-Eastern and the Lancashire & Yorkshire.

North Eastern (1854, amalgamating a number of systems).—Offices, York. Main line—Leeds, Normanton and York to Darlington, Durham, Newcastle and Berwick-on-Tweed. Connecting with the Great Northern between Doncaster and York, and with the North British at Berwick, it forms part of the “East Coast” route to Scotland. Serving all ports and coast stations from Hull to Berwick, also Carlisle, &c. Owning extensive docks at Hull, Middlesbrough, South Shields, the Hartlepools, Blyth, &c.

North Eastern (1854, merging several systems).—Offices, York. Main line—Leeds, Normanton, and York to Darlington, Durham, Newcastle, and Berwick-on-Tweed. It connects with the Great Northern between Doncaster and York, and with the North British at Berwick, forming part of the “East Coast” route to Scotland. It serves all ports and coastal stations from Hull to Berwick, including Carlisle, etc. It owns extensive docks at Hull, Middlesbrough, South Shields, the Hartlepools, Blyth, etc.

Lancashire & Yorkshire (1847, an amalgamation of a number of local systems).—Offices, Manchester. Main line—Manchester, Rochdale, Tormorden, Wakefield and Normanton, with branches to Halifax, Bradford, Leeds, Huddersfield and other centres of the West Riding. Extensive system in south Lancashire, connecting Manchester with Preston and Fleetwood (where the docks and steamship services to Ireland are worked jointly with the London & Northwestern company), Southport, Liverpool, &c.

Lancashire & Yorkshire (1847, a merger of several local systems).—Offices in Manchester. Main line—Manchester, Rochdale, Tormorden, Wakefield, and Normanton, with branches to Halifax, Bradford, Leeds, Huddersfield, and other hubs in the West Riding. There is an extensive network in south Lancashire, linking Manchester with Preston and Fleetwood (where the docks and ferry services to Ireland are jointly operated with the London & Northwestern company), Southport, Liverpool, etc.

Among further provincial systems there should be mentioned:—

Among additional provincial systems, we should mention:—

Cambrian.—Offices, Oswestry. Whitchurch, Oswestry, Welshpool to Barmouth and Pwllheli, Aberystwyth, &c.

Cambrian.—Offices, Oswestry. Whitchurch, Oswestry, Welshpool to Barmouth and Pwllheli, Aberystwyth, etc.

Cheshire Lines, worked by a committee representative of the Great Central, Great Northern and Midland Companies, and affording important connexions between the lines of these systems and south Lancashire and Cheshire (Godley, Stockport, Warrington, Liverpool; Manchester and Liverpool; Manchester and Liverpool to Southport; Godley and Manchester to Northwich and Chester, &c.).

Cheshire Lines is operated by a committee that represents the Great Central, Great Northern, and Midland Companies, providing essential connections between the lines of these systems and South Lancashire and Cheshire (Godley, Stockport, Warrington, Liverpool; Manchester and Liverpool; Manchester and Liverpool to Southport; Godley and Manchester to Northwich and Chester, etc.).

Furness.—Offices, Barrow-in-Furness. Carnforth, Barrow, Whitehaven, with branches to Coniston, Windermere (Lakeside), &c. Docks at Barrow.

Furness.—Offices, Barrow-in-Furness. Carnforth, Barrow, Whitehaven, with branches to Coniston, Windermere (Lakeside), etc. Docks at Barrow.

North Staffordshire.—Offices, Stoke-upon-Trent. Crewe and the Potteries, Macclesfield, &c., to Uttoxeter and Derby.

North Staffordshire.—Offices, Stoke-on-Trent. Crewe and the Potteries, Macclesfield, etc., to Uttoxeter and Derby.

Cross-Country Connexions.—While London is naturally the principal focal point of the English railway system, the development of through connexions between the chief lines by way of the metropolis is very small. Some through trains are provided between the North-Western and the London, Brighton & South Coast lines via Willesden Junction, Addison Road and Clapham Junction; and a through connexion by way of Ludgate Hill has been arranged between main line trains of the South-Western and the Great Northern railways, but otherwise passengers travelling through London have generally to make their own way from one terminus to another. Certain cross-country routes, however, are provided to connect the systems of some of the companies, among which the following may be noticed.

Cross-Country Connections.—While London is naturally the main hub of the English railway system, the development of direct connections between the major lines through the city is quite limited. Some direct trains run between the North-Western and the London, Brighton & South Coast lines via Willesden Junction, Addison Road, and Clapham Junction; and a direct connection has been arranged via Ludgate Hill between main line trains of the South-Western and the Great Northern railways. However, passengers traveling through London usually have to find their own way from one terminal to another. Certain cross-country routes are provided to connect the systems of some companies, and the following are noteworthy.

(1) Through connexions with the continental services from Harwich, and with Yarmouth and other towns of the East coast, are provided from Yorkshire, Lancashire, &c., by way of the Great Northern and Great Eastern Joint line from Doncaster and Lincoln to March.

(1) Connections with the continental services from Harwich, as well as with Yarmouth and other towns on the East coast, are provided from Yorkshire, Lancashire, etc., via the Great Northern and Great Eastern Joint line from Doncaster and Lincoln to March.

(2) Through connexions between the systems of the South-Eastern & Chatham and the Great Western companies are provided via Reading.

(2) Connections between the South-Eastern & Chatham and the Great Western companies are provided through Reading.

(3) Through connexions between the systems of the Great Central and the Great Western companies are provided by the line connecting Woodford and Banbury.

(3) The Great Central and Great Western companies are connected by the line that links Woodford and Banbury.

(4) Through connexions between the Midland and the South-Western systems are provided (a) by the Midland and South-Western Junction line connecting Cheltenham on the north-and-west line of the Midland with Andover Junction on the South-Western line; and (b) by the Somerset & Dorset line, connecting the same lines between Bath, Templecombe and Bournemouth.

(4) Connections between the Midland and the South-Western systems are provided (a) by the Midland and South-Western Junction line linking Cheltenham on the north-and-west line of the Midland with Andover Junction on the South-Western line; and (b) by the Somerset & Dorset line, connecting the same lines between Bath, Templecombe, and Bournemouth.

(5) The line from Shrewsbury to Craven Arms and Hereford, giving connexion between the north and the south-west, and Wales, is worked by the North-Western and Great Western companies.

(5) The line from Shrewsbury to Craven Arms and Hereford, connecting the north to the south-west and Wales, is operated by the North-Western and Great Western companies.

Inland Navigation.—The English system of inland navigation is confined principally to the following districts: South Lancashire, the West Riding of Yorkshire, the Midlands, especially about Birmingham, the Fen district and the Thames Canals and rivers. basin (especially the lower part). All these districts are interconnected. The condition of inland navigation, as a whole, is not satisfactory. The Fossdyke in Lincolnshire, connecting the river Trent at Torksey with the Witham near Lincoln, and now belonging to the Great Northern and Great Eastern joint railways, is usually indicated as the earliest extant canal in England, inasmuch as it was constructed by the Romans for the purpose of drainage or water-supply, and must have been used for navigation at an early period. But the history of canal-building in England is usually dated from about 1760, and from the construction, at the instance of Francis, Duke of Bridgewater, of the Bridgewater canal in South Lancashire, now belonging to the Manchester Ship Canal Company. The activity in canal-building which prevailed during the later years of the 18th century was, in a measure, an earlier counterpart of the first period of railway development, which, proceeding subsequently along systematized lines not applied to canal-construction, and providing obvious advantages in respect of speed, caused railways to withdraw much traffic from canals. Some canals and river navigations have consequently become derelict, or are only maintained with difficulty and in imperfect condition. The inland navigation system suffers from a want of uniformity in the size of locks, depth of water, width of channels and other arrangements, so that direct intercommunication between one canal and another is often impossible in consequence; moreover, although the canals, like railways, are owned by many separate bodies, hardly any provision has been made, as it has in the case of railways, for such facilities as the working of through traffic over various systems at an inclusive charge. Lastly, the railway companies themselves have acquired control of about 30% of the total mileage of canals in England and Wales, and in many cases this has had a prejudicial effect on the prosperity of canals. Notwithstanding these disabilities, there has been in modern times a new development in the trade of some canals, born of a realization that for certain classes of goods water-transport is cheaper than the swifter rail-transport. Various proposals have been made for the establishment of a single control over all inland waterways.

Inland Navigation.—The English system of inland navigation mainly covers the following areas: South Lancashire, the West Riding of Yorkshire, the Midlands, especially around Birmingham, the Fen district, and the Thames Canals and rivers. basin (particularly the lower section). All these areas are connected. Overall, the state of inland navigation is not great. The Fossdyke in Lincolnshire, linking the River Trent at Torksey with the Witham near Lincoln, and now part of the Great Northern and Great Eastern joint railways, is often noted as the earliest existing canal in England, as it was built by the Romans for drainage or water supply and must have been used for navigation early on. However, the history of canal-building in England is generally considered to have started around 1760, with the creation of the Bridgewater Canal in South Lancashire at the request of Francis, Duke of Bridgewater, which is now owned by the Manchester Ship Canal Company. The surge of canal-building during the late 18th century somewhat mirrored the initial phase of railway development, which later advanced in a more organized manner than canal construction, offering clear benefits in speed that led to railways taking away significant traffic from canals. As a result, some canals and river routes have fallen into neglect or are only maintained with great difficulty and in poor condition. The inland navigation system suffers from inconsistent lock sizes, water depths, channel widths, and other setups, making it often impossible for one canal to directly connect with another. Additionally, while many separate entities own the canals, unlike railways, hardly any arrangements have been made to allow for through traffic across different systems at a single charge. Lastly, the railway companies have taken control of about 30% of the total canal mileage in England and Wales, adversely affecting the viability of canals in many instances. Despite these challenges, there has been a recent resurgence in some canal trades, stemming from the recognition that for certain types of goods, water transport is cheaper than faster rail transport. Various suggestions have been put forward for establishing a single authority to oversee all inland waterways.

The lower or estuarine courses of some of the English rivers as the Thames, Tyne, Humber, Mersey and Bristol Avon, are among the most important waterways in the world, as giving access for seaborne traffic to great ports. From the Mersey the Manchester Ship Canal runs to Manchester. The manufacturing districts of South Lancashire and the West Riding of Yorkshire are traversed and connected by several canals following transverse valleys of the Pennine Chain. The main line of the Aire and Calder navigation runs from Goole by Castleford to Leeds, whence the Leeds and Liverpool canal, running by Burnley and Blackburn, completes the connexion between the Humber and the Mersey. Other canals are numerous, among which may be mentioned the Sheffield and South Yorkshire, connecting Sheffield with the Trent. The Trent itself affords an extensive navigation, from which, at Derwent mouth, the Trent and Mersey Canal runs near Burton and Stafford, and through the Potteries, to the Bridgewater Canal and so to the Mersey. This canal is owned by the North Staffordshire railway company. The river Weaver, a tributary of the Mersey, affords a waterway of importance to the salt-producing towns of Cheshire. The system of the Shropshire Union railways and canal company, which is connected by lease with the London & North-Western railway company, carries considerable traffic, especially in the neighbourhood of Ellesmere Port. In the Black Country and neighbourhood the numerous ramifications of the Birmingham Canal navigations bear a large mineral traffic. This system is connected with the rivers Severn and Trent and the canal system of the country at large, and is controlled by the London & North-Western company. The principal line of navigation from the Thames northward to the midlands is that of the Grand Junction, which runs from Brentford, is connected through London with the port of London by the Regent’s Canal, and follows closely the main line of the North-Western railway. It connects with the Oxford Canal at Braunston in Northamptonshire, and through this with canals to Birmingham and the midlands, and continues to Leicester. Both the Severn up to Stourport and the Thames up to Oxford have a fair traffic, but the Thames and Severn Canal is not much used. There is some traffic on the navigable drainage cuts and rivers of the Fens, but beyond these, in a broad consideration of the waterways of England from the point of view of their commercial importance, it is unnecessary to go.

The lower or estuarine sections of some English rivers like the Thames, Tyne, Humber, Mersey, and Bristol Avon are among the world's most important waterways, providing access for seaborne traffic to major ports. From the Mersey, the Manchester Ship Canal extends to Manchester. The manufacturing areas of South Lancashire and the West Riding of Yorkshire are linked by several canals that follow the valleys of the Pennine Chain. The main line of the Aire and Calder navigation runs from Goole through Castleford to Leeds, where the Leeds and Liverpool Canal, running through Burnley and Blackburn, completes the connection between the Humber and the Mersey. There are many other canals, including the Sheffield and South Yorkshire Canal, which connects Sheffield with the Trent. The Trent itself offers extensive navigation; from Derwent mouth, the Trent and Mersey Canal travels near Burton and Stafford and through the Potteries, connecting to the Bridgewater Canal and then to the Mersey. This canal is owned by the North Staffordshire Railway Company. The River Weaver, a tributary of the Mersey, provides an important waterway for the salt-producing towns of Cheshire. The system of the Shropshire Union Railways and Canal Company, leased to the London & North-Western Railway Company, handles significant traffic, especially near Ellesmere Port. In the Black Country and surrounding areas, the various branches of the Birmingham Canal navigations carry a heavy mineral traffic. This system connects with the rivers Severn and Trent and the wider canal network of the country and is managed by the London & North-Western Company. The main navigation route from the Thames northward to the Midlands is the Grand Junction, which runs from Brentford, connects through London with the Port of London via the Regent’s Canal, and closely follows the main line of the North-Western Railway. It connects with the Oxford Canal at Braunston in Northamptonshire, from which canals lead to Birmingham and the Midlands, continuing to Leicester. Both the Severn up to Stourport and the Thames up to Oxford have decent traffic, but the Thames and Severn Canal isn’t frequently used. There’s some traffic on the navigable drains and rivers of the Fens, but beyond this, a broader assessment of England’s waterways in terms of their commercial significance isn’t necessary.

See H. R. De Salis, Bradshaw’s Canals and Navigable Rivers of England and Wales (London, 1904); Report of Royal Commission on Canals (London, 1909).

See H. R. De Salis, Bradshaw’s Canals and Navigable Rivers of England and Wales (London, 1904); Report of Royal Commission on Canals (London, 1909).

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Oversea Communications.—The chief ports for continental passenger traffic are as follows:—

Oversea Communications.—The main ports for continental passenger traffic are as follows:—

Harwich to Amsterdam, Antwerp, Hamburg, Hook of Holland, Rotterdam (Great Eastern railway); to Copenhagen and Esbjerg (Royal Danish mail route).

Harwich to Amsterdam, Antwerp, Hamburg, Hook of Holland, Rotterdam (Great Eastern railway); to Copenhagen and Esbjerg (Royal Danish mail route).

Queenborough to Flushing; (Zeeland Steamship company).

Queenborough to Flushing; (Zeeland Ferry).

Dover to Calais (South-Eastern & Chatham railway); to Ostend (Belgian Royal mail steamers).

Dover to Calais (South-Eastern & Chatham Railway); to Ostend (Belgian Royal Mail steamers).

Folkestone to Boulogne (South Eastern & Chatham railway).

Folkestone to Boulogne (South Eastern & Chatham railway).

Newhaven to Dieppe (London, Brighton & South Coast railway).

Newhaven to Dieppe (London, Brighton & South Coast railway).

Southampton to Cherbourg, Havre, St Malo (South-Western railway).

Southampton to Cherbourg, Le Havre, St. Malo (South-Western railway).

The chief ports for trans-Atlantic traffic are Liverpool and Southampton, and special trains are worked in connexion with the steamers to and from London. The great development of harbour accommodation at Dover early in the 20th century brought trans-Atlantic traffic to this port also. Southampton and Liverpool are the two greatest English ports for all oceanic passenger traffic; but London has also a large traffic, both to European and to foreign ports. The passenger traffic to the Norwegian ports, always very heavy in summer, is carried on chiefly from Hull and Newcastle.

The main ports for transatlantic travel are Liverpool and Southampton, with special trains connecting them to the steamers to and from London. The significant expansion of dock facilities at Dover in the early 20th century also brought transatlantic traffic to this port. Southampton and Liverpool are the two biggest English ports for all oceanic passenger travel, but London also has a substantial amount of traffic to European and foreign ports. The passenger traffic to Norwegian ports, which is always quite busy in the summer, mainly operates from Hull and Newcastle.

VIII. Industries

VIII. Industries

Agriculture.—In the agricultural returns for Great Britain, issued annually by the government, the area of England (apart from Wales) has been divided into two sections, “arable” and “grass,” corresponding with a former division into “corn counties” and “grazing counties,” except that Leicestershire is included not in the “grass” but in the “arable” section. Most of the eastern part of England is “arable,” while the western and northern part is “grass,” the boundary between the sections being the western limit of Hampshire, Berkshire, Oxfordshire, Warwickshire, Leicestershire, Nottinghamshire, and of the East Riding of Yorkshire.

Agriculture.—In the annual agricultural reports for Great Britain published by the government, the area of England (excluding Wales) has been split into two sections: “arable” and “grass.” This corresponds to a previous classification of “corn counties” and “grazing counties,” except Leicestershire is categorized as “arable” rather than “grass.” Most of eastern England is “arable,” while the western and northern parts are “grass.” The dividing line between these sections is the western boundary of Hampshire, Berkshire, Oxfordshire, Warwickshire, Leicestershire, Nottinghamshire, and the East Riding of Yorkshire.

The division is thus as follows:—

The breakdown is as follows:—

Grass Counties. Arable Counties.
Northumberland. Yorkshire, East Riding.
Cumberland. Lincolnshire.
Durham. Nottingham.
Yorkshire, North and West Ridings. Rutland.
Westmorland. Huntingdonshire.
Lancashire. Warwickshire.
Cheshire. Leicestershire.
Derbyshire. Northamptonshire.
Staffordshire. Cambridgeshire.
Shropshire. Norfolk.
Worcestershire. Suffolk.
Herefordshire. Bedfordshire.
Monmouthshire. Buckinghamshire.
Gloucestershire. Oxfordshire.
Wiltshire. Berkshire.
Dorsetshire. Hampshire.
Somersetshire. Hertfordshire.
Devonshire. Essex.
Cornwall. Middlesex.
  Surrey.
  Kent.
  Sussex.

The average area under cultivation of all the counties is about .76 of the whole area. The counties having the greatest area under cultivation (ranging up to about nine-tenths of the whole) may be taken to be—Leicestershire, the East Riding of Yorkshire, Lincolnshire, Huntingdonshire, Rutland, Northamptonshire, Bedfordshire and Cambridgeshire. Those with the smallest proportional cultivated area are Westmorland, Middlesex, Northumberland, Surrey, Cumberland, the North and West Ridings of Yorkshire, Lancashire, Durham and Cornwall. Geographical considerations govern these conditions to a very great extent; thus the counties first indicated lie almost entirely within the area of the low-lying and fertile Eastern Plain, while the smallest areas of cultivation are found in the counties covering the Pennine hill-system, with its high-lying uncultivated moors. In the case of Cornwall and Cumberland the physical conditions are similar to these; but in that of Middlesex and Surrey the existence of large urban areas belonging or adjacent to London must be taken into account. These also affect the proportion of cultivated areas in the other home counties. The presence of a widespread urban population must also be remembered in the case of Lancashire and the West Riding of Yorkshire.

The average area that’s farmed across all the counties is about 76% of the total area. The counties with the largest farming areas (up to about 90% of the total) include Leicestershire, the East Riding of Yorkshire, Lincolnshire, Huntingdonshire, Rutland, Northamptonshire, Bedfordshire, and Cambridgeshire. The counties with the smallest percentage of cultivated land are Westmorland, Middlesex, Northumberland, Surrey, Cumberland, the North and West Ridings of Yorkshire, Lancashire, Durham, and Cornwall. Geography plays a major role in these patterns; the counties listed first are mostly located in the low-lying and fertile Eastern Plain, while the counties with the least farming are in the Pennine hill-region, known for its high moors that aren’t farmed. Cornwall and Cumberland have similar physical landscapes, but in Middlesex and Surrey, the presence of large urban areas that are part of or near London needs to be considered. This urban influence also affects the farming percentages in the other home counties. It’s also important to note the impact of a large urban population in Lancashire and the West Riding of Yorkshire.

The geographical distribution of the principal crops, &c., may now be followed. The grain crops grown in England consist almost exclusively of wheat, barley and oats. Lincolnshire, Norfolk, Suffolk, Essex, Cambridgeshire and the East Distribution of crops. Riding of Yorkshire are especially productive in all these; the North and West Ridings of Yorkshire produce a notable quantity of barley and oats; and the oat-crops in the following counties deserve mention—Devonshire, Hampshire, Lancashire, Cumberland, Cornwall, Cheshire and Sussex. There is no county, however, in which the single crop of wheat or barley stands pre-eminently above others, and in the case of the upland counties of Cumberland, Westmorland and Derbyshire, the metropolitan county of Middlesex, and Monmouthshire, these crops are quite insignificant. In proportion to their area, the counties specially productive of wheat are Cambridgeshire, Huntingdonshire, Hertfordshire, Bedfordshire and Essex; and of barley, Norfolk, Suffolk and the East Riding of Yorkshire. In fruit-growing, Kent takes the first place, but a good quantity is grown in Cambridgeshire, Norfolk and Essex, in Worcestershire and other western counties, where, as in Herefordshire, Somerset and Devon, the apple is especially cultivated and cider is largely produced. Kent is again pre-eminent in the growth of hops; indeed this practice and that of fruit-growing give the scenery of the county a strongly individual character. Hop-growing extends from Kent into the neighbouring parts of Sussex and Surrey, where, however, it is much less important; it is also practised to a considerable degree in a group of counties of the midlands and west—Herefordshire, Worcestershire, Gloucestershire and Shropshire. Market-gardening is carried on most extensively on suitable lands in the neighbourhood of the great areas of urban population; thus the open land remaining in Middlesex is largely devoted to this industry. From the Channel and Scilly Islands, vegetables, especially seasonable vegetables, and also flowers which, owing to the peculiar climatic conditions of these islands, come early to perfection, are imported to the London market. Considering the crops not hitherto specified, it may be indicated that turnips and swedes form the chief green crops in most districts; potatoes, mangels, beans and peas are also commonly grown, Beyond the three chief grain crops, only a little rye is grown. The cultivation of flax is almost extinct, but it is practised in a few districts, such as the East and West Ridings of Yorkshire.

The geographical distribution of the main crops can now be explored. The grain crops grown in England mainly include wheat, barley, and oats. Lincolnshire, Norfolk, Suffolk, Essex, Cambridgeshire, and the East Riding of Yorkshire are particularly productive for all these grains; the North and West Ridings of Yorkshire produce a significant amount of barley and oats. The oat crops in the following counties are noteworthy: Devonshire, Hampshire, Lancashire, Cumberland, Cornwall, Cheshire, and Sussex. However, no county has a single crop of wheat or barley that stands out significantly above the others, and in the upland counties of Cumberland, Westmorland, Derbyshire, the metropolitan county of Middlesex, and Monmouthshire, these crops are relatively minor. In terms of area, the counties that are especially productive in wheat are Cambridgeshire, Huntingdonshire, Hertfordshire, Bedfordshire, and Essex; and for barley, they are Norfolk, Suffolk, and the East Riding of Yorkshire. Kent leads in fruit production, but a good amount is also grown in Cambridgeshire, Norfolk, Essex, Worcestershire, and other western counties, where apples are particularly cultivated and cider is widely produced in Herefordshire, Somerset, and Devon. Kent also stands out for hop cultivation; in fact, this practice, alongside fruit growing, gives the county a distinct character. Hop-growing extends from Kent into surrounding areas of Sussex and Surrey, although it's much less significant there; it's also practiced to a fair extent in several midlands and western counties, including Herefordshire, Worcestershire, Gloucestershire, and Shropshire. Market gardening is heavily practiced on suitable land near major urban areas; thus, much of the open land in Middlesex is dedicated to this industry. From the Channel and Scilly Islands, vegetables, particularly seasonal ones, along with flowers that thrive early due to the unique climate of these islands, are imported to the London market. As for other unmentioned crops, turnips and swedes are the main green crops found in most regions; potatoes, mangels, beans, and peas are also commonly cultivated. Besides the three main grain crops, only a small amount of rye is grown. Flax cultivation is nearly extinct but is still found in a few areas, such as the East and West Ridings of Yorkshire.

The counties in which the greatest proportion of the land is devoted to permanent pasture may be judged roughly from the list of “grass counties” already given. Derbyshire, Leicestershire, the midland counties generally, and Somersetshire, Live stock. have the highest proportion, and the counties of the East Anglian seaboard the lowest. But with lands thus classified heath, moor and hill pastures are not included; and the greatest areas of these are naturally found in the counties of the Pennines and the Lake District, especially in Northumberland, Cumberland, Westmorland and the North and West Ridings of Yorkshire. There is also plenty of hill-pasture in the south-western counties (from Hampshire and Berkshire westward), especially in Devonshire, Cornwall and Somersetshire, and also in Monmouthshire and along the Welsh marches, on the Cotteswold Hills, &c. In all these localities sheep are extensively reared, especially in Northumberland, but on the other hand in Lincolnshire the numbers of sheep are roughly equal to those in the northern county. Other counties in which the numbers are especially large are Devonshire, Kent, Cumberland and the North and West Ridings of Yorkshire. Cattle are reared in great numbers in Lincolnshire, Lancashire and the West Riding of Yorkshire, Devonshire, Somersetshire and Cornwall; but the numbers of both cattle and sheep are in no English county (save Middlesex) to be regarded as insignificant. Pigs are bred most extensively in Suffolk, Norfolk and Lincolnshire and in Somersetshire.

The counties with the highest percentage of land used for permanent pasture can be roughly identified from the list of "grass counties" provided earlier. Derbyshire, Leicestershire, the midland counties in general, and Somerset have the highest proportion, while the counties along the East Anglian coast have the lowest. However, this classification doesn’t include heath, moor, or hill pastures, which are mostly found in the Pennines and the Lake District, particularly in Northumberland, Cumberland, Westmorland, and the North and West Ridings of Yorkshire. There’s also a significant amount of hill pasture in the south-western counties (from Hampshire and Berkshire westward), especially in Devon, Cornwall, and Somerset, as well as in Monmouthshire and along the Welsh borders, on the Cotswold Hills, etc. In all these areas, sheep farming is prevalent, especially in Northumberland, but in Lincolnshire, the number of sheep is roughly equal to that in the northern counties. Other counties with particularly large sheep populations include Devon, Kent, Cumberland, and the North and West Ridings of Yorkshire. Cattle are raised in large numbers in Lincolnshire, Lancashire, and the West Riding of Yorkshire, as well as in Devon, Somerset, and Cornwall; however, the number of both cattle and sheep in every English county (except Middlesex) cannot be considered insignificant. Pigs are most commonly raised in Suffolk, Norfolk, Lincolnshire, and Somerset.

It is often asserted that the scenery of rural England is of its kind unrivalled. Except in open lands like the Fens, the peculiarly rich appearance of the country is due to the closely-divided fields with their high, luxuriant hedges, and especially Woodlands. to the profuse growth of trees. There is not, however, any large continuous forested tract. Certain areas still bear the name of forest where there is now none; the term here possesses an historical significance, in many cases indicating former royal game-preserves. Great areas of England were once under forest. The clearing of land for agricultural purposes, the use of wood for the prosecution of the industries of an increasing population, and other causes, have led to the gradual disforesting of large tracts. There are still, however, some small well-defined woodland areas. The New Forest in Hampshire, the Forest of Dean in Gloucestershire, and Epping Forest, which is preserved as a public recreation-ground by the City of London, are the most notable instances. The counties comprising the greatest proportional amount of woodland fall into two distinct groups—Hampshire, Surrey, Sussex and Kent, with Berkshire and Buckinghamshire; Monmouth, Herefordshire and Gloucestershire. Cambridgeshire, lying almost wholly within the area of the Fens, has the smallest proportional area of woodland of any English county.

It’s often claimed that the countryside in rural England is unmatched. Except for open regions like the Fens, the uniquely lush look of the land comes from the neatly divided fields with their tall, thriving hedges, and especially from the abundant growth of trees. However, there isn’t any large, continuous forest. Some areas still carry the name of forest even though there are none today; this term has historical significance, often indicating former royal hunting grounds. Large parts of England were once covered in forest. The need for agricultural land, the demand for wood to support the industries of a growing population, and other factors have led to the gradual deforestation of extensive areas. Nevertheless, some small, well-defined woodland areas still exist. The New Forest in Hampshire, the Forest of Dean in Gloucestershire, and Epping Forest, which is maintained as a public park by the City of London, are the most notable examples. The counties with the highest percentage of woodland fall into two distinct groups: Hampshire, Surrey, Sussex, and Kent, along with Berkshire and Buckinghamshire; and Monmouth, Herefordshire, and Gloucestershire. Cambridgeshire, which is almost entirely within the Fens, has the smallest percentage of woodland of any English county.

The number of persons engaged in agriculture in England and Wales was found by the census of 1901 to be 1,192,167; the total showing a steady decrease (e.g. from 1,352,389 in 1881), which is especially marked in the case of females. But the decrease lies mainly in the number of agricultural labourers; the number of farmers is not notably affected, and the increasing substitution of machinery for manual labour must be taken into consideration. The average size of holdings in England may be taken approximately as 66 acres, the average in 1903 being 66.1, whereas in 1895 it was 65.3.

The census of 1901 found that the number of people working in agriculture in England and Wales was 1,192,167, showing a steady decline (e.g. from 1,352,389 in 1881), particularly among women. However, this decline is primarily in the number of agricultural workers; the number of farmers remains relatively stable, and the increasing use of machinery instead of manual labor needs to be considered. The average size of farms in England is about 66 acres, with the average in 1903 being 66.1 acres, compared to 65.3 acres in 1895.

(See also the article Agriculture.)

(See also the article Agriculture.)

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Fisheries.—All the seas round Britain are rich in fish, and there are important fishing stations at intervals on all the English coasts, but those on the east coast are by far the most numerous. On an estimate of weight and value of the fish landed, Sea fisheries. Grimsby at the mouth of the Humber in Lincolnshire, stands pre-eminent as a fishing port. For example, the fish landed there in 1903 were of nearly four times the value of those landed at Hull, which was the second in order of all the English stations. Next in importance stand Lowestoft, Yarmouth and North Shields, Boston and Scarborough, and, among a large number of minor fishing stations, Hartlepool and Ramsgate. Great quantities of fish are also landed at the riverside market of Billingsgate in London, but the conditions here are exceptional, the landings being effected by carrier steamers, plying from certain of the fishing fleets, and not taking part in the actual process of fishing. On the south coast Newlyn ranks in the same category with Boston; at Plymouth considerable catches are landed; and Brixham ranks alongside the last ports named on the east coast. The chief fishing centres of the English Channel are thus seen to belong to the coast of Devonshire and Cornwall. On the west coast the Welsh port of Milford takes the first place, while Swansea and Cardiff have a considerable fishing industry, surpassed, however, by that of Fleetwood in Lancashire. Liverpool also ranks among the more important centres. As a comparison of the production of the east, south and west coast fisheries, an average may be taken of the annual catches recorded over a term of years. In the ten years 1894-1903 this average was 6,985,588 cwt. for the east coast stations, 669,759 cwt. for those of the south coast, and 884,932 for those of the west (including the Welsh stations).

Fisheries.—The waters around Britain are abundant in fish, and there are key fishing spots along all the English coasts, but the east coast has by far the highest number. When looking at the weight and value of the fish caught, Marine fisheries. Grimsby, at the mouth of the Humber in Lincolnshire, is the leading fishing port. For example, the fish caught there in 1903 were worth nearly four times as much as those caught at Hull, which was the second most important fishing station in England. Following closely in importance are Lowestoft, Yarmouth, and North Shields, along with Boston and Scarborough. Among many smaller fishing stations are Hartlepool and Ramsgate. A large amount of fish is also brought to the riverside market of Billingsgate in London, but this is unique, as landings are made by carrier steamers that operate from some fishing fleets and don't actually participate in the fishing process. On the south coast, Newlyn is comparable to Boston; significant catches are brought in at Plymouth; and Brixham is on par with the previously mentioned east coast ports. The main fishing centers in the English Channel are found along the coasts of Devonshire and Cornwall. On the west coast, Milford in Wales is the primary port, with Swansea and Cardiff having a substantial fishing industry, though it's smaller than Fleetwood's industry in Lancashire. Liverpool also ranks as one of the more significant centers. To compare the production across the east, south, and west coast fisheries, an average can be taken from the annual catches recorded over several years. Between 1894 and 1903, this average was 6,985,588 cwt. for the east coast stations, 669,759 cwt. for the south coast, and 884,932 cwt. for the west (including the Welsh stations).

Distinctions may be drawn, as will be seen, between the nature and methods of the fisheries on the various coasts, and the relative prosperity of the industry from year to year cannot be considered as a whole. Thus in the period considered the recorded maximum weight of fish landed at the east coast ports was 9,539,114 cwt. in 1903 (the value being returned as £5,721,105); whereas on the south coast it was 736,599 cwt. in 1899, and on the west 1,117,164 cwt. in 1898. Considered as a whole, the individual fish, by far the most important in the English fisheries, is the herring, for which Yarmouth and Lowestoft are the chief ports. The next in order are haddock, cod and plaice, and the east coast fisheries return the greatest bulk of these also. But whereas the south coast has the advantage over the west in the herring and plaice fisheries, the reverse is the case in the haddock and cod fisheries, haddock, in particular, being landed in very small quantities at the south coast ports. Mackerel, however, are landed principally at the southern ports, and the pilchard is taken almost solely off the south-western coast. A fish of special importance to the west coast fisheries is the hake. Among shell-fish, crabs and oysters are taken principally off the east coast; the oyster beds in the shallow water off the north Kent and Essex coasts, as at Whitstable and Colchester, being famous. Lobsters are landed in greatest number on the south coast.

There are distinctions to be made, as will be shown, between the types and methods of fishing on the different coasts, and the overall prosperity of the industry varies from year to year. For instance, during the period in question, the largest amount of fish landed at east coast ports was 9,539,114 cwt. in 1903 (valued at £5,721,105); while on the south coast, it was 736,599 cwt. in 1899, and on the west coast, it was 1,117,164 cwt. in 1898. The most significant individual fish in the English fisheries is the herring, with Yarmouth and Lowestoft being the main ports for it. Following that are haddock, cod, and plaice, with the east coast fisheries producing the bulk of these as well. However, while the south coast has an edge over the west in terms of herring and plaice, the opposite is true for haddock and cod, with haddock being caught in very small amounts at the south coast ports. Mackerel are mainly landed at the southern ports, and pilchard are almost exclusively caught off the south-western coast. Hake is particularly important to the west coast fisheries. Among shellfish, crabs and oysters are primarily taken from the east coast; the oyster beds in the shallow waters off the north Kent and Essex coasts, such as at Whitstable and Colchester, are well-known. Lobsters are most abundant on the south coast.

The number of vessels of every sort employed in fishing was returned in 1903 as 9721, and the number of persons employed as 41,539, of whom 34,071 were regular fishermen. The development of the steam trawling-vessel is illustrated by the increase in numbers of these vessels from 480 in 1893 to 1135 in 1903. They belong chiefly to North Shields, Hull, Grimsby, Yarmouth and Lowestoft. There are a considerable number on the west coast, but very few on the south. These vessels have a wide range of operations, pursuing their work as far as the Faeroe Islands and Iceland on the one hand, and the Bay of Biscay and the Portuguese coast on the other.

The total number of fishing vessels of all kinds recorded in 1903 was 9,721, with 41,539 people working in the industry, including 34,071 who were regular fishermen. The growth of steam trawlers is shown by the increase in their numbers from 480 in 1893 to 1,135 in 1903. Most of these vessels are based in North Shields, Hull, Grimsby, Yarmouth, and Lowestoft. There are quite a few on the west coast, but very few on the south. These vessels operate widely, working as far as the Faeroe Islands and Iceland on one side and the Bay of Biscay and the Portuguese coast on the other.

The English freshwater fisheries are not of great commercial importance, nor, from the point of view of sport, are the salmon and trout fisheries as a whole of equal importance with those of Scotland, Ireland or Wales. The English salmon Freshwater fisheries. and trout fisheries may be geographically classified thus: (1) North-western division, Rivers Eden, Derwent, Lune, Ribble: (2)North-eastern, Coquet, Tyne, Wear, Tees, &c.; (3) Western, Dee, Usk, Wye, Severn; (4) South-western, Taw, Torridge, Camel, Tamar, Dart, Exe, Teign, &c.; (5) Southern, Avon and Stour (Christchurch) and the Itchin and other famous trout streams of Hampshire. The rivers of the midlands and east are of little importance to salmon-fishers, though the Trent carries a few, and in modern times attempts have been made to rehabilitate the Thames as a salmon river. The trout-fishing in the upper Thames and many of its tributaries (such as the Kennet, Colne and Lea) is famous. But many of the midland, eastern and south-eastern rivers, the Norfolk Broads, &c., are noted for their coarse fish.

The freshwater fisheries in England aren't very commercially significant, and, from a sports perspective, the salmon and trout fisheries aren't as important as those in Scotland, Ireland, or Wales. The English salmon and trout fisheries can be categorized as follows: (1) North-western division: Rivers Eden, Derwent, Lune, Ribble; (2) North-eastern: Coquet, Tyne, Wear, Tees, etc.; (3) Western: Dee, Usk, Wye, Severn; (4) South-western: Taw, Torridge, Camel, Tamar, Dart, Exe, Teign, etc.; (5) Southern: Avon and Stour (Christchurch) and the Itchin and other well-known trout streams of Hampshire. The rivers in the midlands and east aren't very significant for salmon fishing, although the Trent has a few, and in recent years there have been efforts to restore the Thames as a salmon river. The trout fishing in the upper Thames and many of its tributaries (like the Kennet, Colne, and Lea) is well-known. However, many of the rivers in the midlands, eastern, and south-eastern regions, like the Norfolk Broads, are famous for their coarse fish.

Mining.—Although the conditions of mining have, naturally, undergone a revolutionary development in comparatively modern times, yet some indications of England’s mineral wealth are found at various periods of early history. The exploitation of tin in the south-west is commonly referred back to the time of the Phoenician sea-traders, and in the first half of the 13th century England supplied Europe with this metal. At a later period tin and lead were regarded as the English minerals of highest commercial value; whereas to-day both, but especially lead, have fallen far from this position. The Roman working of lead and iron has been clearly traced in many districts, as has that of salt in Cheshire. The subsequent development of the iron industry is full of interest, as, while extending vastly, it has entirely lapsed in certain districts. However long before it may have been known to a few, the use of coal for smelting iron did not become general till the later part of the 18th century, and down to that time, iron-working was confined to districts where timber was available for the supply of the smelting medium, charcoal. Thus the industry centred chiefly upon the Weald (Sussex and Kent), the Forest of Dean in Gloucestershire, and the Birmingham district; but from the first district named it afterwards wholly departed, following the development of the coal-fields. These have, in some cases, a record from a fairly early date; thus, an indication of the Northumberland coal-supply occurs in a charter of 1234, and the Yorkshire coal-field is first mentioned early in the following century. But how little this source of wealth was developed appears from an estimate of the total production of coal, which gives in 1700 only 2,612,000 tons, and, in 1800, 10,080,000 tons, against the returned total (for the United Kingdom) of 225,181,300 tons in 1900.

Mining.—Although mining conditions have obviously changed dramatically in recent times, there are signs of England’s mineral wealth throughout various periods of early history. The exploitation of tin in the southwest is commonly traced back to the era of the Phoenician sea traders, and in the first half of the 13th century, England provided Europe with this metal. Later on, tin and lead were viewed as the most commercially valuable minerals in England; however, today, both, especially lead, have significantly declined in importance. The Romans' extraction of lead and iron has been well documented in many areas, along with salt extraction in Cheshire. The evolution of the iron industry is quite fascinating, as it has greatly expanded while entirely disappearing in certain regions. Although the use of coal for smelting iron might have been known to a few long before, it didn't become widespread until the late 18th century. Until that time, ironworking was limited to areas where timber was available to produce the smelting medium, charcoal. Therefore, the industry was mainly concentrated in the Weald (Sussex and Kent), the Forest of Dean in Gloucestershire, and the Birmingham area; however, it eventually completely shifted away from the Weald as the coalfields developed. Some of these coalfields have a history dating back quite early; for example, the Northumberland coal supply is mentioned in a charter from 1234, and the Yorkshire coalfield is first cited in the early part of the following century. However, the limited development of this wealth is evident from coal production estimates, showing only 2,612,000 tons in 1700 and 10,080,000 tons in 1800, compared to the reported total (for the United Kingdom) of 225,181,300 tons in 1900.

The chief minerals raised in England, as stated in the annual home office report on mines and quarries, appear in order of value, thus: coal, iron ore, clay and shale, sandstone, limestone, igneous rocks, salt, tin ore. Coal surpasses all the other minerals to such an extent that, taking the year 1903 as a type, when the total value of the mineral output was very nearly £70,000,000, that of coal is found to approach £61,000,000.

The main minerals extracted in England, according to the annual home office report on mines and quarries, are listed in order of value as follows: coal, iron ore, clay and shale, sandstone, limestone, igneous rocks, salt, and tin ore. Coal is by far the most valuable mineral, so much so that in 1903, when the total value of mineral production was nearly £70,000,000, coal's value was close to £61,000,000.

The position of the various principal coal-fields has been indicated in dealing with the physical geography of England, but the grouping of the fields adopted in the official report may be given Coal-fields. here, together with an indication of the counties covered by each, and the percentage of coal to the total bulk raised in each county. These figures are furnished as a general demonstration of the geographical distribution of the industry, but are based on the returns for 1903.

The locations of the main coal fields have been mentioned while discussing the physical geography of England, but the way the fields are organized in the official report can be presented here, along with the counties that each covers and the percentage of coal relative to the total amount raised in each county. These figures are provided to generally demonstrate how the industry is distributed geographically, but they are based on data from 1903.

Coal-fields. Counties. Percentage.
Northern Durham 22.37
Northumberland 7.48
Yorkshire, &c. Yorkshire (West Riding)20 17.76
Derbyshire 9.40
Nottinghamshire 5.41
Lancashire and Cheshire Lancashire 15.26
Cheshire 0.25
Leicestershire 1.31
Midland21 Shropshire 0.50
Staffordshire 8.10
Warwickshire 2.12
Worcestershire 0.44
Small detached Cumberland 1.37
Gloucestershire22 0.87
Somersetshire 0.62
Westmorland 0.07
Yorkshire (North Riding)20 · · 
  Monmouthshire23 6.67

The coal-fields on the eastern flank of the Pennines, therefore, namely, the Northern and the Yorkshire, are seen to be by far the most important in England. The carrying trade in coal is naturally very extensive, and may be considered here. The principal ports for the shipping of coal for export, set down in order of the amount shipped, also fall very nearly into topographical groups, thus:—Newcastle, South Shields and Blyth in the Northern District; Newport in Monmouthshire; Sunderland in the Northern District, Hull, Grimsby and Goole on the Humber, which forms the eastern outlet of the Yorkshire coal-fields; Hartlepool, in the Northern District, and Liverpool. The tonnage annually shipped ranges from about 4½ millions of tons in the case of Newcastle to some half a million in the case of Liverpool; but the export trade of Cardiff in South Wales far surpasses that of any English port, being more than three times that of Newcastle in 1903. The coastwise carrying trade is also important, the bulk being shared about equally by Sunderland, Newcastle, South Shields and Cardiff, while Liverpool has also a large share. Of the whole amount of coal received coastwise at English and Welsh ports (about 13½ million tons), London received considerably over one-half (nearly 8 million tons in 1903). The railways having the heaviest coal traffic are the North-Eastern, which monopolizes the traffic of Northumberland and Durham; the Midland, commanding the Derbyshire, Yorkshire and East Midland traffic, and some of the Welsh; the London & North Western, whose principal sources are the Lancashire, Staffordshire 426 and South Welsh districts; the Great Western and the Taff Vale (South Welsh), with the Great Central, Lancashire & Yorkshire and Great Northern systems.

The coalfields on the eastern side of the Pennines, specifically the Northern and Yorkshire regions, are clearly the most significant in England. The coal transport industry is extensive and deserves attention. The main ports for coal shipping, listed by the volume shipped, also roughly fall into geographic groups: Newcastle, South Shields, and Blyth in the Northern District; Newport in Monmouthshire; Sunderland in the Northern District; Hull, Grimsby, and Goole on the Humber, which serves as the eastern outlet for the Yorkshire coalfields; Hartlepool in the Northern District; and Liverpool. The annual tonnage shipped varies from about 4.5 million tons for Newcastle to around half a million for Liverpool; however, Cardiff's export trade in South Wales greatly outstrips any English port, being more than three times that of Newcastle in 1903. The coastwise shipping trade is also significant, with Sunderland, Newcastle, South Shields, and Cardiff sharing most of the volume, while Liverpool also has a substantial portion. Of all the coal received via coastwise routes at English and Welsh ports (approximately 13.5 million tons), London received more than half (nearly 8 million tons in 1903). The railways that handle the most coal traffic are the North-Eastern, which dominates traffic in Northumberland and Durham; the Midland, covering Derbyshire, Yorkshire, and East Midlands traffic, as well as some Welsh routes; the London & North Western, with main sources in the Lancashire, Staffordshire, and South Welsh areas; and the Great Western and Taff Vale (South Welsh), along with the Great Central, Lancashire & Yorkshire, and Great Northern systems.

In the face of railway competition, several of the canals maintain a fair traffic in coal, for which they are eminently suitable—the system of the Birmingham navigation, the Aire and Calder navigation of Yorkshire, and the Leeds and Liverpool navigation have the largest shares in this trade.

In response to railway competition, several canals still manage to handle a decent amount of coal traffic, for which they are particularly well-suited—the Birmingham navigation system, the Aire and Calder navigation in Yorkshire, and the Leeds and Liverpool navigation all have the biggest stakes in this trade.

The richest iron-mining district in England and in the United Kingdom is the Cleveland district of the North Riding of Yorkshire. It produces over two-fifths of the total amount of ore raised in the Kingdom, and not much less than one-half Iron. of that raised in England. The richness of the ore (about 30% of metal) is by no means so great as the red haematite ore found in Cumberland and north Lancashire (Furness district, &c.). Here the percentage is over 50, but the ore, though the richest found in the kingdom, is less plentiful, about 1½ million tons being raised in 1903 as against more than 5½ millions in Cleveland. There is also a considerable working of brown iron ore at various points in Lincolnshire, Northamptonshire and Leicestershire; with further workings of less importance in Staffordshire and several other districts. The total amount of ore raised in England is about 12½ million tons, but it is not so high, in some iron-fields, as formerly. Some of the lesser deposits have been worked out, and even in the rich Furness fields it has been found difficult to pursue the ore. The import of ore (the bulk coming from Spain) has consequently increased, and the ports where the principal import trade is carried on are those which form the principal outlets of the iron-working districts of Cleveland and Furness, namely Middlesbrough and Barrow-in-Furness.

The richest iron-mining area in England and the UK is the Cleveland district in North Riding of Yorkshire. It accounts for over two-fifths of the total ore produced in the Kingdom and nearly half of what’s raised in England. The ore quality (about 30% metal content) isn’t as high as the red hematite ore found in Cumberland and north Lancashire (Furness district, etc.), which has a content over 50%. However, this rich ore is less abundant, with about 1.5 million tons extracted in 1903 compared to more than 5.5 million tons in Cleveland. There’s also significant mining of brown iron ore in various parts of Lincolnshire, Northamptonshire, and Leicestershire, with smaller operations in Staffordshire and other areas. The total amount of ore produced in England is about 12.5 million tons, but it's not as high in some iron fields as it used to be. Some smaller deposits have been exhausted, and even in the rich Furness fields, it has become challenging to mine the ore. As a result, ore imports (mostly from Spain) have increased, with the main import activities centered in the important iron-working areas of Cleveland and Furness, specifically Middlesbrough and Barrow-in-Furness.

The geographical distribution of the remaining more important English minerals may be passed in quicker review. Of the metals, the production of copper is a lapsing industry, confined to Cornwall. For the production of lead the principal counties are Derbyshire, Durham and Stanhope, but the industry is not extensive, and is confined to a few places in each county. Quarrying for limestone, clay and sandstone is general in most parts. For limestone the principal localities are in Durham, Derbyshire and Yorkshire, while for chalk-quarrying Kent is pre-eminent among a group of south-eastern counties, including Hampshire, Sussex and Surrey, with Essex. Fireclay is largely raised from coal-mines, while, among special clays, there is a considerable production of china and potter’s clays in Cornwall, Devonshire and Dorsetshire. As regards igneous rocks, the Charnwood Forest quarries of Leicestershire, and those of Cornwall, are particularly noted for their granite. Slate is worked in Cornwall and Devon, and also in Lancashire and Cumberland, where, in the Lake District, there are several large quarries. Salt, obtained principally from brine but also as rock-salt, is an important object of industry in Cheshire, the output from that county and Staffordshire exceeding a million tons annually. In Worcestershire, Durham and Yorkshire salt is also produced from brine.

The geographical distribution of the remaining significant English minerals can be reviewed more quickly. For metals, copper production is declining and is limited to Cornwall. The main counties for lead production are Derbyshire, Durham, and Stanhope, but the industry isn’t extensive and is restricted to a few locations in each county. Quarrying for limestone, clay, and sandstone is common in most areas. For limestone, the key locations are in Durham, Derbyshire, and Yorkshire, while Kent stands out for chalk-quarrying among a group of southeastern counties, which includes Hampshire, Sussex, Surrey, and Essex. Fireclay is mainly extracted from coal mines, while there’s considerable production of china and potter’s clays in Cornwall, Devon, and Dorset. When it comes to igneous rocks, the Charnwood Forest quarries in Leicestershire and those in Cornwall are well-known for their granite. Slate is mined in Cornwall and Devon, as well as in Lancashire and Cumberland, where there are several large quarries in the Lake District. Salt, obtained mainly from brine but also as rock salt, is a significant industry in Cheshire, with output from that county and Staffordshire exceeding a million tons each year. Worcestershire, Durham, and Yorkshire also produce salt from brine.

The total number of persons in any way occupied in connexion with mines and quarries in England and Wales in 1901 was 805,185; the number being found to increase rapidly, as from 528,474 in 1881. Coal-mines alone occupied 643,654, and to development in this direction the total increase is chiefly due. The number of ironstone and other mines decreased in the period noticed from 55,907 to 31,606.

The total number of people working in connection with mines and quarries in England and Wales in 1901 was 805,185, showing a significant increase from 528,474 in 1881. Coal mines alone accounted for 643,654 workers, and this growth is mainly attributed to developments in this area. However, the number of ironstone and other mines fell during this period from 55,907 to 31,606.

Manufacturing Industries.—There are of course a great number of important industries which have a general distribution throughout the country, being more or less fully developed here or there in accordance with the requirements of each locality. But in specifying the principal industries of any county, it is natural to consider those which have an influence more than local on its prosperity. In England, then, two broad classes of industry may be taken up for primary consideration—the textile and the metal. Long after textile and other industries had been flourishing in the leading states of the continent, in the Netherlands, Flanders and France, England remained, as a whole, an agricultural and pastoral country, content to export her riches in wool, and to import them again, greatly enhanced in value, as clothing. It is not to be understood that there were no manufacturing industries whatever. Rough cloth, for example, was manufactured for home consumption. But from Norman times the introduction of foreign artisans, capable of establishing industries which should produce goods fit for distant sale, occupied the attention of successive rulers. Thus the plantation of Flemish weavers in East Anglia, especially at the towns of Worstead (to which is attributed the derivation of the term worsted) and Norwich, dates from the 12th century. The industry, changing locality, like many others, in sympathy with the changes in modern conditions, has long been practically extinct in this district. Then, when religious persecution drove many of the industrial population of the west of Europe away from the homes of their birth, they liberally repaid English hospitality by establishing their own arts in the country, and teaching them to the inhabitants. Thus religious liberty formed part of the foundation of England’s industrial greatness. Then came the material agent, machinery propelled by steam. The invention of the steam engine, following quickly upon that of the carding machine, the spinning jenny, and other ingenious machinery employed in textile manufactures, gave an extraordinary impulse to their development, and, with them, that of kindred branches of industry. At the basis of all of them was England’s wealth in coal. The vast development of industries in England during the 19th century may be further correlated with certain events in the general history of the time. Insular England was not affected by the disturbing influences of the Napoleonic period in any such degree as was continental Europe. Such conditions carried on the work of British inventors in helping to develop industries so strongly that manufacturers were able to take full advantage of the opportunities offered by the American Civil War (in spite of the temporary disability it entailed upon the cotton industry) and by the Franco-German War. These wars tended to paralyse industries in the countries affected, which were thus forced to English markets to buy manufactured commodities. That England, not possessing the raw material, became the seat of the cotton manufacture, was owing to the ingenuity of her inventors. It was not till the later part of the 18th century, when a series of inventions, unparalleled in the annals of industry, followed each other in quick succession, that the cotton manufacture took real root in the country, gradually eclipsing that of other European nations, although a linen manufacture in Lancashire had acquired some prominence as early as the 16th century. But though the superior excellence of their machinery enabled Englishmen to start in the race of competition, it was the discovery of the new motive power, drawn from coal, which made them win the race. In 1815 the total quantity of raw cotton imported into the United Kingdom was not more than 99 millions of pounds, which amount had increased to 152 millions of pounds in 1820, and rose further to 229 millions in 1825, so that there was considerably more than a doubling of the imports in ten years.

Manufacturing Industries.—There are many important industries that are spread throughout the country, developing more or less in different areas based on local needs. When identifying the main industries of a county, it's natural to focus on those that have a broader impact on its prosperity. In England, two main types of industry deserve primary attention: textiles and metals. Long after the textile industry and others had thrived in leading regions of the continent, like the Netherlands, Flanders, and France, England largely remained an agricultural and pastoral nation, satisfied to export its wealth in wool and then import it back as valuable clothing. It’s not to say that there were no manufacturing industries at all. For instance, rough cloth was produced for local use. However, since Norman times, the introduction of foreign artisans capable of establishing manufacturing that produced goods suitable for distant sales captured the interest of successive rulers. Thus, the settlement of Flemish weavers in East Anglia, particularly in the towns of Worstead (from which the term worsted is derived) and Norwich, began in the 12th century. The industry, like many others, has essentially disappeared from this region over time due to changing modern conditions. When religious persecution forced many skilled workers from Western Europe to flee their homelands, they generously repaid England’s hospitality by bringing their skills and teaching them to the locals. So, religious freedom became a key part of England's industrial rise. Then came the game-changer: machines powered by steam. The invention of the steam engine, quickly followed by the carding machine, spinning jenny, and other innovative machines used in textile manufacturing, significantly fueled the growth of these industries and related sectors. The foundation for all this was England’s abundance of coal. The significant growth of industries in England during the 19th century can also be linked to specific historical events of the time. Island England was less impacted by the upheavals of the Napoleonic era compared to continental Europe. These conditions allowed British inventors to advance industries so effectively that manufacturers could capitalize on the opportunities presented by the American Civil War (despite it temporarily hindering the cotton industry) and by the Franco-German War. These conflicts disrupted industries in affected regions, leading them to rely on English markets for manufactured goods. Although England lacked the raw materials, it became the center for cotton manufacturing thanks to its inventors’ creativity. It wasn't until the late 18th century that a series of unprecedented inventions emerged in quick succession, solidifying cotton manufacturing in England and gradually surpassing that of other European countries, although linen manufacturing in Lancashire had started to gain some importance as early as the 16th century. Even though the superior quality of their machinery allowed the English to enter the competition, it was the newfound power source from coal that enabled them to prevail in it. In 1815, the total amount of raw cotton imported into the United Kingdom was only 99 million pounds, which increased to 152 million pounds in 1820 and further to 229 million in 1825, resulting in more than a doubling of imports in just ten years.

The geographical analysis of the cotton industry in England is simple. It belongs almost entirely to south Lancashire—to Manchester and the great industrial towns in its neighbourhood. The industry has extended into the adjacent parts of Textiles. Cheshire, the West Riding of Yorkshire and Derbyshire. The immediate neighbourhood of a coal-supply influenced the geographical settlement of this industry, like others; and the importance to the manufacture of a moist climate, such as is found on the western slope of the Pennines (in contradistinction to the eastern), must also be considered. The excess of the demand of the factories over the supply of raw material has become a remarkable feature of the industry in modern times.

The geographical analysis of the cotton industry in England is straightforward. It is primarily concentrated in South Lancashire, particularly in Manchester and the major industrial towns nearby. The industry has also spread into adjacent areas of Cheshire, the West Riding of Yorkshire, and Derbyshire. The proximity to a coal supply has influenced where this industry is located, like many others; additionally, the importance of a damp climate, such as that found on the western side of the Pennines (compared to the eastern side), must also be taken into account. The growing demand from factories exceeding the supply of raw materials has become a notable characteristic of the industry in recent times.

The distribution of the woollen industries peculiarly illustrates the changes which have taken place since the early establishment of manufacturing industries in England. It has been seen how completely the industry has forsaken East Anglia. Similarly, this industry was of early importance along the line of the Cotteswold Hills, from Chipping Camden to Stroud and beyond, as also in some towns of Devonshire and Cornwall, but though it survives in the neighbourhood of Stroud, the importance of this district is far surpassed by that of the West Riding of Yorkshire, where the woollen industry stands pre-eminent among the many which, as already indicated, have concentrated there. As the cotton industry has in some degree extended from Lancashire into the West Riding, so has the woollen from the West Riding into a few Lancastrian towns, such as Rochdale. Among other textile industries attaching to definite localities may be mentioned the silk manufacture of eastern Staffordshire and Cheshire, as at Congleton and Macclesfield; and the hosiery and lace manufactures of Nottinghamshire, Derbyshire and Leicestershire.

The spread of the wool industry clearly shows the changes that have happened since manufacturing began in England. It's evident that the industry has completely abandoned East Anglia. Likewise, this industry was once important along the Cotswold Hills, from Chipping Campden to Stroud and beyond, as well as in some towns in Devon and Cornwall. While it still exists near Stroud, the significance of this area is overshadowed by the West Riding of Yorkshire, where the wool industry is dominant among many that have settled there. Just as the cotton industry has somewhat spread from Lancashire into the West Riding, the wool industry has also extended from the West Riding into a few towns in Lancashire, like Rochdale. Other textile industries associated with specific regions include silk production in eastern Staffordshire and Cheshire, particularly in Congleton and Macclesfield, as well as hosiery and lace manufacturing in Nottinghamshire, Derbyshire, and Leicestershire.

The metal-working industries also follow a geographical distribution, mainly governed by the incidence of the coal-fields, as well as by that of the chief districts for the production of iron-ore already indicated, such as the Cleveland and Metal-working. Durham and the Furness districts. But the district most intimately connected with every branch of this industry, from engineering and the manufacture of tools, &c., to working in the precious metals, is the “Black Country” and Birmingham district of Staffordshire, Warwickshire and Worcestershire. Apart from this district, large quantities of iron and steel are produced in the manufacturing areas of Lancashire and the West Riding of Yorkshire, 427 and here, as in the Black Country, are found certain centres especially noted for the production of an individual class of goods, such as Sheffield for its cutlery. There is, further, a large engineering industry in the London district; and important manufactures of agricultural implements are found at many towns of East Anglia and in other agricultural localities. Birmingham and Coventry may be specially mentioned as centres of the motor and cycle building industry. The establishment of their engineering and other workshops at certain centres by the great railway companies has important bearing on the concentration of urban population. For example, by this means the London & North Western and the Great Western companies have created large towns in Crewe and Swindon respectively.

The metalworking industries are also spread out geographically, mainly determined by the location of coal fields, as well as the main areas for iron ore production, like Cleveland, Durham, and the Furness districts. However, the area most closely associated with all branches of this industry—ranging from engineering to tool manufacturing, and working with precious metals—is the "Black Country,” along with the Birmingham area in Staffordshire, Warwickshire, and Worcestershire. Outside of this region, significant amounts of iron and steel are produced in the manufacturing regions of Lancashire and the West Riding of Yorkshire, and similar to the Black Country, there are specific centers known for producing certain types of goods, such as Sheffield for its cutlery. Additionally, there is a substantial engineering sector in London, and important manufacturing of agricultural equipment can be found in many towns across East Anglia and other farming areas. Birmingham and Coventry are particularly notable as hubs for the motor and bicycle manufacturing industry. The establishment of engineering and other workshops at specific sites by major railway companies has a significant impact on urban population concentration. For instance, the London & North Western and the Great Western companies have developed large towns in Crewe and Swindon, respectively.

Certain other important industries may be localized. Thus, the manufacture of china and pottery, although widespread, is primarily identified with Staffordshire, where an area comprising Stoke and a number of contiguous towns actually bears the name of the Potteries (q.v.). Derby has a similar fame, while the manufacture of glass, important in Leeds and elsewhere in the West Riding of Yorkshire, and in the London district, centres peculiarly upon a single town in South Lancashire—St Helens. Finally, the bootmakers of Northamptonshire (at Wellingborough, Rushden, &c.), and the straw-plaiters of Bedfordshire (at Luton and Dunstable), deserve mention among localized industrial communities.

Certain other key industries can be found in specific areas. For example, the production of china and pottery, although widespread, is mainly associated with Staffordshire, where the area that includes Stoke and several nearby towns is actually called the Potteries (q.v.). Derby is similarly renowned, while glass manufacturing, which is significant in Leeds and other parts of the West Riding of Yorkshire and in the London area, is notably concentrated in a single town in South Lancashire—St Helens. Lastly, the bootmakers of Northamptonshire (in Wellingborough, Rushden, etc.), and the straw-plaiters of Bedfordshire (in Luton and Dunstable), are also worth mentioning among localized industrial communities.

Occupations of the People.—The occupations of the people may be so considered as to afford a conception of the relative extent of the industries already noticed, and their importance in relation to other occupations. The figures to be given are those of the census of 1901, and embrace males and females of 10 years of age and upwards. The textile manufactures occupied a total of 994,668 persons, of which the cotton industry occupied 529,131. A high proportion of female labour is characteristic of each branch of this industry, the number of females employed being about half as many again as that of males (the proportion was 1.47 to 1 in 1901). The metal industries of every sort occupied 1,116,202; out of which those employed in engineering (including the building of all sorts of vehicles) numbered 741,346. Of the other broad classes of industry already indicated, the manufacture of boots and shoes occupied 229,257, and the pottery and glass manufactures 90,193. For the rest, the numbers of persons occupied in agriculture has been quoted as 1,192,167; and of those occupied in mining as 805,185. Among occupations not already detailed, those of the male population include transport of every sort (1,094,301), building and other works of construction (1,042,864), manufacture of articles of human consumption, lodging, &c. (774,291), commerce, banking, &c. (530,685), domestic service, &c. (304,195), professional occupations (311,618). The service of government in every branch occupied 171,687. Female workers were occupied to the number of 1,664,381 in domestic service generally. Tailoring and the textile clothing industries and trade generally occupied 602,881; teaching 172,873; nursing and other work in institutions 104,036; and the civil service, clerkships and similar occupations 82,635.

Occupations of the People.—The occupations of the people can be viewed to give an idea of the relative size of the industries mentioned earlier and their significance compared to other jobs. The figures provided are from the 1901 census and include males and females aged 10 and older. The textile manufacturing sector employed a total of 994,668 individuals, with the cotton industry alone accounting for 529,131. A significant proportion of female labor is typical in each branch of this industry, with the number of females employed being about 50% higher than that of males (the ratio was 1.47 to 1 in 1901). The metal industries, including all types, employed 1,116,202 individuals, of which those in engineering (including all types of vehicle construction) numbered 741,346. Among the other major industries previously mentioned, the manufacture of boots and shoes employed 229,257, while pottery and glass manufacturing accounted for 90,193. Additionally, the number of people employed in agriculture was reported as 1,192,167, and those in mining as 805,185. Other male occupations not previously discussed include all types of transport (1,094,301), building and construction work (1,042,864), production of consumable goods, lodging, etc. (774,291), commerce, banking, etc. (530,685), domestic service, etc. (304,195), and professional occupations (311,618). Government service in all its branches employed 171,687. Female workers totaled 1,664,381 in general domestic service. Tailoring and the textile clothing sectors employed 602,881; teaching accounted for 172,873; nursing and other institutional work employed 104,036; and the civil service, clerical work, and similar jobs numbered 82,635.

IX. Territorial Divisions, &c.

IX. Territorial Divisions, etc.

For various administrative and other purposes England and Wales have been divided, at different times from the Saxon period onwards, into a series of divisions, whose boundaries have been adjusted as each purpose demanded, without much attempt to establish uniformity. Therefore, although the methods of local government are detailed below (Section X.), and other administrative arrangements are described under the various headings dealing with each subject, it is desirable to give here, for ease of reference and distinction, a schedule of the various areas into which England and Wales are divided. The areas here given, excepting the Poor Law Union, are those utilized in the Census Returns (see the General Report, 1901).

For different administrative and other reasons, England and Wales have been divided, at various times since the Saxon period, into a number of areas, with boundaries adjusted as needed for each purpose, without significant effort to create uniformity. Therefore, while the methods of local government are explained below (Section X.), and other administrative arrangements are outlined under different headings for each topic, it is helpful to provide a list of the various areas that England and Wales are divided into for easy reference and distinction. The areas listed here, except for the Poor Law Union, are the ones used in the Census Returns (see the General Report, 1901).

England and Wales; Areas.
County (ancient or geographical).

England and Wales; Areas.
County (historical or geographical).

Parliamentary Areas Division.
Borough.
Administrative Areas Administrative County.
County Borough. {"text":"Below is a short piece of text (5 words or fewer). Modernize it into contemporary English if there's enough context, but do not add or omit any information. If context is insufficient, return it unchanged. Do not add commentary, and do not modify any placeholders. If you see placeholders of the form __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_x__, you must keep them exactly as-is so they can be replaced with links."}(City, town)
Municipal Borough.
Urban District (other than borough).
Rural District.
Civil Parish.
Poor Law Union.
Judicial Areas County Court Circuit.
County Court District.
Petty Sessional Division
Ecclesiastical Areas Province.
Diocese.
Parish
Registration Areas Division.
County.
District.
Subdistrict.

The ancient counties were superseded for most practical purposes by the administrative counties created by the Local Government Act of 1888. The ancient division, however, besides being maintained in general speech and usage, forms the basis on which the system of distribution of parliamentary representation now in force was constructed. The Redistribution of Seats Act 1885 made a new division of the country into county and borough constituencies. All the English counties, with the exception of Rutland, are divided into two or more constituencies, each returning one member, the number of English county parliamentary areas being 234. In Wales eight smaller or less populous counties form each one parliamentary constituency, while the four larger are divided, the number of Welsh county parliamentary areas being 19. The number of county areas for parliamentary purposes in England and Wales is thus 253, and the total number of their representatives is the same. Outside the county constituencies are the parliamentary boroughs. Of these there are 135 in England, one of them, Monmouth district, being made up of three contributory boroughs, while many are divided into several constituencies, the number of borough parliamentary areas in England being 205, of which 61 are in the metropolis. Of the 205 borough constituencies, 184 return each one member, and 21 return each two members, so that the total number of English borough members is 226. Besides the county and borough members there are in England five university members, namely, two for Oxford, two for Cambridge and one for London. In Wales there are 10 borough parliamentary areas, all of which, except Merthyr Tydfil and Swansea town division, consist of groups of several contributory boroughs. Each Welsh borough constituency returns one member, except Merthyr Tydfil, which returns two, so that there are eleven Welsh borough members.

The old counties were largely replaced by the administrative counties established by the Local Government Act of 1888. However, the traditional divisions are still commonly used in everyday language and they also form the foundation for the current system of parliamentary representation. The Redistribution of Seats Act 1885 reorganized the country into county and borough constituencies. All English counties, except Rutland, are split into two or more constituencies, each electing one member, totaling 234 parliamentary areas in England. In Wales, eight smaller or less populated counties make up one parliamentary constituency, while the four larger counties are divided, resulting in 19 parliamentary areas in Wales. Therefore, there are 253 county areas for parliamentary purposes in England and Wales, with the same number of representatives. Outside of the county constituencies, there are parliamentary boroughs. There are 135 in England, one of which, the Monmouth district, consists of three contributing boroughs, and many are divided into several constituencies, totaling 205 borough parliamentary areas in England, 61 of which are in the capital. Out of the 205 borough constituencies, 184 elect one member each, while 21 elect two members, bringing the total number of borough members in England to 226. In addition to the county and borough members, England has five university members: two from Oxford, two from Cambridge, and one from London. Wales has 10 borough parliamentary areas, all except Merthyr Tydfil and Swansea town division made up of groups of several contributing boroughs. Each Welsh borough constituency elects one member, except for Merthyr Tydfil, which elects two, totaling eleven borough members in Wales.

The administrative counties, created in 1888, number 62, each having a county council. They sometimes coincide in area with the ancient counties of the same name, but generally differ, in a greater or less degree, for the following reasons—(1) in some cases an ancient county comprises (approximately) two or more administrative counties, in the formation of which names of some ancient divisions were preserved, thus:—

The administrative counties, established in 1888, number 62, each having a county council. They sometimes overlap with the ancient counties of the same name, but generally differ to varying extents for the following reasons—(1) in some cases, an ancient county includes (approximately) two or more administrative counties, in the formation of which names of some ancient divisions were kept, thus:—

Ancient County. Administrative County.
Cambridgeshire Cambridge.
Isle of Ely.
Hampshire Southampton.
Isle of Wight.
Lincolnshire Parts of Holland.
Parts of Kesteven.
Parts of Lindsey.
Northamptonshire Northampton.
Soke of Peterborough.
Suffolk East Suffolk.
West Suffolk.
Sussex East Sussex.
West Sussex.
Yorkshire East Riding.
North Riding.
West Riding.

The Scilly Islands, which form part of the ancient county of Cornwall, without being ranked as an administrative county, are provided with a county council and have separate administration. (2) The administrative county of London has an area taken entirely from the counties of Middlesex, Kent and Surrey. (3) All boroughs which on June 1, 1888, had a population of not less than 50,000, boroughs which were already counties having a population of not less than 20,000, and a few others, were formed into separate administrative areas, with the name of county 428 boroughs. Of these there were originally 61, but their number subsequently increased. (4) Provision was made by the act of 1888 for including entirely within one administrative county each of such urban districts as were situated in more than one ancient county.

The Scilly Islands, which are part of the historic county of Cornwall but are not designated as an administrative county, have their own county council and separate administration. (2) The administrative county of London consists entirely of areas taken from Middlesex, Kent, and Surrey. (3) All boroughs that had a population of at least 50,000 on June 1, 1888, boroughs that were already counties with a population of at least 20,000, and a few others were organized into separate administrative areas called county boroughs. Originally, there were 61 of these, but the number later grew. (4) The act of 1888 provided for each urban district located in more than one ancient county to be included entirely within one administrative county.

The various urban and rural districts are described below (Section X.). The Civil Parish is defined (Poor Law Amendment Act 1866) as “a place for which a separate poor-rate is or can be made,” but the parish council has local administrative functions beyond the administration of the poor law. The civil parish has become more or less divorced in relationship from the Ecclesiastical Parish (a division which probably served in early times for administrative purposes also), owing to successive independent alterations in the boundaries of both (see Parish). Poor-law unions are groups of parishes for the local administration of the Poor Laws. Within the unions the local poor-law authorities are the Board of Guardians. In rural districts the functions of these boards are, under the Local Government Act of 1894, performed by the district councils, and in other places their constitution is similar to that of the urban and district councils (see Poor Law).

The different urban and rural areas are described below (Section X.). The Civil Parish is defined (Poor Law Amendment Act 1866) as “a place for which a separate poor-rate can be charged,” but the parish council has local administrative roles beyond managing the poor law. The civil parish has largely become separate from the Ecclesiastical Parish (which likely also served administrative purposes in earlier times) due to the ongoing independent changes in the boundaries of both (see Parish). Poor-law unions are groups of parishes that manage the Poor Laws locally. Within these unions, the local poor-law authorities are the Board of Guardians. In rural areas, the duties of these boards are carried out by the district councils, according to the Local Government Act of 1894, and in other areas, their structure is similar to that of urban and district councils (see Poor Law).

Registration districts are generally, but not invariably, coextensive with unions of the same name. These districts are divided into sub-districts, within which the births and deaths are registered by registrars appointed for that purpose. Registration counties are groups of registration districts, and their boundaries differ more or less from those both of the ancient and the administrative counties. In England and Wales there are eleven registration divisions, consisting of groups of registration counties (see Registration).

Registration districts usually, but not always, align with unions of the same name. These districts are split into sub-districts, where births and deaths are recorded by registrars assigned for that job. Registration counties are collections of registration districts, and their borders are somewhat different from both the historical and administrative counties. In England and Wales, there are eleven registration divisions, made up of groups of registration counties (see Registration).

(O. J. R. H.)

X. Local Government

X. Local Government

The Reform Act of 1832 was the real starting-point for the overhauling of English local government. For centuries before, from the reign of Edward III., under a number of statutes and commissions, the administrative work in the counties had been in the hands of the country gentlemen and the clergy, acting as justices of the peace, and sitting in petty sessions and quarter sessions. Each civil or “poor law” parish was governed by the vestry and the overseers of the poor, dating from the Poor Law of 1601; the vestry, which dealt with general affairs, being presided over by the rector, and having the churchwardens as its chief officials. In 1782 Gilbert’s Act introduced the grouping of parishes for poor law purposes, and boards of guardians appointed by the justices of the peace. The municipal boroughs (246 in England and Wales in 1832) were governed by mayor, aldermen, councillors and a close body of burgesses or freemen, a narrow oligarchy. Reform began with the Poor Law Amendment Act of 1834, grouping the parishes into Unions, making the boards of guardians mainly elective, and creating a central poor law board in London. The Municipal Corporations Act followed in 1835, giving all ratepayers the local franchise. And as a result of the failure of the Public Health Board established in 1848, the royal commission of 1869-1871 led to the establishment in 1871 of the Local Government Board as a central supervising body. Meanwhile, the school boards resulting from the Education Act of 1870 brought local government also into the educational system; and the Public Health Act of 1875 put further duties on the local authorities. By 1888 a new state of chaos had grown up as the result of the multiplication of bodies, and the new Redistribution Act of 1885 paved the way for a further reorganization of local matters by the Local Government Act of 1888, followed by that of 1894. In London, which required separate treatment, a similar process had been going on. The Metropolis Management Act of 1855 established (outside the city) two classes of parishes—the first class with vestries of their own, the second class grouped under district boards elected by the component vestries; and the Metropolitan Board of Works (abolished in 1888), elected by the vestries and the district boards, was made the central authority.

The Reform Act of 1832 was the real starting point for revamping local government in England. For centuries before that, from the reign of Edward III, the administrative tasks in the counties were handled by country gentlemen and clergy who acted as justices of the peace and participated in petty and quarter sessions. Each civil or “poor law” parish was managed by the vestry and overseers of the poor, which dates back to the Poor Law of 1601; the vestry, responsible for general affairs, was led by the rector, with the churchwardens as its main officials. In 1782, Gilbert’s Act introduced the grouping of parishes for poor law purposes, with boards of guardians appointed by the justices of the peace. The municipal boroughs (246 in England and Wales in 1832) were governed by a mayor, aldermen, councillors, and a small group of burgesses or freemen, making it a narrow oligarchy. Reform began with the Poor Law Amendment Act of 1834, which grouped parishes into Unions, made the boards of guardians mostly elected, and created a central poor law board in London. The Municipal Corporations Act followed in 1835, allowing all ratepayers the right to vote locally. After the Public Health Board, established in 1848, failed, the royal commission from 1869-1871 led to the creation of the Local Government Board in 1871 as a central supervisory body. At the same time, school boards formed from the Education Act of 1870 also integrated local government into the education system, and the Public Health Act of 1875 imposed additional responsibilities on local authorities. By 1888, a new level of chaos emerged from the proliferation of bodies, and the Redistribution Act of 1885 set the stage for further restructuring of local matters through the Local Government Act of 1888, followed by the act of 1894. In London, which needed a different approach, a similar process was underway. The Metropolis Management Act of 1855 created two classes of parishes outside the city—the first class with their own vestries, and the second class grouped under district boards elected by the individual vestries; the Metropolitan Board of Works (abolished in 1888), elected by the vestries and district boards, served as the central authority.

In 1867 the Metropolitan Asylums Board took over its work from the metropolitan boards of guardians. See further Charity and Charities, Public Health, Education, Justice of the Peace, Vestry, &c.

In 1867, the Metropolitan Asylums Board took over its responsibilities from the metropolitan boards of guardians. See further Charity and Charities, Public Health, Education, Justice of the Peace, Vestry, &c.

The system of local government now existing in England (see also the article Local Government) may be said to have been founded in 1888, when the Local Government Act of that year was passed. Since then the entire system of the government of districts and parishes has been reorganized with due regard to the preceding legislation. The largest area of local government is the county; next to that the sanitary district, urban or rural, including under this head municipal boroughs, all of which are urban districts. The parish is, speaking generally, the smallest area, though, as will hereafter be seen, part of a parish may be a separate area for certain purposes; and there may be united districts or parishes for certain purposes. It will be convenient to follow this order in the present article. But before doing so, it should be pointed out that all local bodies in England are to some extent subject to the control of central authorities, such as the privy council, the home office, the Board of Agriculture, the Board of Trade, the Board of Education or the Local Government Board.

The current local government system in England (see also the article Local Government) was established in 1888 when the Local Government Act was enacted. Since then, the entire organization of district and parish governance has been restructured with consideration for prior legislation. The largest local government area is the county; following that is the sanitary district, whether urban or rural, which includes municipal boroughs, all of which qualify as urban districts. The parish is generally the smallest area, although, as will be discussed later, part of a parish can function as a separate area for specific purposes; there can also be combined districts or parishes for certain functions. It will be helpful to follow this structure in the current article. However, it's important to note that all local authorities in England are somewhat under the oversight of central bodies, such as the Privy Council, the Home Office, the Board of Agriculture, the Board of Trade, the Board of Education, or the Local Government Board.

The Administrative County.—The administrative county includes all places within its area, with two important exceptions. The first of these consists of the county borough. The second is the quarter sessions borough, which The county and the county council. forms part of the county for certain specified purposes only. But the county includes all other places, such as liberties and franchises, which before 1888 were exempt from contribution to county rate. For each administrative county a county council is elected. For purposes of election the entire county is divided into divisions corresponding to the wards of a municipal borough, and one councillor is elected for each electoral division.

The Administrative County.—The administrative county includes all locations within its area, with two key exceptions. The first is the county borough. The second is the quarter sessions borough, which The county and the county council. is part of the county for certain defined reasons only. However, the county encompasses all other places, such as liberties and franchises, that were exempt from contributing to the county rate before 1888. For each administrative county, a county council is elected. For election purposes, the entire county is divided into divisions that align with the wards of a municipal borough, and one councillor is elected for each electoral division.

The electors are the county electors, i.e. in a borough the persons enrolled as burgesses, and in the rest of the county the County council elections. persons who are registered as county electors, i.e. those persons who possess in a county the same qualification as burgesses must have in a borough, and are registered.

The electors are the county electors, i.e. in a borough, the people registered as burgesses, and in the rest of the county, the County council elections. individuals who are registered as county electors, i.e. those who have the same qualifications in a county as burgesses need to have in a borough and are registered.

The qualification of a burgess or county elector is substantially the occupation of rated property within the borough or county, residence during a qualifying period of twelve months within the borough or county, and payment of rates for the qualifying property. A person so qualified is entitled to be enrolled as a burgess, or registered as a county elector (as the case may be), unless he is alien, has during the qualifying period received union or parochial relief or other alms, or is disentitled under some act of parliament such as the Corrupt Practices Act, the Felony Act, &c. The lists of burgesses and county electors are prepared annually by the overseers of each parish in the borough or county, and are revised by the revising barrister at courts holden by him for the purpose in September or October of each year. When revised they are sent to the town clerk of the borough, or to the clerk of the peace of the county, as the case may be, by whom they are printed. The lists are conclusive of the right to vote at an election, although on election petition involving a scrutiny the vote of a person disqualified by law may be struck off, notwithstanding the inclusion of his name in a list of voters.

The qualifications for being a burgess or county voter essentially include owning rated property in the borough or county, living there for at least twelve months, and paying the relevant rates for that property. A qualified person has the right to register as a burgess or as a county voter, unless they are a foreign national, received public assistance during the qualifying period, or are disqualified under certain laws like the Corrupt Practices Act or the Felony Act, etc. Each year, the overseers of each parish in the borough or county prepare the lists of burgesses and county voters, which are then reviewed by the revising barrister at courts held for this purpose in September or October. Once revised, the lists are sent to the town clerk of the borough or the county clerk of peace, depending on the case, who will print them. The lists are definitive for the right to vote in an election; however, in the case of an election petition that involves a close inspection, the vote of someone who is legally disqualified may be removed, even if their name appears on the voter list.

The qualification of a county councillor is similar to that required of a councillor in a municipal borough, with some modifications. A person may be qualified in any one of the following ways: viz. by being (1) enrolled as a county elector, and possessed of a property qualification consisting of the possession of real or personal property to the amount of £1000 in a county having four or more divisions, or of £500 in any other county, or the being rated to the poor rate on an annual value of £30 in a county having four or more divisions, or of £15 in any other county; (2) enrolled in the non-resident list, and possessed of the same property qualification (the non-resident list contains the names of persons who are qualified for enrolment in all respects save residence in the county or within 7 m. thereof, and are actually resident beyond the 7 m. and within 15 m.); (3) entitled to elect to the office of county councillor (for this qualification no property qualification is required, but the office of a councillor elected on this qualification only becomes vacant if for six months he ceases to reside within the county); (4) a peer owning property in the county; (5) registered as a parliamentary voter in respect of the ownership of property in the county. Clerks in holy orders and ministers of religion are not disqualified as they are for being borough councillors, but in other respects the persons disqualified to be elected for a county are the same as those disqualified to be elected for a borough. Such disqualifications include the holding of any office or place of profit under the council other than the office of chairman, and the being concerned or interested in any contract or 429 employment with, by or on behalf of the council. Women, other than married women, are eligible.

The qualifications to be a county councillor are similar to those for a councillor in a municipal borough, with some changes. A person can qualify in any of the following ways: (1) by being registered as a county voter and having property worth £1,000 in a county with four or more divisions, or £500 in any other county, or being assessed for the poor rate with an annual value of £30 in a county with four or more divisions, or £15 in any other county; (2) by being listed on the non-resident list and having the same property qualification (the non-resident list includes people who meet all qualifications except for living in the county or within 7 miles of it, and who actually live more than 7 miles but within 15 miles); (3) by being eligible to be elected as a county councillor (this qualification doesn’t require any property qualification, but the councillor elected on this basis only loses the office if they stop residing in the county for six months); (4) by being a peer who owns property in the county; (5) by being registered as a parliamentary voter due to property ownership in the county. Clergy and ministers of religion are not disqualified as they are for being borough councillors, but other disqualifications for county candidates are the same as those for borough candidates. Such disqualifications include holding any paid position under the council except for the chairman, and being involved in any contract or job with the council. Women, excluding married women, are eligible.

County councillors are elected for a term of three years, and at the end of that time they retire together. The ordinary day of election is the 8th March, or some day between the 1st and 8th March fixed by the council. Candidates are nominated in writing by a nomination paper signed by a proposer and seconder, and subscribed by eight other assenting county electors of the division; and in the event of there being more valid nominations than vacancies a poll has to be taken in the manner prescribed by the Ballot Act 1872. Corrupt and illegal practices at the election are forbidden by a statute passed in the year 1894, which imposes heavy penalties and disqualifications for the offences which it creates. These offences include not only treating, undue influence, bribery and personation, but certain others, of which the following are the chief. Payment on account of the conveyance of electors to or from the poll; payment for any committee room in excess of a prescribed number; the incurring of expenses in and about the election beyond a certain maximum; employing, for the conveyance of electors to or from the poll, hackney carriages or carriages kept for hire; payments for bands, flags, cockades, &c.; employing for payment persons at the election beyond the prescribed number; printing and publishing bills, placards or posters which do not disclose the name and address of the printer or publisher; using as committee rooms or for meetings any licensed premises, or any premises where food or drink is ordinarily sold for consumption on the premises, or any club premises where intoxicating liquor is supplied to members. In the event of an illegal practice, payment, employment or hiring, committed or done inadvertently, relief may be given by the High Court, or by an election court, if the validity of the election is questioned on petition; but unless such relief is given (and it will be observed that it cannot be given for a corrupt as distinguished from an illegal practice), an infringement of the act may void the election altogether. The validity of the election may be questioned by election petition. Indeed, this is the only method when it is sought to set aside the election on any of the usual grounds, such as corrupt or illegal practices, or the disqualification of the candidate at the date of election. Election petitions against county councillors and members of other local bodies (borough councillors, urban and rural district councillors, members of school boards and boards of guardians) are classed together as municipal election petitions, and are heard in the same way, by a commissioner who must be a barrister of not less than fifteen years’ standing. The petition is tried in open court at some place within the county, the expenses of the court being provided in the first instance by the Treasury, and repaid out of the county rates, except in so far as the court may order them to be paid by either of the parties. If a candidate is unseated a casual vacancy is created which has to be filled by a new election. A county councillor is required to accept office by making and subscribing a declaration in the prescribed form that he will duly and faithfully perform the duties of the office, and that he possesses the necessary qualification. The declaration may be made at any time within three months after notice of election. If the councillor does not make it within that time, he is liable to a fine the amount of which, if not determined by bye-law of the council, is £25 in the case of an alderman or councillor, and £50 in the case of the chairman. Exemption may, however, be claimed on the ground of age, physical or mental incapacity, previous service, or payment of the fine within five years, or on the ground that the claimant was nominated without his consent. If during his term of office a member of the council becomes bankrupt, or compounds with his creditors, or is (except in case of illness) continuously absent from the county, being chairman for more than two months, or being alderman or councillor for more than six months, his office becomes vacant by declaration of the council. In the case of disqualification by absence, the same fines are payable as upon non-acceptance of office, and the same liability arises on resignation. Acting without making the declaration, or without being qualified at the time of making the declaration, or after ceasing to be qualified, or after becoming disqualified, involves liability to a fine not exceeding £50, recoverable by action.

County councilors are elected for a term of three years, and at the end of that period, they all step down together. The usual election day is March 8, or another day set by the council between March 1 and 8. Candidates are nominated in writing through a nomination paper signed by a proposer and a seconder, along with eight other county electors from the division who agree. If there are more valid nominations than available positions, a poll must be held according to the rules of the Ballot Act of 1872. Corrupt and illegal practices during the election are prohibited by a law passed in 1894, which imposes serious penalties and disqualifications for the offenses it outlines. These offenses include not only treating, undue influence, bribery, and impersonation, but also several others, among which the most significant are: paying for the transportation of voters to or from the poll; paying for any committee room beyond a certain specified number; incurring election-related expenditures above a designated maximum; using hired vehicles for transporting voters; making payments for bands, flags, or other promotional materials; hiring individuals beyond the allowed number for the election; printing or publishing materials like bills, placards, or posters that do not include the name and address of the printer or publisher; utilizing licensed premises or venues where food or drinks are sold for consumption on-site, or any club premises that serve alcohol to members for meetings or as committee rooms. If an illegal practice or unwitting payment, employment, or hiring occurs, relief may be granted by the High Court or an election court if the validity of the election is contested via petition; however, such relief cannot be granted for a corrupt practice, which could nullify the election if the Act is violated. The validity of an election can be challenged through an election petition. This is the only way to overturn an election for typical reasons like corrupt or illegal practices or the disqualification of the candidate at the election date. Election petitions against county councilors and other local body members (like borough councilors, urban and rural district councilors, school board members, and guardians) are categorized as municipal election petitions and are heard similarly by a commissioner who must be a barrister with at least fifteen years of experience. The petition is tried in an open court located somewhere within the county, with court expenses initially covered by the Treasury and then reimbursed by the county rates, unless the court directs one of the parties to cover the costs. If a candidate is removed from office, a casual vacancy arises that must be filled by a new election. A county councilor must accept office by making and signing a declaration in the required format, affirming that they will faithfully carry out their duties and that they possess the necessary qualifications. The declaration can be made at any point within three months after the election notice is issued. If the councilor fails to make the declaration within that timeframe, they face a fine of £25 for councilors or £50 for chairpersons, unless set otherwise by council bylaw. Exemptions may be claimed for reasons related to age, physical or mental incapacity, previous service, or if they pay the fine within five years, or if they were nominated without their consent. If a council member becomes bankrupt, makes arrangements with creditors, or is absent from the county for more than two months as chairperson or more than six months as alderman or councilor (unless due to illness), their position is declared vacant by the council. The same fines apply for disqualification due to absence as those for non-acceptance of office, and the same penalties arise for resignation. Acting without making the declaration, or qualifying at the time of making the declaration, or after no longer being qualified, or after becoming disqualified may result in a fine of up to £50, recoverable through legal action.

The councillors who have been elected come into office on the 8th March in the year of election. The first quarterly meeting of the newly-elected council is held on the 16th or on such other day within ten days after the 8th as the county Chairman, &c. council may fix. The first business at that meeting is the election of the chairman, whose office corresponds to that of the mayor in a borough. He is elected for the ensuing year, and holds office until his successor has accepted office. The chairman must be a fit person, elected by the council from their own body or from persons qualified to be councillors. He may receive such remuneration as the council think reasonable. He is by virtue of his office a justice of the peace for the county. Having elected the chairman, the meeting proceeds to the election of aldermen, whose number is one-third of the number of councillors, except in London, where the number is one-sixth. An alderman must be a councillor or a person qualified to be a councillor. If a councillor is elected he vacates his office of councillor, and thus creates a casual vacancy in the council. In every third year one-half of the whole number of aldermen go out of office, and their places are filled by election, which is conducted by means of voting papers. It will be observed, therefore, that while a county councillor holds office for three years, a county alderman holds office for six. The council may also appoint a vice-chairman who holds office during the term of office of the chairman; in London the council have power to appoint a paid deputy chairman.

The elected councillors take office on March 8th of the election year. The first quarterly meeting of the newly elected council is held on the 16th or on another day within ten days after March 8th, as determined by the county Chairman, etc. council. The first order of business at that meeting is electing the chairman, whose role is similar to that of the mayor in a borough. The chairman is elected for the upcoming year and remains in office until their successor is in place. The chairman must be a suitable person, chosen by the council from its own members or from those qualified to be councillors. They may receive a salary deemed reasonable by the council. By virtue of their position, the chairman serves as a justice of the peace for the county. Once the chairman is elected, the meeting moves on to electing aldermen, who make up one-third of the councillors, except in London, where it is one-sixth. An alderman must either be a councillor or someone qualified to be a councillor. If a councillor is elected as an alderman, they vacate their councillor position, creating a casual vacancy in the council. Every three years, half of the total number of aldermen leave office, and their positions are filled through elections, which use voting papers. Therefore, while a county councillor serves a three-year term, a county alderman serves a six-year term. The council may also appoint a vice-chairman who serves for the duration of the chairman's term; in London, the council can appoint a paid deputy chairman.

It may be convenient at this point to refer to the officers of the county council. Of these, the chief are the clerk, the treasurer, and the surveyor. Before 1888 the clerk of the peace was appointed in a county by the custos rotulorum. Officers. He held office for life during good conduct, and had power to act by a sufficient deputy. Under the act of 1888 existing clerks of the peace became clerks of the councils of their counties, holding office by the same tenure as formerly, except in the county of London, where the offices were separated. Thereafter a new appointment to the offices of clerk of the peace and clerk of the county council was to be made by the standing joint-committee, at whose pleasure he is to hold office. The same committee appoint the deputy-clerk, and fix the salaries of both officers. The clerk of the peace was formerly paid by fees which were fixed by quarter sessions, but he is now generally, if not in every case, paid by salary, the fees received by him being paid into the county fund. The county council may also employ such other officers and servants as they may think necessary.

It might be helpful at this point to mention the officers of the county council. The main ones are the clerk, the treasurer, and the surveyor. Before 1888, the clerk of the peace was appointed in a county by the custos rotulorum. Police Officers. He held the position for life as long as he performed well and had the authority to act through a qualified deputy. Under the 1888 act, existing clerks of the peace became clerks of their county councils, keeping the same terms as before, except in the county of London, where the positions were separated. From then on, new appointments for the roles of clerk of the peace and clerk of the county council were to be made by the standing joint committee, who determined how long they would hold office. The same committee also appoints the deputy clerk and sets the salaries for both roles. Previously, the clerk of the peace was paid by fees set by quarter sessions, but now he is generally, if not always, paid a salary, with any fees he earns going into the county fund. The county council may also hire any additional officers and staff they deem necessary.

Subject to a few special provisions in the Local Government Act of 1888, the business of the county council is regulated by the provisions laid down in the Municipal Corporations Act 1882, with regard to borough councils. There are four Business. quarterly meetings in every year, the dates of which may be fixed by the council, with the exception of that which must be held on the 16th March or some day within ten days after the 8th of March as already noticed when treating of elections. Meetings are convened by notices sent to members stating the time and place of the meeting and the business to be transacted. The chairman, or in his absence the vice-chairman, or in the absence of both an alderman or councillor appointed by the meeting, presides. All questions are determined by the votes of the majority of those present and voting, and in case of equality of votes the chairman has a casting vote. Minutes of the proceedings are taken, and if signed by the chairman at the same or the next meeting of the council are evidence of the proceedings. In all other respects the business of the council is regulated by standing orders which the council are authorized to make. Very full power is given to appoint committees, which may be either general or special, and to them may be delegated, with or without restrictions or conditions, any of their powers or duties except that of raising money by rate or loan. Power is also given to appoint joint-committees with other county councils in matters in which the two councils are jointly interested, but a joint-committee so appointed must not be confounded with the standing joint-committee of the county council and the quarter sessions, which is a distinct statutory body and is elsewhere referred to. The finance committee is also a body with distinct duties.

Subject to a few special provisions in the Local Government Act of 1888, the county council's operations are governed by the rules laid out in the Municipal Corporations Act 1882 for borough councils. There are four Business. quarterly meetings each year, with dates set by the council, except for the one that must occur on March 16 or within ten days after March 8, as mentioned earlier when discussing elections. Meetings are called by sending notices to members that detail the time, place, and agenda. The chairman, or if he’s unavailable, the vice-chairman, or if both are absent, an alderman or councillor chosen by the meeting will preside. All decisions are made by a majority vote of those present and voting, and in the event of a tie, the chairman gets to cast the deciding vote. Minutes of the proceedings are recorded, and if signed by the chairman at the same or the subsequent meeting of the council, they serve as proof of the proceedings. In every other aspect, the council's operations are governed by standing orders that the council is allowed to create. They have broad authority to appoint committees, which can be general or specific, and they can delegate any of their powers or duties to these committees, with or without restrictions, except for raising money via rates or loans. They are also allowed to set up joint committees with other county councils regarding matters of mutual interest, but these joint committees should not be confused with the standing joint committee of the county council and the quarter sessions, which is a separate legal entity discussed elsewhere. The finance committee also has specific duties.

In order to appreciate some of the points relating to the finance of a county council, it is necessary to indicate the relations between an administrative county and the boroughs which are locally situated within it. The act of 1888 Relation of county to boroughs. created a new division of boroughs into three classes; of these the first is the county borough. A certain number of boroughs which either had a population of not less than 50,000, or were counties of themselves, were made counties independent of the county council and free from the payment of county rate. In such boroughs the borough council have, in addition to their powers under the Municipal Corporations Act 1882, all the powers of a county council under the Local Government Act. They are independent of the county council, and their only relation is that in some instances they pay a contribution to the county, e.g. for the cost of assizes where there is no separate assize for the borough. The boroughs thus constituted county boroughs enumerated in the schedule to the Local Government Act 1888 numbered sixty-one, but additional ones are created from time to time.

To understand some of the financial aspects related to a county council, it's essential to clarify the relationship between an administrative county and the boroughs located within it. The 1888 ActCounty and borough relationship. established a new classification for boroughs into three categories; the first being the county borough. A certain number of boroughs, which either had a population of at least 50,000 or were independent counties, were designated as counties independent from the county council and exempt from paying county rates. In these boroughs, the borough council has, in addition to the powers granted by the Municipal Corporations Act 1882, all the powers of a county council under the Local Government Act. They operate independently of the county council, and their only connection is that, in some cases, they contribute to the county, e.g. for the costs of assizes in situations where there isn't a separate assize for the borough. The boroughs that are established as county boroughs listed in the schedule to the Local Government Act 1888 totaled sixty-one, but additional ones are created from time to time.

The larger quarter sessions boroughs, i.e. those which had, according to the census of 1881, a population exceeding 10,000, form part of the county, and are subject to the control of the county council, but only for certain special purposes. The reason for this is that while in counties the powers and duties under various acts were entrusted to the county authority, in boroughs they were exercised by the borough councils. In the class of boroughs now under consideration these powers and duties are retained by the borough council; the county council exercise no jurisdiction within the borough in respect of them, and the borough is not rated in respect of them to the county 430 rate. The acts referred to include those relating to the diseases of animals, destructive insects, explosives, fish conservancy, gas meters, margarine, police, reformatory and industrial schools, riot (damages), sale of food and drugs, weights and measures. But for certain purposes these boroughs are part of the county and rateable to county rate, e.g. main roads, cost of assizes and sessions, and in certain cases pauper lunatics. The county councillors elected for one of these boroughs may not vote on any matter involving expenditure on account of which the borough is not assessed to county rate.

The larger quarter sessions boroughs, i.e. those that had, according to the 1881 census, a population of over 10,000, are part of the county and fall under the county council's oversight, but only for specific purposes. This is because, while counties have the powers and responsibilities assigned to the county authority through various acts, these powers are managed by the borough councils in boroughs. For the boroughs in question, these powers and responsibilities remain with the borough council; the county council has no authority over these matters within the borough, and the borough isn't taxed in relation to this for the county 430 rate. The acts mentioned cover areas like animal diseases, destructive insects, explosives, fish conservation, gas meters, margarine, police, reform and industrial schools, riot (damages), and the sale of food and drugs, as well as weights and measures. However, for certain purposes, these boroughs are considered part of the county and are subject to the county rate, e.g. main roads, the costs of assizes and sessions, and in some cases, pauper lunatics. County councillors elected from one of these boroughs cannot vote on any matter that involves spending for which the borough is not assessed for the county rate.

The third class of boroughs comprises those which have a separate court of quarter sessions, but had according to the census of 1881 a population of less than 10,000. All such boroughs form part of the county for the purposes of pauper lunatics, analysts, reformatory and industrial schools, fish conservancy, explosives, and, of course, the purposes for which the larger quarter sessions boroughs also form part of the county, such as main roads, and are assessed to county rate accordingly. And in a borough, whether a quarter sessions borough or not, which had in 1881 a population of less than 10,000, all the powers which the borough council formerly possessed as to police, analysts, diseases of animals, gas meters, and weights and measures cease and are transferred to the county council, the boroughs becoming in fact part of the area of the county for these purposes.

The third class of boroughs includes those that have a separate court of quarter sessions but, according to the 1881 census, had a population of less than 10,000. All these boroughs are considered part of the county for issues related to pauper lunatics, analysts, reformatory and industrial schools, fish conservation, explosives, and, of course, for the same reasons larger quarter sessions boroughs are included, like main roads, and they are assessed for county rates accordingly. In any borough, whether it has a quarter sessions court or not, that had a population of less than 10,000 in 1881, all the powers that the borough council previously had regarding police, analysts, animal diseases, gas meters, and weights and measures come to an end and are handed over to the county council, effectively making these boroughs part of the county area for these matters.

It will be seen, therefore, that for some purposes, called in the act general county purposes, the entire county, including all boroughs other than county boroughs, is assessed to the county rate; while for others, called special county purposes, certain boroughs are now assessed. This explanation is necessary in order to appreciate what has now to be said about county finance. But before leaving the consideration of the area of the county it may be added that all liberties and franchises are now merged in the county and subject to the jurisdiction of the county council.

It can be seen that for certain purposes, referred to in the act as general county purposes, the whole county, including all boroughs except for county boroughs, is assessed for the county rate; while for other purposes, known as special county purposes, specific boroughs are now assessed. This clarification is important to understand what will be discussed next regarding county finance. However, before concluding the discussion about the county area, it's worth noting that all liberties and franchises are now included in the county and are under the jurisdiction of the county council.

The county council is a body corporate with power to hold lands. Its revenues are derived from various sources which will presently be mentioned, but all receipts have to be carried to the county fund, either to the general Finance. county account if applicable to general county purposes, or to the special county account if applicable to special county purposes. The county council may, with the consent of the Local Government Board, borrow money on the security of the county fund or any of its revenues, for consolidating the debts of the county; purchasing land or buildings; any permanent work or other thing, the cost of which ought to be spread over a term of years; making advances in aid of the emigration or colonization of inhabitants of the county; and any purpose for which quarter sessions or the county council are authorized by any act to borrow. If, however, the total debt of the council will, with the amount proposed to be borrowed, exceed one-tenth of the annual rateable value of the property in the county, the money cannot be borrowed unless under a provisional order made by the Local Government Board and confirmed by parliament. The period for which a loan is made is fixed by the county council with the consent of the Local Government Board, but may not exceed thirty years, and the mode of repayment may be by equal yearly or half-yearly instalments of principal or of principal and interest combined, or by means of a sinking fund invested and applied in accordance with the Local Government Acts. The loans authorized may be raised by debentures or annuity certificates under these acts, or by the issue of county stock, and in some cases by mortgage.

The county council is a corporate entity with the authority to own land. Its income comes from various sources that will be mentioned shortly, but all revenue must go into the county fund, either into the general county account for overall county purposes or into the special county account for specific county purposes. With the approval of the Local Government Board, the county council can borrow money against the county fund or any of its revenues to pay off county debts; buy land or buildings; fund permanent projects or other expenses that should be spread over several years; support the emigration or settlement of county residents; and for any purpose for which the quarter sessions or the county council can borrow under any act. However, if the total debt of the council, combined with the amount planned for borrowing, exceeds one-tenth of the annual rateable value of the county's property, the money cannot be borrowed without a provisional order from the Local Government Board that must be approved by parliament. The loan term is set by the county council with the Local Government Board's consent, but it cannot exceed thirty years. Repayment can be done in equal yearly or half-yearly installments of principal or principal and interest combined, or through a sinking fund that's invested and used according to the Local Government Acts. The authorized loans can be raised through debentures or annuity certificates under these acts or by issuing county stock, and in some instances, through a mortgage.

The county council must appoint a finance committee for regulating and controlling the finance of the county, and the council cannot make any order for the payment of money out of the county fund save on the recommendation of that committee. Moreover, the order for payment of any sum must be made in pursuance of an order of the council signed by three members of the finance committee present at the meeting of the council, and countersigned by the clerk. The order is directed to the county treasurer, by whom authorized payments are then made.

The county council must set up a finance committee to oversee and manage the county's finances, and the council can't authorize any payments from the county funds without the committee's recommendation. Additionally, any payment order must follow a decision made by the council, signed by three members of the finance committee who are present at the council meeting, and countersigned by the clerk. The order is sent to the county treasurer, who then processes the authorized payments.

The accounts of the receipts and expenditure of the county council are made up for the twelve months ending the 31st March in each year, and are audited by a district auditor. The form in which the accounts must be made up is prescribed by the Local Government Board. The auditor is a district auditor appointed by the Local Government Board under the District Auditors Act 1879, and in respect of the audit the council is charged with a stamp duty, the amount of which depends on the total of the expenditure comprised in the financial statement. Before each audit the auditor gives notice of the time and place appointed, and the council publish the appointment by advertisement. A copy of the accounts has to be deposited for public inspection for seven days before the audit. The auditor has the fullest powers of investigation; he may require the production of any books or papers, and he may require the attendance before him of any person accountable. Any owner of property or ratepayer may attend the audit and object to the accounts, and either on such objection or on his own motion the auditor may disallow any payment and surcharge the amount on the persons who made or authorized it. Against any allowance or surcharge appeal lies to the High Court if the question involved is one of law, or to the Local Government Board, who have jurisdiction to remit a surcharge if, in the circumstances, it appears to them to be fair and equitable to do so. It will be seen that this is really an effective audit.

The county council's financial records, detailing income and expenses, are prepared for the twelve months ending March 31 each year and are audited by a district auditor. The Local Government Board sets the required format for these accounts. The auditor is a district auditor appointed by the Local Government Board under the District Auditors Act of 1879, and the council incurs a stamp duty based on the total expenditure in the financial statement for the audit. Before each audit, the auditor notifies the time and place of the audit, which the council advertises. A copy of the accounts must be available for public inspection for seven days before the audit. The auditor has full investigative powers; they can demand any books or papers and require anyone accountable to attend. Any property owner or ratepayer can attend the audit and raise objections to the accounts. Based on these objections or on their own judgment, the auditor can disallow any payment and charge that amount to the individuals who authorized it. Appeals against any allowances or surcharges can be made to the High Court if the issue is a legal one or to the Local Government Board, which can waive a surcharge if they find it fair and reasonable in the circumstances. This process demonstrates a truly effective audit.

The sources of revenue of the council are the exchequer contribution, income from property and fees, and rates. Before 1888 large grants of money had been made annually to local authorities in aid of local taxation. Such grants represented Revenue of county council. a contribution out of taxation for the most part arising out of property other than real property, while local taxation fell on real property alone. By the act of 1888 it was provided that for the future such annual grants should cease, and that other payments should be made instead thereof. The commissioners of Inland Revenue pay into the Bank of England, to an account called “the local taxation account,” the sums ascertained to be the proceeds of the duties collected by them in each county on what are called local taxation licences, which include licences for the sale of intoxicating liquor, licences on dogs, guns, establishment licences, &c. The amount so ascertained to have been collected in each county is paid under direction of the Local Government Board to the council of that county. The commissioners of Inland Revenue also pay into the same account a sum equal to 1½% on the net value of personal property in respect of which estate duty is paid. Under the Local Taxation (Customs and Excise) Act 1890, certain duties imposed on spirits and beer (often referred to as “whisky money”) are also to be paid to “the local taxation account.” The sums so paid in respect of the duties last above mentioned, and in respect of the estate duty and spirits and beer additional duties, are distributed among the several counties in proportion to the share which the Local Government Board certify to have been received by each county during the financial year ending the 31st March 1888, out of the grants theretofore made out of the exchequer in aid of local rates. The payments so made out of “the local taxation account” to a county council are paid to the county fund, and carried to a separate account called “the Exchequer contribution account.” The money standing to the credit of this account is applied: (i.) in paying any costs incurred in respect thereof or otherwise chargeable thereon; (ii.) in payment of the sums required by the Local Government Act 1888 to be paid in substitution for local grants; (iii.) in payment of the new grant to be made by the county council in respect of the costs of union officers; and (iv.) in repaying to “the general county account” of the county fund the costs on account of general county purposes for which the whole area of the county (including boroughs other than county boroughs) is liable to be assessed to county contribution. Elaborate provision is made for the distribution of the surplus (if any), with a view to securing a due share being paid to the quarter sessions boroughs.

The council's revenue comes from the exchequer contribution, income from property and fees, and rates. Before 1888, large annual grants were made to local authorities to help with local taxation. These grants were primarily funded through taxes collected from properties other than real estate, while local taxation was only applied to real estate. The act of 1888 stated that these annual grants would end, and that different payments would be made in their place. The commissioners of Inland Revenue deposit into the Bank of England, in an account called “the local taxation account,” the amounts determined to be the proceeds from duties collected in each county on what are known as local taxation licenses, which include licenses for selling alcohol, licenses for dogs, guns, establishment licenses, etc. The amount collected in each county is distributed to the county council under the direction of the Local Government Board. The commissioners of Inland Revenue also pay into the same account a sum equal to 1½% of the net value of personal property subject to estate duty. According to the Local Taxation (Customs and Excise) Act 1890, certain duties on spirits and beer (often called “whisky money”) are also paid into “the local taxation account.” The amounts paid for these duties, along with the estate duty and additional duties on spirits and beer, are allocated among the counties based on the share certified by the Local Government Board that each county received from grants from the exchequer to support local rates during the financial year ending March 31, 1888. Payments made from “the local taxation account” to a county council go into the county fund and are moved to a separate account called “the Exchequer contribution account.” The funds in this account are used: (i.) to cover any expenses related to it or otherwise chargeable; (ii.) for the amounts required by the Local Government Act 1888 to replace local grants; (iii.) for the new grant made by the county council for the costs of union officers; and (iv.) to reimburse “the general county account” of the county fund for expenses related to general county purposes that the whole area of the county (including boroughs that are not county boroughs) is liable to contribute towards. Detailed arrangements are in place for distributing any surplus, ensuring that the quarter sessions boroughs receive their fair share.

The payments which the county council have to make in substitution for the local grants formerly made out of Imperial funds include payments for or towards the remuneration of the teachers in poor-law schools and public vaccinators; school fees paid for children sent from a workhouse to a public elementary school; half of the salaries of the medical officer of health and the inspector of nuisances of district councils; the remuneration of registrars for births and deaths; the maintenance of pauper lunatics; half of the cost of the pay and clothing of the police of the county, and of each borough maintaining a separate police force. In addition to the grants above mentioned, the county council is required to grant to the guardians of every poor-law union wholly or partly in their county an annual sum for the costs of the officers of the union and of district schools to which the union contributes. Another source is the income of any property belonging to the council, but the amount of this is usually small. The third source of revenue consists of the fees received by the different officers of the county councils or of the joint-committee. For example, fees received by the clerk of the peace, inspectors of weights and measures, and the like. These fees are paid into the county fund, and carried either to “the general county account” or, if they have been received in respect of some matter for which part only of the county is assessed, then to the special account to which the rates levied for that purpose are carried. The remaining source of income of a county council is the county rate, the manner of levying which is hereafter stated.

The payments that the county council has to make to replace the local grants that used to come from Imperial funds include payments for or towards the salaries of teachers in poor-law schools and public vaccinators; school fees for children sent from a workhouse to a public elementary school; half of the salaries of the medical officer of health and the inspector of nuisances for district councils; payments for registrars of births and deaths; care for pauper lunatics; half of the costs for the pay and uniforms of the county police and each borough with its own police force. In addition to the grants mentioned above, the county council is required to provide an annual sum to the guardians of every poor-law union that is wholly or partly in their county for the costs of the union's officers and district schools supported by the union. Another source of funding is the income from any property owned by the council, but this amount is usually quite small. The third source of revenue comes from the fees collected by various officers of the county councils or joint committees, like fees received by the clerk of the peace and inspectors of weights and measures. These fees go into the county fund and are either added to "the general county account" or, if received for something that only part of the county is taxed for, to the special account for which those rates are collected. The last source of income for a county council is the county rate, which will be explained later.

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Of the powers and duties of county councils, it may be convenient to treat of these first, in so far as they are transferred to or conferred on them by the Local Government Act 1888, under which they were created, and afterwards Powers transferred from quarter sessions. in so far as they have been conferred by subsequent legislation. Before the passing of the Local Government Act 1888, the only form of county government in England was that of the justices in quarter sessions (q.v.). Quarter sessions were originally a judicial body, but being the only body having jurisdiction over the county as a whole, certain powers were conferred and certain duties imposed upon them with reference to various matters of county government from time to time. The principal object of the act of 1888 was to transfer these powers and duties from the quarter sessions to the new representative body—the county council; and it may be said that substantially the whole of the administrative business of quarter sessions was thus transferred.

Of the powers and responsibilities of county councils, it’s helpful to discuss these first, in terms of what was given to them by the Local Government Act 1888, under which they were established, and later as they have been assigned by subsequent laws. Before the Local Government Act 1888 was passed, the only form of county government in England was through justices in quarter sessions (q.v.). Quarter sessions originally served as a judicial body, but because they were the sole authority with jurisdiction over the entire county, certain powers were granted and specific duties were assigned to them regarding various county governance matters over time. The main purpose of the 1888 act was to move these powers and duties from quarter sessions to the new representative body—the county council; essentially, the majority of the administrative responsibilities of quarter sessions were thus transferred.

The subjects of such transfer include (i.) the making, assessing and levying of county, police, hundred and all rates, and the application and expenditure thereof, and the making of orders for the payment of sums payable out of any such rate, or out of the county stock or county fund, and the preparation and revision of the basis or standard for the county rate. With regard to the county rate, a few words of description may be sufficient here. The council appoint a committee called a county rate committee, who from time to time prepare a basis or standard for county rate, that is to say, they fix the amount at which each parish in the county shall contribute its quota to the county rate. As a general rule the poor-law valuations are followed, but this is not universally the case, some county councils adopting the assessment to income tax, schedule A, and others forming an independent valuation of their own. The overseers of any parish aggrieved by the basis may appeal against it to quarter sessions, and it is to be noticed that this appeal is not interfered with, the transfer of the duties of justices relating only to administrative and not to judicial business. When a contribution is required from county rate, the county council assess the amount payable by each parish according to the basis previously made, and send their precept to the guardians of the unions comprising the several parishes in the county, the guardians in their turn requiring the overseers of each parish to provide the necessary quota of that parish out of the poor rate, and the sum thus raised goes into the county fund. The police rate is made for the purpose of defraying the expenses of the county police. It is made on the same basis as the county rate, and is levied with it. The hundred rate is seldom made, though in some counties it may be made for purposes of main roads and bridges chargeable to the hundred as distinguished from the county at large; (ii.) the borrowing of money; (iii.) the passing of the accounts of, and the discharge of the county treasurer; (iv.) shire halls, county halls, assize courts, the judges’ lodgings, lock-up houses, court houses, justices’ rooms, police stations and county buildings, works and property; (v.) the licensing under any general act of houses and other places for music or for dancing, and the granting of licences under the Racecourses Licensing Act 1879; (vi.) the provision, enlargement, maintenance and management and visitation of, and other dealing with, asylums for pauper lunatics; (vii.) the establishment and maintenance of, and the contribution to, reformatory and industrial schools; (viii.) bridges and roads repairable with bridges, and any powers vested by the Highways and Locomotives Amendment Act 1878 in the county authority. It may be observed that bridges have always been at common law repairable by the county, although, with regard to bridges erected since the year 1805, these are not to be deemed to be county bridges repairable by the county unless they have been erected under the direction or to the satisfaction of the county surveyor. The common-law liability to repair a bridge extends also to the road or approaches for a distance of 300 ft. on each side of the bridge. Of the powers vested in the county authority under the Highway Act 1878, the most important are those relating to main roads, which are specially noticed hereafter; (ix.) the tables of fees to be taken by and the costs to be allowed to any inspector, analyst or person holding any office in the county other than the clerk of the peace and the clerks of the justices; (x.) the appointment, removal and determination of salaries of the county treasurer, the county surveyor, the public analysts, any officer under the Explosives Act 1875, and any officers whose remuneration is paid out of the county rate, other than the clerk of the peace and the clerks of the justices; (xi.) the salary of any coroner whose salary is payable out of the county rate, the fees, allowances and disbursements allowed to be paid by any such coroner, and the division of the county into coroners’ districts and the assignments of such districts; (xii.) the division of the county into polling districts for the purposes of parliamentary elections, the appointment of the places of election, the places of holding courts for the revision of the lists of voters, and the costs of, and other matters to be done for the registration of parliamentary voters; (xiii.) the execution as local authority of the acts relating to contagious diseases of animals, to destructive insects, to fish conservancy, to wild birds, to weights and measures, and to gas meters, and of the Local Stamp Act 1869; (xiv.) any matters arising under the Riot (Damages) Act 1886. Under this act compensation is payable out of the police rate to any person whose property has been injured, stolen or destroyed by rioters; (xv.) the registration of rules of scientific societies, the registration of charitable gifts, the certifying and recording of places of religious worship, the confirmation and record of the rules of loan societies. These duties are imposed under various statutes.

The subjects of this transfer include (i.) creating, assessing, and collecting county, police, hundred, and all relevant rates, managing their application and expenditures, and issuing orders for payments from these rates or from the county stock or fund, along with preparing and updating the standards for the county rate. Regarding the county rate, a brief description may be helpful here. The council appoints a committee known as the county rate committee, which periodically establishes a basis or standard for the county rate, meaning they decide how much each parish in the county should contribute. Generally, poor-law valuations are used, but that's not always the case; some county councils follow income tax assessments from schedule A, while others create their own valuations. Overseers of any parish unhappy with the basis can appeal to quarter sessions, and it's important to note that this appeal is not interfered with since the transfer of justices’ duties pertains only to administrative, not judicial, matters. When a contribution is needed from the county rate, the county council determines the amount each parish owes based on the established basis and sends their request to the guardians of the unions that cover the parishes in the county. The guardians then instruct the overseers of each parish to provide their share from the poor rate, and the amount collected goes into the county fund. The police rate is set to cover the expenses of the county police, created on the same basis as the county rate and collected alongside it. The hundred rate is rarely enacted, though some counties may apply it for maintaining major roads and bridges specifically chargeable to the hundred rather than the county as a whole; (ii.) borrowing money; (iii.) approving accounts and discharging the county treasurer; (iv.) managing shire halls, county halls, assize courts, judges’ lodgings, lock-up houses, court houses, justices’ rooms, police stations, and county buildings, works, and properties; (v.) issuing licenses under any general act for houses or other venues for music or dancing and granting licenses under the Racecourses Licensing Act 1879; (vi.) establishing, expanding, maintaining, managing, inspecting, and dealing with asylums for pauper lunatics; (vii.) establishing, maintaining, and contributing to reform and industrial schools; (viii.) repairing bridges and roads that are associated with bridges, and any powers given to the county authority by the Highways and Locomotives Amendment Act 1878. It is worth noting that bridges have always been subject to repair by the county under common law, although bridges built after 1805 are not considered county bridges to be repaired by the county unless they were built under the guidance or to the satisfaction of the county surveyor. The common-law obligation to repair a bridge also extends to the road or approaches within 300 feet on either side of the bridge. Among the powers granted to the county authority under the Highway Act 1878, the most significant relate to main roads, which are highlighted later; (ix.) the fees that inspectors, analysts, or others holding any county office (except the clerk of the peace and the clerks of the justices) can charge and the costs that can be reimbursed to them; (x.) the appointment, dismissal, and salary determinations of the county treasurer, county surveyor, public analysts, any officer under the Explosives Act 1875, and any officers receiving pay from the county rate, excluding the clerk of the peace and the clerks of the justices; (xi.) the salary of any coroner whose pay comes from the county rate, the fees, allowances, and expenses authorized for any such coroner, along with the division of the county into coroners’ districts and the assignment of those districts; (xii.) the division of the county into polling districts for parliamentary elections, appointing election locations, sites for holding courts to revise voter lists, and managing costs and other tasks related to registering parliamentary voters; (xiii.) executing local authority actions related to contagious animal diseases, destructive insects, fish preservation, wild birds, weights and measures, gas meters, and the Local Stamp Act 1869; (xiv.) any issues arising under the Riot (Damages) Act 1886. Under this act, compensation from the police rate is available to anyone whose property was damaged, stolen, or destroyed by rioters; (xv.) registering rules for scientific societies, registering charitable donations, certifying and recording places of worship, and confirming and recording the rules of loan societies. These responsibilities are mandated by various statutes.

In addition to the business of quarter sessions thus transferred, there was also transferred to the county council certain business of the justices of the county out of session, that is to say, in petty or special sessions. This business consists of the licensing of houses or places for the public performance of stage plays, and the execution, as local authority, of the Explosives Act 1875. Power was given by the act to the Local Government Board to provide, by means of a provisional order, for transferring to county councils any of the powers and duties of the various central authorities which have been already referred to; but although such an order was at one time prepared, it has never been confirmed, and nothing has been done in that direction.

In addition to the responsibilities of quarter sessions that were moved, certain duties of the county justices, outside of regular sessions, were also transferred to the county council. This includes the licensing of venues for public stage performances and the enforcement of the Explosives Act of 1875 as a local authority. The act allowed the Local Government Board to issue a provisional order to transfer any powers and responsibilities from the various central authorities mentioned earlier to county councils. However, even though such an order was once drafted, it has never been approved, and no further action has been taken in that regard.

Apart from the business thus transferred to county councils, the act itself has conferred further powers or imposed further duties with reference to a variety of other matters, some of which must be noticed. But before passing to them Police. it is necessary here to call attention to one important subject of county government which has not been wholly transferred to the county council, namely, the police. It was matter of considerable discussion before the passing of the act whether the police should remain under the control of the justices, or be transferred wholly to the control of the county council. Eventually a middle course was taken. The powers, duties and liabilities of the quarter sessions and justices out of session with respect to the county police were vested in the quarter sessions and the county council jointly, and are now exercised through the standing joint-committee of the two bodies. That committee consists of an equal number of members of the county council and of justices appointed by the quarter sessions, the number being arranged between the two bodies or fixed by the secretary of state. The committee are also charged with the duties of appointing or removing the clerk of the peace, and they have jurisdiction in matters relating to justices’ clerks, the provision of accommodation for quarter sessions or justices out of session, and the like, and their expenses are paid by the county council out of the county fund. The standing joint-committee have power to divide their county into police districts, and, when required by order in council, are obliged to do so. In such a case, while the general expenditure in respect of the entire police force is defrayed by the county at large, the local expenditure, i.e. the cost of pay, clothing and such other expenses as the joint-committee may direct, is defrayed at the cost of the particular district for which it is incurred (see also Police).

Apart from the responsibilities handed over to county councils, the act has given additional powers or imposed further duties concerning various other matters, some of which need to be mentioned. However, before moving on to those, Cops. it’s important to highlight one key aspect of county governance that has not been completely transferred to the county council: the police. There was considerable debate before the act was passed about whether the police should remain under the control of justices or be fully transferred to the county council. Ultimately, a compromise was reached. The powers, duties, and responsibilities of the quarter sessions and justices in regards to the county police were assigned to both the quarter sessions and the county council together, and are now managed through a standing joint committee of both entities. This committee is made up of an equal number of members from the county council and from justices appointed by the quarter sessions, with the number being agreed upon by both groups or determined by the secretary of state. The committee is also responsible for appointing or removing the clerk of the peace, and it has authority over matters related to justices' clerks, providing accommodations for quarter sessions or justices out of session, and similar tasks, with their expenses covered by the county council from the county fund. The standing joint committee has the authority to divide the county into police districts, and when required by an order in council, they must do so. In such instances, while the overall expenses for the entire police force are paid for by the county as a whole, the local expenses—such as salaries, uniforms, and other costs directed by the joint committee—are funded by the specific district where those expenses are incurred (see also Police).

Among the powers and duties given to county councils by the Local Government Act 1888, the first to be mentioned, following the order in the act itself, is that of the appointment of county coroners. The duties of a coroner are limited County coroners. to the holding of inquiries into cases of death from causes suspected to be other than natural, and to a few miscellaneous duties of comparatively rare occurrence, such as the holding of inquiries relating to treasure trove, and acting instead of the sheriff on inquiries under the Lands Clauses Act, &c., when that officer is interested and thereby disabled from holding such inquiries. (For the history of the office of coroner, which is a very ancient one, see that title.) The county council may appoint any fit person, not being a county alderman or county councillor, to fill the office, and in the case of a county divided into coroners’ districts, may assign him a district. It has been decided, however, that the power hereby conferred does not extend to the appointment of a coroner for a liberty or other franchise who would not under the old law have been appointed by the freeholders. It may be mentioned that though a coroner may have a district assigned to him, he is nevertheless a coroner for the entire county throughout which he has jurisdiction.

Among the powers and responsibilities given to county councils by the Local Government Act of 1888, the first one mentioned, in the order it appears in the act, is the appointment of county coroners. A coroner’s duties are primarily to hold inquiries into deaths that are suspected to be caused by anything other than natural causes, along with a few other rare responsibilities, such as investigating treasure trove cases or acting in place of the sheriff for inquiries under the Lands Clauses Act when the sheriff has a conflict of interest. (For the history of the coroner's role, which is quite old, see that title.) The county council can appoint any suitable person who is not a county alderman or a county councillor for this position, and if a county is divided into coroners’ districts, they can assign the person to a specific district. However, it has been established that this power doesn’t include appointing a coroner for a liberty or other franchise where, under the old law, the freeholders would have made the appointment. It should also be noted that even if a coroner is assigned a district, they remain a coroner for the entire county for which they have jurisdiction.

It was provided by the Highway Act 1878 that every road which was disturnpiked after the 31st of December 1870 should be deemed to be a main road, the expenses of the repair and maintenance of which were to be contributed as to one-half Main roads. thereof by the justices in quarter sessions, then the county authority. By another section of the same act it was provided that where any highway in a county was a medium of communication between great towns, or a thoroughfare to a railway station, or otherwise such that it ought to be declared a main road, the county authority might declare it to be a main road, and thereupon one-half the expense of its maintenance would fall upon the county at large. Once a road became a main road it could only cease to be such by order of the Local Government Board. As already stated, the powers of the quarter sessions under the act of 1878 were transferred to the county council under the Local Government Act of 1888, and that body alone has now power to declare a road to be a main road. But the act of 1888 made some important 432 changes in the law relating to the maintenance of main roads. It declared that thereafter not only the half but the whole cost of maintenance should be borne by the county. Provision is made for the control of main roads in urban districts being retained by the urban district council. In urban districts where such control has not been claimed, and in rural districts, the county council may either maintain the main roads themselves or allow or require the district councils to do so. The county council must in any case make a payment towards the costs incurred by the district council, and if any difference arises as to the amount of it, it has to be settled by the Local Government Board. In Lancashire the cost of main roads falls upon the hundred, as distinguished from the county at large, special provision being made to that effect. Special provision has also been made for the highways in the Isle of Wight and in South Wales, where the roads were formerly regulated by special acts, and not by the ordinary Highway Acts.

The Highway Act of 1878 stated that every road that was disturnpiked after December 31, 1870, should be considered a main road, with half of the repair and maintenance costs covered by the justices in quarter sessions, and then by the county authority. Another section of the same act allowed the county authority to declare any highway that connected significant towns or served as a route to a railway station, or was otherwise deemed worthy of main road status, to be a main road, thus shifting half the maintenance costs to the entire county. Once a road was designated as a main road, it could only lose that status through an order from the Local Government Board. As mentioned earlier, the powers of quarter sessions under the 1878 act were transferred to the county council under the Local Government Act of 1888, which now has the sole authority to declare a road a main road. However, the 1888 act made significant changes to the laws regarding the upkeep of main roads. It stated that from then on, not just half but the entire cost of maintenance would be the county's responsibility. Control over main roads in urban areas remains with the urban district council. In urban areas where this control hasn't been claimed, and in rural areas, the county council can either manage the main roads themselves or allow the district councils to do so. In any case, the county council must contribute to the expenses incurred by the district council, and any disputes over the amount must be resolved by the Local Government Board. In Lancashire, the costs for main roads are allocated to the hundred, rather than the county as a whole, with specific provisions made for that. Specific provisions have also been made for the highways in the Isle of Wight and in South Wales, where the roads were previously governed by special acts, not by the standard Highway Acts.

The county council have the same power as a sanitary authority to enforce the provisions of the Rivers Pollution Prevention Acts in relation to so much of any stream as passes through or by any part of their county. Under these acts a Rivers pollution prevention. sanitary authority is authorized to take proceedings to restrain interference with the due flow of a stream or the pollution of its waters by throwing into it the solid refuse of any manufactory or quarry, or any rubbish or cinders, or any other waste or any putrid solid matter. They may also take proceedings in respect of the pollution of a stream by any solid or liquid sewage matter. They have the same powers with respect to manufacturing and mining pollutions, subject to certain restrictions, one of which is that proceedings are not to be taken without the consent of the Local Government Board. The county council may not only themselves institute proceedings under the acts, but they may contribute to the costs of any prosecution under the acts instituted by any other county or district council. The Local Government Board is further empowered by provisional order to constitute a joint-committee representing all the administrative counties through or by which a river passes, and confer on such committee all or any of the powers of a sanitary authority under the acts.

The county council has the same authority as a sanitary authority to enforce the regulations of the Rivers Pollution Prevention Acts regarding any stream that flows through or borders any part of their county. Under these acts, a River pollution prevention. sanitary authority is allowed to take action to stop interference with the natural flow of a stream or the pollution of its waters caused by dumping solid waste from any factory or quarry, or any debris, ashes, or other waste, including any decaying solid material. They can also take action against the pollution of a stream from any solid or liquid sewage matter. They have similar powers concerning industrial and mining pollution, but there are some restrictions, one of which is that actions cannot be taken without the consent of the Local Government Board. The county council can not only initiate proceedings under the acts themselves but can also help cover the costs of any prosecution initiated by another county or district council. Additionally, the Local Government Board is authorized by provisional order to create a joint committee representing all the administrative counties through or along which a river flows, granting that committee some or all of the powers of a sanitary authority under the acts.

A county council has the same power of opposing bills in parliament and of prosecuting or defending any legal proceedings necessary for the promotion or protection of the interests of the inhabitants of a county as are conferred on the council Parliamentary and legal costs. of a municipal borough by the Borough Funds Act 1872, with this difference, that in order to enable them to oppose a bill in parliament at the cost of the county rate, it is not necessary to obtain the consent of the owners and ratepayers within the county. The power thus conferred is limited to opposing bills. The council are not authorized to promote any bill, and although they frequently do so, they incur the risk that if the bill should not pass the members of the council will be surcharged personally with the costs incurred if they attempt to charge them to the county rate. Of course if the bill passes, it usually contains a clause enabling the costs of promotion to be paid out of the county rate. It must not be supposed, however, that the county council have no power to institute or defend legal proceedings or oppose bills save such as is expressly conferred upon them by the Local Government Act. In this respect they are in the same position as all other local authorities, with respect to whom it has been laid down that they may without any express power in that behalf use the funds at their disposal for protecting themselves against any attack made upon their existence as a corporate body or upon any of their powers or privileges.

A county council has the same power to oppose bills in parliament and to pursue or defend any legal actions necessary to promote or protect the interests of the county's residents as a municipal borough council has under the Borough Funds Act 1872. The difference is that to enable them to oppose a bill in parliament at the county's expense, they don’t need the consent of the property owners and taxpayers within the county. This power is limited to opposing bills. The council isn’t authorized to promote any bill, and although they often do so, they risk being personally liable for costs if the bill doesn’t pass since they can’t charge those costs to the county rate. If the bill does pass, it usually includes a clause allowing promotional costs to be covered by the county rate. However, it shouldn’t be assumed that the county council only has the power to initiate or defend legal actions or oppose bills as explicitly granted by the Local Government Act. In this regard, they are in the same position as all other local authorities, which have been established to be able, without any specific power in that regard, to use their funds to protect themselves against any threats to their existence as a corporate body or against any of their powers or privileges.

The county council have also the same powers as a borough council of making by-laws for the good government of the county and for the suppression of nuisances not already punishable under the general law. This power has been largely By-laws. acted upon throughout England, and the courts of law have on several occasions decided that such by-laws should be benevolently interpreted, and that in matters which directly arise and concern the people of the county, who have the right to choose those whom they think best fitted to represent them, such representatives may be trusted to understand their own requirements. Such by-laws will therefore be upheld, unless it is clear that they are uncertain, repugnant to the general law of the land, or manifestly unreasonable. It may be mentioned that, while by-laws relating to the good government of the county have to be confirmed by the secretary of state, those which relate to the suppression of nuisances have to be confirmed by the Local Government Board. Such confirmation, however, though necessary to enable the council to enforce them, does not itself confer upon them any validity in point of law.

The county council has the same powers as a borough council to create by-laws for the good governance of the county and to address nuisances that aren't already punishable under general law. This authority has been actively used throughout England, and courts have often ruled that such by-laws should be interpreted generously. When issues arise that directly affect the people of the county, who have the right to choose representatives they believe are best suited to represent them, these representatives can be trusted to understand their needs. Therefore, these by-laws will be enforced unless it is clear they are ambiguous, conflict with general law, or are obviously unreasonable. It's worth noting that while by-laws concerning good governance must be approved by the secretary of state, those dealing with nuisances require confirmation from the Local Government Board. However, this confirmation is necessary for the council to enforce the by-laws but does not give them legal validity.

The county council have power to appoint and pay one or more medical officers of health, who are not to hold any other appointment or engage in private practice without the express written consent of the council. The council may make Medical officers. arrangements whereby any district council or councils may have the services of the county medical officer on payment of a contribution towards his salary, and while such arrangement is in force the duty of the district council to appoint a medical officer is to be deemed to have been satisfied. Every medical officer, whether of a county or district, must now be legally qualified for the practice of medicine, surgery and midwifery. Besides this, in the case of a county, or of any district or combination of districts of which the population exceeds 50,000, the medical officer must also have a diploma in public health, unless he has during the three consecutive years before 1892 been medical officer of a district or combination having a population of more than 20,000, or has before the passing of the act been for three years a medical officer or inspector of the Local Government Board.

The county council has the authority to appoint and pay one or more medical officers of health, who cannot hold any other position or engage in private practice without the explicit written consent of the council. The council may arrange for any district council or councils to utilize the services of the county medical officer in exchange for a contribution towards his salary, and while this arrangement is in place, the responsibility of the district council to appoint a medical officer is considered fulfilled. Every medical officer, whether from a county or district, must now be legally qualified to practice medicine, surgery, and midwifery. Additionally, in the case of a county, or any district or combination of districts with a population over 50,000, the medical officer must also possess a diploma in public health, unless he has served as the medical officer of a district or combination with a population exceeding 20,000 for the three consecutive years prior to 1892, or has been a medical officer or inspector of the Local Government Board for three years before the act was passed.

The only other powers and duties of a county council arising under the Local Government Act itself which it is necessary to notice are those relating to alterations of local areas. It may be convenient here to state that certain alterations Alterations of local areas. of areas can only be effected through the medium of the Local Government Board after local inquiry. These cases include the alteration of the boundary of any county or borough, the union of a county borough with a county, the union of any counties or boroughs or the division of any county, the making of a borough into a county borough. In these cases the order of the Local Government Board is provisional only, and must be confirmed by parliament. The powers of a county council to make orders for the alteration of local areas are as follows: When a county council is satisfied that a prima facie case is made out as respects any county district not a borough, or as respects any parish, for a proposal for all or any of the things hereafter mentioned, they may hold a local inquiry after giving such notice in the locality and to such public departments as may be prescribed from time to time by the orders of the Local Government Board. The things referred to include the alteration of the boundary of the district or parish; the division or union thereof with any other district or districts, parish or parishes; the conversion of a rural district or part thereof into an urban district or vice versa. In these cases, after the local inquiry above referred to has been held, the county council, being satisfied that the proposal is desirable, may make an order for the same accordingly. The order has to be submitted to the Local Government Board, and that board must hold a local inquiry in order to determine whether the order should be confirmed or not, if the council of any district affected by it, or one-sixth of the total number of electors in the district or parish to which it relates, petition against it. The Local Government Board have power to modify the terms of the order whether it is petitioned against or not, but if there is no petition, they are bound to confirm, subject only to such modifications. Very large powers are conferred upon county councils for the purpose of giving full effect to orders made by them under these provisions. A considerable extension of the same powers was made by the Local Government Act 1894, which practically required every council to take into consideration the areas of sanitary districts and parishes within the entire administrative county, and to see that a parish did not extend into more than one sanitary district; to provide for the division of a district which did extend into more than one district into separate parishes, so that for the future the parish should not be in more than one county district; and to provide for every parish and rural sanitary district being within one county. An enormous number of orders under the act of 1894 was made by county councils, and, speaking generally, it will now be found that no parish extends into more than one county or county district. Other powers and duties of the county council under the act of 1894 will be noticed hereafter.

The only other powers and duties of a county council under the Local Government Act that need to be mentioned relate to changes in local areas. It’s worth noting that some changes can only be made through the Local Government Board after a local inquiry. These situations include changing the boundary of any county or borough, merging a county borough with a county, merging any counties or boroughs, or dividing any county, and converting a borough into a county borough. In these cases, the Local Government Board's order is only provisional and must be approved by Parliament. A county council can make orders to change local areas if it's convinced that there's a valid reason regarding any county district that isn’t a borough, or any parish. They may hold a local inquiry after giving notice in the area and to any public departments as required by the Local Government Board's orders. The changes include altering the boundary of the district or parish, merging or dividing it with other districts or parishes, or converting a rural district or part of it into an urban district, or the other way around. After the local inquiry, if the county council believes the proposal is good, they can issue an order for it. This order must be sent to the Local Government Board, which will hold a local inquiry to decide if the order should be confirmed if the council of any affected district, or one-sixth of the total number of electors in the relevant district or parish, petitions against it. The Local Government Board can modify the order’s terms whether it receives a petition or not, but if there’s no petition, they have to confirm it, subject only to modifications. County councils are granted significant powers to fully implement orders made under these regulations. A major expansion of these powers was introduced by the Local Government Act of 1894, which required every council to consider the areas of sanitary districts and parishes across the entire administrative county, ensuring that a parish does not extend into more than one sanitary district. It also mandated the division of any districts that did extend into multiple districts into separate parishes, so that in the future, a parish would not be in more than one county district, and that every parish and rural sanitary district would be within one county. As a result, county councils issued a large number of orders under the 1894 act, and generally, it can now be seen that no parish extends into more than one county or county district. Other powers and duties of the county council under the 1894 act will be discussed later.

Of the statutes affecting county councils passed subsequent to 1888 mention need only be made of the chief.

Of the laws impacting county councils passed after 1888, only the main ones need to be mentioned.

Previous to the Education Act 1902, county councils had certain optional powers under the Technical Instruction Acts to supply or aid the supply of technical or manual instruction. Their duties in respect to education were, however, much Education. enlarged by the act of 1902. That act abolished the old school boards and school attendance committees, and substituted a single authority for all kinds of schools and for all kinds of education. The county council or the council of a county borough is now in every case the local education authority, except that non-county boroughs with a population of over 10,000, and urban districts with a population of over 20,000, may be the local education authorities for elementary education only, but they may relinquish their powers in favour of the county council. For higher education county councils and county boroughs are the sole education authorities, except that non-county boroughs and urban councils are given a concurrent power of levying a rate for higher education not exceeding 1d. in the £. Under the act, an education committee must be established by all authorities. The majority of the members of the committee are appointed by the council, usually out of their own body, and the remainder are appointed by the council on the nomination or recommendation of other bodies. Some of the members of the committee must be women. All matters relating to the exercise of the powers of the education authority (except those of rating and borrowing) must be referred to the committee, and before exercising any of their powers the council must (except in cases of emergency) receive and consider the report of the education committee with respect to the matter in question. As to higher education the local education authority must consider the educational needs of their area and take such steps as seem to them desirable, after consultation with the Board of Education, to supply or aid the supply of education other than elementary, and to promote the general co-ordination of all forms of education. For this purpose they are authorized to levy a rate not exceeding 2d. 433 in the £, except with the consent of the Local Government Board. They must also devote to the same purpose the sums received by them in respect of the residue of the English share of the local taxation (customs and excise) duties already referred to. See further Education and Technical Education.

Before the Education Act of 1902, county councils had some optional powers under the Technical Instruction Acts to provide or support technical or manual education. However, their responsibilities regarding education were greatly expanded by the 1902 act. This act eliminated the old school boards and school attendance committees, replacing them with a single authority responsible for all types of schools and education. The county council or the council of a county borough now serves as the local education authority in every case, except that non-county boroughs with a population over 10,000 and urban districts with a population over 20,000 may act as local education authorities for elementary education only, though they can choose to give up their powers in favor of the county council. For higher education, county councils and county boroughs are the sole education authorities, although non-county boroughs and urban councils have the ability to impose a rate for higher education not exceeding 1d. in the £. Under the act, every authority must form an education committee. Most committee members are appointed by the council, usually from among their own members, while the remainder are appointed by the council based on nominations or recommendations from other bodies. Some committee members must be women. All matters regarding the exercise of the powers of the education authority (with the exception of rating and borrowing) must be referred to the committee, and before making any decisions, the council must receive and consider the education committee's report on the matter in question, except in emergencies. For higher education, the local education authority must assess the educational needs of their area and take appropriate steps, after consulting the Board of Education, to provide or facilitate education beyond the elementary level and to encourage the overall coordination of all forms of education. For this purpose, they are permitted to impose a rate not exceeding 2d. in the £, unless the Local Government Board gives consent. They are also required to allocate the funds they receive from the residue of the English share of local taxation (customs and excise) duties to this purpose. See further Education and Technical Education.

Under the Midwives Act 1902, every council of a county or county borough is the local supervising authority over midwives within its area. The duty of the local supervising authority is to exercise general supervision over all midwives practising Midwives. within their area in accordance with rules laid down in the act; to investigate charges of malpractices, negligence or misconduct on the part of a midwife, and if a prima facie case be established, to report it to the Central Midwives Board; to suspend a midwife from practice if necessary to prevent the spread of infection; to report to the central board the name of any midwife convicted of an offence; once a year (in January) to supply the central board with the names and addresses of all midwives practising within their area and to keep a roll of the names, accessible at all reasonable times for public inspection; to report at once the death of any midwife or change in name and address. The local supervising authority may delegate their powers to a committee appointed by them, women being eligible to serve on it. A county council may delegate its powers under the act to a district council.

Under the Midwives Act 1902, each county or county borough council acts as the local supervising authority for midwives in their area. The local supervising authority is responsible for overseeing all midwives practicing in their area according to the rules set out in the act; investigating allegations of malpractice, negligence, or misconduct against a midwife, and if there's a valid case, reporting it to the Central Midwives Board; suspending a midwife from practice if needed to prevent the spread of infection; reporting to the central board the name of any midwife convicted of a crime; providing the central board with the names and addresses of all midwives practicing in their area once a year (in January) and maintaining a roll of names that is accessible for public inspection at reasonable times; and immediately reporting any death of a midwife or changes in name and address. The local supervising authority can delegate their powers to a committee they appoint, and women are eligible to serve on it. A county council may also delegate its authority under the act to a district council.

Part of the business transferred from quarter sessions to the council was that which related to pauper lunatics, but the whole subject of lunacy was consolidated by an act of the year 1890, which again has been amended by a later act. The Lunatics. councils of all administrative counties and county boroughs and the councils of a few specified quarter sessions boroughs, which before 1890 were independent areas for purposes of the Lunacy Acts, are local authorities for the purposes of the Lunacy Acts, and each of them is under an obligation to provide asylum accommodation for pauper lunatics. This accommodation may be provided by one council or by a combination of two or more, and such council or combination may provide one or more asylums. The county council exercise their powers through a visiting committee, consisting of not less than seven members, or, in the case of a combination, of a number of members appointed by each council in agreed proportions. In the case of a combination the expenses are defrayed by the several councils in such proportion as they may agree upon, and the proportion may be fixed with reference to either the accommodation required by each council or the population of the district. A county borough may also, instead of providing an asylum of its own, contract with the visiting committee of any asylum to receive the pauper lunatics from the borough. Private patients may be accommodated in the asylums provided by a county council, and received upon terms fixed by the visiting committee. The expenses of lunatic asylums are defrayed in the following manner: The guardians from whose union a lunatic is sent have to pay a fixed weekly sum, which may not exceed 14s. a week. A larger charge is made for lunatics received from unions outside the county, as these do not, of course, contribute anything towards the provision or up-keep of the asylum itself. In addition to the payments by guardians, there is a contribution of 4s. a week from “the exchequer contribution account” already mentioned, and the remaining expenses are defrayed out of the county rate.

Part of the responsibilities that shifted from quarter sessions to the council involved pauper lunatics, but the entire topic of mental health was brought together by a law in 1890, which has since been updated by a later law. The councils of all administrative counties and county boroughs, as well as a few specific quarter sessions boroughs that were previously independent regarding the Lunacy Acts, are now local authorities under these acts, and each is required to provide housing for pauper lunatics. This housing can be provided by a single council or a partnership of two or more councils, and they can set up one or more asylums. The county council exercises its authority through a visiting committee, made up of at least seven members, or, in the case of a partnership, a number of members appointed by each council in agreed-upon ratios. In a partnership, the costs are covered by the various councils in a proportion they agree on, and this proportion can be based on either the housing needs of each council or the area's population. A county borough may also opt not to have its own asylum and instead contract with the visiting committee of any asylum to take in the pauper lunatics from the borough. Private patients can be accommodated in the asylums provided by a county council and accepted under terms set by the visiting committee. The costs of lunatic asylums are covered in the following ways: The guardians from whose union a lunatic is sent must pay a fixed weekly amount, which can’t exceed 14 shillings a week. A higher charge is applied for lunatics coming from unions outside the county, as they do not contribute to the provision or maintenance of the asylum. In addition to the payments from guardians, there is a contribution of 4 shillings a week from “the exchequer contribution account” mentioned earlier, and the rest of the expenses are covered by the county rate.

Under the Allotments Acts 1887 to 1907, it is the duty of a county council to ascertain the extent to which there is a demand for allotments in the urban districts and parishes in the county, or would be a demand if suitable land were available, and Allotments. the extent to which it is reasonably practicable, having regard to the provisions of the acts, to satisfy any such demand, and to co-operate with authorities, associations or persons best qualified to assist, and to take such steps as may be necessary. The powers of the Local Government Board under the Allotments Acts were transferred by the act of 1907 to the Board of Agriculture and Fisheries, and by the same act the powers and duties of rural district councils were transferred to parish councils. The county council under these acts has compulsory powers of purchase or hire if they are unable to acquire land by agreement and on reasonable terms. If an objection is made to an order for compulsory purchase or hire, the order will not be confirmed by the Board of Agriculture until after a local inquiry has been held. If the Board of Agriculture is satisfied, after holding a local inquiry, that a county council have failed to fulfil their obligations as to allotments, the board may transfer all and any of the powers of the county council to the Small Holdings Commissioners.

Under the Allotments Acts from 1887 to 1907, county councils are responsible for determining how much demand there is for allotments in urban areas and parishes within the county, or how much demand there could be if suitable land were available. They also need to assess how feasible it is, considering the provisions of the acts, to meet this demand and to collaborate with the relevant authorities, groups, or individuals who can help, and take any necessary actions. The Local Government Board's powers under the Allotments Acts were handed over to the Board of Agriculture and Fisheries in the 1907 act, which also transferred the responsibilities of rural district councils to parish councils. The county council has the authority to compulsorily purchase or hire land if they can't acquire it through agreement on reasonable terms. If there’s an objection to a compulsory purchase or hire order, the Board of Agriculture won’t approve the order until a local inquiry is conducted. If, after the inquiry, the Board of Agriculture finds that a county council hasn’t met its obligations regarding allotments, the board can transfer all or any of the county council's powers to the Small Holdings Commissioners.

By the Small Holdings and Allotments Act 1907, Small Holdings Commissioners are appointed by the Board of Agriculture to ascertain the extent of the demand for small holdings, and confer with county councils as to how best to provide them. Small holdings. Local authorities are required to furnish information and give assistance to the commissioners, who report to the board. If the board, after considering the report, consider it desirable, they require the county council concerned to prepare a scheme for the provision of small holdings; if the county council decline to prepare a scheme, the board may direct the commissioners to do so. A county council may also prepare a scheme on its own initiative. When a scheme has been confirmed, the county council must carry out the obligations imposed on it within a prescribed time; if they make default the board may direct the commissioners to assume all the powers of the county council, and the county council must repay to the board the expenses the commissioners may incur. A county council may delegate, by arrangement, to the council of any borough or urban district in the county their powers in respect of the act. A small holding is defined by the act as one which exceeds 1 acre, but must not exceed 50 acres or £50 annual value. Every county council must establish a small holdings and allotments committee, to which must be referred all matters relating to the exercise and performance by the council of their powers and duties as to small holdings and allotments.

By the Small Holdings and Allotments Act of 1907, Small Holdings Commissioners are appointed by the Board of Agriculture to determine the demand for small holdings and to discuss with county councils the best ways to provide them. Small farms. Local authorities must provide information and support to the commissioners, who then report back to the board. If the board finds the report compelling, they may require the relevant county council to create a plan for small holdings. If the county council refuses to prepare a plan, the board can instruct the commissioners to do it instead. A county council can also initiate a plan on its own. Once a plan is approved, the county council must fulfill its obligations within a set timeframe; if they fail to do so, the board may empower the commissioners to take on all the powers of the county council, and the county council must reimburse the board for any expenses the commissioners incur. A county council can delegate, by agreement, its powers under the act to the council of any borough or urban district within the county. A small holding is defined by the act as land that is more than 1 acre but not more than 50 acres or has an annual value not exceeding £50. Every county council is required to set up a small holdings and allotments committee, which will handle all matters related to the council's powers and responsibilities regarding small holdings and allotments.

Under the Isolation Hospitals Acts 1893 and 1901, a county council may provide for the establishment of isolation hospitals for the reception of patients suffering from infectious diseases on the application of any local authority within the county, Hospitals. or on the report of the medical officer of the county that hospital accommodation is necessary and has not been provided, or it may take over hospitals already provided by a local authority. The council by their order constitute a hospital district and form a committee for its administration. The committee have power to purchase land, erect a hospital, provide all necessary appliances, and generally administer a hospital for the purposes above mentioned.

Under the Isolation Hospitals Acts of 1893 and 1901, a county council can set up isolation hospitals for patients with infectious diseases at the request of any local authority in the county, Hospitals. or based on the medical officer's report that hospital space is needed and hasn't been provided, or they can take over existing hospitals from a local authority. The council will define a hospital district through their order and create a committee for its management. The committee has the authority to buy land, build a hospital, provide all necessary equipment, and generally run a hospital for the purposes mentioned above.

The powers and duties of a county council under the Local Government Act 1894 are numerous and varied, and the chief of them are mentioned hereafter in connexion with parish councils. The county council may establish a parish council in a Parish councils. parish which has a population of less than 300, and may group small parishes under a common parish council; in every case they fix the number of members of the parish council. They may authorize the borrowing of money by a parish council, and they may lend money to a parish council. They may hear complaints by a parish council that a district council has failed to provide sufficient sewerage or water-supply, or has failed to enforce the provisions of the Public Health Acts in their district, and on such complaint they may transfer to themselves and exercise the powers of the defaulting council, or they may appoint a person to perform those duties. They may make orders for the custody and preservation of public books, writings, papers and documents belonging to a parish. They may divide a parish into wards for purposes of elections or of parish meetings. They may authorize district councils to aid persons in maintaining rights of common. They may, on the petition of a district council, transfer to themselves the powers of a district council who have refused or failed to take the necessary proceedings to assert public rights of way or protect roadside wastes. They may dispense with the disqualification of a parish or district councillor arising only by reason of his being a shareholder in a water company or similar company contracting with the council, and, as has above been stated, they have large powers of altering the boundaries of parishes.

The powers and responsibilities of a county council under the Local Government Act 1894 are extensive and diverse, with the main ones being discussed later in relation to parish councils. The county council can set up a parish council in a parish with a population of less than 300 and can combine small parishes under one parish council; in each case, they determine the number of members for the parish council. They can authorize a parish council to borrow money and can lend money to a parish council. They can address complaints from a parish council regarding a district council's failure to provide adequate sewerage or water supply, or to enforce the Public Health Acts in their area. In response to such complaints, they can take over the powers of the failing council or appoint someone to handle those duties. They can issue orders for the safekeeping and maintenance of public records, papers, and documents that belong to a parish. They can split a parish into wards for elections or parish meetings. They can allow district councils to help individuals maintain common rights. They can, upon request from a district council, take over the powers of a district council that has refused or failed to act on public rights of way or protect roadside lands. They can also waive disqualifications for a parish or district councillor that arise solely from being a shareholder in a water company or a similar company that contracts with the council. As mentioned earlier, they have significant authority to change parish boundaries.

Among the powers and duties of quarter sessions transferred to county councils were those arising under the acts relating Diseases of animals. to contagious diseases of animals. These acts were consolidated and amended by a statute of 1894, and the county council remain the local authority for the execution of that act in counties.

Among the powers and responsibilities of quarter sessions that were given to county councils were those related to contagious animal diseases. These laws were combined and updated by a statute in 1894, and the county council continues to be the local authority for enforcing that act in counties.

Under the Light Railways Act 1896 a county council may be authorized by order of the light railway commissioners to Light railways. construct and work or contract for the construction or working of a light railway, lend money to a light railway company, or join any other council in these matters.

Under the Light Railways Act of 1896, a county council can be given permission by an order from the light railway commissioners to Light rail. build and operate or hire others to build or operate a light railway, lend money to a light railway company, or collaborate with another council on these activities.

Among other statutes conferring powers or imposing duties upon county councils, mention may be made of such acts as those relating to sea fisheries regulation, open spaces, police superannuation, railway and canal traffic, shop hours, Miscellaneous. weights and measures, fertilizing and feeding stuffs, wild birds’ protection, land transfer, locomotives on highways and the acquisition of small dwellings. Sufficient has been said to indicate that the legislature from time to time recognizes the important position of the county council as an administrative body, and is continually extending its functions.

Among other laws giving powers or assigning responsibilities to county councils, we can mention acts related to regulating sea fisheries, managing public spaces, police pensions, railway and canal traffic, shop hours, Misc. weights and measures, fertilizing and feeding products, protection of wild birds, land transfers, locomotives on roads, and the acquisition of small homes. It's clear that the legislature regularly acknowledges the significant role of the county council as an administrative entity and is constantly expanding its functions.

The Urban District.—A municipal borough is a place which has been incorporated by royal charter. In the year 1835 the Municipal Corporations Act was passed, which made provision for the constitution and government of The municipal borough and the borough council. certain boroughs which were enumerated in a schedule. That act was from time to time amended, until in 1882 by an act of that year the whole of the earlier acts were repealed and consolidated. A few ancient corporations which were not enumerated in the schedule to the act of 1835 continued to exist after that year, but by an act of 1883 all of these, save such as should obtain charters before 1886, were abolished, the result being that all boroughs are now subject to the act of 1882. A place is still created a borough by royal charter on the petition of the inhabitants, and when that is done the provisions of the act of 1882 are applied to it by the charter itself. The charter also fixes the number of councillors, the 434 boundaries of the wards (if any), and assigns the number of councillors to each ward, and provides generally for the time and manner in which the act of 1882 is first to come into operation. The charter is supplemented by a scheme which makes provision for the transfer to the new borough council of the powers and duties of existing authorities, and generally for the bringing into operation of the act of 1882. If the scheme is opposed by the prescribed proportion (one-twentieth) of the owners and ratepayers of the proposed new borough, it has to be confirmed by parliament. The governing body in a borough is the council elected by the burgesses.

The Urban District.—A municipal borough is a place that has been established by royal charter. In 1835, the Municipal Corporations Act was enacted, outlining the structure and governance of certain boroughs listed in a schedule. This act was amended over time, and in 1882, it was completely replaced and consolidated by a new act. A few old corporations not listed in the 1835 act continued to exist, but in 1883, all of these, except those that received charters before 1886, were abolished, making all boroughs subject to the 1882 act. A place can still become a borough through royal charter at the request of its residents, and once that happens, the provisions of the 1882 act apply to it via the charter itself. The charter also determines the number of council members, the boundaries of the wards (if any), allocates the number of councillors to each ward, and outlines how and when the 1882 act is initially implemented. The charter is supported by a scheme that provides for the transfer of responsibilities from existing authorities to the new borough council and generally for the implementation of the 1882 act. If the scheme is opposed by the required fraction (one-twentieth) of the property owners and ratepayers in the proposed new borough, it must be approved by parliament. The governing body in a borough is the council elected by the burgesses.

The qualification of a burgess has been incidentally mentioned in connexion with that of a county elector, and need not be further noticed. A borough councillor must be qualified in the same manner as a county councillor, and he is disqualified in the same way, with this addition, that a peer or ownership voter is not qualified as such, and that a person is disqualified for being a borough councillor if he is in holy orders or is the regular minister of a Dissenting congregation. Women, other than married women, are eligible. Borough councillors are elected for a term of three years, one-third of the whole number going out of office in each year, and if the borough is divided into wards, these are so arranged that the number of councillors for each ward shall be three or a multiple of three. The ordinary day of election is the 1st of November. At an election for the whole borough the returning officer is the mayor; at a ward election he is an alderman assigned for that purpose by the council. The nomination and election of candidates and the procedure at the election are the same as have already been described in the case of the election of county councillors. The law as to corrupt and illegal practices at the election is also similar, and the election may be questioned by petition in exactly the same way. A borough councillor must, within five days after notice of his election, make a declaration of acceptance of office under a penalty, in the case of an alderman or councillor of £50, and in the case of a mayor of £100, or such other sums as the council may by by-law determine. A councillor may be disqualified in the same way as a county councillor, by bankruptcy or composition with creditors, or continuous absence from the borough (except in case of illness). In short it may be said that as the provisions relating to the election of borough councillors were merely extended to county councillors by the Local Government Act of 1888 with a few modifications, these provisions, as already stated when dealing with county councils, apply generally to the election of borough councillors. After the annual election on the 1st of November the first quarterly meeting of the council is held on the 9th, and at that meeting the mayor and aldermen are elected. The election of the mayor and aldermen is again the same as has already been described in connexion with the election of the chairman Officers. and aldermen of a county council. The officers of a borough council are the town clerk and the treasurer, but the council have power to appoint such other officers as they think necessary. All these officers receive such remuneration as the council from time to time think fit, and hold office during pleasure. The provisions with respect to the transaction of the business of the council are also the same in the case of a borough as in that of a county council.

The qualifications for a burgess have been briefly mentioned along with those of a county voter, so there's no need to go into more detail. A borough councillor needs to meet the same qualifications as a county councillor and can be disqualified in the same ways. However, a peer or an ownership voter is not qualified as such, and someone is disqualified from being a borough councillor if they are in holy orders or are a regular minister of a Dissenting congregation. Women, except for married women, are eligible. Borough councillors are elected for three-year terms, with one-third of the total number ending their term each year. If the borough is divided into wards, the councillors for each ward must be three or a multiple of three. Elections are typically held on November 1st. For an election covering the whole borough, the mayor is the returning officer; for ward elections, it's an alderman assigned by the council. The process for nominating and electing candidates is the same as described for county councillors, and the laws regarding corrupt and illegal practices at elections are similar, with elections open to challenge by petition in the same manner. A borough councillor must make a declaration of acceptance of office within five days of being notified of their election, facing a penalty of £50 for an alderman or councillor and £100 for a mayor, or other amounts determined by council by-law. A councillor can be disqualified like a county councillor, due to bankruptcy or composition with creditors, or continuous absence from the borough (except for illness). To sum up, the rules regarding the election of borough councillors were mainly extended to county councillors by the Local Government Act of 1888, with some modifications, and apply generally to the election of borough councillors as previously stated regarding county councils. After the annual election on November 1st, the first quarterly meeting of the council is held on the 9th, where the mayor and aldermen are elected. The election process for the mayor and aldermen mirrors what has been described for the chairman and aldermen of a county council. The officers of a borough council are the town clerk and the treasurer, but the council can appoint additional officers as needed. All these officers receive compensation determined by the council as they see fit and serve at the council's discretion. The rules for conducting the council's business are the same for a borough as they are for a county council.

The entire income of the borough council is paid into the borough fund, and that fund is charged with certain payments, which are specifically set out in the 5th schedule to the act of 1882. These include the remuneration of the mayor, recorder Finance audit. and officers of the borough, overseers’ expenses, the expenses of the administration of justice in the borough, the payment of the borough coroner, police expenses and the like. An order of the council for the payment of money out of the borough fund must be signed by three members of the council and countersigned by the town clerk, and any such order may be removed into the king’s bench division of the High Court of Justice by writ of certiorari and may be wholly or partly disallowed or confirmed on the hearing. This is really the only way in which the validity of a payment by a borough council can be questioned, for, as will be seen hereafter, the audit in the borough is not an effective one. The borough fund is derived, in the first instance, from the property of the corporation. If the income from such property is insufficient for the purposes to which it is applicable, as usually is the case, it has to be supplemented by a borough rate, which may be a separate rate made by the council or may be levied through the overseers as part of the poor rate by means of a precept addressed to them. In the event of the borough fund being more than sufficient to meet the demands upon it without recourse to a borough rate, any surplus may be applied in payment of any expenses of the council as a sanitary authority or in improving the borough or any part thereof by drainage, enlargement of streets or otherwise. The borough treasurer is required to make up his accounts half-yearly, and to submit them, with the necessary vouchers and papers, to the borough auditors. These auditors are three in number—two of them elected annually by the burgesses. An elective auditor must be qualified to be a councillor, but may not be a member of the council. The third auditor is appointed by the mayor and is called the mayor’s auditor. The auditors so appointed are charged with the duty of auditing the accounts of the treasurer, but they have no power of disallowance or surcharge, and their audit is therefore quite ineffective.

The entire income of the borough council goes into the borough fund, which is responsible for certain payments listed in the 5th schedule of the act of 1882. These payments include the salaries of the mayor, recorder, and borough officers, costs related to overseers, expenses for the administration of justice in the borough, payments for the borough coroner, police expenses, and similar costs. Any order from the council to pay money from the borough fund must be signed by three council members and countersigned by the town clerk. Such an order can be challenged in the king’s bench division of the High Court of Justice through a writ of *certiorari*, and it can be fully or partially rejected or confirmed during the hearing. This is essentially the only way to question the validity of a payment made by the borough council since, as will be discussed later, the borough audit is not effective. The borough fund primarily comes from the corporation's property. If the income from this property is not enough for its intended purposes— which is typically the case—it has to be supplemented by a borough rate. This rate can either be a separate charge made by the council or collected through the overseers as part of the poor rate using a precept directed to them. If the borough fund is more than adequate to cover its obligations without needing a borough rate, any excess can be used for the council’s expenses as a sanitary authority or for improvements in the borough, like drainage or street expansions. The borough treasurer must prepare his accounts every six months and present them, along with the necessary documents, to the borough auditors. There are three auditors—two elected annually by the burgesses. An elected auditor must be eligible to be a councillor but cannot be a council member. The third auditor is appointed by the mayor and is known as the mayor’s auditor. These appointed auditors are responsible for auditing the treasurer's accounts, but they do not have the power to disallow or surcharge, making their audit quite ineffective.

Where a borough has not a separate court of quarter sessions, but has a separate commission of the peace, the justices of the county in which the borough is situate have a concurrent jurisdiction with the borough justices in all matters arising Jurisdiction of justices; quarter sessions. within the borough. Where, however, the borough has a court of quarter sessions, the county justices have no jurisdiction within the borough. In all cases, whether the borough has quarter sessions or a separate commission or not, the mayor, by virtue of his office, is a justice for the borough, and continues to be such justice during the year next after he ceases to be mayor. He takes precedence over all justices in and for the borough, and is entitled to take the chair at all meetings at which he is present by virtue of his office of mayor. A separate commission of the peace may be granted to a borough on the petition of the council. A borough justice is required to take the oaths of allegiance and the judicial oaths before acting; he must while acting reside in or within 7 m. of the borough, or occupy a house, warehouse or other property in the borough; but he need not be a burgess nor have the qualification by estate required of a county justice. Where the borough has a separate commission, the borough justices have power to appoint a clerk, who is now paid by salary, the fees and costs pertaining to his office being paid into the borough fund, out of which his salary is paid. The council may by petition obtain the appointment of a stipendiary magistrate for the borough. The crown may also on petition of the council grant a separate court of quarter sessions for the borough, and in that event a recorder has to be appointed by the crown. He must be a barrister of not less than five years’ standing, and he holds office during good behaviour; he receives a yearly salary. The recorder sits as sole judge of the court of quarter sessions of the borough. He has all the powers of a court of quarter sessions in a county, including the power to hear appeals from the borough justices; but to this there are a few exceptions, notably the power to grant licences for the sale of intoxicating liquor. The grant of a separate court of quarter sessions also involves the appointment by the council of a clerk of the peace for the borough. It should be added that the grant of a court of quarter sessions to any borough other than a county borough after the passing of the Local Government Act 1888, does not affect the powers, duties or liabilities of the county council as regards that borough, nor exempt the parishes in the borough from being assessed to county rate for any purposes to which such parishes were previously liable to be assessed.

Where a borough doesn’t have its own court of quarter sessions but has a separate commission of the peace, the justices from the county where the borough is located share jurisdiction with the borough justices in all matters within the borough. However, if the borough has a court of quarter sessions, the county justices have no authority within that borough. In all situations, whether the borough has quarter sessions or a separate commission or not, the mayor, by virtue of his position, is a justice for the borough and remains so for the year after he stops being mayor. He takes precedence over all justices in the borough and is entitled to lead all meetings he attends by virtue of his role as mayor. A separate commission of the peace can be granted to a borough upon the council's request. A borough justice must take the oaths of allegiance and the judicial oaths before performing his duties; he must reside in or within 7 miles of the borough, or occupy a house, warehouse, or other property in the borough; however, he does not need to be a burgess or meet the property qualifications required of a county justice. When a borough has a separate commission, the borough justices have the authority to appoint a clerk, who is now paid a salary, with the fees and costs associated with his position being deposited into the borough fund, from which his salary is paid. The council can petition to appoint a stipendiary magistrate for the borough. The crown may also grant a separate court of quarter sessions for the borough upon the council's petition, in which case a recorder must be appointed by the crown. The recorder must be a barrister with at least five years of standing and holds the position for good behavior, receiving an annual salary. The recorder serves as the sole judge of the court of quarter sessions for the borough. He has all the powers of a county court of quarter sessions, including the authority to hear appeals from the borough justices; however, there are a few exceptions, particularly regarding the power to grant licenses for selling alcoholic beverages. The establishment of a separate court of quarter sessions also requires the council to appoint a clerk of the peace for the borough. It should also be noted that granting a court of quarter sessions to any borough other than a county borough after the Local Government Act 1888 does not change the powers, duties, or responsibilities of the county council concerning that borough, nor does it exempt the parishes in the borough from being assessed to county rates for purposes they were previously liable for.

When a borough is a county of itself the council appoint a sheriff on the 9th of November in every year. And where the borough has a separate court of quarter sessions the council appoint Sheriff, coroner. a fit and proper person, not an alderman or councillor, to be the borough coroner, who holds office during good behaviour. If the borough has a civil court the recorder, if there is one, is judge of it. If there is no recorder, the judge of the court is an officer of the borough appointed under the charter.

When a borough is its own county, the council appoints a sheriff every year on November 9th. If the borough has its own court of quarter sessions, the council appoints Sheriff, medical examiner. a qualified individual, who is neither an alderman nor a councillor, to be the borough coroner, serving as long as they behave properly. If the borough has a civil court, the recorder, if available, acts as the judge. If there is no recorder, a judge is appointed from among the borough's officers as specified in the charter.

The provisions of the Municipal Corporations Act 1882 relate chiefly to the constitution of the municipal corporation. It does not itself confer many powers or impose many duties upon the council as a body. It does, however, enable a Power to acquire land. municipal corporation to acquire corporate land and buildings, the buildings including a town hall, council house, justices’ room, police stations and cells, sessions house, judges’ lodgings, polling stations and the like. The council may borrow money for the erection of such buildings; they may acquire and hold land in mortmain by virtue of their charter, or with the consent of the Local Government Board. Corporate land cannot be alienated without the consent of the same board. The council may convert corporate land, with the approval of the Local Government Board, into sites for workmen’s dwellings.

The provisions of the Municipal Corporations Act 1882 mainly focus on the structure of the municipal corporation. It doesn’t grant many powers or responsibilities to the council as a whole. However, it does allow a municipal corporation to acquire corporate land and buildings, which include a town hall, council house, justices’ room, police stations and cells, sessions house, judges’ lodgings, polling stations, and similar facilities. The council can borrow money to build such facilities; they can acquire and hold land in mortmain through their charter or with permission from the Local Government Board. Corporate land cannot be sold without the board’s consent. The council may also convert corporate land into sites for workers’ housing, subject to approval from the Local Government Board.

Another duty imposed upon a borough council by the act of 1882 is the maintenance of bridges within the borough which are not repairable by the county in which the borough is Borough bridges. locally situate. It may here be mentioned that a city or borough which is a county of itself is liable at common law to repair all public bridges within its limits. In a borough which is not a county of itself the inhabitants are only liable to repair bridges within the borough by immemorial usage or custom.

Another responsibility given to a borough council by the act of 1882 is to maintain bridges within the borough that are not repairable by the county where the borough is located. Borough bridges. It's worth noting that a city or borough that functions as its own county is legally required to repair all public bridges within its boundaries. In a borough that is not its own county, the residents are only obligated to repair bridges within the borough based on long-standing tradition or custom.

Of the other powers possessed by the council of a borough under the act of 1882, one of the most important is the power to make by-laws for the good rule and government of the borough, and for the prevention and suppression of nuisances not By-laws. already punishable in summary manner by virtue of an act in force throughout the borough. It will be observed that these by-laws are of two classes. The former do not come into force until the expiration of forty days after a copy of them has been sent to the secretary of state, during which forty days the sovereign in council may disallow any by-law or part thereof. The latter require to be confirmed by the Local Government Board.

One of the key powers held by the borough council under the 1882 act is the authority to create by-laws aimed at ensuring the proper management and governance of the borough, as well as preventing and addressing nuisances that aren't already punishable under existing laws in the borough. It should be noted that these by-laws fall into two categories. The first type doesn't go into effect until forty days after a copy has been sent to the Secretary of State, during which time the sovereign in council can disallow any part of the by-law. The second type needs to be approved by the Local Government Board.

Under the act of 1882 every municipal borough might have its own separate police force. As has already been stated when dealing with county councils, boroughs having a population of less than 10,000 according to the census of 1881 can no longer have a 435 separate police force. But for some time before that year it had become the rule not to grant to any new borough with a population Police. of less than 20,000 a separate police force. The subject of police is separately treated in the Encyclopaedia Britannica, and it is not necessary to supplement what is there stated. Under an act of 1893 the borough police may, in addition to their ordinary duties, be employed to discharge the duties of a fire brigade.

Under the 1882 Act, every municipal borough could have its own police force. However, as previously mentioned in relation to county councils, boroughs with a population of less than 10,000 according to the 1881 census can no longer maintain a 435 separate police force. Prior to that year, it had already become common practice not to provide a separate police force for any new borough with a population of less than 20,000. The topic of police is discussed in detail in the Encyclopaedia Britannica, so it's unnecessary to add further information here. According to a 1893 Act, borough police may also be utilized to fulfill the duties of a fire brigade in addition to their regular responsibilities.

The powers and duties of a borough council in the Municipal Corporations Act do not arise or exist to any great extent under that act. In a few cases, those namely of county boroughs, the councils have the powers of county The district and the district council. councils. In the quarter sessions boroughs other than county boroughs they have some only of these powers. But in every case the council of the borough have the powers and duties of an urban district council, and, except where they derive their authority from local acts, it may be said that their principal powers and duties consist of those which they exercise or perform as an urban council. These will now be considered.

The powers and responsibilities of a borough council in the Municipal Corporations Act don't really come into play to a large extent under that act. In some cases, specifically in county boroughs, the councils have the same powers as county councils. In other boroughs that aren’t county boroughs, they have only some of those powers. However, in every case, the borough council has the powers and responsibilities of an urban district council, and unless they get their authority from local acts, their main powers and duties come from what they do as an urban council. These will now be discussed.

Before the year 1848 there was not outside the municipal boroughs any system of district government in England. It is true that in some populous places which were not corporate boroughs local acts of parliament had been passed appointing improvement commissioners for the government of these places. In many boroughs similar acts had been obtained conferring various powers relating to sanitary matters, streets and highways and the like. But there was no general system, nor was there, save by special legislation, any means by which sanitary districts could be constituted. In the year 1848 the first Public Health Act was passed. It provided for the formation of local boards in boroughs and populous places, such places outside boroughs being termed local government districts. In boroughs the town council were generally appointed the local board for purposes of the act. It was not, however, until 1872 that a general system of sanitary districts was adopted. By the Public Health Act of that year the whole country was mapped out into urban and rural sanitary districts, and that system has been maintained until the present time, with some important changes introduced by the Public Health Acts 1875 to 1907, and the Local Government Act 1894.

Before 1848, there wasn't any district government system outside the municipal boroughs in England. It's true that in some large areas that weren't corporate boroughs, local acts of parliament were passed to appoint improvement commissioners to manage these places. In many boroughs, similar acts were obtained that granted various powers related to health, streets, and highways, among other things. However, there was no overall system, nor was there a way, except through special legislation, to create sanitary districts. In 1848, the first Public Health Act was passed, which allowed for the creation of local boards in boroughs and populous areas, with places outside of boroughs referred to as local government districts. Typically, the town council served as the local board for the purposes of the act in boroughs. It wasn't until 1872 that a comprehensive system of sanitary districts was implemented. The Public Health Act of that year organized the entire country into urban and rural sanitary districts, and that system has continued to this day, with some significant changes introduced by the Public Health Acts from 1875 to 1907 and the Local Government Act of 1894.

The whole of England and Wales is divided into districts, which are either urban or rural. Urban districts include boroughs and places which were formerly under the jurisdiction of local boards or improvement commissioners. The power to Constitution of district councils. constitute new urban districts is now conferred upon county councils, as already stated. There is a concurrent power in the Local Government Board under the Public Health Act 1875, but that power is now rarely exercised, and new urban districts are in practice created only by orders of county councils made under the Local Government Act 1888, section 57. Rural districts were first created in 1872. Before that time there was practically no sanitary authority outside the urban district, for although the vestry of a parish had in some cases power to make sewers and had also some other sanitary powers, there was no authority for such a district as now corresponds to a rural district. There were, indeed, highway boards and burial boards which had powers for special purposes, but district authority in the sense in which it is now understood there was none. Before the year 1894 the rural district consisted of the area of the poor-law union, exclusive of any urban district which might be within it, and the guardians of the poor were the rural sanitary authority. Since 1894 this has been changed. By the Local Government Act of that year the guardians ceased to be the rural sanitary authority. The union was preserved as the rural sanitary district, with this qualification, that if it extended into more than one county it was divided so that no rural district should extend into more than one county. Rural district councillors are elected for each parish in the rural district, and they become by virtue of their office guardians of the poor for the union comprising the district, so that there is now no election of guardians in a rural district. Guardians are still elected as such for urban districts, but the rural district council have ceased to be the same body as the guardians and are now wholly distinct. A district councillor, whether urban or rural, holds office for a term of three years. One-third of the whole council retire in each year, the annual elections being held in March, but there may be a simultaneous retirement of the whole council in every third year if the county council at the instance of the district council so order. The qualification and disqualification of district councillors, whether urban or rural, now depend upon the Local Government Act 1894. Property qualification is abolished. Any person may be elected who is either a parochial elector of some parish within the district or has during the whole of the twelve months preceding his election resided in the district, and no person is disqualified by sex or marriage. The electors both in urban and rural districts are the body called the parochial electors. These are practically the persons whose names appear in the parliamentary register or in the local government register as being entitled to vote at elections for members of parliament or county or parish councillors as the case may be. The election takes place subject to rules made by the Local Government Board, these rules being largely founded upon adaptations of the Municipal Corporations Act 1882. The election is by ballot on the same lines as those prescribed for a municipal election, and the Corrupt Practices Act, the provisions of which have been referred to when dealing with county councils, applies to the elections of district councils. The provisions with reference to election petitions, the grounds upon which they may be presented and the procedure upon them, are the same in every respect as have already been mentioned when dealing with county councils. It may be convenient here to state that the Local United districts. Government Board has power to unite any number of districts or parts of districts into what is called a united district for certain special purposes such as water-supply, sewerage or the like. This is done by means of a provisional order made by the board and confirmed by parliament. In such a united district the governing body is a joint board constituted in manner provided by the order, and it has under the order such of the powers of a district council as are necessary for the purposes for which the united district is created. Thus a joint sewerage board would generally be invested by the order with all the powers of a district council relating to the provision and control of sewers and the disposal of sewage. It may also be convenient here to mention Port sanitary authority. another special kind of district authority, that is, a port sanitary authority. It is also constituted by order of the Local Government Board, and it may include one or more sanitary districts or parts of districts abutting upon a port. In this case also the authority consists of such members and is elected in such manner as the order determines, and it has such of the powers of an ordinary district council as the order may confer upon it. These relate for the most part to nuisances and infectious disease, having special reference to ships. It has been thought convenient to deal here with district councils, whether urban or rural, together, but the powers of the former Powers of urban and rural councils compared. are much more extensive than those of the latter, and as the consideration of the subject proceeds it will be necessary to indicate what powers and duties are conferred or imposed upon urban district councils only. It must be pointed out, however, that when the necessity arises for conferring upon a rural district council any of the powers exercisable only by an urban district council, that can be done by means of an order of the Local Government Board. The necessity for this provision arises because it sometimes happens that in a district otherwise rural there are some centres of population, hardly large enough to be constituted urban districts, which nevertheless require the same control as an urban district.

The entirety of England and Wales is split into districts, which are either urban or rural. Urban districts include boroughs and areas that used to be under the authority of local boards or improvement commissioners. The ability to create new urban districts is now given to county councils, as previously mentioned. The Local Government Board also has a concurrent power under the Public Health Act 1875, but this power is rarely used now, and new urban districts are typically formed only by orders from county councils made under the Local Government Act 1888, section 57. Rural districts were established in 1872. Before that, there was effectively no sanitary authority outside the urban district. While the parish vestry had some power to create sewers and managed other sanitary issues, there was no authority corresponding to what we now recognize as a rural district. There were highway boards and burial boards with powers designated for specific purposes, but there was no district authority in the sense we understand it today. Before 1894, a rural district comprised the area of the poor-law union, excluding any urban district within it, and the guardians of the poor served as the rural sanitary authority. This changed in 1894. The Local Government Act of that year removed the guardians from being the rural sanitary authority. The union was kept as the rural sanitary district, but if it stretched into more than one county, it was divided so that no rural district crossed county lines. Rural district councillors are elected from each parish in the rural district, and they automatically become guardians of the poor for the union that includes the district, meaning there are no separate elections for guardians in a rural district. Guardians are still elected for urban districts, but the rural district council has become a completely separate entity from the guardians. A district councillor, whether urban or rural, serves a three-year term. Each year, one-third of the entire council steps down, with elections taking place in March, although the whole council can simultaneously step down every third year if the county council orders it at the request of the district council. The qualifications and disqualifications for district councillors, whether urban or rural, are now governed by the Local Government Act 1894. The property qualification has been eliminated. Anyone can be elected who is a parochial elector of some parish within the district or has lived in the district for the entire twelve months prior to their election, and no one is disqualified based on sex or marital status. The electors in both urban and rural districts are the group known as the parochial electors. These are essentially the individuals listed in the parliamentary register or the local government register as being qualified to vote in elections for members of parliament or county or parish councillors, as applicable. The election is conducted according to rules set by the Local Government Board, which are mainly based on adaptations of the Municipal Corporations Act 1882. Elections are held by secret ballot in the same way as municipal elections, and the Corrupt Practices Act, which has been referenced in relation to county councils, also applies to district council elections. The rules regarding election petitions, the reasons for which they may be submitted, and the procedures for handling them are exactly the same as those already discussed concerning county councils. It’s also worth noting that the Local Government Board has the authority to combine any number of districts or parts of districts into what is known as a united district for specific purposes like water supply or sewerage. This is executed through a provisional order made by the board and confirmed by parliament. In such a united district, the governing body is a joint board formed as dictated by the order, and it possesses the powers of a district council necessary for the purposes for which the united district was established. For instance, a joint sewerage board would typically be granted all the powers of a district council related to sewer provision and control, as well as sewage disposal. Additionally, another specific type of district authority to mention is a port sanitary authority. This is established by order of the Local Government Board and may include one or more sanitary districts or parts thereof that border a port. Again, the authority consists of the members determined by the order, and it has the powers of an ordinary district council as conferred by the order. These powers primarily relate to nuisances and infectious diseases, especially concerning ships. While it has been useful to discuss district councils, whether urban or rural, together, it should be noted that urban councils have far more extensive powers than rural ones. As the discussion progresses, it will be necessary to specify which powers and responsibilities are exclusive to urban district councils. However, it should be highlighted that if the need arises to grant a rural district council any of the powers that are typically reserved for urban district councils, this can be achieved through an order from the Local Government Board. This provision is necessary because sometimes, in a predominantly rural district, there are population centers that are not quite large enough to be designated as urban districts but still require the same level of oversight as an urban district.

A district council may from time to time make regulations with respect to summoning, notice, place, management and adjournment of their meetings, and generally with respect to the transaction and management of their business. Three Business and offices. members must be present to constitute a quorum. At the annual meeting, which is held as soon as convenient after the 15th April in each year, a chairman for the succeeding year has to be appointed. He presides at all meetings, and in his absence another member appointed by the meeting takes his place. Questions are determined by the majority present and voting, the chairman having the casting vote. Minutes are taken and, if signed at the meeting or the next ensuing meeting, are made evidence. The officers of the council consist of a clerk, a medical officer, a surveyor, one or more inspectors of nuisances and a treasurer. Of these all but the medical officer of health and inspectors of nuisances hold office at pleasure and receive such remuneration as the council may determine. If the urban district is a borough, the town clerk and borough treasurer fulfil the same office for purposes of the Public Health Acts. The salaries of the medical officer of health and inspectors of nuisances are, as to one moiety thereof, paid out of “the exchequer contribution account” by the county council, if they are appointed in accordance with the requirements of the Local Government Board as to qualification, appointment, duties, salary and tenure of office. The orders of the Local Government Board as to these matters are set out in the Statutory Rules and Orders. District councils may also employ such other officers and servants as may be necessary and proper for the fulfilment of their duties. Officers and servants are prohibited from being concerned or interested in any bargain or contract made with their council, and from receiving under cover of their office or employment any fee or reward whatsoever other than their proper salaries, wages and allowances, under penalty of being rendered incapable of holding office under any district council, and of a pecuniary penalty of £50. There are some exceptions to this provision somewhat similar to those already mentioned with respect to the disqualification of members of the council. It may be mentioned here that by an act, called the Public Bodies’ Corrupt Practices Act 1889, severe penalties are imposed alike upon members and officers of public bodies for corruption in office.

A district council can occasionally create rules regarding how to call meetings, provide notifications, choose locations, manage meetings, and handle adjournments, as well as generally govern the conduct of their business. A quorum requires three Business and offices. members to be present. During the annual meeting, which happens as soon as possible after April 15th each year, a chairman is appointed for the upcoming year. He leads all meetings, and if he’s absent, another member chosen by the attendees will take over. Decisions are made by a majority of those present and voting, with the chairman having the deciding vote if needed. Minutes are recorded and become official once signed at the meeting or the next one. The council's officers include a clerk, a medical officer, a surveyor, one or more nuisance inspectors, and a treasurer. All, except for the medical officer of health and nuisance inspectors, serve at the council's discretion and receive compensation as determined by the council. If the urban district is a borough, the town clerk and borough treasurer also serve under the Public Health Acts. The salaries for the medical officer of health and nuisance inspectors are partly funded by the county council from the “exchequer contribution account,” as long as they meet the Local Government Board's qualifications, appointment procedures, duties, salary, and tenure. The Local Government Board's rules about these issues are detailed in the Statutory Rules and Orders. District councils can also hire additional officers and staff as needed to fulfill their responsibilities. Officers and staff are not allowed to participate in any deals or contracts with their council and cannot receive any fees or rewards beyond their established salaries, wages, and allowances, under penalty of losing their position and facing a fine of £50. There are some exceptions to this rule similar to those concerning the disqualification of council members. It's also important to note that the Public Bodies' Corrupt Practices Act 1889 imposes strict penalties on both council members and officers for corruption while in office.

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A district council may appoint committees consisting wholly or partly of members of their own body for the exercise of any powers which in their opinion can properly be exercised by such committees. Such committees do not, however, Committees. hold office beyond the next annual meeting of the council, and their acts must be submitted to the council for their approval. If they are appointed for any purposes of the Public Health or Highway Acts, the council may authorize them to institute any proceedings or do any act which the council might have instituted or done, other than the raising of any loan or the making of any rate or contract. A rural district council may delegate their entire powers in any parish to a parochial committee. Such committee may consist wholly of members of their own body or of members of the parish council, or partly of members of both. Such a committee may be subject to any regulations and restrictions imposed upon it by the rural district council.

A district council can set up committees made up entirely or partly of their own members to carry out any powers they believe can be properly handled by those committees. However, these committees will not remain in office beyond the next annual meeting of the council, and any actions they take must be presented to the council for approval. If the committees are created for purposes relating to the Public Health or Highway Acts, the council can allow them to start any proceedings or perform any actions that the council could have initiated or done, except for taking out loans or creating any rates or contracts. A rural district council can delegate all their powers in a parish to a parochial committee. This committee can consist entirely of their own members, members of the parish council, or a mix of both. The committee may be subject to any rules and restrictions set by the rural district council.

In dealing with the powers and duties of district councils it will be convenient to treat of these first as they arise under the Public Health Acts, and afterwards as they arise under other statutes. In so far as such powers and duties are common Public Health Acts. to urban and rural district councils alike they will be referred to as appertaining to district councils. When reference is made to any power or duty of an urban council it is to be understood that the rural council have no such power or duty unless conferred or imposed upon them by order of the Local Government Board. And it must be borne in mind that in a borough the borough council is the urban district council.

When discussing the powers and responsibilities of district councils, it makes sense to first consider those that come from the Public Health Acts, and then move on to those defined by other laws. If these powers and responsibilities are applicable to both urban and rural district councils, they will be referred to as pertaining to district councils. When mentioning any power or responsibility of an urban council, it's important to understand that the rural council has no such power or responsibility unless it's given or mandated by the Local Government Board. Also, keep in mind that in a borough, the borough council acts as the urban district council.

The district council are required to cause to be made such sewers as may be necessary for effectually draining their district. This duty may be enforced by the Local Government Board on complaint made to them that the council have failed in Sewerage and drainage. performing it, and in the case of a rural district by the county council on complaint of the parish council. All sewers, whether made by the council, by their predecessors, or by private persons, vest in the district council, that is to say, become their property, with some exceptions, of which the principal is sewers made by a person for his own profit. The owner or occupier of any premises is entitled as of right to cause his drain to be connected with any sewer, on condition only of his giving notice and complying with the regulations of the council as to the mode in which the communication is to be made, and subject to the control of any person appointed by the council to superintend the work. Moreover, the owner or occupier of premises without the district has the same right, subject only to such terms and conditions as may be agreed or, in ease of dispute, settled by justices or by arbitration. If a house does not possess a sufficient drain, the occupier may be required to provide one, and to cause it to discharge into a sewer if there is one within 100 ft. of the house, otherwise into a cesspool, as the council may direct. In the case of new houses, these may not be built or occupied in an urban district without their being first provided with sufficient drains as the council may require; and in an urban district it is forbidden to cause any building to be newly erected over a sewer without the consent of the council. For the purpose of sewage disposal a district council may construct any works and contract for the use or purchase or lease of any land, buildings, engines, materials or apparatus, and contract to supply for a period not exceeding twenty-five years any person with sewage. It may be pointed out here that these expressions are defined by the act, the effect of the definitions being shortly that a drain is a conduit for the drainage of one building or of several within the same curtilage, while a sewer comprises every kind of drain except that which is covered by the definition of a drain as above stated. The result has been that district councils frequently find themselves in the position of being responsible for the repair and condition of drains which, by reason of having been laid for more than one house, are sewers vested in and repairable by them. An attempt was made to remedy this state of things by the Public Health Amendment Act 1890, section 19, but the remedy so provided was very partial, and may be said to be confined to the case where two or more houses belonging to different owners are drained into a common drain laid under private land, and ultimately discharging into a sewer in a road or street.

The district council is required to create necessary sewers for effectively draining their area. The Local Government Board can enforce this duty if complaints are made that the council has not fulfilled it, and in rural areas, the county council can act on complaints from the parish council. All sewers, whether created by the council, their predecessors, or private individuals, belong to the district council—though there are some exceptions, primarily for sewers made by someone for their own profit. The owner or occupant of any property has the right to connect their drain to any sewer, provided they give notice and follow the council's rules regarding how the connection should be made, and subject to the oversight of someone appointed by the council for this purpose. Furthermore, someone owning or occupying property outside the district has the same right, as long as they comply with any terms and conditions agreed upon, or resolved by justices or arbitration in case of disputes. If a house lacks a proper drain, the occupant may be required to install one that connects to a sewer if it is within 100 ft. of the house; otherwise, it must discharge into a cesspool, as directed by the council. For new houses, they cannot be built or occupied in an urban district unless they have adequate drains as required by the council; also, in an urban area, it's prohibited to erect any building over a sewer without the council's consent. For sewage disposal, a district council can build any necessary works and contract to use, purchase, or lease any land, buildings, engines, materials, or equipment, and can supply sewage to anyone for up to twenty-five years. It should be noted that these terms are defined by the act, indicating that a drain is a system for draining one building or several within the same property, while a sewer includes all types of drains except those defined as drains earlier mentioned. As a result, district councils often find themselves responsible for the repair and maintenance of drains that, because they serve more than one house, qualify as sewers that are under their jurisdiction for repair. A partial remedy for this issue was attempted through the Public Health Amendment Act 1890, section 19, but the solution was limited, specifically addressing situations where multiple houses owned by different owners drain into a common drain that runs under private land and ultimately connects to a sewer in a road or street.

The district council are charged with the duty of enforcing the provision of proper sanitary accommodation (water-closets, privies, ashpits, &c.) for all dwelling-houses, new or old, and for factories, and the maintenance of such conveniences Sanitary accommodation for houses. in proper condition. The urban council have power to provide and maintain and make provision for the regulation of urinals, water-closets, earth-closets, privies, ashpits and other similar conveniences for public accommodation. In the event of a complaint being made to a district council that any drain, closet, privy, ashpit or cesspool is a nuisance or injurious to health, the council may empower their surveyor to enter and examine the premises, and, if the complaint is well founded, they may require the owner to do the necessary works. The district council are not Removal of refuse. bound to undertake the removal of house refuse from premises, or the cleansing of closets, privies, ashpits and cesspools. They may, however, undertake these duties, and, if the Local Government Board require, they must do so. An urban council and a rural council, if invested with the requisite power by the Local Government Board, may, and when required by order of that board must, provide for the proper cleansing of streets, and may also provide for the proper watering of streets. When they have undertaken, or are required to perform these duties, a penalty is imposed upon them for neglect. If they do not undertake these duties, they may make by-laws imposing on the occupiers of premises the duty of cleansing footways and pavements, the removal of house refuse, and the cleansing of earth-closets, privies, ashpits and cesspools; and an urban council may also make by-laws for the prevention of nuisances arising from snow, filth, dust, ashes and rubbish, and for the prevention of the keeping of animals on any premises so as to be injurious to health. The keeping of swine in a dwelling-house, or so as to be a nuisance, is made an offence punishable by a penalty in an urban district, as also is the suffering of any waste or stagnant water to remain in any cellar, or within any dwelling-house after notice, and the allowing of the contents of any closet, privy or cesspool to overflow or soak therefrom. Provision is also made for enforcing the removal of accumulations of manure, dung, soil or filth from any premises in an urban district, and for the periodical removal of manure or other refuse from mews, stables or other premises.

The district council is responsible for ensuring that there are proper sanitary facilities (like toilets, outhouses, and waste pits) in all homes, whether they are new or old, as well as in factories, and for keeping these facilities in good condition. The urban council has the authority to provide, maintain, and regulate public toilets, urinals, outhouses, waste pits, and similar facilities. If someone complains to the district council that a drain, toilet, outhouse, waste pit, or cesspool is a nuisance or harmful to health, the council can allow their surveyor to enter and inspect the property, and if the complaint is valid, they may require the owner to fix the issue. The district council is not required to remove household waste from properties or clean toilets, outhouses, waste pits, and cesspools. However, they can take on these responsibilities, and if the Local Government Board demands it, they must do so. An urban council and a rural council, if given the necessary authority by the Local Government Board, can and must, when ordered, manage the proper cleaning of streets and can also arrange for street watering. If they fail to fulfill these duties, penalties will apply. If they choose not to take on these responsibilities, they can create by-laws that require property occupants to clean sidewalks, remove household waste, and maintain toilets, outhouses, waste pits, and cesspools. An urban council can also enact by-laws to prevent nuisances from snow, dirt, dust, ash, and rubbish, and to stop keeping animals on properties in a way that is harmful to health. Keeping pigs in a home or in a way that causes a nuisance is an offense that can be punished with a fine in an urban area, as is allowing any waste or standing water to remain in a basement or house after being notified, and letting any toilet, outhouse, or cesspool overflow. There are also provisions for enforcing the removal of manure, dirt, or waste from properties in an urban area, and for the regular removal of manure or other waste from stables, mews, or similar places.

With regard to water-supply, district councils have extensive powers. They may provide their district or any part of it with a supply of water proper and sufficient for public and private purposes, and for this purpose they may construct Water-supply. and maintain waterworks, dig wells, take on lease or hire any waterworks, purchase waterworks or water, or right to take or convey water either within or without their district, and any rights, powers and privileges of any water company, and contract with any person for the supply of water. They may not, however, commence to construct waterworks within the limits of supply of any water company empowered by act of parliament or provisional order to supply water without giving notice to the company, and not even then so long as the company are able and willing to supply the necessary water. Any dispute as to whether the company are able and willing has to be settled by arbitration. Where the council do supply water, they have the same powers of carrying mains under streets or through private lands as they have with respect to the laying of sewers, as already mentioned. They can charge water rents which depend upon agreements with consumers, or they may charge water rates assessed on the net annual value of the premises supplied. It is to be observed that they are not bound to charge for a supply of water at all, unless they are required to do so in an urban district by at least ten persons, rated to the poor rate, or in a parish in a rural district by at least five persons so rated in the parish. Even then the amount of the rate is left to the council, any deficiency in the cost of the water, in so far as it is not defrayed out of water rates or rents, being borne in an urban district by the general district rate, and in a rural district by the separate sanitary rates made for the parish or contributory place supplied. For the purpose of enabling them to supply water, most of the provisions of the Waterworks Clauses Acts are incorporated with the Public Health Act, and are made available for the district council. They are empowered to supply water by measure if they think fit, and may charge a rent for water-meters. The power of the district council to supply water is strictly limited to their own district, but they may, with the sanction of the Local Government Board, supply water to the council of an adjoining district on such terms as may be agreed upon, or as, in case of dispute, may be settled by arbitration. If any house is without a sufficient supply, and it appears that a supply can be furnished at a reasonable cost, as defined in the Public Health Act and the Public Health Water Act 1878, the owner may be required to provide the supply, and, if he fails, the council may themselves provide the supply and charge the owner with the cost. All public sources of water-supply such as streams, pumps, wells, reservoirs, conduits, aqueducts and works used for the gratuitous supply of water to the inhabitants of the district are vested in the council, who may cause all such works to be maintained and plentifully supplied with pure and wholesome water for the gratuitous use of the inhabitants, but not for sale by them. The council may supply water to public baths or wash-houses, or for trade or manufacturing purposes. In the case of the former the supply may be gratuitous. In the latter case it is to be on terms agreed between the parties. The urban council are required to cause fire-plugs, and all necessary works, machinery and assistance for securing a supply of water in case of fire, to be provided and maintained, and for this purpose they may enter into an agreement with any water company or person. Provision is made for preventing the pollution of water by gas refuse and enabling a district council, with the sanction of the attorney-general, to take any proceedings they may think fit for preventing the pollution of any stream in their district by sewage. The district council are also empowered to obtain an order of justices directing the closing of any well, tank or cistern, public or private, or any public pump the water from which is likely to be used for drinking or domestic purposes, or for manufacturing drinks for the use of man, if such water is found to be so polluted as to be injurious to health.

When it comes to water supply, district councils have significant authority. They can provide their district or parts of it with enough water for both public and private use, and to do this, they can build and maintain waterworks, dig wells, lease or hire waterworks, purchase waterworks or water rights to take or convey water both within and outside their district, and acquire any rights, powers, and privileges from any water company. They can also make contracts with anyone for water supply. However, they can't start constructing waterworks within the service area of any water company authorized by parliament unless they notify the company first, and even then, only if the company isn't able and willing to provide the necessary water. Any disagreements about the company's ability and willingness are to be resolved through arbitration. If the council does provide water, they have the same authority to lay mains under streets or through private property as they do for sewer systems, as previously mentioned. They can charge water rents based on agreements with consumers, or impose water rates based on the net annual value of the premises supplied. It's important to note that they are not obligated to charge for water supply unless at least ten residents in an urban district or five in a rural parish request it and are rated for poor relief. Even then, the council decides the rate, with any shortfall in the cost of water not covered by these rates being handled by the general district rate in urban areas or the separate sanitary rates in rural areas. To supply water effectively, most of the Waterworks Clauses Acts’ provisions are included in the Public Health Act for the district council's use. They have the right to supply measured water if they choose and may charge for water meters. The district council's authority to supply water is limited to their own area, but with permission from the Local Government Board, they can supply an adjoining district's council under agreed terms or through arbitration in the case of disputes. If a house lacks adequate water supply and it can be provided at a reasonable cost, as outlined by the Public Health Act and the Public Health Water Act 1878, the owner may be required to establish the service, and if they fail, the council can provide it themselves and charge the owner for the costs. All public water supply sources, such as streams, pumps, wells, reservoirs, conduits, aqueducts, and facilities used to provide free water to district residents, are owned by the council, which must maintain these works and ensure they are supplied with pure and safe drinking water, but not for sale. The council can supply water to public baths or wash-houses, or for trade or manufacturing purposes. For public baths, the supply may be free; for trade purposes, it will be based on agreed terms. The urban council must ensure fire hydrants, and all necessary infrastructure and tools for providing water in case of fire, are set up and maintained, and they can work out agreements with any water company or individual for this. There are also measures in place to prevent water pollution from gas waste, allowing the district council, with approval from the attorney general, to take any necessary action against stream pollution from sewage. Additionally, the district council can obtain orders from justices to close any well, tank, or public pump with water potentially harmful to health.

Power is given to prohibit the use as dwellings of any cellars, vaults or underground rooms built or occupied after 1875, and with regard to such cellars as were occupied as dwellings before 1875, 437 the continued occupation of these is also forbidden unless they Cellar dwellings. comply with certain stringent requirements as to the height of the rooms, height of the ceilings above the surface of the street, open areas in front, effectual drainage, sanitary conveniences appurtenant to the cellars, and the provision of fireplaces.

Power is given to ban the use of any cellars, vaults, or underground rooms that were built or occupied after 1875. For those cellars that were used as dwellings before 1875, their continued use is also prohibited unless they meet specific strict requirements regarding room height, ceiling height above ground level, open areas in front, effective drainage, necessary sanitary facilities for the cellars, and the installation of fireplaces. 437 Basement apartments.

District councils are required to keep a register of the common lodging-houses in their district. No person is allowed to keep a common lodging-house unless he is registered, and a house may not be registered until it has been inspected Common lodging-houses. and approved for the purpose by an officer of the council. Further, the council may refuse to register a keeper unless they are satisfied of his character and of his fitness for the position. The council are empowered to make by-laws for fixing the number of lodgers and separating the sexes therein, promoting cleanliness and ventilation, giving of notices and taking precautions in case of any infectious disease, and generally for the well-ordering of such houses. The keepers of common lodging-houses are required to limewash their walls and ceilings in the months of April and October in every year, and if paupers or vagrants are received to lodge, they may be required to report as to the persons who have resorted thereto. They must give notice of any infectious disease to the medical officer of health and to the poor-law relieving officer, and they must give free access for inspection. There is no definition of the expression “common lodging-house” in the Public Health Acts, and at one time the courts decided that shelters for the destitute kept by charitable persons were not common lodging-houses. That idea is now exploded, and the acts apply to charitable institutions which receive persons of the class ordinarily received into common lodging-houses.

District councils must maintain a register of the common lodging houses in their area. No one is allowed to operate a common lodging house unless they are registered, and a house cannot be registered until it has been inspected and approved by a council officer. Additionally, the council can refuse to register an operator unless they are convinced of their character and suitability for the role. The council has the authority to create by-laws to set limits on the number of lodgers, ensure gender separation, promote cleanliness and ventilation, issue notices, take precautions regarding infectious diseases, and generally manage these establishments properly. Operators of common lodging houses are required to limewash their walls and ceilings in April and October of each year, and if they accommodate homeless individuals or vagrants, they may need to report on the individuals staying there. They must notify the medical officer of health and the poor-law relieving officer of any infectious diseases, and they must allow free access for inspections. There is no clear definition of “common lodging house” in the Public Health Acts, and at one time, courts ruled that shelters for the homeless run by charitable individuals did not count as common lodging houses. That notion is now rejected, and the acts do apply to charitable institutions that accept individuals typically accommodated in common lodging houses.

By-laws may also be made relating to houses let in lodgings which are not common lodging-houses. These by-laws Houses let in lodgings. are in practice limited to those inhabited by the poorer classes, although the act imposes no such restriction.

By-laws can also be created for houses rented out as lodgings that aren't common lodging houses. In practice, these by-laws mainly apply to those occupied by lower-income individuals, even though the act doesn't set any such limitation. Houses offer rentals.

The Public Health Acts 1875 to 1907 contain elaborate provisions for dealing with nuisances. Those which are dealt with summarily are thus enumerated:—(1) any premises in such a state as to be a nuisance or injurious to health; (2) any pool, Nuisances. ditch, gutter, watercourse, privy, urinal, cesspool, drain or ashpit so foul or in such a state as to be injurious to health; (3) any animal so kept as to be a nuisance or injurious to health; (4) any accumulation or deposit which is a nuisance or injurious to health; (5) any house or part of a house so overcrowded as to be dangerous or injurious to the health of the inmates, whether or not members of the same family; (6) any factory, workshop or workplace not already under the operation of any general act for the regulation of factories or bakehouses not kept in a cleanly state or not ventilated in such a manner as to render harmless as far as practicable any gases, vapours, dust or other impurities generated in the course of the work carried on therein that are a nuisance or injurious to health, or so overcrowded while work is carried on as to be dangerous or injurious to the health of those employed therein; (7) any fireplace or furnace which does not as far as practicable consume the smoke arising from the combustible used therein, and which is used for working engines by steam or in any mill, factory, dye-house, brewery, bakehouse or gas work, or in any manufacturing or trade process whatsoever; and (8) any chimney not being the chimney of a private dwelling-house sending forth black smoke in such quantity as to be a nuisance. The nuisances above enumerated are said to be nuisances liable to be dealt with summarily. It is the duty of every district council to inspect their district with a view to the discovery of any such nuisances. In the event of such discovery by them or of information given to them of the existence of any such nuisance, the district council are required to serve a notice requiring the abatement of the nuisance on the person by whose act, default or sufferance it arises or continues, or if such person cannot be found, on the owner or occupier of the premises at which the nuisance arises. The notice must require the abatement of the nuisance within a specified time, and must prescribe the works which in the opinion of the council are necessary to be done. If the nuisance arises from the absence or defective construction of any structural convenience, or if there is no occupier of the premises, the notice must be served upon the owner. If the person who causes the nuisance cannot be found, and it is clear that the nuisance does not arise or continue by the act, default or sufferance of the owner or occupier of the premises, the local authority may themselves abate the nuisance without further order. If the person on whom the notice is served objects to give effect to it, he may be summoned before justices, and the justices may make an order upon him to abate the nuisance, or prohibiting the recurrence of the nuisance if this is likely, and directing the execution of the necessary works. If the nuisance is such as to render a dwelling-house unfit for human habitation, the justices may close it until it is rendered fit for that purpose. Disobedience under the order of justices involves a penalty and a daily penalty for every day during which default continues. Private persons may complain to justices in respect of nuisances by which they are personally aggrieved, and if the district council make default in doing their duty, the Local Government Board may authorize any officer of police to institute any necessary proceedings at the cost of the defaulting council. The district council may, if in their opinion proceedings before justices afford an inadequate remedy, take proceedings in the high court, but in that case, if the nuisance is of a public nature, they must proceed by action in the name of the attorney-general. The provisions as to nuisances are extended to ships by an act of 1885.

The Public Health Acts from 1875 to 1907 have detailed rules for handling nuisances. The nuisances that can be addressed quickly include: (1) any property that is in such a condition as to be a nuisance or harmful to health; (2) any pool, ditch, gutter, watercourse, privy, urinal, cesspool, drain, or ashpit that is so filthy or in such a state as to be harmful to health; (3) any animal that is kept in a way that is a nuisance or harmful to health; (4) any accumulation or deposit that is a nuisance or harmful to health; (5) any house or part of a house that is so overcrowded as to be dangerous or harmful to the health of the residents, regardless of whether they are family members; (6) any factory, workshop, or workplace that isn’t already regulated by any general act, which is not kept clean or not ventilated in a way that minimizes harmful gases, vapors, dust, or other pollutants produced during work that are a nuisance or harmful to health, or that is so overcrowded while work is being done as to be dangerous or harmful to the health of the employees; (7) any fireplace or furnace that does not consume the smoke produced by the combustible materials used, and that is used for operating engines by steam or in any mill, factory, dye-house, brewery, bakehouse, or gas works, or in any manufacturing or trade process; and (8) any chimney that is not part of a private dwelling-house that emits black smoke in such quantities that it becomes a nuisance. The nuisances listed above are considered nuisances that can be dealt with quickly. Each district council is responsible for inspecting their area to identify any such nuisances. When they discover or receive information about a nuisance, they must serve a notice to the person responsible for its existence or continuation. If that person cannot be located, the notice goes to the owner or occupant of the property where the nuisance is occurring. The notice must specify a timeframe for resolving the nuisance and outline the necessary actions, in the council's view, to fix the issue. If the nuisance stems from a lack of or poorly constructed facility, or if there is no occupant, the notice must be delivered to the owner. If the responsible person can't be found and it's clear the nuisance is not caused by the owner or occupant, the local authority can address the nuisance without needing further permission. If the person receiving the notice refuses to comply, they can be brought before justices, who may order them to resolve the nuisance or prohibit its recurrence if likely, and detail the necessary actions to be taken. If the nuisance makes a house unfit for living, the justices can close it until it’s made suitable for that purpose. Ignoring a justices’ order results in a penalty and additional daily penalties for each day the disobedience continues. Individuals can report nuisances affecting them directly to justices, and if the district council fails in their responsibilities, the Local Government Board can authorize a police officer to initiate necessary legal actions at the district council's expense. The district council may, if they believe that justice proceedings are insufficient, take action in the high court, but if the nuisance is public, they must act in the name of the attorney-general. The rules regarding nuisances also apply to ships as per an act from 1885.

It is forbidden to establish within an urban district without the consent of the council any offensive trade, business or manufacture. With regard to any offensive trade which has been established or may be consented to in any urban district, if it is verified by the medical officer or any two legally qualified medical practitioners, or by any ten inhabitants of the district, to be a nuisance or injurious to health, the urban district council are required to take proceedings before magistrates with a view to the abatement of the nuisance complained of.

It is not allowed to set up any offensive trade, business, or manufacturing in an urban area without the council's permission. If any offensive trade has been set up or approved in an urban area, and if it is confirmed by the medical officer or any two licensed medical practitioners, or by any ten residents of the area, to be a nuisance or harmful to health, the urban district council must take action before magistrates to address the reported nuisance.

Any medical officer or inspector of nuisances may inspect any meat, &c., exposed for sale or deposited in any place for the purpose of sale or of preparation for sale and intended for the food of man. This power of inspection is, in districts Unsound meat. where the Public Health Act 1890 has been adopted, extended to all articles intended for the food of man. If upon such inspection the meat, &c., appears to be diseased, unsound or unwholesome, it may be taken before a justice for the purpose of being condemned, and the person to whom the meat, &c., belongs or in whose possession it was found is liable to a penalty or, in the discretion of the justices, to imprisonment for three months without the option of a fine.

Any medical officer or inspector of nuisances can check any meat, etc., that’s for sale or stored for selling or preparing for sale as food for humans. In areas where the Public Health Act 1890 has been adopted, this inspection power extends to all food items. If during the inspection the meat, etc., seems diseased, spoiled, or unsafe, it may be taken before a magistrate to be condemned, and the person who owns the meat, etc., or who was found with it can face a penalty or, at the magistrate's discretion, up to three months in jail without the option of a fine.

The Public Health Acts contain important provisions relating to infectious disease. Any person who knows he is suffering from an infectious disease must not carry on any trade or business unless he can do so without risk of spreading the disease. Infectious diseases. Local authorities may require premises to be cleansed and disinfected; they may order the destruction of bedding, clothing or other articles which have been exposed to infection; they may provide proper places for the disinfection of infected articles free of charge; they may provide ambulances, &c. In the case of a person found suffering from infectious disease who has not proper lodging or accommodation, or is lodging in a room occupied by more than one family, or is on board any ship or vessel, such person may by means of a justice’s order be removed to a hospital; a local authority may pay the expenses of a person in a hospital or, if necessary, provide nursing attendance; any person exposing himself or any other in his charge while suffering from infectious disease, or exposing infected bedding, clothing or the like, is made liable to a penalty. Owners and drivers of public conveyances must not knowingly convey any person suffering from infectious disease, and if any person suffering from such a disease is conveyed in any public vehicle the owner or driver as soon as it comes to his knowledge must give notice to the medical officer. It is also forbidden to let houses or rooms in which infected persons have been lodging, or to make false statements to persons negotiating for the hire of such rooms. An act was passed in the year 1890, called the Infectious Diseases Prevention Act. When adopted it enabled an urban or district council to obtain the inspection of dairies where these were suspected to be the cause of infectious disease, with a view to prohibiting the supply of milk from such dairies if the fact were established. The act of 1907 extended the provisions of the act of 1890. It enables a local authority to require dairymen to furnish a complete list of sources of supply if the medical officer certifies that any person is suffering from infectious disease which he has reason to suspect is attributable to milk supplied within his district. It also compels dairymen to notify infectious diseases existing among their servants. The act of 1890 also forbids the keeping for more than forty-eight hours of the body of a person who has died of infectious disease in a room used at the time as a dwelling-place, sleeping-place or workshop. It provides for the bodies of persons dying of infectious diseases in a hospital being removed only for burial, and gives power to justices in certain cases to order bodies to be buried. The diseases to which the act applies are smallpox, cholera, membranous croup, erysipelas, scarlatina or scarlet fever, typhus, typhoid, enteric, relapsing, continued or puerperal fever, and any other infectious disease to which the act has been applied by the local authority of the district in the prescribed manner. The most important provision, however, relating to infectious disease is that contained in the Infectious Disease Notification Act 1889. That was originally an adoptive act, but it is now extended to all districts in England and Wales. It requires the notification to the medical officer of health of the district of every case in which a person is suffering from one of the diseases above mentioned. The duty of notification is imposed upon the head of the family, and also upon the medical practitioner who may be in attendance on the patient. The medical attendant is entitled to receive in respect of each notification a fee of 2s. 6d. if the case occurs in his private practice, and of 1s. if the case occurs in his practice as medical officer of any public body or institution. These fees are paid by the urban or rural district council as the case may be. The provisions as to notification are applied to every ship, vessel, boat, tent, van, shed or similar structure used for human habitation in like manner as nearly as may be as if it were a building. Exception is made, however, in the case of a ship, vessel or boat belonging to a foreign government. It is not too much to say that this act has been one of the most effectual 438 means of preventing the spread of infectious disease in modern times.

The Public Health Acts include essential provisions regarding infectious diseases. Anyone who knows they have an infectious disease should not engage in any trade or business unless they can do so without risking the spread of the disease. Infectious diseases. Local authorities can require premises to be cleaned and disinfected; they can order the destruction of bedding, clothing, or other items that have been exposed to infection; they can provide proper places for the disinfection of contaminated items at no cost; and they can provide ambulances, etc. If someone is found to be suffering from an infectious disease and does not have proper lodging or is staying in a shared room or on a ship, they may be removed to a hospital by a justice’s order; a local authority may cover the expenses of someone in a hospital or, if necessary, provide nursing care. Anyone putting themselves or others at risk while suffering from an infectious disease, or exposing infected items, will face penalties. Owners and drivers of public transport are prohibited from knowingly allowing anyone with an infectious disease to travel with them, and if they become aware that someone with such a disease has been in their vehicle, they must promptly inform the medical officer. It is also illegal to rent out houses or rooms where infected persons have stayed, or to make false statements to anyone looking to rent those rooms. In 1890, the Infectious Diseases Prevention Act was passed. When implemented, it enabled urban or district councils to inspect dairies suspected of causing infectious diseases and to ban the supply of milk from those dairies if necessary. The 1907 act expanded the provisions of the 1890 act, allowing local authorities to require dairymen to provide a complete list of supply sources if the medical officer certifies that someone is suffering from an infectious disease believed to be linked to milk within the district. It also requires dairymen to report any infectious diseases affecting their employees. The 1890 act also prohibits keeping the body of someone who died from an infectious disease in a dwelling, bedroom, or workshop for more than 48 hours. It stipulates that bodies of individuals who died from infectious diseases in a hospital should only be removed for burial and grants justices the authority to order burials in certain cases. The diseases covered by the act include smallpox, cholera, membranous croup, erysipelas, scarlet fever, typhus, typhoid, enteric, relapsing, continued, or puerperal fever, and any other infectious disease that has been designated by the local authority of the district in the proper manner. However, the most crucial provision regarding infectious diseases comes from the Infectious Disease Notification Act of 1889. Initially an adoptive act, it has now been extended to all districts in England and Wales. It mandates the notification of every case of the aforementioned diseases to the medical officer of health in the district. The responsibility for notification falls on the head of the family as well as the medical practitioner attending to the patient. The medical professional is entitled to receive a fee of 2s. 6d. for each notification if the case is from their private practice and 1s. if it arises from their duties as a medical officer for any public body or institution. These fees are paid by the relevant urban or rural district council. The notification provisions apply to every ship, vessel, boat, tent, van, shed, or similar human habitation as closely as possible as if it were a building. However, an exception is made for ships, vessels, or boats belonging to foreign governments. It is fair to say that this act has been one of the most effective means of preventing the spread of infectious diseases in modern times. 438

The district council are empowered to provide hospitals or temporary places for the reception of the sick. They may build them, contract for the use of them, agree for the reception of the sick inhabitants of their district into an existing Hospitals. hospital, or combine with any other district council in providing a common hospital. As has already been mentioned when dealing with county councils, if a district council make default in providing hospital accommodation, the county council may put in operation the Isolation Hospitals Act. The power given to provide hospitals must be exercised so as not to create a nuisance, and much litigation has taken place in respect of the providing of hospitals for smallpox. Up to the present time, however, the courts have refused to accept as a principle that a smallpox hospital is necessarily a source of danger to the neighbourhood, and for the most part applications for injunction on that ground have failed.

The district council has the authority to provide hospitals or temporary facilities for sick individuals. They can build new ones, contract for their use, agree to accept sick residents from their area into an existing Healthcare facilities. hospital, or collaborate with other district councils to create a shared hospital. As mentioned earlier regarding county councils, if a district council fails to provide sufficient hospital accommodations, the county council can activate the Isolation Hospitals Act. The power to establish hospitals must be exercised without causing a nuisance, and there has been considerable litigation over the establishment of smallpox hospitals. However, so far, the courts have not accepted the idea that a smallpox hospital is inherently a threat to the surrounding area, and most requests for injunctions based on that argument have not succeeded.

Where any part of the country appears to be threatened with or is affected by any formidable epidemic, endemic or infectious disease, the Local Government Board may make regulations for the speedy interment of the dead, house-to-house Epidemics. visitation, the provision of medical aid and accommodation, the promotion of cleansing, ventilation and disinfection, and the guarding against the spread of disease. Such regulations are made and enforced by the district councils. The provisions of the Public Health Acts relating to infectious disease are for the most part extended to ships by an act of the year 1885.

Wherever any part of the country seems to be at risk from or is impacted by a serious epidemic, endemic, or infectious disease, the Local Government Board can establish rules for the quick burial of the dead, home visits, the provision of medical assistance and housing, promoting cleaning, ventilation, and disinfection, and preventing the spread of disease. These rules are created and enforced by the district councils. The rules from the Public Health Acts concerning infectious diseases largely apply to ships as well, according to a law from 1885.

District councils may, and if required by the Local Government Board, must provide mortuaries, and they may make by-laws with respect to the management and charges for the use of the same. Where the body of a person who has died of an Mortuaries. infectious disease is retained in a room where persons live or sleep, or the retention of any dead body may endanger health, any justice on the certificate of a medical practitioner may order the removal of a body to a mortuary and direct the body to be buried within a time limited by the friends of the deceased or in their default by the relieving officer. A district council may also provide and maintain a proper place (otherwise than at a workhouse or at a mortuary) for the reception of dead bodies during the time required to conduct any post mortem examination ordered by a coroner.

District councils can, and if required by the Local Government Board, must provide morgues, and they can create by-laws regarding their management and the fees for their use. If the body of someone who has died from an infectious disease is kept in a room where people live or sleep, or if keeping any dead body might put health at risk, a justice, based on a medical practitioner's certificate, can order the body to be moved to a morgue and instruct that it be buried within a timeframe set by the deceased's friends, or if they fail to act, by the relieving officer. A district council can also provide and maintain a suitable location (other than a workhouse or morgue) for receiving dead bodies while waiting to perform a post-mortem examination ordered by a coroner.

Under an act of 1879 the district council have power to provide and maintain a cemetery either within or without their district, and they may purchase or accept a donation of land for that purpose. The provisions of the Cemeteries Cemeteries. Clauses Act 1847 apply to a cemetery thus provided. These cannot all be referred to here, but it may be noted that no part of the cemetery need be consecrated, but that if any part is, such part is to be defined by suitable marks, and a chapel in connexion with the Established Church must be erected in it. A chaplain must also be appointed to officiate at burials in the consecrated portion. The power to provide a cemetery under the act under consideration must not be confounded with that of providing a burial ground under the Burial Acts. These acts will be mentioned later in connexion with the powers of parish councils, for in general they are adopted for a parish, part of a parish or combination of parishes, and are administered by a burial board, except where that body has been superseded by a parish council or joint committee. It may be mentioned, however, that under the Local Government Act 1894, where a burial board district is wholly in an urban district, the urban council may resolve that the powers, duties and liabilities of the burial board shall be transferred to the council, and thereupon the burial board may cease to exist. And it is provided by the same act that the Burial Acts shall not hereafter be adopted in any urban parish without the approval of the urban council. The distinction between a burial ground provided under the Burial Acts and a cemetery provided under the act of 1879 is important in many ways, of which one only need be mentioned here—the expenses under the Burial Acts are paid out of the poor rate, while the expenses under the act of 1879 are paid in an urban district out of the general district rate, the incidence of which differs materially from that of the poor rate, as will be seen hereafter.

Under the 1879 act, the district council has the authority to create and maintain a cemetery either within or outside their district, and they can buy or receive land as a donation for this purpose. The provisions of the Cemeteries Clauses Act 1847 apply to any cemetery established in this way. While not all details can be mentioned here, it’s important to note that no part of the cemetery needs to be consecrated. However, if any part is consecrated, it must be clearly marked, and a chapel connected to the Established Church has to be built there. A chaplain must also be appointed to conduct burials in the consecrated area. The authority to establish a cemetery under this act should not be confused with the authority to create a burial ground under the Burial Acts. These acts will be discussed later in relation to the powers of parish councils, as they are generally adopted by a parish, a part of a parish, or a combination of parishes, and are managed by a burial board unless that body has been replaced by a parish council or joint committee. It is worth noting that under the Local Government Act 1894, if a burial board district is entirely within an urban district, the urban council can decide to transfer the powers, duties, and responsibilities of the burial board to themselves, which can lead to the burial board being dissolved. Furthermore, the same act states that the Burial Acts cannot be adopted in any urban parish without the urban council’s approval. The distinction between a burial ground established under the Burial Acts and a cemetery created under the 1879 act is significant in many respects, one of which is worth mentioning here: costs incurred under the Burial Acts are covered by the poor rate, while costs under the 1879 act are covered in an urban district by the general district rate, which impacts financial responsibilities in a different way than the poor rate, as will be explained later.

In an urban district the urban council have always had all the powers and duties of a surveyor of highways under the Highway Acts. But before 1894 a rural district council had no power or duty in respect of highways except in a few Highways. cases where, by virtue of a provision in the Highway Act 1878, the rural sanitary authority of a district coincident in area with a highway district were empowered to exercise all the powers of a a highway board. Except in these cases the highway authority in a parish was the surveyor of highways, elected annually by the inhabitants in vestry, or in a highway district consisting of a number of parishes united by order of quarter sessions, the highway board composed of waywardens representing the several parishes. By the Local Government Act 1894, there were transferred to the district council of every rural district all the powers, duties and liabilities of every highway authority, surveyor or highway board within their district, and the former highway authorities ceased to exist. The highway authority in every district, rural as well as urban, is therefore the district council. Of the chief duties of a district council with regard to highways, the first and most obvious is the duty to repair. This duty was formerly enforceable by indictment of the inhabitants of the parish, but it is not quite clear whether this procedure is applicable, now that the liability to repair is transferred to a council representing a wider area. Under the Highway Acts it is enforceable by summary proceedings before justices and by orders of the county council, but in either case, if the liability to repair is disputed, that question has to be decided on indictment preferred against the highway authority alleged to be in default. In a rural district any parish council may complain to the county council that the district council have made default in keeping any highway in repair, and the county council may thereupon transfer to themselves and execute the powers of the district council at the cost of the latter body, or they may make an order requiring the district council to perform their duty, or they may appoint some person to do so at the cost of the district council. It is important to observe, however, that an action does not lie against a district council in respect of the failure to repair a highway even at the suit of a person who has thereby been injured. The reason assigned for this doctrine is that the council as highway surveyor stand in the same position as the inhabitants of the parish, against whom such an action would not lie. The district council are, however, liable for any injury caused through negligence on the part of their officers or servants in carrying out the work of repair.

In an urban area, the city council has always held all the powers and responsibilities of a highway surveyor as outlined in the Highway Acts. However, before 1894, a rural district council had no authority or responsibility regarding highways except in a few Highways. cases where, under a provision in the Highway Act 1878, the rural sanitary authority of a district that matched the area of a highway district was allowed to exercise all the powers of a highway board. In other instances, the highway authority for a parish was the highway surveyor, chosen annually by the local residents in vestry. In a highway district made up of multiple parishes combined by order of quarter sessions, the highway board was made up of waywardens representing the various parishes. The Local Government Act 1894 transferred all the powers, duties, and liabilities of every highway authority, surveyor, or highway board in their area to the district council of each rural district, causing the previous highway authorities to cease to exist. Therefore, the highway authority in every district, both rural and urban, is now the district council. Among the key responsibilities of a district council regarding highways, the most obvious is the duty to maintain them. This duty used to be enforceable through indictment against the residents of the parish, but it's unclear if this procedure still applies now that the responsibility to maintain highways is with a council representing a larger area. Under the Highway Acts, this duty can be enforced through summary proceedings before justices and by orders from the county council. However, if there’s a dispute about the obligation to repair, that issue must be resolved through indictment against the highway authority accused of failing in its duties. In a rural district, any parish council can report to the county council that the district council has failed to keep any highway in good repair, and the county council can then take over the responsibilities from the district council at the latter's expense, issue an order for the district council to fulfill their duties, or designate someone else to do so at the expense of the district council. It’s important to note, though, that a lawsuit cannot be filed against a district council for failing to maintain a highway, even by someone who was harmed as a result. The rationale for this rule is that the council, acting as the highway surveyor, is in the same position as the parish residents, against whom such a lawsuit could not be brought. However, the district council can be held liable for any injuries caused by negligence from their officers or workers while carrying out repair tasks.

But while rural as well as urban district councils have the powers and duties of surveyors of highways, the provisions of the Public Health Acts relating to streets apply only in urban districts, except in so far as the Local Government Streets. Board may by order have conferred urban powers upon a rural district council. These provisions have now to be referred to. It may be convenient to state that the expression “street” is here used in a sense much wider than its ordinary meaning. It is defined by the act to include any highway and any public bridge (not being a county bridge), and any road, lane, footway, square, court, alley or passage, whether a thoroughfare or not. For certain purposes streets as thus defined are divided into two classes, viz. those which are and those which are not highways repairable by the inhabitants at large. But it has to be borne in mind that it is not every highway that is repairable by the inhabitants at large. Before the year 1836 as soon as a way was dedicated to public use and the public had by user signified their acceptance of it, it became without more notice repairable by the parish. Therefore every highway—whether carriage-way, driftway, bridleway or footway—which can be shown to have been in use before 1836, is presumably repairable by the inhabitants at large, the only exceptions being such highways as are repairable by private persons or corporate bodies ratione clausurae, ratione tenurae, or by prescription. But in the year 1836, when the Highway Act 1835 came into operation, the law was altered. It was possible, just as formerly, to dedicate a way to the use of the public, and it thereupon became a highway to all intents and purposes. But mere dedication did not make the way repairable by the public. That result was not to follow unless certain stringent requirements were fulfilled. When it is shown, therefore, that a highway has been dedicated after 1836, it is not repairable by the inhabitants at large unless it can be shown that these provisions have been complied with, or that it has been declared to be repairable under provisions of the Public Health Acts presently to be mentioned. (There was also power given to justices, by the Highway Act 1862, to declare a private road or occupation road in a highway district to be a public highway repairable by the parish; but this power does not appear to have been acted upon to any extent.)

But while both rural and urban district councils have the authority and responsibilities of highway surveyors, the rules from the Public Health Acts regarding streets only apply in urban areas, except where the Local Government Streets. Board may order that urban powers be granted to a rural district council. These rules need to be discussed. It’s worth noting that the term “street” is used here in a much broader sense than its typical meaning. The act defines it to include any highway, public bridge (that isn’t a county bridge), and any road, lane, footpath, square, court, alley, or passage, whether it serves as a thoroughfare or not. For specific purposes, streets as defined are categorized into two groups: those that are and those that are not highways that residents are required to maintain. However, it’s important to remember that not every highway is maintained by the residents at large. Before 1836, once a path was dedicated for public use and the public indicated their acceptance by using it, it automatically became the parish's responsibility to maintain. Therefore, any highway—whether a road for vehicles, a path for cattle, a bridleway, or a footpath—which can be proven to have been in use before 1836 is generally considered to be maintained by the inhabitants at large, with the only exceptions being highways maintained by private individuals or corporate bodies based on specific legal principles or by long-standing usage. However, in 1836, with the implementation of the Highway Act 1835, the law changed. It was still allowed, as before, to dedicate a path for public use, which would then become a highway in every sense. But simple dedication didn’t mean the path was maintained by the public. That outcome would only happen if specific strict requirements were met. So, if it's proven that a highway was dedicated after 1836, it’s not maintained by the inhabitants at large unless it can be shown that the necessary regulations were followed, or that it has been officially declared to be maintained under the provisions of the Public Health Acts that will be mentioned soon. (There was also authority given to justices by the Highway Act 1862 to declare a private or occupation road in a highway district as a public highway maintained by the parish; but this power doesn’t seem to have been used extensively.)

All streets being highways repairable by the inhabitants at large within an urban district, are vested in and under the control of the urban council. After much litigation it has now been established that this provision does not give the council an absolute property in the soil of the street, but merely such a qualified property in the surfaces as enables them to exercise control. The urban council are required from time to time to cause all such streets to be made up and repaired as occasion may require, and they are empowered to raise, lower or alter the soil of the street, and to place and keep in repair fences and posts for the safety of foot-passengers. The other class of streets consists of those which are not highways repairable by the inhabitants at large. Under the Public Health Act 1875 such streets may be dealt with in manner following:—If any such street or part thereof is not sewered, levelled, paved, metalled, flagged, channelled, made good or lighted to the satisfaction of the council, the council may cause it to be made up at the expense of the owners of premises fronting the street in proportion to their several frontages. When all or any of the works aforesaid have been executed in the street, and the council are of opinion that the street ought to become a highway repairable by the inhabitants at large, they may by notice to be fixed up in the street declare it to be a highway repairable by the inhabitants at large, and the declaration will be effective unless, within one month after the notice has been put up, the majority of the owners in the street object thereto. An alternative procedure has been provided by the Private Street Works Act, which may be adopted by any urban council. One important point of difference is that under the latter act the council may resolve that the expenses shall be apportioned among the owners not merely according to frontage, 439 but according to the greater or less degree of benefit to be derived by any premises from the works.

All streets that are highways and can be repaired by the residents within a city are owned by and managed by the city council. After a lot of legal disputes, it's now clear that this rule doesn't give the council full ownership of the street's soil, but only a limited ownership of the surfaces so they can exercise control. The city council is required to maintain and repair these streets as needed, and they have the authority to raise, lower, or alter the street's soil, as well as to set up and maintain fences and posts for the safety of pedestrians. The other type of streets includes those that are not highways that residents maintain. According to the Public Health Act of 1875, these streets can be handled in the following way: if any part of such a street is not sewered, leveled, paved, shelled, flagged, channeled, restored, or lit to the council's satisfaction, the council can have it done at the expense of the property owners facing the street, proportionate to their frontages. When all or some of these works have been completed, and the council believes that the street should become a highway maintained by the residents, they can issue a notice to be posted on the street declaring it a highway maintained by the residents. This declaration will be effective unless the majority of the property owners in the street object within one month after the notice has been posted. There's also an alternative method outlined in the Private Street Works Act, which any city council can use. One key difference is that under this act, the council can decide that the costs will be divided among the owners not only based on frontage but also according to how much each property benefits from the works.

Where a house or building in a street is taken down to be rebuilt, the urban district council may prescribe the line to which it is to be rebuilt, paying compensation to the building owner for any damage which he may sustain consequent upon the requirement. Save to this extent, no power is given by the general law to a district council to prescribe a building line. But under an act of 1888 it is provided that it shall not be lawful in any urban district without the consent of the urban authority to erect or bring forward any house or building in any street or any part of such house or building beyond the front main wall of the house or building on either side thereof in the same street.

If a house or building on a street is torn down to be rebuilt, the urban district council can set the line where it should be rebuilt and must compensate the owner for any damage they might incur due to this requirement. Aside from this, the general law does not allow a district council to set a building line. However, an act from 1888 states that it is illegal in any urban district to construct or move forward with any house or building in any street or any part of that house or building beyond the front main wall of the house or building on either side in the same street without the urban authority's consent.

The control exercised by an urban district council over streets and buildings is to a very large extent exercised through by-laws which they are empowered to make for various purposes relating to the laying out and formation of new streets, the erection and construction of new buildings, the provision of sufficient air-space about buildings to secure a free circulation of air, and the provision of suitable and sufficient sanitary conveniences. The manner in which such by-laws are made and confirmed will be hereafter noticed. In general, the by-laws require plans of new streets to be submitted to the council, and they are required to approve or disapprove of these plans within a month. They cannot disapprove of a plan unless it contravenes the provisions of some statute or by-law; but if a person builds otherwise than according to an approved plan he does so at the risk of having his work pulled down or destroyed. Among the miscellaneous powers of an urban council with respect to streets may be mentioned the power to widen or improve, and certain powers incorporated from the Towns Improvement Clauses Act 1847, with respect to naming streets, numbering houses, improving the line of streets, removing obstructions, providing protection in respect of ruinous or dangerous buildings, and requiring precautions to be taken during the construction and repair of sewers, streets and houses. An urban council may also provide for the lighting of any street in their district, and may contract with any person or company for that purpose. If there is no company having statutory powers of supply within their district, they may themselves undertake the supply of gas, and they may purchase the undertaking of any gas company within their district.

The control that an urban district council has over streets and buildings largely comes from by-laws they are allowed to create for various purposes related to the design and development of new streets, the construction of new buildings, ensuring adequate air space around buildings for proper air circulation, and providing suitable and sufficient sanitary facilities. The process for making and confirming these by-laws will be discussed later. Generally, the by-laws require that plans for new streets be submitted to the council, which must approve or disapprove these plans within a month. They can only disapprove a plan if it violates some law or by-law; however, if someone builds in a way that doesn’t follow an approved plan, they risk having their work torn down or destroyed. Among the various powers of an urban council regarding streets are the powers to widen or improve them, as well as certain powers taken from the Towns Improvement Clauses Act 1847 regarding naming streets, numbering houses, improving street layouts, removing obstacles, ensuring safety concerning dilapidated or dangerous buildings, and requiring safety precautions during the construction and repair of sewers, streets, and homes. An urban council can also arrange for lighting any street in their district and can contract with individuals or companies for this purpose. If there is no company with legal supply powers in their area, they may take on the responsibility for supplying gas themselves and can buy the operations of any gas company in their district.

An urban council may acquire and maintain lands for the purpose of being used as public walks or pleasure-grounds, and may support or contribute to the support of such walks or grounds if provided by any other person. They may also contribute Public parks. to the cost of laying out, planting or improvement of lands provided for this purpose by any person, in their own district or outside that district, if it appears that the walks or grounds could eventually be used by the inhabitants of that district. An urban council may also provide public clocks or pay for the reasonable cost of repairing and maintaining any public clocks in the district, though not vested in them.

An urban council can acquire and maintain land to be used as public paths or parks, and they can support or help fund these paths or parks if someone else provides them. They can also contribute to the expenses of developing, planting, or improving land for this purpose, whether it's within their district or outside, as long as it seems the paths or parks could eventually be used by the people living in their district. Additionally, an urban council can provide public clocks or cover the reasonable costs of repairing and maintaining any public clocks in the district, even if they aren't owned by them.

Where an urban council are the council of a borough, and in other cases with the consent of the owners and ratepayers of the district, they may provide market accommodation for their district. They may not, however, establish any Markets and slaughter-houses. market so as to interfere with any market already established in the district under a franchise or charter. For purposes of markets certain provisions of the Markets and Fairs Clauses Act 1847 are incorporated with the Public Health Act. The only one of these that need be noticed is that which provides that after the market is opened for public use every person, other than a licensed hawker, who shall sell or expose for sale in any place within the district, except in his own dwelling-place or shop, any articles in respect of which tolls are authorized to be taken shall be liable to a penalty. The tolls which may be taken by an urban council must be approved by the Local Government Board; and any by-laws which they make for the regulation of the market must be confirmed by the same body. An urban council may also provide slaughter-houses and make by-laws with respect to the management and charges for the use of them. Where they do not provide slaughter-houses, all previously existing slaughter-houses have to be registered and new ones licensed; and no person may lawfully use a slaughter-house which is not either registered or licensed. Licences may be suspended by justices in the event of their being used contrary to the provisions of the act or of the by-laws, and on a second conviction the licence may be revoked. On a conviction of selling or exposing for sale, or having in his possession or on his premises unsound meat, the court may also revoke the licence.

Where an urban council is the council of a borough, and in other cases with the consent of the property owners and taxpayers of the area, they may provide market facilities for their district. However, they cannot set up any market that would interfere with an existing market already established in the district under a franchise or charter. For market purposes, certain provisions of the Markets and Fairs Clauses Act 1847 are included in the Public Health Act. The only one that needs to be mentioned is the provision that states that after the market opens for public use, anyone, other than a licensed hawker, who sells or shows items for sale in any place within the district, except in their own home or shop, regarding which tolls can be enforced, shall incur a penalty. The tolls that an urban council can charge must be approved by the Local Government Board; and any by-laws they create for regulating the market must also be confirmed by the same body. An urban council can also provide slaughterhouses and make by-laws concerning their management and charges for using them. If they do not provide slaughterhouses, all existing slaughterhouses must be registered, and new ones must be licensed; and no one can legally use a slaughterhouse that isn't registered or licensed. Licenses can be suspended by justices if they are used contrary to the act or by-laws, and upon a second conviction, the license may be revoked. Upon conviction for selling or showing for sale, or possessing or keeping unsound meat on his premises, the court may also revoke the license.

Certain police regulations contained in the Town Police Clauses Act 1847 are by virtue of the Public Health Act 1875 in force in all urban districts. These relate to obstructions and nuisances in streets, fires, places of public resort, Hackney carriages, &c. hackney carriages and public bathing. An urban council may also license proprietors, drivers and conductors of horses, ponies, mules or asses standing for hiring in the district in the same way as in the case of hackney carriages, and they may also license pleasure boats and vessels, and the boatmen or persons in charge thereof, and they may make by-laws for all these purposes.

Certain police regulations from the Town Police Clauses Act 1847 are enforced in all urban areas due to the Public Health Act 1875. These regulations cover issues like obstructions and nuisances in streets, fires, and places where the public gathers, including hackney carriages and public bathing. An urban council can also license owners, drivers, and conductors of horses, ponies, mules, or donkeys available for hire in the district just like they do with hackney carriages. Additionally, they can license pleasure boats and vessels, along with the boatmen or individuals in charge of them, and they can create by-laws for all these activities.

Every district council may enter into such contracts as are necessary for carrying into execution the various purposes of the Public Health Acts. A district council being a corporation, the general law applies in the case of a rural council Contracts, purchase of lands. that they must contract under their common seal, the exception to this rule including the doing of acts very frequently recurring or too insignificant to be worth the trouble of affixing the common seal. In the case of an urban council certain stringent regulations are laid down. A contract made by an urban council, whereof the value and amount exceed £50, must be under seal, and certain other formalities must be observed, some of which are imperative; for example, the taking of sureties from the contractor, and the making provision for penalties to be paid by him in case the terms of the contract are not observed. Every local authority may also, for purposes of the act, purchase or take on lease, sell or exchange, any lands. Such lands as are not required for the purpose for which they were purchased must, unless the Local Government Board otherwise direct, be sold. Powers of compulsory purchase of lands are also given under the Lands Clauses Acts, but before these can be put in operation certain conditions must be observed. The Local Government Board must make inquiry into the propriety of allowing the lands to be taken, and the power to acquire the lands compulsorily can only be conferred by means of a provisional order confirmed by parliament.

Every district council can enter into contracts necessary to implement the various purposes of the Public Health Acts. A district council, being a corporation, follows general law, which requires rural councils to contract under their common seal, except for frequent or minor actions that don’t warrant sealing. Urban councils have stricter regulations. A contract made by an urban council valued over £50 must be sealed, and certain formalities must be followed, including requiring sureties from the contractor and imposing penalties if the contract terms aren’t met. Every local authority can also, for the purposes of the act, purchase, lease, sell, or exchange any lands. Lands that aren't needed for their intended purpose must be sold unless directed otherwise by the Local Government Board. The Lands Clauses Acts also grant powers for compulsory land purchase, but specific conditions must be met before these can be enacted. The Local Government Board must investigate whether it's appropriate to take the lands, and the power to acquire lands compulsorily can only be granted through a provisional order confirmed by Parliament.

With regard to the by-laws which district councils may make for many purposes, the subjects of which have been already from time to time mentioned, it is only necessary to state that these require to be confirmed by the Local Government By-laws. Board. Such confirmation does not, however, give validity to a by-law which cannot be justified by the provisions of the act, and many by-laws which have been so confirmed have been held to be invalid under the general law as being uncertain, unreasonable or repugnant to the law of the realm. For the guidance of local authorities, the Local Government Board have from time to time issued model series of by-laws dealing with the various subjects for which by-laws may be made, and these are for the most part followed throughout England and Wales.

Regarding the by-laws that district councils can create for various purposes, as mentioned previously, it's important to note that these need to be approved by the Local Government Board. However, this approval doesn't make a by-law valid if it can't be supported by the act’s provisions. Many by-laws that have received this approval have been deemed invalid under general law for being unclear, unreasonable, or conflicting with the law. To assist local authorities, the Local Government Board has periodically provided model series of by-laws covering different topics for which by-laws may be established, and these are mostly followed across England and Wales.

As a general rule, all the expenses of carrying into execution the Public Health Acts in an urban district fall upon a fund which is called the general district fund, and that fund is provided by means of a rate called the general district rate. To Finance. this there are some exceptions. First, in the case of boroughs where from the time of the first adoption of the Sanitary Acts these expenses have been paid out of the borough rate, the expenses continue to be so paid; and in an urban district which was formerly subject to an Improvement Act, the expenses may be payable out of the improvement rate authorized by that act. The general rule, however, prevails over by far the greater part of England and Wales. The general district rate is made and levied on the occupiers of all kinds of property for the time being assessable to any rate for the relief of the poor, subject to a few exceptions and conditions. Of these the first is that the owner may be rated instead of the occupier, at the option of the urban authority, where the value of the premises is under £10, where the premises are let to weekly or monthly tenants, or where the premises are let in separate apartments, or the rents become payable or are collected at any shorter period than quarterly. When the owner is rated he must be assessed upon a certain proportion only of the net annual value of the premises. The owners or occupiers of certain specified properties are assessed in respect of the same in the proportion of one-fourth part only of the net annual value thereof. These properties include tithes, tithe commutation rent charge, land used as arable, meadow or pasture ground only, or as woodlands, market gardens or nursery grounds, orchards, allotments, any land covered with water such as the reservoir of a waterworks company, or used only as a canal or towing-path of the same, or as a railway constructed under the powers of any Act of Parliament for public conveyance. The reason for these partial exemptions apparently is that sanitary arrangements are made chiefly for the benefit of houses and buildings, while the properties just enumerated do not receive the same amount of benefit. The only other point to be noticed in this connexion is that an urban council may divide their district into parts for all or any of the purposes of the act, rating each part separately for those purposes. The expenses of highways in an urban district fall as a rule upon the general district rate, but under certain conditions, which need not be here set out, a separate highway rate may have to be levied. The urban council have extensive powers of amending the rate, and the rate is collected in such manner as the urban authority may appoint.

As a general rule, all the costs of implementing the Public Health Acts in a city area come from a fund known as the general district fund, which is supplied by a charge called the general district rate. To Finance. this, there are some exceptions. First, in boroughs where expenses have been covered by the borough rate since the initial adoption of the Sanitary Acts, those expenses will continue to be paid that way. In an urban district that was previously under an Improvement Act, expenses may be covered by the improvement rate allowed by that act. However, the general rule applies to most of England and Wales. The general district rate is imposed and collected from the occupants of all types of properties that are currently assessable for any rate meant for the relief of the poor, with a few exceptions and conditions. One of the first exceptions is that the owner may be rated instead of the occupier at the urban authority's discretion when the property's value is under £10, when the property is rented to weekly or monthly tenants, when it is rented in separate rooms, or when the rents are payable or collected at any interval shorter than quarterly. When the owner is rated, they must be assessed on only a certain proportion of the net annual value of the property. The owners or occupiers of specific properties are assessed based on just one-fourth of the

The expenses of a rural district council are of two kinds. Of these the first is called general expenses, and it includes the expense of the establishment and officers of the council, of disinfection, providing of conveyance for infected persons, and the expenses of highways. These expenses are payable out of a common fund which is raised out of the poor rate of the several parishes in the district, according to the rateable value of each. Special expenses include the expenses of the construction and maintenance and cleansing of sewers, providing water-supply, and all other expenses incurred or payable in respect of a parish or contributory place within the district determined by order of the Local Government 440 Board to be special expenses. The expression “contributory place” means a place other than a parish chargeable with special expenses. For the most part it has reference only to what is called a special drainage district, that is to say, a district formed out of one or more parishes or parts of parishes for the purpose of the provision of a common water-supply, or scheme of sewerage, or the like, and in the event of such a district including part only of a parish, the remaining portion would, so far as the special expenses for which the district was created are concerned, be a separate contributory place. These special expenses are chargeable to each parish or contributory place, and they are defrayed by means of special sanitary rates, such rates being raised on all property assessed to the relief of the poor, but with the same exemptions of certain properties as have been mentioned under the head of general district rate in urban districts.

The expenses of a rural district council fall into two categories. The first is called general expenses, which covers the costs of the council's staff and officers, disinfection, transportation for infected individuals, and highway maintenance. These expenses are funded from a common pool that comes from the poor rate collected from the various parishes in the district, based on their rateable value. Special expenses include the costs of building, maintaining, and cleaning sewers, providing water supply, and any other expenses incurred or payable for a parish or contributory place within the district as determined by the Local Government Board to be special expenses. The term “contributory place” refers to locations other than a parish that are liable for special expenses. It mainly concerns what is known as a special drainage district, which is formed from one or more parishes or parts of parishes to create a common water supply or sewage system. If such a district only includes part of a parish, the remainder will be considered a separate contributory place for the special expenses related to that district. These special expenses are charged to each parish or contributory place and are covered by special sanitary rates, which are levied on all properties assessed for poor relief, with the same exemptions for certain properties mentioned under general district rates in urban areas.

District councils are empowered to borrow with the sanction of the Local Government Board, subject to certain restrictions and regulations. The money must be borrowed for permanent works, the expenses of which ought in the opinion of the Borrowing powers. Local Government Board to be spread over a term of years which must not exceed sixty. The sums borrowed must not exceed, with the outstanding loans, the amount of the assessable value for two years of the district for which the money is borrowed; and if the sum borrowed would, with the outstanding loans, exceed the assessable value for one year, the sanction of the Local Government Board may not be given except after local inquiry. The money may be repaid by equal instalments of principal, or of principal and interest, or by means of a sinking fund.

District councils can borrow money with approval from the Local Government Board, but there are some restrictions and regulations. The funds must be for permanent projects, and in the opinion of the Local Government Board, the costs should be spread over a period that can't be more than sixty years. The total amount borrowed, along with any outstanding loans, can't exceed the assessable value of the district for two years; and if the borrowed amount, plus the outstanding loans, would go over the assessable value for one year, the Local Government Board may not grant approval without a local inquiry. The repayment can be done through equal payments of the principal, or of both principal and interest, or via a sinking fund.

Where the urban council are the council of a borough, their accounts as urban council are made up and audited in the same ineffective manner as has already been mentioned in the case of the accounts of the council under the Municipal Audit. Corporations Act, but each of the borough auditors receives remuneration for auditing the accounts of the council as urban district council. Where the urban council are not the council of a borough, the accounts are made up annually, and audited by the district auditor in the same effective manner as has already been mentioned in the case of the accounts of a county council. The accounts of a rural district council are made up half-yearly and are audited in the same way.

Where the urban council serves as the council of a borough, their accounts are prepared and audited in the same ineffective way as mentioned previously regarding the accounts of the council under the Municipal Review. Corporations Act. However, each borough auditor is paid for auditing the accounts of the council as an urban district council. If the urban council is not the council of a borough, the accounts are prepared annually and audited by the district auditor in the same effective manner as previously described for the accounts of a county council. The accounts of a rural district council are prepared every six months and are audited in the same way.

The Public Authorities Protection Act 1893 was passed to repeal the numerous provisions contained in many acts of parliament, whereby, before legal proceedings could be taken against a public body, notice of action had to be given and the Proceedings against district councils. proceedings commenced within a certain limited time. The act applies to all public authorities, including, of course, district councils, and it provides in effect that where any action or legal proceeding is taken against a council for any act done in pursuance or execution, or intended execution, of an act of parliament, or of any public duty or authority, the action must be commenced within six months next after the act, neglect or default complained of, or in the case of a continuance of injury or damage, within six months next after the ceasing thereof. And it provides further that, in the event of the judgment of the court being given in favour of the council, the council shall be entitled to recover their costs taxed as between solicitor and client. Notice of action is abolished in every case.

The Public Authorities Protection Act 1893 was enacted to repeal multiple provisions found in various acts of parliament that required notice of action to be given before legal proceedings could start against a public body, and that specified a limited timeframe for initiating those proceedings. The act applies to all public authorities, including district councils, and essentially states that if any action or legal proceeding is brought against a council for any act performed in the execution or intended execution of an act of parliament, or any public duty or authority, the action must be initiated within six months following the act, neglect, or default in question, or in cases of ongoing injury or damage, within six months after it stops. Furthermore, if the court rules in favor of the council, the council is entitled to recover their legal costs structured between solicitor and client. Notice of action is eliminated in all cases.

Among other acts which are either incorporated with the Public Health Acts or have been passed subsequently to them, one of the most important is the Housing of the Working Classes Act 1890. It contains three distinct parts. Under the first an Housing of the working classes. urban district council may, by means of a scheme, acquire, rearrange and reconstruct an area which has been proved to be insanitary. The scheme has to be confirmed by the Local Government Board, and carried out by means of a provisional order. The second part of the act deals with unhealthy dwelling-houses, and requires the urban district council to take steps for the closing of any dwelling-houses within their district which are unfit for human habitation. The third part of the act deals with what is called in the act working-class lodging-houses. But the expression is a little misleading, for it includes separate houses or cottages for the working classes, whether containing one or several tenements, and the expression “cottage” may include a garden of not more than half an acre, provided that the estimated annual value of such garden shall not exceed £3. This part of the act may be adopted by a rural district council, but an urban district council can carry it into execution without formal adoption. Land may be acquired for erecting lodging-houses as above defined, and these, when erected, may be managed and let by the council.

Among other laws included in the Public Health Acts or passed afterward, one of the most significant is the Housing of the Working Classes Act 1890. It consists of three distinct parts. In the first part, an urban district council can, through a plan, acquire, rearrange, and rebuild an area that has been deemed unsanitary. This plan must be approved by the Local Government Board and executed via a provisional order. The second part of the act addresses unhealthy living conditions, requiring the urban district council to close any homes within their area that are unfit for people to live in. The third part of the act refers to what are termed working-class lodging-houses. However, this term is a bit misleading, as it also includes separate houses or cottages for working-class individuals, whether they have one or multiple units. The term “cottage” can include a garden of no more than half an acre, as long as the estimated annual value of the garden does not exceed £3. This part of the act can be adopted by a rural district council, but an urban district council can implement it without formal adoption. Land can be acquired to build the lodging-houses as defined, and once built, the council may manage and rent these properties.

The urban district council may adopt the provisions of the Baths and Washhouses Acts, and thereunder provide public Baths and wash-houses. baths, wash-houses, open bathing-places, covered swimming baths, which they may close in the winter months and use as gymnasia.

The city council can adopt the rules from the Baths and Washhouses Acts and provide public Baths and laundries. baths, wash-houses, open swimming areas, and indoor swimming pools, which they can close during winter and use as gyms.

Under the Tramways Act 1870 the urban district council may obtain from the Board of Trade a provisional order authorizing the construction of tramways in their district by themselves. Any private persons, and any corporation or company Tramways. may, with the consent of the council, obtain the like authority, but the Board of Trade have power in certain cases to dispense with the consent of the local authority. Where the order is obtained by a person or body other than the district council, the council may purchase the undertaking at the end of twenty-one years after the tramways have been constructed or at the expiration of every subsequent period of seven years, and the terms of purchase are that the person or company must sell the undertaking upon payment of the then value, exclusive of any allowance for past or future profits of the undertaking, or any compensation for compulsory sale or other consideration whatsoever of the tramway, and all lands, buildings, works, materials and plant suitable to and used for the purposes of the undertaking. It should be observed, however, that although the local authority may themselves construct, and may acquire from the original promoters a system of tramways, they may not themselves work them without special authority of the legislature, and must in general let the working of the undertaking to some person or company.

Under the Tramways Act of 1870, the urban district council can get a provisional order from the Board of Trade that allows them to build tramways in their area. Any private individual or corporation can also obtain similar permission with the council's consent, but in certain cases, the Board of Trade can waive the need for local authority approval. If the order is secured by someone other than the district council, the council has the option to buy the operation after twenty-one years from when the tramways are built or at the end of every subsequent seven-year period. The purchase terms state that the person or company must sell the operation at its current value, excluding any compensation for past or future profits or any compensation related to compulsory sale or other considerations regarding the tramway, along with all lands, buildings, works, materials, and equipment used for the operation. However, it's important to note that even though the local authority can build and acquire a tramway system from the original promoters, they cannot operate it without specific legislative approval and generally must lease the operation to another person or company.

Under the Borough Funds Act 1872 the urban district council may, if in their judgment it is expedient, promote or oppose any local and personal bill or bills in parliament, or may prosecute or defend any legal proceedings necessary for Bills in Parliament and legal proceedings. the promotion or protection of the interests of the district, and may charge the costs incurred in so doing to the rates under their control. The power to incur parliamentary costs, however, is subject to several important restrictions. The resolution to promote or oppose the bill must in the first instance have been carried by an absolute majority of the whole number of the council at a meeting convened by special notice, and afterwards confirmed by the like majority. The resolution must have been published in newspapers circulated in the district, and must have received the consent of the Local Government Board or of a secretary of state, if the matter is one within his jurisdiction; and further, the expenses must not be incurred unless the promotion or opposition has been assented to by the owners and ratepayers of the district assembled at a meeting convened for the purpose of considering the matter, and if necessary, signified by a poll. Moreover, the expenses must, before they can be charged to the rates, be examined and allowed by some person authorized by a secretary of state or the Local Government Board, as the case may be.

Under the Borough Funds Act of 1872, the urban district council may, if they think it's necessary, support or oppose any local and personal bill or bills in Parliament, or may take legal action to promote or protect the district's interests. They can charge the costs incurred during this to the rates they manage. However, the power to incur parliamentary costs comes with several important restrictions. The decision to promote or oppose the bill must first be approved by an absolute majority of the entire council at a meeting called with special notice, and then confirmed by the same majority. The resolution needs to be published in newspapers that are distributed in the district and must have the consent of the Local Government Board or a secretary of state, if it's within their jurisdiction. Additionally, expenses can't be incurred unless the promotion or opposition has been agreed upon by the owners and ratepayers of the district at a meeting specifically called to discuss the matter, and if needed, confirmed by a poll. Furthermore, before these expenses can be charged to the rates, they must be reviewed and approved by someone authorized by a secretary of state or the Local Government Board, depending on the situation.

Under the Pawnbrokers Act 1872 the licences to pawnbrokers, which were formerly granted by justices, are now granted by district councils.

Under the Pawnbrokers Act 1872, licenses for pawnbrokers, which used to be issued by justices, are now issued by district councils.

Under the Sale of Food and Drugs Acts certain important duties devolve upon medical officers and inspectors of nuisances who are officers of district councils. But for the most part the acts do not impose upon district councils themselves Adulteration. any special powers or duties, although, as a matter of fact, prosecutions for offences are usually undertaken by the district councils, and the expenses of the execution of the acts are paid out of their funds. In quarter sessions boroughs, however, where the council have the duty of appointing a public analyst, they are under an obligation to put the acts in force from time to time, as occasion may arise. The acts themselves must be consulted for the procedure, beginning with the taking of samples and ending with the conviction of an offender.

Under the Sale of Food and Drugs Acts, certain important responsibilities fall on medical officers and inspectors of nuisances who work for district councils. However, for the most part, the acts don't assign any specific powers or duties to the district councils themselves, although, in practice, the councils typically handle prosecutions for violations, and the costs of enforcing the acts are covered by their funds. In quarter sessions boroughs, though, where the council is responsible for appointing a public analyst, they are required to enforce the acts as needed. The acts themselves should be referenced for the procedures, starting with sample collection and concluding with the conviction of an offender.

The powers and duties of a district council under the Rivers Rivers pollution. Pollution Prevention Act 1876 have been incidentally noticed when dealing with county councils, whose powers under the acts are precisely the same.

The responsibilities and functions of a district council under the Rivers River pollution. Pollution Prevention Act 1876 have been indirectly mentioned while discussing county councils, as their powers under the acts are exactly the same.

Under the Electric Lighting Acts the Board of Trade may license any district council to supply electricity, or may grant to them a provisional order for the same purpose. A similar licence or order may be granted to a private person or Electric lighting. company to supply electricity within the district of a district council, but in that case the consent of the district council must be given, unless the Board of Trade, for special reasons, dispense with such consent. These licences are now rarely applied for or granted, and the provisions which were formerly contained in the provisional orders have now been consolidated by the Electric Lighting Clauses Act 1899, the effect of which will be to make provisional orders uniform for the future. It is now almost the exception, at least in urban districts, to find a district council which has not obtained a provisional order under these acts, and for the most part the undertakings of local authorities in the way of supplying electricity have been very prosperous.

Under the Electric Lighting Acts, the Board of Trade can authorize any district council to provide electricity, or may issue a provisional order for the same purpose. A similar license or order can be granted to an individual or company to supply electricity within a district council's area, but in that case, the district council must give consent, unless the Board of Trade, for specific reasons, exempts this requirement. These licenses are now rarely requested or granted, and the provisions that used to be in provisional orders have now been streamlined by the Electric Lighting Clauses Act 1899, which will standardize provisional orders going forward. It's now almost uncommon, at least in urban areas, to find a district council that hasn't secured a provisional order under these acts, and generally, the efforts of local authorities to supply electricity have been quite successful.

Under the Allotment Acts district councils were empowered to provide allotments for the labouring population of their district, if they were satisfied that there was a demand for allotments, that these could not be obtained at a reasonable Allotments. rent by voluntary arrangement, and that the land could be let at such a price as would not involve a loss to the council. The district council might acquire land, let it and regulate it, and they might provide common pasture. These powers were, by an act of 1907, transferred to parish councils.

Under the Allotment Acts, district councils were given the authority to offer allotments for the working population in their area, as long as they believed there was a demand for allotments, that these couldn't be obtained at a fair price through voluntary means, and that the land could be rented out at a rate that wouldn’t cause a loss for the council. The district council could acquire land, lease it out, and manage it, as well as provide common grazing. These powers were transferred to parish councils by an act in 1907.

The urban district council execute the Public Libraries Acts for their district, and the rate for the expenses of the acts, which may not exceed 1d. in the £, is in a borough in the nature of a borough rate, and in any other urban district in Public libraries. the nature of a general district rate. Under the acts not only public libraries, but also public museums, schools for science, art galleries and schools for art, with the necessary buildings, 441 furniture, fittings and conveniences, may be provided for the inhabitants of the district. Land may be acquired, and money borrowed, for the purposes of the acts.

The urban district council implements the Public Libraries Acts for their area, and the expenses for these acts, which can’t exceed 1d. in the £, are considered a borough rate in boroughs and a general district rate in other urban districts. According to the acts, not just public libraries but also public museums, science education centers, art galleries, and art schools, along with the necessary buildings, furniture, fittings, and facilities, can be provided for the residents of the district. Land can be purchased, and money can be borrowed for the purposes of the acts.

A great number of other statutes confer powers or impose duties upon district councils, such as the acts relating to town gardens, agricultural gangs, fairs, petroleum, infant life protection, commons, open spaces, canal boats, factories and workshops, margarine, sale of horse-flesh and shop hours.

A large number of other laws give authority or place responsibilities on district councils, like the laws about public gardens, agricultural workers, fairs, oil, infant protection, common lands, public spaces, canal boats, factories and workshops, margarine, horse meat sales, and shop hours.

Before the passing of the Local Government Act 1894 there was really nothing in the form of local government for a parish. It is true that the inhabitants in vestry had certain powers. They could adopt various acts, which will be The parish and the parish council. more particularly referred to hereafter, and they could appoint the persons who were to carry these acts into execution. They elected the churchwardens and overseers, the highway surveyor, if the parish was a separate unit for highway purposes, and the waywardens if it was included in a highway district. But there was nothing in the nature of a representative body exercising any powers of government in the parish regarded as a separate area. Under the act of 1894 this was changed. In every rural parish, that is to say, in every parish which is not included within an urban district, there is a parish meeting, which consists of the parochial electors of the parish. As already stated, these are the persons whose names are on the parliamentary and local government registers. If the parish has a population exceeding 300, a parish council must be elected. If it has a population of 100 or upwards, the county council are bound to make an order for the election of a parish council if the parish meeting so resolves. Where there is no parish council, as will be seen hereafter, the various powers conferred upon a council are exercised by the parish meeting itself. Two or more parishes may be grouped together under a common parish council by order of the county council if the parish meetings of each parish consent. An annual parish meeting in every rural parish must be held on the 25th day of March or within seven days before or after that date; and if there is no parish council, there must be at least one other parish meeting in the year. At the annual parish meeting the parish council, if there is one, is elected, and the members of the council, who originally held office for one year only, now, under a subsequent act, hold office for three years. Any person who is a parochial elector, or who has for twelve months preceding the election resided in the parish, or within 3 m. thereof, may be elected parish councillor, and the number of councillors is to be fixed from time to time by the county council, not being less than five nor more than fifteen. Women, whether married or single, are eligible.

Before the Local Government Act of 1894 was passed, there was basically no local government for a parish. It's true that the residents in the vestry had some powers. They could adopt various acts, which will be The parish and the parish council. explained in more detail later, and they could appoint people to carry out these acts. They elected churchwardens and overseers, the highway surveyor if the parish was a separate unit for highway purposes, and waywardens if it was part of a highway district. But there was no representative body with governance powers in the parish considered as a separate area. The 1894 act changed that. In every rural parish, which means any parish not included in an urban district, there is a parish meeting made up of the local electors. As mentioned before, these are the people whose names are on the parliamentary and local government registers. If the parish has a population over 300, a parish council must be elected. If it has a population of 100 or more, the county council has to order the election of a parish council if the parish meeting decides to do so. When there’s no parish council, as will be explained later, the powers given to a council are exercised by the parish meeting itself. Two or more parishes can be grouped together under a common parish council if the county council orders it and the parish meetings agree. An annual parish meeting must occur in every rural parish on March 25th or within seven days before or after that date; and if there’s no parish council, there must be at least one other parish meeting during the year. At the annual parish meeting, the parish council, if one exists, is elected, and the council members, who initially held office for only one year, now serve for three years under a later act. Any person who is a local elector, or who has lived in the parish or within 3 miles of it for the past twelve months, can be elected as a parish councillor, and the number of councillors is set by the county council, ranging from no less than five to no more than fifteen. Women, whether married or single, can also be elected.

The council are elected in manner provided by the rules of the Local Government Board. The rules now in force will be found in the Statutory Rules and Orders. They are very similar to those which are in force with reference to the elections of district councils, which have already been noticed. If a poll is demanded, it must be taken under the Ballot Act, as applied by the rules, and for all practical purposes it may be taken that the election proceeds in the same manner as that of a district council. The parish council elects a chairman annually. He may be one of their own number, or some other person qualified to be a parish councillor. The council is a body corporate, may hold land in mortmain, and can appoint committees for its own parish or jointly with any other parish council. Powers to appoint overseers. Among the powers conferred upon a parish council are those of appointing overseers and of appointing and revoking the appointment of assistant overseers. Churchwardens are no longer overseers, and the parish council may appoint as overseers a number of persons equal to the number formerly appointed as overseers and churchwardens. It may be useful to mention here that for purposes of the administration of the poor law, overseers no longer act, their duties in that respect having been superseded by the guardians. They remain, however, the rating authority so far as regards the poor rate and nearly all other rates, the exceptions being the general district rate in an urban district and the borough rate in a borough, made by the town council. They still have power to give relief to poor persons in case of sudden and urgent necessity, but their principal duty is that of rating authority, and they are bound to make out the lists for their parishes of jurors and electors. No payment is made to them. The office is compulsory, but certain persons are privileged from being elected to it. The assistant overseer, who was formerly nominated by the inhabitants and vestry and then formally appointed by justices, is now, as has been stated, appointed by the parish council. He holds office at pleasure, and receives such remuneration as the council fix, and he performs all the duties of an overseer, or such of them as may be prescribed by the terms of his appointment. There may be in a parish a collector of rates appointed by the guardians. In that event, an assistant overseer cannot be appointed to perform the duties of collector of rates, but, on the other hand, the parish council may invest the collector with any of the powers of an overseer. The parish council may appoint a clerk, who may be either one of their own number without payment, or the assistant overseer, rate collector or some other fit person, with remuneration.

The council is elected in a way specified by the rules of the Local Government Board. The current rules can be found in the Statutory Rules and Orders. They closely resemble those related to the elections of district councils, which have already been mentioned. If a vote is requested, it must be conducted under the Ballot Act, as applied by the rules, and for all practical purposes, the election is carried out in the same manner as that of a district council. The parish council elects a chairperson each year. This person can be one of their own members or someone else qualified to be a parish councillor. The council is a corporate body, can hold land in mortmain, and can create committees for its own parish or jointly with any other parish council. Authority to appoint overseers. Among the powers granted to a parish council are the abilities to appoint overseers and to appoint and revoke assistant overseers. Churchwardens no longer serve as overseers, and the parish council can appoint overseers equal in number to those who were previously appointed as overseers and churchwardens. It's worth noting that for the purposes of administering the poor law, overseers no longer have that role, as their duties have been taken over by the guardians. However, they remain the rating authority for the poor rate and most other rates, with the exceptions being the general district rate in an urban district and the borough rate in a borough, set by the town council. They still have the authority to provide assistance to those in immediate need, but their main responsibility is as a rating authority, and they must compile lists for their parishes of jurors and voters. They do not receive any payment for this role. The position is mandatory, although some individuals are exempt from being elected to it. The assistant overseer, who was once nominated by the residents and vestry and then formally appointed by justices, is now appointed by the parish council, as mentioned earlier. They serve at the council's discretion, receive the pay determined by the council, and carry out all overseer duties or any specified by the terms of their appointment. A parish might have a rate collector appointed by the guardians. In that case, an assistant overseer cannot be designated to fulfill the rate collector's duties. However, the parish council can grant the collector any powers of an overseer. The parish council may appoint a clerk, who can be one of their members without a salary or another suitable person, including the assistant overseer or rate collector, with compensation.

Among the duties transferred to parish councils may be mentioned the provision of parish books and of a vestry room or parochial office, parish chest, fire engine or fire escape, the holding or management of parish property, other than property Powers and duties of parish councils. relating to affairs of the church or held for an ecclesiastical charity, the holding or management of village greens or of allotments, the appointment of trustees of parochial charities other than ecclesiastical charities in certain cases, and certain limited powers with reference to the supply of water to the parish, the removal of nuisances, and the acquisition of rights of way which are beneficial to the inhabitants.

Among the responsibilities assigned to parish councils are providing parish books and a vestry room or parochial office, maintaining a parish chest, fire engine, or fire escape, managing parish property that isn’t related to church affairs or held for ecclesiastical charity, overseeing village greens or allotments, appointing trustees for parochial charities that aren't ecclesiastical charities in specific situations, and having certain limited powers regarding water supply to the parish, dealing with nuisances, and acquiring rights of way that benefit the residents.

Among the most important of the matters which concern a rural parish is the administration of what are commonly called the adoptive acts. These include the Lighting and Watching Act, the Baths and Washhouses Acts, the Burial Acts, the Public Lighting and Watching Act. Improvement Act and the Public Libraries Acts. The Lighting and Watching Act was formerly adopted for a parish, or part of a parish, by the inhabitants in vestry, who elected lighting inspectors, of whom one-third went out of office in every year. The inspectors took the necessary steps for having the parish lighted (the provisions as to watching having been obsolete for many years), and the expenses of lighting were raised by the overseers upon an order issued to them by the inspectors. The owners and occupiers of houses, buildings and property, other than land, pay a rate in the £ three times greater than that at which the owners and occupiers of land are rated and pay for the purposes of the act. Now this act, like the other adoptive acts, can only be adopted by the parish meeting, and where adopted for part only of a parish, must be adopted by a parish meeting held for that part. After the adoption of the act it is carried into execution by the parish council, if there is one, and if not, by the parish meeting, and the expenses are raised in the same manner as heretofore. Baths and Washhouses Acts. The Baths and Washhouses Acts have already been referred to in dealing with district councils, and it is sufficient to say that they are now adopted and administered in a rural parish in the manner pointed out with reference to the Lighting and Watching Act. The same may be said of the Burial Acts, but these are sufficiently important Burial Acts. to require special notice. These acts contain provisions whereby burials may be prohibited in urban districts, and churchyards or burial grounds already existing may be closed when full. Formerly, when the acts had been adopted by the vestry, it was necessary to appoint a burial board to carry the acts into execution and provide and manage burial grounds. Now, in a rural parish which is coextensive with an area for which the acts have been adopted, the burial board is abolished and the acts are administered by the parish council; and the acts cannot be adopted in a rural parish save by the parish meeting. If the area under a burial board in 1894 was partly in a rural parish and partly in an urban district, the burial board was superseded, and the powers of the board are exercised by a joint committee appointed partly by the urban district council and partly by the parish council, or parish meeting, as the case may be. In a rural parish where there is no parish council, though the acts are adopted by the parish meeting, it is still necessary to elect the burial board, and that board will be elected by the parish meeting. The distinction between a burial ground under the Burial Acts and a cemetery provided under the Public Health Acts has already been noticed. A burial ground, properly so called, has to be divided into consecrated and unconsecrated portions, and the former really takes the place of the parish churchyard; and the incumbent of the parish church, the clerk, and the sexton continue to receive the same fees upon burials in the consecrated portion as they would have done in the parish churchyard. It has been mentioned that a portion of the burial ground must be left unconsecrated. But this is subject to one important exception, that the parish meeting may unanimously resolve that the whole of the burial ground shall be consecrated. In that case, however, the parish council may, within ten years thereafter, determine that a separate unconsecrated burial ground shall also be provided for the parish. The expenses of the execution of the Burial Acts are provided by the overseers out of the poor rate upon the certificate of the body entrusted with the execution of them. In the event of the acts being adopted for a portion only of a rural parish, the burial board, or the parish meeting, may by resolution transfer all the powers of the board to the parish council.

Among the key issues for a rural parish is the management of what are commonly referred to as the adoptive acts. These include the Lighting and Watching Act, the Baths and Washhouses Acts, the Burial Acts, the Public Improvement Act, and the Public Libraries Acts. The Lighting and Watching Act was previously adopted for a parish, or parts of a parish, by the residents in a vestry meeting, who elected lighting inspectors, one-third of whom would leave office each year. The inspectors took the necessary steps to ensure the parish was lit (since the provisions for watching have been outdated for many years), and the costs of lighting were collected by the overseers based on an order issued by the inspectors. Property owners and occupiers, except for land, pay a rate three times higher than that of landowners for the purposes of the act. Nowadays, like the other adoptive acts, it can only be adopted by the parish meeting, and if it is adopted for just part of a parish, it must be adopted by a parish meeting specifically for that area. After the act is adopted, it is carried out by the parish council, if one exists, or if not, by the parish meeting, and the expenses are raised in the same way as before. The Baths and Washhouses Acts have been mentioned regarding district councils, and it’s enough to say that they are now adopted and managed in a rural parish in the same way as the Lighting and Watching Act. The same is true for the Burial Acts, although these are significant enough to require special attention. These acts provide for the prohibition of burials in urban areas, and existing churchyards or burial grounds may be closed once they are full. Previously, when the acts were adopted by the vestry, it was required to establish a burial board to implement the acts and manage burial grounds. Now, in a rural parish that fully covers the area where the acts have been adopted, the burial board is no longer necessary, and the acts are managed by the parish council; they cannot be adopted in a rural parish unless by the parish meeting. If the area governed by a burial board in 1894 was partly in a rural parish and partly in an urban area, the burial board was dissolved, and its powers are now exercised by a joint committee made up of members from both the urban district council and the parish council or meeting, as applicable. In a rural parish without a parish council, even when the acts are adopted by the parish meeting, it’s still necessary to elect a burial board, which will be elected by the parish meeting. The difference between a burial ground under the Burial Acts and a cemetery established under the Public Health Acts has been noted. A proper burial ground must be divided into consecrated and unconsecrated areas, with the former replacing the parish churchyard; the incumbent of the parish church, the clerk, and the sexton continue to receive the same fees for burials in the consecrated area as they would in the parish churchyard. It has been mentioned that a part of the burial ground must remain unconsecrated. However, there is one important exception: the parish meeting can unanimously decide that the entire burial ground shall be consecrated. If that happens, the parish council can, within ten years, choose to designate a separate unconsecrated burial ground for the parish. The costs for implementing the Burial Acts are covered by the overseers from the poor rate upon certification from the body responsible for executing them. If the acts are adopted for only a part of a rural parish, the burial board or the parish meeting can pass a resolution to transfer all its powers to the parish council.

The Public Improvement Act, when adopted, enables a parish council to purchase or lease, or accept gifts of land for the purpose of forming public walks, exercise or play grounds, and to provide for the expense by means of a parish improvement Public Improvement Act. rate. Before any such rate is imposed, however, a sum in amount not less than at least half of the estimated cost of the proposed improvement must have been raised by private 442 subscription or donation, and the rate must not exceed sixpence in the £.

The Public Improvement Act, when passed, allows a parish council to buy or lease land or accept land donations to create public walking paths, exercise areas, or playgrounds, and to cover the costs through a parish improvement rate. However, before this rate can be set, at least half of the estimated cost for the proposed improvement must be raised through private donations or subscriptions, and the rate cannot exceed sixpence in the pound. Public Improvement Act. 442

The Public Libraries Acts enable the authority adopting them to provide public libraries, museums, schools for science, art galleries and schools for art. The expenses in a rural parish are defrayed by means of a rate raised with, and as part of, Public Libraries Acts. the poor rate, with a qualification to the effect that agricultural land, market gardens and nursery grounds are to be assessed to the rate at one-third only of their rateable value.

The Public Libraries Acts allow the authority that adopts them to offer public libraries, museums, science schools, art galleries, and art schools. In rural areas, the costs are covered by a rate collected together with the poor rate, with a stipulation that agricultural land, market gardens, and nursery grounds are assessed at only one-third of their rateable value.

The expenses of a parish council may not, without the consent of a parish meeting, exceed the amount of a rate of threepence in the £ for the financial year; but with the consent of the parish meeting the limit may be increased to sixpence, Finance: expenses of parish council. exclusive of expenses under the adoptive acts. If it is necessary to borrow, the consent of the parish meeting and of the county council must be obtained. The expenses are payable out of the poor rate by the overseers on the precept of the parish council.

The expenses of a parish council cannot exceed three pence in the pound for the financial year without the approval of a parish meeting. However, with the parish meeting's approval, this limit can be raised to six pence, Finance: parish council expenses. excluding expenses covered by adoptive acts. If borrowing is necessary, consent must be obtained from both the parish meeting and the county council. The expenses are paid out of the poor rate by the overseers on the instruction of the parish council.

One of the most important powers conferred upon a parish council is that which enables them to prevent stoppage or diversion of any public right of way without their consent and without the approval of the parish meeting. The council may also complain to the county council that the district council have failed to sewer their parish or provide a proper water-supply, or generally to enforce the provisions of the Burial Acts; and upon such complaint, if ascertained to be well founded, the county council may transfer to themselves the powers and duties of the district council, or may appoint a competent person to perform such powers and duties. In a parish which is not sufficiently large to have a parish council, most of the powers and duties conferred or imposed on the parish council are exercised by the parish meeting. It may be convenient here to add that where, under the Local Government Act 1894, the powers of a parish council are not already possessed by an urban district council, the Local Government Board may by order confer such powers on the urban council. This has been done almost universally, as far as regards the power to appoint overseers and assistant overseers, and in many cases urban councils have also obtained powers to appoint trustees of parochial charities.

One of the key powers granted to a parish council is the ability to stop the blockage or rerouting of any public right of way without their approval and without the consent of the parish meeting. The council can also notify the county council if the district council has failed to sewer their parish, provide a proper water supply, or generally enforce the Burial Acts; upon receiving such a complaint, if it’s determined to be valid, the county council may take over the powers and duties of the district council or appoint a qualified person to carry out those powers and duties. In parishes that are too small to have a parish council, most of the powers and responsibilities given to the parish council are managed by the parish meeting. It may be useful to note that when, under the Local Government Act 1894, the powers of a parish council are not already held by an urban district council, the Local Government Board can issue an order to grant those powers to the urban council. This has been implemented almost universally, particularly regarding the power to appoint overseers and assistant overseers, and in many instances, urban councils have also been granted the authority to appoint trustees of parochial charities.

The foregoing is a sketch of the scheme of local government carried out in England and Wales. No attempt has been made to deal with poor law (q.v.) or education (q.v.). The local administration of justice devolving upon the General observations. justices in quarter or petty sessions is hardly a matter of local government, although in one important respect, that, namely, of the licensing of premises for the sale of intoxicating liquors, it may be thought that the duties of justices fall within the scope of local government. It will be seen that the scheme, as at present existing, has for its object the simplification of local government by the abolition of unnecessary independent authorities, and that this has been carried out almost completely, the principal exception being that in some cases burial boards still exist which have not been superseded either by urban district councils or by parish councils or parish meetings. There are also some matters of local administration arising under what are called commissions of sewers. These exist for the purpose of regulating drainage, and providing defence against water in fen lands or lands subject to floods from rivers or tidal waters. The commissioners derive their authority from the Sewers Commission Acts, which date from the time of Henry VIII., from the Land Drainage Act 1861, and from various local acts. It is unnecessary, however, to consider in any detail the powers exercised by commissioners of sewers in the few areas under their control.

The above is an overview of the local government structure in England and Wales. It doesn’t address poor law (q.v.) or education (q.v.). The local justice system managed by justices in quarter or petty sessions isn’t strictly local government, although it can be argued that their role in licensing places that sell alcohol fits within local government responsibilities. The current scheme aims to simplify local government by eliminating unnecessary independent authorities, and this has been largely achieved, with the main exception being that some burial boards still exist that haven’t been replaced by urban district councils or parish councils or meetings. There are also local administration issues related to what are known as commissions of sewers. These are responsible for managing drainage and protecting against flooding in low-lying areas or lands at risk from rivers or tidal waters. The commissioners get their power from the Sewers Commission Acts, which go back to the time of Henry VIII, the Land Drainage Act 1861, and various local acts. However, it’s not necessary to go into detail about the powers held by commissioners of sewers in the few areas they oversee.

Authorities.—G. L. Gomme, Lectures on the Principles of Local Government; S. and B. Webb, English Local Government; Redlich and Hirst, Local Government in England; Wright and Hobhouse, Local Government and Local Taxation; W. Blake Odgers, Local Government; Alex. Glen and W. E. Gordon, The Law of County Government; Alex. Glen, The Law relating to Public Health; The Law relating to Highways; W. J. Lumley, The Public Health Acts (6th ed., by Macmorran and Dill); Macmorran and Dill, The Local Government Act 1888, &c.; The Local Government Act 1894, &c.; Hobhouse and Fairbairn, The County Councillors’ Guide; Pratt, The Law of Highways (15th ed., by W. Mackenzie); Archbold, Law of Quarter Sessions (4th ed., by Mead and Croft); J. Brooke Little, The Law of Burials; Archbold, On Lunacy (4th ed., by S. G. Lushington).

Authorities.—G. L. Gomme, Lectures on the Principles of Local Government; S. and B. Webb, English Local Government; Redlich and Hirst, Local Government in England; Wright and Hobhouse, Local Government and Local Taxation; W. Blake Odgers, Local Government; Alex. Glen and W. E. Gordon, The Law of County Government; Alex. Glen, The Law relating to Public Health; The Law relating to Highways; W. J. Lumley, The Public Health Acts (6th ed., by Macmorran and Dill); Macmorran and Dill, The Local Government Act 1888, &c.; The Local Government Act 1894, &c.; Hobhouse and Fairbairn, The County Councillors’ Guide; Pratt, The Law of Highways (15th ed., by W. Mackenzie); Archbold, Law of Quarter Sessions (4th ed., by Mead and Croft); J. Brooke Little, The Law of Burials; Archbold, On Lunacy (4th ed., by S. G. Lushington).

(A. McM.; T. A. I.)

General Bibliography

Reference List

Among earlier works devoted to, or dealing largely with topography, a few may be mentioned out of a considerable mass. W. Camden, Britannia; sive florentissimorum regnorum Angliae, Scotiae, Hiberniae ... chorographica descriptio (1586 and subsequent editions; in Latin, but translated by several successive writers both in Camden’s time and later); M. Drayton, Poly-Olbion (a descriptive poem, first issued in a complete form in 1622); T. Fuller, History of the Worthies of England (1662); J. Leland, Itinerary, and Collectanea, edited by T. Hearne respectively in 1710 and 1715; T. Cox and A. Hall, Magna Britannia (1720, based on Camden’s Britannia, in English); D. Defoe, Tour through the whole Island of Great Britain ... divided into Circuits or Journeys (1724-1727); various works of Thomas Pennant, published between 1741 and 1820, and, at the same period, of Arthur Young (topographical treatises on agriculture, &c.); W. Gilpin, Observations on Picturesque Beauty made in the Year 1776 in several Parts of Great Britain (1778); Essays on Prints and Early Engravings; Western Parts of England (1798), and other works on various districts; Gentleman’s Magazine (1731-1868); E. W. Brayley, J. Britton and others, Beauties of England and Wales, or, Original Delineation, Topographical, Historical and Descriptive, of each County (1801-1818; both the authors named wrote other descriptive works on special localities; Britton wrote Architectural Antiquities of Great Britain, 1835); Daniel Lysons (with the collaboration of his brother Samuel), Magna Britannia, Topographical Account of the several Counties of Great Britain (1806-1822; the counties were taken alphabetically but on the death of Samuel Lysons in 1819 the work was stopped at Devonshire); Sir G. Head, Home Tour in the Manufacturing Districts of England (1835); Nathaniel Hawthorne, English Notebooks (1870). Among modern publications, out of a great mass of works of more or less popular character, there may be mentioned the well-known series of Murray’s Guides, in which each volume treats of a county or group of counties.

Among earlier works focused on or largely covering topography, a few stand out from a significant body of literature. W. Camden, Britannia; sive florentissimorum regnorum Angliae, Scotiae, Hiberniae ... chorographica descriptio (1586 and later editions; in Latin, but translated by several authors both in Camden’s time and later); M. Drayton, Poly-Olbion (a descriptive poem, first published in full in 1622); T. Fuller, History of the Worthies of England (1662); J. Leland, Itinerary, and Collectanea, edited by T. Hearne in 1710 and 1715; T. Cox and A. Hall, Magna Britannia (1720, based on Camden’s Britannia, in English); D. Defoe, Tour through the whole Island of Great Britain ... divided into Circuits or Journeys (1724-1727); various works by Thomas Pennant, published between 1741 and 1820, and around the same time, Arthur Young (topographical writings on agriculture, etc.); W. Gilpin, Observations on Picturesque Beauty made in the Year 1776 in several Parts of Great Britain (1778); Essays on Prints and Early Engravings; Western Parts of England (1798), and other texts covering different regions; Gentleman’s Magazine (1731-1868); E. W. Brayley, J. Britton and others, Beauties of England and Wales, or, Original Delineation, Topographical, Historical and Descriptive, of each County (1801-1818; both authors produced other descriptive works on specific localities; Britton also wrote Architectural Antiquities of Great Britain, 1835); Daniel Lysons (with his brother Samuel), Magna Britannia, Topographical Account of the several Counties of Great Britain (1806-1822; the counties were arranged alphabetically but the work stopped at Devonshire after Samuel Lysons died in 1819); Sir G. Head, Home Tour in the Manufacturing Districts of England (1835); Nathaniel Hawthorne, (1870). Among modern publications, from a large collection of more or less popular works, the well-known series of Murray’s Guides can be highlighted, where each volume focuses on a county or group of counties.

Early in the 20th century the Victoria History of the Counties of England (dedicated to Queen Victoria) began to appear; its volumes deal with each county from every aspect—natural history, prehistoric and historic antiquities, ethnography, history, economic conditions, topography and sport being dealt with by authorities in all branches.

Early in the 20th century, the Victoria History of the Counties of England (dedicated to Queen Victoria) started to be published. Its volumes cover each county from every angle—natural history, prehistoric and historic artifacts, culture, history, economic conditions, geography, and sports, all addressed by experts in their fields.

The maps of the Ordnance, Geological and Hydrographic Surveys delineate the configuration and geology of England and the adjacent seas with a completeness unsurpassed in any other country. For ordinary detailed work the best series of maps is found in Bartholomew’s Survey Atlas of England and Wales (Edinburgh Geographical Institute, 1903), which, besides small distributional, physical and other maps and letterpress, contains a magnificent series of coloured-contour maps on the scale of ½ in. to 1 m. (also issued in larger separate sheets).

The maps from the Ordnance, Geological, and Hydrographic Surveys show the shape and geology of England and the surrounding seas with an unmatched level of detail compared to any other country. For regular detailed work, the best collection of maps is in Bartholomew’s Survey Atlas of England and Wales (Edinburgh Geographical Institute, 1903), which, in addition to smaller distribution, physical, and other maps and text, features an impressive series of colored contour maps at a scale of ½ inch to 1 mile (also available in larger separate sheets).

Statistics of every kind—of climate, agriculture, mining, manufactures, trade, population, births, marriages, deaths, disease, migration, education—are liberally furnished by government agencies.

Statistics of all kinds—climate, agriculture, mining, manufacturing, trade, population, births, marriages, deaths, diseases, migration, education—are readily provided by government agencies.

See also A. J. Jukes-Brown, The Building of the British Islands (London, 1888); Sir A. C. Ramsay, Physical Geography and Geology of Great Britain, edited by H. B. Woodward (London, 1894); Lord Avebury, The Scenery of England and the Causes to which it is due (London, 1902); Sir A. Geikie, Geological Map of England and Wales (scale, 10 m. to 1 in.; Edinburgh, 1897); E. Reclus, Universal Geography, vol. iv., The British Isles, edited by E. G. Ravenstein (London, 1880); H. J. Mackinder, Britain and the British Seas (2nd ed., Oxford, 1907); G. G. Chisholm, “On the Distribution of Towns and Villages in England,” in Geographical Journal, vol. ix. (1897), pp. 76-87; vol. x. (1897), pp. 511-530; A. Haviland, The Geographical Distribution of Disease in Great Britain (London, 1892); A. Buchan, “The Mean Atmospheric Temperature and Pressure of the British Islands” (with maps), Journal of the Scottish Meteorological Society, vol. xi. (1898), pp. 3-41; W. M. Davis, “The Development of Certain English Rivers,” Geographical Journal, vol. v. (1895), pp. 127-148; H. R. Mill, “The Mean and Extreme Rainfall of the British Isles,” Min. Proc. Inst. C.E. (1904), vol. clv. part i.; “A Fragment of the Geography of England—South-west Sussex,” Geographical Journal, vol. xv. (1900), p. 205; “England and Wales viewed Geographically,” Geographical Journal, vol. xxiv. (1904), pp. 621-636.

See also A. J. Jukes-Brown, The Building of the British Islands (London, 1888); Sir A. C. Ramsay, Physical Geography and Geology of Great Britain, edited by H. B. Woodward (London, 1894); Lord Avebury, The Scenery of England and the Causes to which it is due (London, 1902); Sir A. Geikie, Geological Map of England and Wales (scale, 10 m. to 1 in.; Edinburgh, 1897); E. Reclus, Universal Geography, vol. iv., The British Isles, edited by E. G. Ravenstein (London, 1880); H. J. Mackinder, Britain and the British Seas (2nd ed., Oxford, 1907); G. G. Chisholm, “On the Distribution of Towns and Villages in England,” in Geographical Journal, vol. ix. (1897), pp. 76-87; vol. x. (1897), pp. 511-530; A. Haviland, The Geographical Distribution of Disease in Great Britain (London, 1892); A. Buchan, “The Mean Atmospheric Temperature and Pressure of the British Islands” (with maps), Journal of the Scottish Meteorological Society, vol. xi. (1898), pp. 3-41; W. M. Davis, “The Development of Certain English Rivers,” Geographical Journal, vol. v. (1895), pp. 127-148; H. R. Mill, “The Mean and Extreme Rainfall of the British Isles,” Min. Proc. Inst. C.E. (1904), vol. clv. part i.; “A Fragment of the Geography of England—South-west Sussex,” Geographical Journal, vol. xv. (1900), p. 205; “England and Wales viewed Geographically,” Geographical Journal, vol. xxiv. (1904), pp. 621-636.


1 The general questions capable of a single treatment for England, Scotland and Ireland are considered under United Kingdom.

1 The general questions that can be addressed in the same way for England, Scotland, and Ireland are discussed under United Kingdom.

2 Measurements made on a map on the scale of 12½ m. to 1 in., the coast being assumed to run up estuaries until the breadth became 1 m., and no bays or headlands of less than 1 m. across being reckoned. The coast-line of Anglesea and the Isle of Wight, but of no other islands, is included.

2 Measurements taken from a map with a scale of 12½ m. to 1 in., assuming the coastline extends up estuaries until the width reaches 1 m., and not counting any bays or headlands narrower than 1 m. Only the coastlines of Anglesea and the Isle of Wight are included, without any other islands being counted.

3 A separate topographical notice is given under the heading Wales, but the consideration of certain points affecting Wales as linked with England is essential in this article.

3 There's a separate topographical notice provided under the heading Wales, but discussing certain aspects that connect Wales to England is important in this article.

4 The figures given here are for the ancient or geographical counties. Section IX., on Territorial Divisions, indicates the departures from the ancient county boundaries made for certain purposes of administration. Each county is treated in a separate article in the topographical, geological, economical and historical aspects. Further topographical details are given in separate articles on the more important hill-systems, rivers, &c.

4 The numbers provided here refer to the historical or geographical counties. Section IX., on Territorial Divisions, shows the changes made to the ancient county borders for specific administrative reasons. Each county is discussed in its own article, focusing on its topography, geology, economy, and history. Additional topographical information can be found in separate articles on significant hill systems, rivers, etc.

5 Partly belonging to Scotland.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Partly part of Scotland.

6 The principal members of the Humber-system are the Ouse of Yorkshire (121 m. long from the source of the Swale or Ure) and the Trent (170 m.), qq.v. for their numerous important tributaries.

6 The main rivers in the Humber system are the Ouse in Yorkshire (121 miles long from the source of the Swale or Ure) and the Trent (170 miles), see volumes for their many significant tributaries.

7 Including the Medway (680 sq. m.) in the drainage area.

7 This includes the Medway (680 sq. m.) in the drainage area.

8 Including the Wye (1609 sq. m.) and the Lower Avon (891 sq. m.) in the drainage area.

8 Including the Wye (1,609 sq. km.) and the Lower Avon (891 sq. km.) in the drainage area.

9 These rivers have their earlier courses in Wales, and flow at first to some point of east. Of wholly Welsh rivers only the Towy and the Teifi are comparable in length and drainage area with the smaller rivers in the above list (see Wales).

9 These rivers originate in Wales and initially flow eastward. Among the fully Welsh rivers, only the Towy and the Teifi are similar in length and drainage area to the smaller rivers mentioned in the list above (see Wales).

10 From the source of its headstream the Goyt.

10 From the source of its headstream, the Goyt.

11 As in Bartholomew’s Survey Atlas of England and Wales (1903).

11 As seen in Bartholomew’s Survey Atlas of England and Wales (1903).

12 The figures are for Registration Counties (see classification of Territorial Divisions, below).

12 The numbers are for Registration Counties (see the classification of Territorial Divisions, below).

13 Census of England and Wales, 1901; General Report, p. 15.

13 Census of England and Wales, 1901; General Report, p. 15.

14 Certain great offices of state are closed to Roman Catholics.

14 Certain high-ranking government positions are off-limits to Roman Catholics.

15 The actual selection of the bishops is in practice in the hands of the prime minister for the time being. This formerly led to purely political appointments; but it is usual now to select clergymen approved by public opinion.

15 The current choice of bishops is mainly in the hands of the sitting prime minister. This used to result in purely political appointments, but now it’s common to choose clergymen who have public support.

16 In 1906.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ in 1906.

17 There are in addition some thousands of Presbyterians unconnected with the church, including members of the Church of Scotland.

17 Additionally, there are several thousand Presbyterians who are not affiliated with the church, including members of the Church of Scotland.

18 Great Britain and Ireland, 1906.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ UK and Ireland, 1906.

19 On September 17, 1907, the United Methodist Free Churches, the Methodist New Connexion, and the Bible Christians were united under the name of the United Methodist Church.

19 On September 17, 1907, the United Methodist Free Churches, the Methodist New Connexion, and the Bible Christians came together to form the United Methodist Church.

20 The figure 17.76 is the percentage for the whole of Yorkshire.

20 The number 17.76 represents the percentage for all of Yorkshire.

21 The West Midlands (Shropshire, &c.) include the coal-fields of Shrewsbury, Leebotwood, Coalbrookdale, the Clee Hills and the Forest of Wyre.

21 The West Midlands (Shropshire, etc.) include the coal fields of Shrewsbury, Leebotwood, Coalbrookdale, the Clee Hills, and the Forest of Wyre.

22 The Forest of Dean coal-field is in Gloucestershire.

22 The Forest of Dean coal field is in Gloucestershire.

23 The coal-field of Monmouthshire belongs properly to, and in the Report is classified with, the great coal-field of South Wales.

23 The coal field in Monmouthshire is actually part of, and is included in the Report along with, the major coal field of South Wales.


ENGLAND, THE CHURCH OF. The Church of England claims to be a branch of the Catholic and Apostolic Church; it is episcopal in its essence and administration, and is established by law in that the state recognizes it as the national church of the English people, an integral part of the constitution of the realm. It existed, in name and in fact, as the church of the English people centuries before that people became a united nation, and, in spite of changes in doctrine and ritual, it remains the same church that was planted in England at the end of the 6th century. From it the various tribes which had conquered the land received a bond of union, and in it they beheld a pattern of a single organized government administered by local officers, to which they gradually attained in their secular polity. In England, then, the state is in a sense the child of the church. The doctrines of the English Church may be gathered from its Book of Common Prayer (see Prayer, Book of Common) as 443 finally revised in 1661, with the form of ordaining and consecrating bishops, priests and deacons, with the exception of the services for certain days which were abrogated in 1859; from the XXXIX Articles (see Creeds), published with royal authority in 1571; and from the First and Second Books of Homilies of 1549 and 1562 respectively, which are declared in Article XXXV. to contain sound doctrine.

ENGLAND, THE CHURCH. The Church of England claims to be a branch of the Catholic and Apostolic Church; it operates under an episcopal structure and governance and is officially recognized by law as the national church of the English people, forming a key part of the country's constitution. It existed, both in name and reality, as the church of the English people long before they became a united nation, and, despite changes in beliefs and practices, it is still the same church that was established in England at the end of the 6th century. It provided the various tribes that conquered the land with a unifying bond, and they saw it as a model of a single organized government run by local leaders, which they gradually achieved in their secular governance. In England, therefore, the state can be seen as a product of the church. The beliefs of the English Church can be gathered from its Book of Common Prayer (see Prayer, Book of Common) as 443 finally updated in 1661, along with the process for ordaining and consecrating bishops, priests, and deacons, except for the services for certain days that were removed in 1859; from the XXXIX Articles (see Creeds), published with royal authority in 1571; and from the First and Second Books of Homilies of 1549 and 1562 respectively, which are affirmed in Article XXXV to contain sound doctrine.

Precursors.—Christianity reached Britain during the 3rd century, and perhaps earlier, probably from Gaul. An early tradition records the death of a martyr Alban at Verulamium, the present St Albans. A fully grown Christianity in Roman Britain. British Church existed in the 4th century: bishops of London, York and Lincoln attended the council of Arles in 314; the church assented to the council of Nicaea in 325, and some of its bishops were present at the council of Rimini in 359. The church held the Catholic faith. Britons made pilgrimages, to Rome and to Palestine, and some joined the monks who gathered round St Martin, bishop of Tours. Among these was Ninian, who preached to the southern Picts, and about 400 built a church of stone on Wigton Bay; its whiteness struck the people and their name for it is commemorated in the modern name Whithorn. From northern Britain, St Patrick (see Patrick, St) went to accomplish his work as the apostle of Ireland. Early in the 5th century Britain was infected by the heresy of Pelagius, himself a Briton by birth, but in 429 Germanus, bishop of Auxerre, and Lupus, bishop of Troyes, recalled the church to orthodoxy and, according to tradition, led their converts to victory, the “Hallelujah victory,” over the Picts and Scots. When the Britons were hard pressed by Saxon invaders large bodies of them found shelter in western Armorica, in a lesser Britain, which gave its name to Brittany. A British Church was founded there, and bishops, scholars and recluses of either Britain seem constantly to have visited the other. The Saxon invasion cut off Britain from communication with Rome; The British church. and the British Church having no share in the progressive life of the Roman Church, differences gradually arose between them. The organization of the British Church was monastic, its bishops being members, usually abbots, of monasteries, and not strictly diocesan, for the monasteries to which the clergy were attached had a tribal character. The monastic communities were large, Bangor numbered 2000 monks. From Gildas, a British monk, who wrote about 550, we gather that the bishops were rich and powerful and claimed apostolical succession; that though governed by synods the church lacked discipline; that simony was rife, and that bishops and clergy were neglectful. He evidently draws too dark a picture, for religious activity was not extinct. Gildas himself and others preached in Ireland, and from them the Scots, the dominant people of Ireland, received a ritual. The organization of the Scotic Church in Ireland was similar to that of the British Church. Its monastic settlements or schools were many and large, and were the abodes of learning. Bishops dwelt in them and were reverenced for their office, but each was subject to the direction of the abbot and convent. In 565 (?) St Columba, the founder and head of several Scotic monasteries, left Ireland and founded a monastery in Hii or Iona, which afforded gospel teaching to the Scots of Dalriada and the northern Picts, and later did a great work in evangelizing many of the Teutonic conquerors of Britain. By 602 the British Church, in common with the Irish Scots, followed practices which differed from the Roman use as it then was; it kept Easter at a different date; its clergy wore a different tonsure, and there was some defect in its baptismal rite. The conquerors of Britain—Saxons, Angles and Jutes—were heathens; the Britons gradually retreated before them to Wales, and to western and northern districts, or dwelt among them either as slaves or as outlaws hiding in swamps and forests, and they made no attempts to evangelize the conquering race.

Precursors.—Christianity arrived in Britain during the 3rd century, possibly even earlier, likely coming from Gaul. An early tradition mentions the martyrdom of Alban at Verulamium, now known as St Albans. A fully developed Christianity in Roman Britain. British Church existed in the 4th century: bishops from London, York, and Lincoln attended the council of Arles in 314; the church agreed with the council of Nicaea in 325, and some bishops were present at the council of Rimini in 359. The church upheld the Catholic faith. Britons made pilgrimages to Rome and Palestine, and some joined the monks around St Martin, bishop of Tours. Among them was Ninian, who preached to the southern Picts, and around 400 built a stone church on Wigton Bay; its brightness amazed the locals, and their name for it is remembered in the modern name Whithorn. From northern Britain, St Patrick (see Patrick, St) went to fulfill his role as the apostle of Ireland. Early in the 5th century, Britain was influenced by the heresy of Pelagius, a Briton by birth. However, in 429, Germanus, bishop of Auxerre, and Lupus, bishop of Troyes, brought the church back to orthodoxy and, according to tradition, led their followers to “Hallelujah victory” over the Picts and Scots. When the Britons were under heavy pressure from Saxon invaders, many sought refuge in western Armorica, a lesser Britain, which gave its name to Brittany. A British Church was established there, and bishops, scholars, and recluses from both Britains often visited each other. The Saxon invasion cut off Britain from communication with Rome; The UK church. and the British Church, having no connection with the progressive life of the Roman Church, gradually developed differences. The organization of the British Church was monastic, with its bishops usually being abbots of monasteries, not strictly diocesan, as the monasteries were often organized by tribe. The monastic communities were substantial, with Bangor housing 2000 monks. From Gildas, a British monk who wrote around 550, we learn that the bishops were wealthy and powerful and claimed apostolic succession; that while the church was governed by synods, it lacked discipline; that simony was widespread, and bishops and clergy were neglectful. He clearly paints a grim picture, as religious activity was still present. Gildas himself and others preached in Ireland, and from them the Scots, the leading group in Ireland, received a liturgy. The organization of the Scotic Church in Ireland resembled that of the British Church. Its monastic settlements or schools were numerous and significant, serving as centers of learning. Bishops lived there and were respected for their office, but each was subject to the leadership of the abbot and community. In 565 (?) St Columba, the founder and leader of several Scotic monasteries, left Ireland and established a monastery on Hii or Iona, which provided gospel teachings to the Scots of Dalriada and the northern Picts, later playing a significant role in evangelizing many of the Teutonic conquerors of Britain. By 602, the British Church, along with the Irish Scots, followed practices different from the Roman tradition at the time; it celebrated Easter on a different date; its clergy had a different hairstyle, and there were some flaws in its baptismal rite. The conquerors of Britain—Saxons, Angles, and Jutes—were pagans; the Britons gradually retreated to Wales and the western and northern regions or lived among them as slaves or outlaws hiding in swamps and forests, making no efforts to evangelize the conquering race.

About 587 a Roman abbot, Gregory, afterwards Pope Gregory the Great, is said to have seen some English boys exposed for sale in Rome and asked of what people they were, of what kingdom and who was their king. They were “Angli,” he was Foundation of the English church. told, of Deira, the modern Yorkshire, and their king was Ælle. “Not ‘Angli,’” said he, struck with the beauty of the fair-haired boys, “but ‘angeli’ (angels), fleeing from wrath (de ira), and Ælle’s people must sing Alleluia.” He wished himself to go as a missionary to the English, but was prevented. After he became pope he sent a mission to England headed by Augustine. The way was prepared, for Æthelberht, king of Kent, had married a Christian, a Frankish princess Berhta, and allowed her to worship the true God. She brought with her a bishop who ministered to her in St Martin’s church outside Canterbury, but evidently made no effort to spread the faith. Augustine and his band landed probably at Ebbsfleet in 597. They were well received by Æthelberht, who was converted and baptized. On the 16th of November Augustine was consecrated by the archbishop of Arles to be the archbishop of the English, and by Christmas had baptized 10,000 Kentish men. Thus the fathers of the English Church were Pope Gregory and St Augustine. Augustine restored a church of the Roman times at Canterbury to be the church of his see. The mission was reinforced from Rome; and Gregory sent directions for the rule of the infant church. There were to be two archbishops, at London and York; London, however, was not fully Christianized for some years, and the primatial see remained at Canterbury. Augustine held two conferences with British bishops; he bade them give up their peculiar usages, conform to the Roman ritual, and join him in evangelizing the English. His haughtiness is said to have offended them; they refused, and the English Church owes nothing to its British predecessor. The mission prospered, and bishops were consecrated for Rochester, and for London for the East Saxons. After Augustine and Æthelberht died a short religious reaction took place in Kent, and the East Saxons apostatized. In 627 Edwin, king of Northumbria, who had married a daughter of Æthelberht, was converted and baptized with his nobles by Paulinus, who became the first bishop of York. As Edwin’s kingdom extended from the Humber to the Forth and included the Trent valley, while he exercised superiority over all the other English kingdoms, except Kent, his conversion promised well for the church, but he was slain and his kingdom overrun by Penda, the heathen king of Mercia, the central part of England. Penda’s victories endangered the cause of Christianity. The Roman mission was dying out. Kent and East Anglia, which was evangelized by Felix, a Burgundian bishop sent from Canterbury, were settled in the faith. Though Bernicia, the northern part of Northumbria, was little affected by the gospel, and after Edwin’s death heathenism became dominant in his kingdom, Christianity did not die out in Northumbria. The East Saxons had heard the gospel, and in 634 the conversion of the West Saxons was begun by Birinus, an Italian missionary. Central England and the South Saxons, however, were wholly untouched by Christianity.

Around 587, a Roman abbot named Gregory, who later became Pope Gregory the Great, is said to have seen some English boys for sale in Rome. He asked where they were from, what kingdom they belonged to, and who their king was. He was told they were "Angli," from Deira, which is modern Yorkshire, and their king was Ælle. Struck by the beauty of the fair-haired boys, he remarked, "Not 'Angli,’ but 'angeli' (angels), fleeing from wrath (de ira), and Ælle’s people must sing Alleluia.” He wanted to go to England as a missionary, but he was unable to. After becoming pope, he sent a mission to England led by Augustine. The groundwork had been laid, as Æthelberht, the king of Kent, had married a Christian, a Frankish princess named Berhta, and allowed her to worship the true God. She brought along a bishop to serve her at St. Martin’s church outside Canterbury, but there was no effort to spread the faith. Augustine and his group landed at Ebbsfleet in 597 and were warmly welcomed by Æthelberht, who was converted and baptized. On November 16, Augustine was consecrated by the archbishop of Arles as the archbishop of the English, and by Christmas, he had baptized 10,000 men from Kent. Thus, the founders of the English Church were Pope Gregory and St. Augustine. Augustine restored a church from Roman times in Canterbury to serve as his archiepiscopal see. The mission received additional support from Rome, and Gregory sent instructions on the governance of the new church. There were to be two archbishops, in London and York; however, London wasn’t fully Christianized for several years, so the primatial see stayed in Canterbury. Augustine held two meetings with British bishops, urging them to abandon their unique practices, adopt the Roman rituals, and join him in spreading the faith to the English. His arrogance reportedly offended them, and they refused; consequently, the English Church has no inheritance from its British predecessor. The mission flourished, and bishops were consecrated for Rochester and for London for the East Saxons. After Augustine and Æthelberht died, there was a brief religious backlash in Kent, and the East Saxons renounced their faith. In 627, Edwin, king of Northumbria, who had married a daughter of Æthelberht, was converted and baptized along with his nobles by Paulinus, who became the first bishop of York. Since Edwin’s kingdom stretched from the Humber to the Forth and included the Trent valley, while he held sway over all other English kingdoms except Kent, his conversion was promising for the church. However, he was killed, and his kingdom was invaded by Penda, the pagan king of Mercia, located in the central part of England. Penda’s victories threatened the spread of Christianity. The Roman mission was fading. Kent and East Anglia, which had been evangelized by Felix, a Burgundian bishop sent from Canterbury, were firmly rooted in the faith. Although Bernicia, the northern region of Northumbria, was minimally impacted by the gospel, and heathenism regained dominance after Edwin’s death, Christianity did not extinguish in Northumbria. The East Saxons had been introduced to the gospel, and in 634, the conversion of the West Saxons began through Birinus, an Italian missionary. However, central England and the South Saxons remained completely untouched by Christianity.

The work of the Romans was taken up by Scotic missionaries. Oswald, under whom the Northumbrian power revived, had lived as an exile among the Scots, and asked them for a bishop to teach his people. Aidan was sent to him by the monks of Iona in 635, and fixed his see in Lindisfarne, or Holy Island, where he founded a monastery. Saintly, zealous and supported by Oswald’s influence, he brought Northumbria generally to accept the gospel. The conversion of the Middle Angles and Mercians, and the reconversion of the East Saxons, were also achieved by Scots or by disciples of the Scotic mission. After Aidan’s death in 651 the differences between the Roman and Scotic usages, and specially that concerning the date of Easter, led to bitter feelings, were inconvenient in practice, and must have hindered the church in its warfare against heathenism. Oswio, who reigned over both the Northumbrian kingdoms, was, like his brother Oswald, a disciple of the Scots, his son and his queen, the daughter of Edwin, held to the Roman usages, and these usages were maintained by Wilfrid, who on his return from Rome in 658 was appointed abbot of Ripon. By Oswio’s command a conference between the two parties was held at the present Whitby in 664. Oswio decided in favour of the Roman usages. This was the end of the Scotic 444 mission. The Scots left Lindisfarne, and their disciples generally adopted the Roman usages. The Scots were admirable missionaries, holy and self-devoted, and building partly on Roman foundations and elsewhere breaking new ground, they and their English disciples, as Ceadda (St Chad), bishop of the Mercians, and Cuthbert, bishop of Lindisfarne, who were by no means inferior to their teachers, almost completed the conversion of the country. But they practised an excessive asceticism and were apt to abandon their work in order to live as hermits. Great as were the benefits which the English derived from their teaching, its cessation was not altogether a loss, for the church was passing beyond the stage of mission teaching and needed organization, and that it could not have received from the Scots.

The work of the Romans was continued by Scottish missionaries. Oswald, who helped revive Northumbrian power, had lived in exile among the Scots and asked them for a bishop to teach his people. In 635, Aidan was sent to him by the monks of Iona and established his see in Lindisfarne, or Holy Island, where he founded a monastery. He was saintly, enthusiastic, and backed by Oswald’s influence, helping Northumbria to embrace the gospel. The conversion of the Middle Angles and Mercians, as well as the reconversion of the East Saxons, were also accomplished by the Scots or their followers. After Aidan’s death in 651, the differences between Roman and Scottish practices, especially regarding the date of Easter, led to resentment and created practical challenges, hindering the church in its battle against paganism. Oswio, who ruled over both Northumbrian kingdoms, was, like his brother Oswald, a follower of the Scots, while his son and queen, the daughter of Edwin, adhered to Roman practices, which were upheld by Wilfrid, who returned from Rome in 658 and was made abbot of Ripon. By Oswio’s order, a meeting was held between the two groups at what is now Whitby in 664. Oswio favored the Roman practices. This marked the end of the Scottish mission. The Scots left Lindisfarne, and their followers generally adopted Roman customs. The Scots were excellent missionaries—devout and dedicated—and by building partly on Roman foundations and breaking new ground elsewhere, they and their English followers, like Ceadda (St Chad), bishop of the Mercians, and Cuthbert, bishop of Lindisfarne, who were more than capable, nearly completed the country’s conversion. However, they practiced excessive asceticism and were prone to abandon their work to live as hermits. Despite the significant benefits the English gained from their teachings, the end of this mission wasn't entirely detrimental, as the church was evolving beyond mere mission work and required organization, which it couldn’t obtain from the Scots.

Its organization like its foundation came from Rome. An archbishop-designate who was sent to Rome for consecration having died there, Pope Vitalian in 668 consecrated Theodore of Tarsus as archbishop of Canterbury. The Organization of the English Church. Scots had no diocesan system, and the English bishoprics were vast in extent, followed the lines of the kingdoms and varied with their fortunes. The church had no system of government nor means of legislation. Theodore united it in obedience to himself, instituted national synods and subdivided the over-large bishoprics. At his death, in 690, the English dominions were divided into fourteen dioceses. Wilfrid, who had become bishop of Northumbria, resisted the division of his diocese and appealed to the pope. He was imprisoned by the Northumbrian king and was exiled. While in exile he converted the South Saxons, and their conversion led to that of the Isle of Wight, then subject to them, in 686, which completed the evangelization of the English. After long strife Wilfrid, who was supported by Rome, regained a part of his former diocese. Theodore also gave the church learning by establishing a school at Canterbury, where many gained knowledge of the Scriptures, of Latin and Greek, and other religious and secular subjects. In the north learning was promoted by Benedict Biscop in the sister monasteries which he founded at Wearmouth and Jarrow. There Bede (q.v.) received the learning which he imparted to others. In the year of Bede’s death, 735, one of his disciples, Ecgbert, bishop of York, became the first archbishop of York, Gregory III. giving him the pallium, a vestment which conferred archiepiscopal authority. He established a school or university at York, to which scholars came from the continent. His work as a teacher was carried on by Alcuin, who later brought learning to the court and Frankish dominions of Charlemagne. The infant church, following the example of the Irish Scots, showed much missionary zeal, and English missionaries founded an organized church in Frisia and laboured on the lower Rhine; two who attempted to preach in the old Saxon land were martyred. Most famous of all, Winfrid, or St Boniface, the apostle of Germany, preached to the Frisians, Hessians and Thuringians, founded bishoprics and monasteries, became the first archbishop of Mainz, and in 754 was martyred in Frisia. He had many English helpers, some became bishops, and some were ladies, as Thecla, abbess of Kitzingen, and Lioba, abbess of Bischofsheim. After his death, Willehad laboured in Frisia, and later, at the bidding of Charlemagne, among the Saxons, and became the first bishop of Bremen. Religion, learning, arts, such as transcription and illumination, flourished in English monasteries. Yet heathen customs and beliefs lingered on among the people, and in Bede’s time there were many pseudo-monasteries where men and women made monasticism a cloak for idleness and vice. In the latter part of the 8th century Mercia became the predominant kingdom under Offa, and he determined to have an archbishop of his own. By his contrivance two legates from Adrian I. held a council at Chelsea in 787 in which Lichfield was declared an archbishopric, and seven of the twelve suffragan bishoprics of Canterbury were apportioned to it. In 802, however, Leo III. restored Canterbury to its rights and the Lichfield archbishopric was abolished.

Its organization, like its foundation, came from Rome. An archbishop-designate who was sent to Rome for consecration died there, so Pope Vitalian in 668 consecrated Theodore of Tarsus as archbishop of Canterbury. The Structure of the English Church. The Scots had no diocesan system, and the English bishoprics were vast, following the lines of the kingdoms and changing with their fortunes. The church lacked a system of governance or means for legislation. Theodore brought it under his authority, established national synods, and divided the overly large bishoprics. At his death in 690, the English territories were divided into fourteen dioceses. Wilfrid, who had become bishop of Northumbria, resisted the division of his diocese and appealed to the pope. He was imprisoned by the Northumbrian king and exiled. During his exile, he converted the South Saxons, and their conversion led to the conversion of the Isle of Wight, which they controlled, in 686, completing the evangelization of the English. After prolonged struggles, Wilfrid, supported by Rome, regained part of his former diocese. Theodore also advanced church learning by establishing a school at Canterbury, where many learned about the Scriptures, Latin, Greek, and other religious and secular subjects. In the north, learning was promoted by Benedict Biscop in the sister monasteries he founded at Wearmouth and Jarrow. There, Bede (q.v.) received the education he later shared with others. In the year of Bede’s death, 735, one of his disciples, Ecgbert, bishop of York, became the first archbishop of York, receiving the pallium, a garment that conferred archiepiscopal authority. He set up a school or university at York, attracting scholars from the continent. His work as a teacher was continued by Alcuin, who later brought learning to the court and Frankish territories of Charlemagne. The young church, following the example of the Irish Scots, showed a lot of missionary zeal, and English missionaries founded an organized church in Frisia and worked along the lower Rhine; two who tried to preach in old Saxon lands were martyred. Most famously, Winfrid, or St. Boniface, the apostle of Germany, preached to the Frisians, Hessians, and Thuringians, founded bishoprics and monasteries, became the first archbishop of Mainz, and was martyred in Frisia in 754. He had many English helpers, some who became bishops, and some were women, like Thecla, abbess of Kitzingen, and Lioba, abbess of Bischofsheim. After his death, Willehad worked in Frisia, and later, at Charlemagne’s request, among the Saxons, becoming the first bishop of Bremen. Religion, learning, and arts, such as transcription and illumination, thrived in English monasteries. However, pagan customs and beliefs persisted among the people, and in Bede’s time, there were many pseudo-monasteries where men and women used monasticism as a cover for idleness and vice. In the latter part of the 8th century, Mercia became the dominant kingdom under Offa, and he decided to have an archbishop of his own. Through his influence, two legates from Adrian I. held a council at Chelsea in 787, which declared Lichfield an archbishopric and allocated seven of the twelve suffragan bishoprics of Canterbury to it. However, in 802, Leo III. restored Canterbury to its rights, and the Lichfield archbishopric was abolished.

The rise of Wessex to power seems to have been aided by a good understanding between Ecgbert and the church, and his successors employed bishops as their ministers. Æthelred, who was specially under ecclesiastical influence, went on a pilgrimage to Rome, and before his departure made large grants for pious uses. His donation, though not the origin of tithes Later Anglo-Saxon times. in England, illustrates the idea of the sacredness of the tenth of income on which laws enforcing the payment of tithes were founded. His pilgrimage was probably undertaken in the hope of averting the attacks of the pagan Danes. Their invasions fell heavily on the church; priests were slaughtered and churches sacked and burnt. Learning disappeared in Northumbria, and things were little better in the south. Bishops fought and fell in battle, the clergy lived as laymen, the monasteries were held by married canons, heathen superstitions and immorality prevailed among the laity. Besides bringing the Danish settlers in East Anglia to profess Christianity in 878, Alfred set himself to improve the religious and intellectual condition of his own people (see Alfred). The gradual reconquest of middle and northern England by his successors was accompanied by the conversion of the Danish population. A revival of religion was effected by churchmen inspired by the reformed monasticism of France and Flanders, by Odo, archbishop of Canterbury, Oswald, archbishop of York, and Dunstan (see Dunstan), who introduced from abroad the strict life of the new Benedictinism. King Edgar promoted the monastic reform, and by his authority Bishop Æthelwold of Winchester turned canons out of the monasteries and put monks in their place. Dunstan sought to reform the church by ecclesiastical and secular legislation, forbidding immorality among laymen, insisting on the duties of the clergy, and compelling the payment of tithes and other church dues. After Edgar’s death an anti-monastic movement, chiefly in Mercia, nearly ended in civil war. In this strife, which was connected with politics, the victory on the whole lay with the monks’ party, and in many cathedral churches the chapters remained monastic. The renewed energy of the church was manifested by councils, canonical legislation and books of sermons. In the homilies of Abbot Ælfric, written for Archbishop Sigeric, stress is laid on the purely spiritual presence of Christ in the Eucharist, but his words do not indicate, as some have believed, that the English Church was not in accord with Rome. The ecclesiastical revival was short-lived. Renewed Danish invasions, in the course of which Archbishop Alphege was martyred in 1012, and a decline in national character, injuriously affected the church and, though in the reign of Canute it was outwardly prosperous, spirituality and learning decreased. Bishoprics and abbacies were rewards of service to the king, the bishops were worldly-minded, plurality was frequent, and simony not unknown. Edward the Confessor promoted foreign ecclesiastics; the connexion with Rome was strengthened, and in 1062 the first legates since the days of Offa were sent to England by Alexander II. A political conflict led to the banishment of Robert, the Norman archbishop of Canterbury. An Englishman Stigand received his see, but was excommunicated at Rome, and was regarded even in England as schismatical. When William of Normandy planned his invasion of England, Alexander II., by the advice of Hildebrand, afterwards Gregory VII., moved doubtless by this schism and by the desire to bring the English Church under the influence of the Cluniac revival and into closer relation with Rome, gave the duke a consecrated banner, and the Norman invasion had something of the character of a holy war.

The rise of Wessex to power seems to have been supported by a strong relationship between Ecgbert and the church, and his successors used bishops as their advisors. Æthelred, who was particularly influenced by the church, embarked on a pilgrimage to Rome and made generous donations for religious purposes before he left. His donation, while not the start of tithes Later Anglo-Saxon period. in England, highlights the importance of giving one-tenth of income, which formed the basis for the laws requiring the payment of tithes. He likely undertook this pilgrimage in hopes of stopping the attacks from the pagan Danes. Their invasions hit the church hard; priests were killed, and churches were looted and burned. Learning vanished in Northumbria, and the situation was not much better in the south. Bishops fought and died in battle, the clergy lived like laypeople, monasteries were occupied by married canons, and heathen superstitions and immorality thrived among the common people. In 878, besides converting the Danish settlers in East Anglia to Christianity, Alfred also focused on improving the religious and intellectual state of his own people (see Alfred). The gradual recapture of middle and northern England by his successors was met with the conversion of the Danish population. Religious revival was led by churchmen inspired by the reformed monastic movements from France and Flanders, including Odo, archbishop of Canterbury, Oswald, archbishop of York, and Dunstan (see Dunstan), who brought the strict lifestyle of the new Benedictine order from abroad. King Edgar supported monastic reform, and by his decree, Bishop Æthelwold of Winchester expelled canons from the monasteries and replaced them with monks. Dunstan worked to reform the church through both church and state laws, condemning immorality among laypeople, highlighting the responsibilities of the clergy, and enforcing the payment of tithes and other church contributions. After Edgar's death, an anti-monastic movement, mainly in Mercia, almost resulted in civil war. In this conflict, which had political ties, the monks' faction generally emerged victorious, with many cathedral chapters remaining monastic. The renewed vigor of the church was shown through councils, canonical laws, and collections of sermons. In the homilies of Abbot Ælfric, written for Archbishop Sigeric, emphasis is placed on the spiritual presence of Christ in the Eucharist, but his statements do not imply, as some have suggested, that the English Church was out of sync with Rome. The ecclesiastical revival was short-lived. New Danish invasions, during which Archbishop Alphege was martyred in 1012, alongside a decline in national character, severely impacted the church. Although it seemed outwardly prosperous during Canute's reign, spirituality and learning dwindled. Bishoprics and abbeys became rewards for loyalty to the king, bishops were often more worldly, pluralism was common, and simony was not rare. Edward the Confessor favored foreign clergymen; connections with Rome grew stronger, and in 1062, the first legates sent to England since Offa's time were dispatched by Alexander II. A political struggle led to the exile of Robert, the Norman archbishop of Canterbury. An Englishman named Stigand took over the see but was excommunicated in Rome, and even in England, he was seen as schismatic. When William of Normandy prepared his invasion of England, Alexander II., encouraged by Hildebrand, who would later be Gregory VII, moved by this schism and the desire to align the English Church with the Cluniac revival and strengthen ties with Rome, gave the duke a consecrated banner, giving the Norman invasion a sense of a holy war.

Before the Norman Conquest the church had relapsed into deadness: English bishops were political partisans, the clergy were married, and discipline and asceticism, then the recognized condition of holiness, were extinct. The Norman times. Conqueror’s relations with Rome ensured a reform; for the papacy was instinct with the Cluniac spirit. In 1070 papal legates were received and held a council by which Stigand was deposed. Lanfranc, abbot of Bec, was appointed archbishop of Canterbury and worked harmoniously with the king in bringing the English Church up to the level of the church in Normandy. Many native bishops and abbots were deposed, and the Norman prelates who succeeded them were generally of good character, strict disciplinarians, and men of grander ideas. A council of 1075 decreed the removal of bishops’ sees 445 from villages to towns, as on the continent; the see of Sherborne, for example, was removed to Old Sarum, and that of Selsey to Chichester, and many churches statelier than of old were built in the Norman style which the Confessor had already adopted for his church at Westminster. In another council priests and deacons were thenceforward forbidden to marry. William and Lanfranc also worked on Hildebrandine lines in separating ecclesiastical from civil administration. Ecclesiastical affairs were regulated in church councils held at the same time as the king’s councils. Bishops and archdeacons were no longer to exercise their spiritual jurisdiction in secular courts, as had been the custom, but in ecclesiastical courts and according to canon law. The king, however, ruled church as well as state; Gregory granted him control over episcopal elections, he invested bishops with the crozier and they held their temporalities of him, and he allowed no councils to meet and no business to be done without his licence. Gregory claimed homage from him; but while the king promised the payment of Peter’s pence and such obedience as his English predecessors had rendered, he refused homage; he allowed no papal letters to enter the kingdom without his leave, and when an anti-pope was set up, he and Lanfranc treated the question as to which pope should be acknowledged in England as one to be decided by the crown. The Conquest brought the church into closer connexion with Rome and gave it a share in the religious and intellectual life of the continent; it stimulated and purified English monasticism, and it led to the organization of the church as a body with legislative and administrative powers distinct from those of the state. The relations established by the Conqueror between the crown, the church and the pope, its head and supreme judge, worked well as long as the king and the primate were agreed, but were so complex that trouble necessarily arose when they disagreed. William Rufus tried to feudalize the church, to bring its officers and lands under feudal law; he kept bishoprics and abbacies vacant and confiscated their revenues. He quarrelled with Anselm (q.v.) who succeeded Lanfranc. Anselm while at Rome heard the investiture of prelates by laymen denounced, and he maintained the papal decree against Henry I. Bishops were vassals of the king, holding lands of him, as well as officers of the church. How were they to be appointed? Who should invest them with the symbols of their office? To whom was their homage due? (see Investiture). These questions which agitated western Europe were settled as regards England by a compromise: Henry surrendered investiture and kept the right to homage. The substantial gain lay with the crown, for, while elections were theoretically free, the king retained his power over them. Though Henry in some degree checked the exercise of papal authority in England, appeals to Rome without his sanction were frequent towards the end of his reign. Stephen obtained the recognition of his title from Innocent II., and was upheld by the church until he violently attacked three bishops who had been Henry’s ministers. The clergy then transferred their allegiance to Matilda. His later quarrel with the papacy, then under the influence of St Bernard, added to his embarrassments and strengthened the Angevin cause.

Before the Norman Conquest, the church had fallen into a state of inactivity: English bishops were politically biased, clergy were married, and discipline and asceticism, which were seen as vital for holiness, were gone. The Conqueror’s connections with Rome ensured a reform because the papacy was infused with the Cluniac spirit. In 1070, papal legates arrived and held a council that led to Stigand's deposition. Lanfranc, abbot of Bec, was appointed archbishop of Canterbury and worked smoothly with the king to elevate the English Church to match the church in Normandy. Many local bishops and abbots were ousted, and the Norman prelates who filled their positions were generally reputable, strict disciplinarians, and had broader visions. A council in 1075 mandated the relocation of bishops’ sees from villages to towns, following the example of the continent; for instance, the see of Sherborne was moved to Old Sarum, and Selsey's to Chichester, where many grander churches were built in the Norman style that the Confessor had already chosen for his church at Westminster. In another council, priests and deacons were henceforth barred from marrying. William and Lanfranc also aimed to separate ecclesiastical matters from civil governance. Church affairs were organized in church councils held parallel to the king’s councils. Bishops and archdeacons could no longer oversee their spiritual jurisdiction in secular courts, as had been customary, but in ecclesiastical courts and in accordance with canon law. However, the king maintained control over both church and state; Gregory granted him authority over episcopal elections, he invested bishops with the crozier, they depended on him for their lands, and he permitted no councils to convene or any business to proceed without his approval. Gregory demanded loyalty from him; although the king agreed to pay Peter's pence and promised obedience similar to what his English predecessors had given, he refused to pay homage; he forbade any papal letters from entering the kingdom without his consent, and when an anti-pope arose, he and Lanfranc treated the matter of which pope to acknowledge in England as a decision for the crown. The Conquest established a closer connection between the church and Rome, integrating it into the continent's religious and intellectual life; it invigorated and refined English monasticism and led to the church being organized as a body with legislative and administrative powers separate from the state. The relationships formed by the Conqueror among the crown, the church, and the pope, its head and final authority, functioned well as long as the king and the primate were in agreement, but were complex enough that conflict was likely when they were not. William Rufus attempted to feudalize the church, bringing its leaders and lands under feudal law; he left bishoprics and abbacies vacant while seizing their revenues. He clashed with Anselm, who succeeded Lanfranc. While in Rome, Anselm heard denunciations of laymen investing prelates and upheld the papal decree against Henry I. Bishops were vassals of the king, holding lands and serving as church officials. How were they to be appointed? Who would invest them with the symbols of their office? To whom were they expected to swear loyalty? These questions that troubled western Europe were resolved in England through a compromise: Henry gave up investiture while keeping the right to loyalty. The significant benefit lay with the crown because, even though elections were theoretically free, the king maintained control over them. Although Henry somewhat curtailed the exercise of papal authority in England, appeals to Rome without his approval became frequent towards the end of his reign. Stephen gained recognition of his title from Innocent II and was supported by the church until he aggressively confronted three bishops who had been Henry's ministers. The clergy then shifted their loyalty to Matilda. His subsequent disputes with the papacy, then influenced by St Bernard, added to his difficulties and strengthened the Angevin cause.

During Stephen’s reign the church grew more powerful than was for the good either of the state or itself. Its courts encroached on the sphere of the lay courts, and further claimed exclusive criminal jurisdiction over all clerks The Angevin kings. whether in holy or minor orders, with the result that criminous clerks, though degraded by a spiritual court, escaped temporal punishment. Henry II., finding ecclesiastical privileges an obstacle to administrative reform, demanded that the bishops should agree to observe the ancient customs of the realm. These customs were, he asserted, expressed in certain constitutions to which he required their assent at a council at Clarendon in 1164. In spirit they generally maintained the rights of the crown as they existed under the Conqueror. One provided that clerks convicted of temporal crime in a spiritual court and degraded should be sentenced by a lay court and punished as laymen. Archbishop Becket (see Becket) agreed, repented and refused his assent. The king tried to ruin him by unjust demands; he appealed to Rome and fled to France. A long quarrel ensued, and in 1170 Henry was forced to be reconciled to Becket. The archbishop’s murder consequent on the king’s hasty words shocked Christendom, and Henry did penance publicly. By agreement with the pope he renounced the Constitutions, but the encroachments of the church courts were slightly checked, and the king’s decisive influence on episcopal elections and some other advantages were secured. The church in Wales had become one with the English Church by the voluntary submission of its bishops to the see of Canterbury in 1192 and later. The Irish Church remained distinct, though the conquest of Ireland, which was sanctioned by the English pope Adrian IV. (Nicholas Breakspear), brought it into the same relations with the crown as the English Church and into conformity with it. Under the guidance of ecclesiastics employed as royal ministers, the church supported the crown until, in 1206, Innocent III. refused to confirm the election of a bishop nominated by King John to Canterbury; and representatives of the monks of Christ Church, in whom lay the right of election, being at his court, the pope bade them elect Stephen Langton whom he consecrated as archbishop. John refused to receive Langton and seized the estates of Christ Church. Innocent laid England under an interdict in 1208; the king confiscated the property of the clergy, banished bishops and kept sees vacant. Papal envoys excommunicated him and declared him deposed in 1211. Surrounded by enemies, he made his peace with the pope in 1213, swore fealty to him before his envoy, acknowledged that he held his kingdom of the Roman see, and promised a yearly tribute for England and Ireland. Finally he surrendered his crown to a legate and received it back from him. The banished clergy returned and an agreement was made as to their losses. Langton guided the barons in their demands on the king which were expressed in Magna Carta. The first clause provided, as charters of Henry I. and Stephen had already provided, that the English Church should be “free,” adding that it should have freedom of election, which John had promised in 1214. As John’s suzerain, Innocent annulled the charter, suspended Langton, and excommunicated the barons in arms against the king. On John’s death, Gualo, legate of Honorius III., with the help of the earl marshal, secured the throne for Henry III., and he and his successor Pandulf, as representatives of the young king’s suzerain, largely directed English affairs until 1221, when Pandulf’s departure restored Langton to his rightful position as head in England of the church. Reforms in discipline and clerical work were inculcated by provincial legislation, and two legates, Otho in 1237 and Ottoboni in 1268, promulgated in councils constitutions which were a fundamental part of the canon law in England. Religious life was quickened by the coming of the friars (see Friars). Parochial organization was strengthened by the institution of vicars in benefices held by religious bodies, which was regulated and enforced by the bishops. It was a time of intellectual activity, in character rather cosmopolitan than national. English clerks studied philosophy and theology at Paris or law at Bologna; some remained abroad and were famous as scholars, others like Archbishops Langton, and Edmund Rich, and Bishop Grosseteste returned to be rulers of the church, and others like Roger Bacon to continue their studies in England. The schools of Oxford, however, had already attained repute, and Cambridge began to be known as a place of study. The spirit of the age found expression in art, and English Gothic architecture, though originally, like the learning of the time, imported from France, took a line of its own and reached its climax at this period. Henry’s gratitude for the benefits which in his early years he received from Rome was shown later in subservience to papal demands. Gregory IX., and still more Innocent IV., sorely in need of money to prosecute their struggle with the imperial house, laid grievous taxes on the English clergy, supported the king in making heavy demands upon them, and violated the rights of patrons by appointing to benefices by “provisions” often in favour of foreigners. Churchmen, and prominently Grosseteste, the learned and holy bishop of Lincoln, while 446 recognizing the pope as the divinely appointed source of all ecclesiastical jurisdiction, were driven to resist papal orders which they held to be contrary to apostolic precepts. Their remonstrances were seldom effectual, and the state of the national church was noted by the Provisions of Oxford in 1258 as part of the general misgovernment which the baronial opposition sought to remedy. The alliance between the crown and the papacy in this reign diminished the liberties of the church.

During Stephen’s reign, the church became more powerful than was healthy for either the state or itself. Its courts began to overlap with lay courts and also claimed exclusive criminal jurisdiction over all clerks, whether in holy or minor orders. This meant that clerks accused of crimes, even if they were stripped of their clerical status by a spiritual court, could avoid temporal punishment. Henry II., finding ecclesiastical privileges to be an obstacle to administrative reform, insisted that the bishops agree to uphold the ancient customs of the realm. He asserted these customs were outlined in certain constitutions that he required their approval of at a council at Clarendon in 1164. These customs generally upheld the rights of the crown as they had been established under the Conqueror. One stipulation stated that clerks convicted of temporal crimes in a spiritual court and degraded should be sentenced by a lay court and punished as laymen. Archbishop Becket (see Becket) initially agreed, but then refused his assent. The king attempted to undermine him with unreasonable demands; Becket appealed to Rome and fled to France. A long conflict followed, and in 1170 Henry was compelled to reconcile with Becket. The archbishop’s murder, which followed the king’s rash comments, shocked Christendom, and Henry performed public penance. By agreement with the pope, he renounced the Constitutions, but the encroachments of church courts were only slightly restrained, and the king maintained significant influence over episcopal elections and secured other advantages. The church in Wales merged with the English Church after its bishops voluntarily submitted to the see of Canterbury in 1192 and later. The Irish Church remained separate, although the conquest of Ireland, which was sanctioned by the English pope Adrian IV. (Nicholas Breakspear), brought it into the same relationship with the crown as the English Church and aligned it with it. Under the guidance of church leaders acting as royal ministers, the church supported the crown until 1206, when Innocent III. refused to confirm the election of a bishop nominated by King John to Canterbury. Representatives of the monks of Christ Church, who held the right to elect, were at his court, and the pope instructed them to elect Stephen Langton, whom he consecrated as archbishop. John refused to accept Langton and seized Christ Church's estates. Innocent placed England under an interdict in 1208; the king confiscated the clergy's property, banished bishops, and left sees vacant. Papal envoys excommunicated him and declared him deposed in 1211. Surrounded by foes, he made peace with the pope in 1213, swore loyalty to him before his envoy, acknowledged that he held his kingdom from the Roman see, and promised a yearly tribute for England and Ireland. Ultimately, he surrendered his crown to a legate and received it back from him. The exiled clergy returned, and an agreement was reached regarding their losses. Langton guided the barons in their demands on the king, which were articulated in Magna Carta. The first clause provided, as had been stipulated in the charters of Henry I. and Stephen, that the English Church would be “free,” adding that it would have freedom of election, which John had promised in 1214. As John’s overlord, Innocent annulled the charter, suspended Langton, and excommunicated the barons who took up arms against the king. After John’s death, Gualo, legate of Honorius III., with assistance from the earl marshal, secured the throne for Henry III., and he and his successor Pandulf, as representatives of the young king’s overlord, largely directed English affairs until 1221, when Pandulf’s departure restored Langton to his rightful position as head of the church in England. Reforms in discipline and clerical work were implemented through provincial legislation, and two legates, Otho in 1237 and Ottoboni in 1268, enacted councils that established constitutions which became a fundamental part of canon law in England. Religious life was invigorated by the arrival of the friars (see Friars). Parochial organization was strengthened by the establishment of vicars in benefices held by religious bodies, regulated and enforced by the bishops. It was a period of intellectual activity, characterized more by cosmopolitan influences than national ones. English clerks studied philosophy and theology in Paris or law in Bologna; some remained abroad and gained fame as scholars, while others, like Archbishops Langton, Edmund Rich, and Bishop Grosseteste, returned to lead the church, and others like Roger Bacon continued their studies in England. The schools of Oxford had already gained a reputation, and Cambridge began to be recognized as a center of study. The spirit of the age was reflected in the arts, with English Gothic architecture evolving its own distinct style, reaching its peak during this period. Henry’s gratitude for the benefits he received from Rome in his early years was later shown in his obedience to papal demands. Gregory IX. and even more so Innocent IV., needing money to continue their struggle with the imperial house, imposed heavy taxes on the English clergy, supported the king in making substantial demands upon them, and violated the rights of patrons by making appointments to benefices through “provisions,” often favoring foreigners. Church leaders, notably Grosseteste, the learned and holy bishop of Lincoln, while acknowledging the pope as the divinely appointed source of all ecclesiastical authority, felt compelled to resist papal commands they believed contradicted apostolic principles. Their protests were rarely effective, and the state of the national church was highlighted by the Provisions of Oxford in 1258 as part of the broader misgovernance that the baronial opposition sought to correct. The alliance between the crown and the papacy during this reign reduced the liberties of the church.

Edward I., who was a strong king, checked an attempt to magnify the spiritual authority by the writ Circumspecte agatis, which defined the sphere of the ecclesiastical courts, put a restraint on religious endowments by the Statute 13th and 14th centuries. of Mortmain, and desiring that every estate in the realm should have a share in public burdens and counsels, caused the beneficed clergy to be summoned to send proctors to parliament. The clergy preferred to make their grants in their own convocations, and so lost the position offered to them. For some years clerical taxation by the crown was carried on with the good-will of the papacy; it was not oppressive for unbeneficed clergy and incomes below ten marks were exempt, and in theory the clergy were celibate. Papal demands, however, were additional burdens. In 1296 Boniface VIII., by his bull Clericis laicos, forbade the clergy to grant money to lay princes, and Edward’s request for a clerical subsidy was in 1297 refused by convocation led by Archbishop Winchelsea. The king thereupon outlawed the clergy. The northern province yielded, the southern held out longer; but finally the clergy made their peace severally, each paying his share, and the royal victory was complete. Winchelsea joined the baronial opposition which forced Edward to grant the “Confirmation of the Charters.” Edward procured his disgrace from Clement V., and in return allowed Clement to exact so much from the church that the doings of the papal agents provoked an indignant remonstrance from parliament in 1307. With that exception the king’s dealings with the church were statesmanlike. He employed clerical ministers and paid them by church preferments, but his nominations to bishoprics did not always receive papal confirmation which had become recognized as essential. His weak son Edward II. yielded readily to papal demands. The majority of the bishops of the reign, and specially those engaged in politics, were unworthy men; religion was at a low ebb; plurality and non-residence were common. By the constitution Execrebilis John XXII. ordered that all cures held in plurality save one should be vacated, and, which was not so well, “reserved” all benefices so vacated for his own appointment. As the residence of the popes at Avignon from 1308 to 1377 brought them under French influence, Englishmen during the war with France were specially displeased that large sums should be drawn from the kingdom for them and that they should exercise patronage there. In the reign of Edward III. the popes, though appointing to bishoprics by provision, did not give them to foreigners, but they appointed foreigners, enemies of England, to lesser preferments, deaneries and prebends. In 1351 the Statute of Provisors declared provisions unlawful. Capitular elections, however, remained mere forms; the king nominated, and the popes provided, and took advantage of their claim to appoint to sees vacant by translation. Papal interference in suits concerning temporalities was checked by a law of 1353 (the first statute of Praemunire), which made punishable by outlawry and forfeiture the carrying before a foreign tribunal of causes cognizable by English courts. This measure was extended in 1365, and in 1393 by the great statute of Praemunire. Indignant at the law of 1365, Urban V. demanded payment of the tribute promised by John, which was then thirty-three years in arrear, but parliament repudiated the claim. The Black Death disorganized the church by thinning the ranks of the clergy, who did their duty manfully during the plague. In the diocese of Norwich, for example, 800 parishes lost their incumbents in 1349, 83 of them twice over (Jessopp). Large though insufficient numbers were instituted to benefices and unfit persons received holy orders. The value of livings decreased and many lay vacant. Some incumbents deserted their parishes to take stipendiary work in towns or secular employments, and unbeneficed clergy demanded higher stipends. Greediness infected the church in common with society at large. Yet Chaucer’s ideal parish priest must have represented a familiar type, so that we may believe that much good work was here and there unobtrusively done by the clergy. Prominent among abuses were the sale of pardons, and the extortions of the ecclesiastical courts; their decrees were enforced by excommunication, and on a writ issued to the sheriff an excommunicated person would be imprisoned until he satisfied the demands of the church. The state needed money and attacks were made in parliament on the wealth of the church. Already, in 1340, Edward III., who quarrelled with Archbishop Stratford on political grounds, had appointed lay ministers, and in 1371 William of Wykeham, bishop of Winchester, and other clerical ministers were turned out of office and succeeded by laymen. A political crisis in 1376 was followed by a struggle between the bishops and John of Gaunt, duke of Lancaster, the head of the anticlerical party, who allied himself with John Wycliffe (q.v.). He was unpopular, and when the bishops cited Wycliffe before them in St Paul’s, the duke’s conduct provoked a riot and the proceedings ended abruptly. Wycliffe held that the church was corrupted by wealth; that only those in grace had a right to God’s gifts, and that temporal power belonged only to laymen and not to popes nor priests. Later he attacked the papacy itself, which in 1378 was distracted by the great schism; by 1380 he condemned pilgrimages, secret confession and masses for the dead. While holding the presence of Christ in the Eucharist, he denied a change of substance in the elements, arguing that accidents or qualities, such as form and colour, could not exist without substance. He taught that Holy Scripture was the only source of religious truth, to the exclusion of church authority and tradition, and he and his followers made the first complete English version of the Bible. His opinions were spread by the poor priests whom he sent out to preach and by his English tracts. That his teaching had any direct effect on the insurrection of 1381, though commonly believed, appears to be an unfounded idea; many priests were concerned in the rising, and specially the mendicant orders, Wycliffe’s bitter enemies, but the motives of the insurrection were essentially secular (Oman, The Great Revolt of 1381). The reaction which followed extended to religion, and Wycliffe’s doctrines were condemned by a church council in 1382. Nevertheless he died in peace. He had many disciples, especially in Oxford and in industrial centres. The Lollards, as his followers were called, had supporters in parliament and among people of high rank in the court of Richard II., and the king’s marriage to Anne of Bohemia brought about the importation of Wycliffe’s writings into Bohemia, where they had a strong influence on the religious movement led by Hus. At first the bishops were not inclined to persecute, and the earlier Lollards mostly recanted under pressure, but their number increased.

Edward I, a powerful king, blocked an attempt to increase spiritual authority through the writ Circumspecte agatis, which outlined the role of ecclesiastical courts. He restricted religious endowments with the Statute 13th and 14th centuries. of Mortmain, and wanting every estate in the realm to contribute to public burdens and advice, he summoned the beneficed clergy to send representatives to parliament. The clergy preferred to make their contributions in their own gatherings, which caused them to miss the opportunity presented to them. For several years, clerical taxation by the crown was conducted with the approval of the papacy; it wasn't burdensome for unbeneficed clergy, and incomes below ten marks were exempt, and in theory, clergy were supposed to remain celibate. However, papal demands added extra pressures. In 1296, Boniface VIII, through his bull Clericis laicos, prohibited clergy from giving money to lay princes, and Edward’s request for clerical financial support was denied by the convocation led by Archbishop Winchelsea in 1297. The king then outlawed the clergy. The northern province complied, while the southern held out longer; ultimately, the clergy made their peace individually, each paying their share, resulting in a complete victory for the king. Winchelsea joined the baronial opposition, which forced Edward to grant the “Confirmation of the Charters.” Edward faced disgrace from Clement V, and in exchange, allowed Clement to demand so much from the church that this provoked an angry protest from parliament in 1307. Aside from that, the king's dealings with the church were savvy. He employed clerical ministers and compensated them with church appointments, but his nominations for bishoprics didn't always receive papal approval, which had become essential. His ineffective son, Edward II, easily caved to papal demands. Most bishops during this reign, especially those involved in politics, were unworthy individuals; religion was declining; it was common for individuals to hold multiple positions and not reside in their parishes. By the constitution Execrebilis, John XXII ordered that all positions held in plurality except one should be vacated, and, less favorably, reserved all vacated positions for his own appointments. With the popes residing in Avignon from 1308 to 1377, they came under French influence, and English citizens were particularly irritated that large sums were being sent to them during the war with France and that they exercised patronage there. During Edward III's reign, although popes appointed to bishoprics through provision, they did not give them to foreigners, yet they did appoint foreigners—enemies of England—to lower positions, like deaneries and prebends. In 1351, the Statute of Provisors declared such provisions unlawful. Nevertheless, electing capitularly remained a mere formality; the king nominated, and the popes provided, taking advantage of their claim to appoint to sees that became vacant due to transfers. Papal interference in cases about temporal matters was limited by a law in 1353 (the first statute of Praemunire), which made it a crime punishable by outlawry and forfeiture to bring cases to a foreign court that should be handled by English courts. This law was expanded in 1365, and again in 1393 by the major statute of Praemunire. Outraged by the law of 1365, Urban V demanded payment of the tribute promised by John, which was thirty-three years overdue, but parliament rejected the claim. The Black Death disrupted the church by greatly reducing the number of clergy, who performed their duties commendably during the plague. For instance, in the diocese of Norwich, 800 parishes lost their incumbents in 1349, with 83 losing them twice (Jessopp). Despite large but inadequate numbers being appointed to positions, unqualified individuals were receiving holy orders. The value of church livings decreased and many remained vacant. Some incumbents abandoned their parishes for paid work in cities or secular jobs, and unbeneficed clergy demanded higher salaries. Greed affected the church alongside broader society. Yet, Chaucer’s ideal parish priest likely represented a familiar type, so it's reasonable to believe that much good work was done unobtrusively by the clergy. Among the abuses were the sale of pardons and the extortion by ecclesiastical courts; their rulings were enforced through excommunication, and an excommunicated individual issued a writ to the sheriff would be imprisoned until they met the church's demands. The state needed money, leading to attacks in parliament against the wealth of the church. As early as 1340, Edward III, who clashed with Archbishop Stratford over political issues, appointed lay ministers, and in 1371, Bishop William of Wykeham of Winchester, and other clerical ministers were ousted and replaced by laymen. A political crisis in 1376 led to a conflict between bishops and John of Gaunt, duke of Lancaster, the leader of the anti-clerical party, who allied himself with John Wycliffe (q.v.). He was unpopular, and when the bishops summoned Wycliffe before them at St Paul's, the duke's actions sparked a riot that abruptly ended the proceedings. Wycliffe argued that the church was corrupted by wealth, that only those in grace had the right to God's gifts, and that temporal power belonged solely to laymen and not to popes or priests. He later attacked the papacy itself, which was embroiled in a major schism in 1378; by 1380, he condemned pilgrimages, secret confession, and masses for the dead. While he affirmed the presence of Christ in the Eucharist, he denied any change of substance in the elements, arguing that qualities like form and color couldn't exist without substance. He taught that the Holy Scripture was the only source of religious truth, rejecting church authority and tradition, and he and his followers created the first complete English version of the Bible. His ideas spread through the poor priests he sent to preach and his English texts. Although it's commonly believed his teachings directly influenced the 1381 uprising, this seems unfounded; many priests—in particular, those from mendicant orders who were Wycliffe’s staunch opponents—were involved in the rebellion, but the uprising's motives were primarily secular (Oman, The Great Revolt of 1381). The backlash that followed also impacted religion, leading a church council to condemn Wycliffe’s doctrines in 1382. Nonetheless, he died peacefully. He had many followers, especially in Oxford and industrial regions. The Lollards, as his supporters were known, had allies in parliament and among the high-ranking individuals at Richard II's court, and the king’s marriage to Anne of Bohemia led to the introduction of Wycliffe’s writings in Bohemia, which significantly influenced the religious movement led by Hus. Initially, the bishops were disinclined to persecute, and most early Lollards recanted under pressure, but their numbers grew.

With the accession of the Lancastrian house the crown allied itself with the church, and the bishops adopted a repressive policy towards the Lollards. By the canon law obstinate heretics were to be burnt by the secular The 15th century. power, and though England had hitherto been almost free from heresy, one or two burnings had taken place in accordance with that law. In 1401 a statute, De heretico comburendo, ordered that heretics convicted in a spiritual court should be committed to the secular arm and publicly burned, and, while this statute was pending, one Sawtre was burned as a relapsed heretic. Henry V. was zealous for orthodoxy and the persecution of Lollards increased; in 1414 Sir John Oldcastle, Lord Cobham, who had been condemned as a heretic, escaped and made an insurrection; he was taken in 1417 and hanged and burned. Lollardism was connected with an insurrection in 1431; it then ceased to have any political importance, but it kept its hold in certain towns and districts on the lower classes; many Lollards were forced to recant and others suffered martyrdom. The church was in an unsatisfactory state. As regards the papacy, the crown generally maintained the position taken up in the previous century, but its policy was fitful, and the custom of allowing bishops who were made cardinals to retain their sees 447 strengthened papal influence. The bishops were largely engaged in secular business; there was much plurality, and cathedral and collegiate churches were frequently left to inferior officers whose lives were unclerical. The clergy were numerous and drawn from all classes, and humble birth did not debar a man from attaining the highest positions in the church. Candidates for holy orders were still examined, but clerical education seems to have declined. Preaching was rare, partly from neglectfulness and partly because, in 1401, in order to prevent the spread of heresy, priests were forbidden to preach without a licence. While the marriage of the clergy was checked, irregular and temporary connexions were lightly condoned. Discipline generally was lax, and exhortations against field-sports, tavern haunting and other unclerical habits seem to have had little effect. Monasticism had declined. Papal indulgences and relics were hawked about chiefly by friars, though these practices were discountenanced by the bishops. On the other hand, all education was carried on by the clergy, and religion entered largely into the daily life of the people, into their gild-meetings, church-ales, mystery-plays and holidays, as well as into the great events of family life—baptisms, marriages and deaths. Many stately churches were built in the prevailing Perpendicular style, often by efforts in which all classes shared, and many hamlet chapels supplemented the mother church in scattered parishes. The revival of classical learning scarcely affected the church at large. Greek learning was regarded with suspicion by many churchmen, but the English humanists were orthodox. The movement had little to do with the coming religious conflicts, which indeed killed it, save that it awoke in some learned men like Sir Thomas More a desire for ecclesiastical, though not doctrinal, reform, and led many to study the New Testament of which Erasmus published a Greek text and Latin paraphrases.

With the rise of the Lancastrian house, the crown aligned itself with the church, and the bishops took a harsh stance against the Lollards. According to canon law, stubborn heretics were to be burned by secular authorities, and while England had mostly been free from heresy until then, a few executions had occurred under that law. In 1401, a statute, De heretico comburendo, mandated that heretics convicted in a spiritual court be handed over to secular authorities and publicly burned. During the time this statute was being discussed, a man named Sawtre was burned as a relapsed heretic. Henry V was passionate about orthodoxy, and persecution of the Lollards increased; in 1414, Sir John Oldcastle, Lord Cobham, who had been condemned as a heretic, escaped and led a rebellion; he was captured in 1417 and hanged and burned. Lollardism was linked to a rebellion in 1431; after that, it became politically insignificant, but it maintained some support among the lower classes in certain towns and districts. Many Lollards were forced to recant, while others faced martyrdom. The church was in a problematic state. Concerning the papacy, the crown generally upheld the stance from the previous century, but its approach was inconsistent, and the practice of allowing bishops who were made cardinals to keep their dioceses increased papal influence. Bishops were often preoccupied with secular matters; there was a lot of plurality, and cathedral and collegiate churches were frequently overseen by less qualified individuals whose lives were not reflective of clerical duties. The clergy were numerous and came from all social classes, and humble origins did not prevent a person from achieving the highest offices in the church. Candidates for holy orders were still examined, but clerical education seems to have declined. Preaching was uncommon, partly due to neglect and partly because, in 1401, priests were banned from preaching without a license to curb the spread of heresy. Although clergy marriage was restricted, casual and temporary relationships were often overlooked. Overall discipline was lax, and warnings against activities like field sports, drinking in taverns, and other unclerical habits appeared to have little effect. Monasticism had declined. Papal indulgences and relics were primarily sold by friars, despite bishops disapproving of these practices. On the other hand, all education was run by the clergy, and religion was a significant part of daily life for the people, influencing their guild meetings, church festivities, mystery plays, holidays, and major family events like baptisms, marriages, and funerals. Many impressive churches were built in the popular Perpendicular style, often with contributions from all social classes, and many village chapels complemented the main church in diverse parishes. The revival of classical learning hardly impacted the church as a whole. Many church leaders viewed Greek learning with suspicion, but the English humanists remained orthodox. This movement largely had no connection to the impending religious conflicts, which ultimately extinguished it, except that it inspired some educated individuals like Sir Thomas More to seek ecclesiastical, though not doctrinal, reform and prompted many to study the New Testament, of which Erasmus published a Greek text and Latin paraphrases.

During the earlier years of the 16th century Lollardism still existed among the lower classes in towns, and was rife here and there in country districts. Persecution went on and martyrdoms are recorded. The old grievances concerning The Reformation era. ecclesiastical exactions remained unabated and were further strengthened by an ill-founded rumour that Richard Hunne, a Londoner who had refused to pay a mortuary, was imprisoned for heresy in the Lollards’ tower, and was found hanged in his cell in 1514, had been murdered. Lutheranism affected England chiefly through the surreptitious importation of Tyndale’s New Testament and heretical books. In 1521 Henry VIII. wrote a book against Luther in which he maintained the papal authority, and was rewarded by Leo X. with the title of Defender of the Faith. Henry, however, whose will was to himself as the oracles of God, finding that the pope opposed his intended divorce from Catherine of Aragon, determined to allow no supremacy in his realm save his own. He carried out his ecclesiastical policy by parliamentary help. Parliament was packed, and was skilfully managed; and he had on his side the popular impatience of ecclesiastical abuses, a new feeling of national pride which would brook no foreign interference, the old desire of the laity to lighten their own burdens by the wealth of the church, and a growing inclination to question or reject sacerdotal authority. He used these advantages to forward his policy, and when he met with opposition, enforced his will as a despot. The parliament of 1529 lasted until 1536; it broke the bonds of Rome, established royal supremacy over the English Church, and effected a redistribution of national wealth at the expense of the spirituality. It began by acts abolishing ecclesiastical exactions, such as excessive mortuaries and fees for probate, and by prohibiting pluralities except in stated cases, application to Rome for licence to evade the act being made penal. Henry having crushed his minister Cardinal Wolsey, archbishop of York, declared the whole body of the clergy involved in a praemunire by their submission to Wolsey’s legatine authority, and ordered the convocation to purchase pardon by a large payment, and by acknowledging him as “Protector and Supreme Head of the English Church and Clergy.” After much debate, the acknowledgment was made in 1531, with the qualification “so far as the law of Christ allows.” A “supplication” against clerical jurisdiction and legislation by convocation was obtained from the Commons in 1532, and Henry received from convocation the “submission of the clergy,” surrendering its legislative power except on royal licence, and consenting to a revision of the canon law by commissioners to be appointed by the king. A bill for conditionally withholding the payment of annates, or first-fruits, to Rome was passed, and Henry took advantage of the fear of the Roman court lest it should lose these payments, to obtain without the usual fees bulls promoting Cranmer to the see of Canterbury in 1533, and thus was enabled to gain his divorce. Cranmer pronounced his marriage to Catherine null, and declared him lawfully married to Anne Boleyn. Clement VII. retorted by excommunicating the king, but for that Henry cared not. Appeals to Rome were forbidden by statute, and the council ordained that the pope should thenceforth only be spoken of as bishop of Rome, as not having authority in England. In 1534 the restraint of annates was confirmed by law, all payments to Rome were forbidden, and it was enacted that, on receiving royal licence to elect, cathedral chapters must elect bishops nominated by the king. The papal power was extirpated by statute, parliament at the same time declaring that neither the king nor kingdom would vary from the “Catholic faith of Christendom.” The submission of the clergy was made law. Appeals from the archbishops’ courts were to be to the king in chancery, and were to be heard by commissioners, whence arose the Court of Delegates as the court of final appeal in ecclesiastical cases. The first-fruits and tenths of benefices were given to the king, and his title as “Supreme Head in earth of the Church of England” was declared by parliament without the qualification added by convocation. Fisher, bishop of Rochester, and Sir Thomas More, lately chancellor, the two most eminent Englishmen, were beheaded in 1535 on an accusation of attempting to deprive the king of this title, and some Carthusian monks suffered a more cruel martyrdom in the same cause. Meanwhile New Testaments were burnt, and heretics, or reformers, forced to abjure or, remaining steadfast, were sent to the stake, for though the heresy law of Henry IV. was repealed, heresy was still punishable by death, and persecution was not abated. By breaking the bonds of Rome Henry did not give the church freedom; he substituted a single despotism for the dual authority which pope and king had previously exercised over it. In 1535 Cromwell, the king’s vicar-general, began a visitation of the monasteries. The reports (comperta) of his commissioners having been delivered to the king and communicated to parliament in 1536, parliament declared the smaller monasteries corrupt, and granted the king all of less value than £200 a year. A rebellion in Lincolnshire and another in the north, the formidable Pilgrimage of Grace, followed. The suppression of the greater houses was effected gradually, surrenders were obtained by pressure, and three abbots who were reluctant to give up the possessions of their convents for confiscation were hanged. Monastic shrines and treasuries were sacked and the spoil sent to the king, to whom parliament granted all the houses, their lands and possessions. Of the enormous wealth thus gained Henry spent a part on national defence, a little on the foundation of the bishoprics of Westminster, dissolved in 1550, Bristol, Chester, Gloucester, Oxford and Peterborough, and gave the lands to men either useful to or favoured by himself, or sold them to rich purchasers. In 1536 he dictated the belief and ceremonial of the church by issuing Ten Articles which were subscribed by convocation. This first formulary of the English Church as separate from Rome did not contravene Catholic doctrine, though it showed the influence of Lutheran models. Another exposition of Anglican doctrine was made in the Institution of a Christian Man or “Bishops’ book,” in some respects more likely to satisfy those attached to the tenets of Rome, in others, as in the distinct repudiation of purgatory and the declaration that salvation depended solely on the merits of Christ, showing an advance. It was published in 1537 with Henry’s sanction but not by authority. In that year licence was granted for the sale of a translation of the Bible, and in 1538 another version called Matthew’s Bible, was ordered to be kept in all churches (see 448 Bible). Pilgrimages were suppressed and images used for worship destroyed. Denial of the king’s supremacy, denial of the corporal presence in the Eucharist, and insults to Catholic rites were alike punished by cruel death. The publication abroad of the king’s excommunication rendered an assertion of orthodoxy advisable for political reasons, and in 1539 came the Act of the Six Articles attaching extreme penalties to deviations from Catholic doctrines. The backward swing of the pendulum continued; Cromwell was beheaded and three reforming preachers were burnt in 1540. Prosecutions for heresy under the act were fitful: four gospellers were burnt in London in 1546, of whom the celebrated Anne Askew was one. Cranmer, however, did not lose the king’s favour. A fresh attempt to define doctrine was made in the Necessary Doctrine and Erudition of a Christian Man, the “King’s Book,” published by authority in 1543, which, while repudiating the pope, was a declaration of Catholic orthodoxy. A Primer, or private prayer-book, of which parts were in English, as the litany composed by Cranmer, and virtually the same as at present, was issued in 1546, and further liturgical change seemed probable when Henry died in 1547.

During the early years of the 16th century, Lollardism still existed among the lower classes in towns and was widespread in some rural areas. Persecution continued, and there are records of martyrs. The long-standing grievances regarding church exactions persisted and were worsened by a baseless rumor that Richard Hunne, a Londoner who refused to pay a mortuary fee, had been imprisoned for heresy in the Lollards' tower and was found hanged in his cell in 1514, allegedly murdered. Lutheran ideas affected England mainly through the covert importation of Tyndale's New Testament and other heretical texts. In 1521, Henry VIII wrote a book against Luther, defending papal authority, and was rewarded by Leo X with the title of Defender of the Faith. However, Henry, who considered his will as authoritative as God's will, determined that no authority in his realm would be above his own after finding that the pope opposed his intended divorce from Catherine of Aragon. He carried out his ecclesiastical policy with the help of parliament. Parliament was loaded and skillfully managed; he had the support of popular dissatisfaction with ecclesiastical abuses, a rising sense of national pride that rejected foreign control, the old desire of laypeople to relieve their burdens through church wealth, and a growing tendency to question or dismiss clerical authority. He leveraged these advantages to push his agenda, and when faced with opposition, imposed his will as a dictator. The parliament of 1529 lasted until 1536; it broke away from Rome, established royal supremacy over the English Church, and redistributed national wealth at the expense of the clergy. It began with acts abolishing excessive church fees, prohibiting pluralities except in specified cases, and making any appeal to Rome for licenses to circumvent the act punishable. After eliminating Cardinal Wolsey, his minister and archbishop of York, Henry declared the entire clergy guilty of a praemunire for their allegiance to Wolsey's legatine authority and demanded that the convocation pay a hefty sum to gain forgiveness and acknowledge him as "Protector and Supreme Head of the English Church and Clergy." After considerable debate, this acknowledgment was made in 1531, with the condition "as far as the law of Christ allows." A "supplication" against clerical jurisdiction and legislation from the convocation was obtained from the Commons in 1532, and Henry received the "submission of the clergy," surrendering its legislative power except by royal permission and agreeing to a revision of canon law by commissioners appointed by the king. A bill was passed to conditionally withhold the payment of annates, or first-fruits, to Rome, and Henry capitalized on the Roman court's fear of losing these payments to obtain bulls promoting Cranmer to the see of Canterbury in 1533 without the usual fees, allowing him to gain his divorce. Cranmer declared Henry's marriage to Catherine null and stated he was lawfully married to Anne Boleyn. Clement VII responded by excommunicating the king, but Henry was unfazed. Appeals to Rome were prohibited by law, and the council declared that from then on, the pope would only be referred to as the bishop of Rome, having no authority in England. In 1534, the restriction on annates was confirmed by law, all payments to Rome were forbidden, and it was enacted that, upon receiving royal permission, cathedral chapters must elect bishops nominated by the king. The papal authority was eliminated by statute, with parliament stating that neither the king nor the kingdom would deviate from the "Catholic faith of Christendom." The clergy's submission became law. Appeals from the archbishops' courts would go to the king in chancery and would be heard by commissioners, establishing the Court of Delegates as the final court of appeal in ecclesiastical cases. The first-fruits and tenths of benefices were granted to the king, and parliament declared him the "Supreme Head on earth of the Church of England" without the qualification added by the convocation. Fisher, the bishop of Rochester, and Sir Thomas More, the former chancellor, were executed in 1535 on charges of attempting to deny the king this title, while some Carthusian monks faced an even harsher fate for the same reason. Meanwhile, New Testaments were burned, and reformers were forced to recant or, if they remained steadfast, were executed by fire; although Henry IV’s heresy law was repealed, heresy still carried the death penalty, and persecution continued. By breaking the ties with Rome, Henry didn’t grant the church freedom; he replaced a shared authority with a single tyranny. In 1535, Cromwell, the king's vicar-general, began inspecting the monasteries. The reports from his commissioners were delivered to the king and shared with parliament in 1536, which declared the smaller monasteries corrupt and gave the king all those that were valued at less than £200 a year. This led to rebellions, including the significant Pilgrimage of Grace in Lincolnshire and another in the north. The suppression of larger houses occurred gradually, with surrenders obtained through pressure, and three abbots who refused to relinquish their convents were hanged. Monastic treasures and shrines were plundered, and the spoils sent to the king, who received all the houses, lands, and possessions. Henry used part of the immense wealth gained for national defense, a little for establishing the bishoprics of Westminster (dissolved in 1550), Bristol, Chester, Gloucester, Oxford, and Peterborough, and distributed lands to those who were useful to or favored by him or sold them to wealthy buyers. In 1536, he dictated the church's beliefs and ceremonies by issuing Ten Articles that were approved by the convocation. This first formulation of the English Church distinct from Rome did not contradict Catholic doctrine, though it bore the influence of Lutheran ideas. Another outline of Anglican doctrine was created in the Institution of a Christian Man, or "Bishops' Book," published in 1537, which in some ways would likely satisfy those loyal to Roman beliefs, yet in other respects, such as the clear rejection of purgatory and the claim that salvation solely depended on Christ's merits, it indicated progress. It was published in 1537 with Henry's approval but not under official authority. That year, permission was granted for the sale of a Bible translation, and in 1538, another version called Matthew's Bible was mandated to be kept in all churches. Pilgrimages were prohibited, and images used in worship were destroyed. Denying the king's supremacy, questioning the real presence in the Eucharist, and insulting Catholic rituals were all met with brutal death. The international publication of the king's excommunication made a show of orthodoxy necessary for political reasons, leading to the Act of the Six Articles in 1539, which imposed severe penalties for deviations from Catholic doctrines. The backlash continued; Cromwell was executed, and three reforming preachers were burned in 1540. Prosecutions for heresy under the act were irregular: four gospellers were burned in London in 1546, including the well-known Anne Askew. However, Cranmer maintained the king’s favor. A renewed effort to define doctrine occurred in the Necessary Doctrine and Erudition of a Christian Man, the "King's Book," published by authority in 1543, which, while denying the pope, reiterated a declaration of Catholic orthodoxy. A Primer, or private prayer book, with some parts in English, including the litany composed by Cranmer and largely similar to what exists today, was released in 1546, and further liturgical changes seemed likely when Henry died in 1547.

Henry, while changing many things in the church, would not allow any deviation in essentials from the religion of Catholic Europe, which was not then so dogmatically defined as it was later by the council of Trent. Edward VI. was a child, and the Protector Somerset and the council favoured further changes, which were carried out with Cranmer’s help. They issued a book of Homilies and a set of injunctions which were enforced by a royal visitation. Pictures and much painted glass were destroyed in churches, frescoed walls were whitewashed, and in 1548, the removal of all images was decreed. Parliament ordered that bishops should be appointed by letters patent and hold their courts in the king’s name. An act of the last reign granting the king all chantries and gilds was enlarged and enforced with cruel injustice to the poor. On the petition of convocation parliament allowed the marriage of priests; and it further ordered that the laity should receive the cup in communion. A communion book was issued by the council in English, the Latin mass being retained for a time. Many German reformers came to England, were favoured by the council, and gained influence over Cranmer. The first Book of Common Prayer was authorized by an Act of Uniformity in 1549; it retained much from old service books, but the communion office is Lutheran in character. It excited discontent, and a serious insurrection broke out in the West, the insurgents demanding the revival of the Act of the Six Articles and the withdrawal of the new service as “like a Christmas game.” After Somerset’s fall the government rapidly pushed forward reformation. A new Ordinal issued with parliamentary approval in 1550 was significant of the change in sacramental doctrine, and the four minor orders disappeared. Altars were destroyed and tables substituted. Five bishops, Bonner of London, Gardiner of Winchester, and Heath of Worcester, then already in prison, and two others, were deprived; and the Lady Mary, who would not give up the mass, was harshly treated. The reformers were not tolerant; for a woman was burnt for Arianism in 1550 and a male Anabaptist in 1551. Under the influence of foreign reformers, who took a lower view of the Eucharist than the Lutheran divines, Cranmer soon advanced beyond the prayer-book of 1549. A second prayer-book, departing further from the old order, appeared in 1552, and without being accepted by convocation was enforced by another Act of Uniformity, and in 1553 a catechism and forty-two articles of religion were authorized by Edward for subscription by the clergy, though not laid before convocation. A revision of the canon law in accordance with the act for “submission of the clergy” was at last undertaken in 1551, but the only result was a document entitled Reformatio legum ecclesiasticarum, which never received authority. Edward died in 1553. Apart from matters of faith, the church had fared ill under a royal supremacy exercised by self-seeking nobles in the name of the boy-king. Convocation lost all authority and bishops were treated as state officials liable to deprivation for disobedience to the council. Means of worship were diminished, and the poor were shamefully wronged by the suppression of chantries, gilds and holy days; even the few sheep of the poor brethren of a gild were seized to swell a sum which from 1550 was largely diverted from public purposes to private gain. Churches were despoiled of their plate; the old bishops were forced, the new more easily persuaded, to give up lands belonging to their sees, and rich men grew richer by robbing God.

Henry, while changing many things in the church, would not permit any essential deviation from the Catholic faith of Europe, which wasn’t as clearly defined at that time as it became later with the Council of Trent. Edward VI was just a child, and the Protector Somerset, along with the council, supported further changes, which were carried out with Cranmer’s assistance. They published a book of Homilies and a set of injunctions that were enforced through a royal visitation. Pictures and a lot of stained glass were destroyed in churches, frescoed walls were whitewashed, and in 1548, the removal of all images was ordered. Parliament mandated that bishops should be appointed by letters patent and hold their courts in the king’s name. An act from the previous reign that granted the king all chantries and gilds was expanded and enforced with cruel injustice towards the poor. At the request of convocation, parliament allowed priests to marry; they also ordered that laypeople should receive the cup during communion. The council issued a communion book in English, although the Latin mass was kept for a time. Many German reformers came to England, were supported by the council, and gained influence over Cranmer. The first Book of Common Prayer was authorized by an Act of Uniformity in 1549; it retained much from earlier service books, but the communion service was Lutheran in nature. It caused discontent, and a serious rebellion broke out in the West, with the rebels demanding the revival of the Act of the Six Articles and the withdrawal of the new service, calling it “like a Christmas game.” After Somerset was removed from power, the government quickly advanced the reformation. A new Ordinal issued with parliamentary approval in 1550 was significant of the change in sacramental doctrine, and the four minor orders were eliminated. Altars were destroyed and replaced with tables. Five bishops—Bonner of London, Gardiner of Winchester, Heath of Worcester, already imprisoned, and two others—were removed from their positions; Lady Mary, who refused to abandon the mass, faced harsh treatment. The reformers were not tolerant; a woman was executed for Arianism in 1550 and a male Anabaptist in 1551. Influenced by foreign reformers who held a lower view of the Eucharist than the Lutheran theologians, Cranmer quickly moved beyond the 1549 prayer book. A second prayer book, which departed even further from the traditional order, was published in 1552, and was enforced by another Act of Uniformity without being accepted by convocation. In 1553, a catechism and forty-two articles of religion were authorized by Edward for clergy subscription, although they weren't presented to convocation. A revision of canon law in line with the act for "submission of the clergy" was finally undertaken in 1551, but the only outcome was a document titled Reformatio legum ecclesiasticarum, which never gained authority. Edward died in 1553. Aside from issues of faith, the church suffered under a royal supremacy exercised by self-serving nobles in the name of the boy king. Convocation lost all authority, and bishops were treated as state officials who could be removed for disobeying the council. Worship methods were diminished, and the poor were shamefully mistreated by the suppression of chantries, guilds, and holy days; even the few sheep belonging to the impoverished members of a guild were seized to increase a sum that, since 1550, was largely redirected from public purposes to private profit. Churches were stripped of their silver; the old bishops were forced, while the new ones were more easily persuaded, to give up lands belonging to their sees, and wealthy individuals grew richer by robbing God.

When Mary succeeded her brother, the deprived bishops were restored, some reforming bishops were imprisoned, and Cranmer, who was implicated in the plot on behalf of Lady Jane Grey, was attainted of treason. As regards doctrine, religious practices and papal supremacy, Mary was set on bringing back her realm to the position existing before her father’s quarrel with Rome. Her first parliament repealed the ecclesiastical legislation of Edward’s reign, and convocation formally accepted transubstantiation. Seven bishops were deprived in 1554, four of them as married, and about a fifth of the beneficed clergy, though some received other benefices after putting away their wives. Apparently Mary at first believed that her authority would be accepted in religious matters; but she met with opposition, partly provocative, for Wyat’s rebellion consequent on her intended marriage to Philip of Spain was closely connected with religion, and more largely passive in the noble resolution of those who chose martyrdom rather than denial of their faith. To the nation at large, though not averse from the old doctrines and practices of the church, a return to the Roman obedience was distasteful. Nevertheless, Cardinal Pole was received as legate, and the title of Supreme Head of the Church having been dropped, a parliament carefully packed, and the fears of the rich appeased by the assurance that they would not have to surrender the monastic lands, he absolved the nation in parliament and reunited it to the Church of Rome on November 30, 1554, the clergy being absolved in convocation. Parliament repealed all acts against the Roman see since the twentieth year of Henry VIII. The heresy laws were revived, and a horrible persecution of those who refused to disown the doctrines of the prayer-book began in 1555, and lasted during the remainder of the reign. Nearly 300 persons were burned to death as heretics in these four years, among them being five bishops: Hooper of Gloucester, Ferrar of St David’s, Ridley of London, and Latimer (until 1539) of Worcester in 1555, and Archbishop Cranmer in 1556. The chief responsibility for these horrors rests with the queen; the bishops who examined the accused were less zealous than she desired. The most prominent among them in persecution was Bonner of London. The exiles for religion were received at Frankfort, Strassburg and Zürich. At Frankfort a party among them objected to the ceremonies retained in the prayer-book, and, encouraged by Calvin and by Knox, who came to them from Geneva, quarrelled with those who desired to keep the book unchanged. Mary died in 1558. Her reign arrested the rapid spoliation of the church and possibly prevented the adoption of doctrines which would have destroyed its apostolic character; the persecution by which it was disgraced strengthened the hold of the reformed religion on the people and made another acceptance of Roman supremacy for ever impossible.

When Mary took over from her brother, the ousted bishops were reinstated, some reforming bishops were imprisoned, and Cranmer, who was involved in the plot for Lady Jane Grey, was charged with treason. Regarding doctrine, religious practices, and papal authority, Mary aimed to return her kingdom to the state it was in before her father's conflict with Rome. Her first parliament repealed the church laws from Edward's reign, and the convocation formally accepted transubstantiation. In 1554, seven bishops were ousted, four of whom were married, and about a fifth of the beneficed clergy, although some received other positions after divorcing their wives. Initially, Mary believed her authority in religious matters would be accepted; however, she faced opposition, partly instigated by Wyat’s rebellion tied to her proposed marriage to Philip of Spain, and more broadly due to the noble decision of those who chose martyrdom over renouncing their faith. To the general public, while not against the old teachings and practices of the church, a return to Roman rule was unwelcome. Nonetheless, Cardinal Pole was received as legate, and after the title of Supreme Head of the Church was dropped, a carefully chosen parliament assured the wealthy that they would not have to give up monastic lands, leading to his absolution of the nation and its reunion with the Church of Rome on November 30, 1554, with the clergy absolved in convocation. Parliament repealed all acts against the Roman see since the twentieth year of Henry VIII. The heresy laws were reinstated, leading to a brutal persecution of those who refused to reject the doctrines of the prayer book, which began in 1555 and continued throughout her reign. Nearly 300 people were burned as heretics in these four years, including five bishops: Hooper of Gloucester, Ferrar of St David’s, Ridley of London, and Latimer (until 1539) of Worcester in 1555, and Archbishop Cranmer in 1556. The primary responsibility for these horrors lies with the queen; the bishops who examined the accused were not as zealous as she wanted. The most prominent among the persecutors was Bonner of London. Religious exiles found refuge in Frankfort, Strassburg, and Zürich. In Frankfort, some among them opposed the ceremonies kept in the prayer book and, encouraged by Calvin and Knox who came from Geneva, clashed with those who wanted to keep the book the same. Mary died in 1558. Her reign halted the rapid plundering of the church and possibly prevented the adoption of doctrines that would have undermined its apostolic character; the persecution that stained her rule strengthened the hold of the reformed religion on the people and made a return to Roman authority impossible forever.

Elizabeth’s accession was hailed with pleasure; she was known to dislike her sister’s ecclesiastical policy, and a change was expected. An Act of Supremacy restored to the crown the authority over the church held by Henry Elizabethan settlement. VIII., and provided for its exercise by commissioners, whence came the court of High Commission nominated by the crown, as a high ecclesiastical court; but Elizabeth rejected the title of Supreme Head, and used that of Supreme Governor, as “over all persons and in all cases within her dominions supreme.” An Act of Uniformity prescribed the use of the prayer-book of 1552 in a revised form which raised the level of its doctrine, and injunctions enforced by a royal visitation re-established the reformed order. All the Marian bishops save two refused the oath of supremacy and were deprived, and eight were imprisoned. Of the clergy generally few refused 449 it; for only some 200 were deprived for religion during the first six years of the reign. Bishops for the vacant sees were nominated by the crown and elected by their chapters as in Henry’s reign; Matthew Parker was canonically consecrated archbishop of Canterbury. The orthodoxy of the church was vindicated by Bishop Jewel’s Apologia ecclesiae Anglicanae. Adherents to Rome vainly tried to obtain papal sanction for attending the church services, and were forced either to disobey the pope or become “recusants”; many were fined, and those who attended mass were imprisoned. Meanwhile a party, soon known as Puritans, rebelled against church order; the exiles who had come under Genevan influence objecting on their return to vestments and ceremonies enjoined by the prayer-book. There was much nonconformity in the church which the queen ordered the bishops to correct. Parker, though averse to violent measures, insisted on obedience to his “Advertisements” of 1566, which, though not formally authorized by the queen, expressed her will, and became held as authoritative, and some of the refractory were punished. A company engaged in irregular worship was discovered in London in 1567 and a few persons were imprisoned by the magistrate. Active opposition to the government was stirred up by Pius V., and in 1569 a rebellion in the north, where the old religion was strong, was aided by papal money and encouraged by hopes of Spanish intervention. In 1570 Pius published a bull excommunicating and deposing the queen. Thenceforward recusants had to choose between loyalty to the queen and loyalty to the pope. They lay under suspicion, and severe penal laws were enacted against Romish practices. About 1579 many seminary priests and Jesuits came over to England as missionaries; some actively engaged in treason, all were legally traitors. The country was threatened with foreign invasion, plots against the government were detected, and the queen’s life was held to be endangered. The council hunted down these priests and their abettors, and many were executed, martyrs to the doctrine of the pope’s power of deposition. The number put to death in this reign under the penal laws was 187. The papal policy defeated itself; a large number of the old religion while retaining their faith chose to be loyal to the queen rather than lend themselves to the designs of her enemies. From 1571 recusants can no longer be reckoned as nonconforming members of the English Church: the law recognized them as separate from it. The church’s doctrine was defined in the catechism of 1570, and in the revised articles of religion which appeared as the XXXIX. Articles in 1571, and its law by a body of canons published with authority in 1576, the attempt at codification made in the Reformatio legum having been laid aside.

Elizabeth's rise to power was welcomed with joy; she was known to disapprove of her sister's church policies, and a shift was anticipated. An Act of Supremacy restored the crown's authority over the church that Henry VIII had held, allowing its exercise through commissioners, leading to the establishment of the High Commission court appointed by the crown as a high ecclesiastical court. However, Elizabeth rejected the title of Supreme Head and opted for Supreme Governor, as “over all persons and in all cases within her dominions supreme.” An Act of Uniformity mandated the use of the 1552 prayer book in an updated format that elevated its doctrine, and injunctions enforced by royal visitation reinstated the reformed order. All but two of the Marian bishops refused the oath of supremacy and were removed from office, with eight imprisoned. Most clergy accepted it; only around 200 were deprived of their positions for religious reasons during the first six years of her reign. Bishops for the vacant seats were nominated by the crown and elected by their chapters, just as in Henry's time; Matthew Parker was properly consecrated archbishop of Canterbury. The church's orthodoxy was defended by Bishop Jewel’s *Apologia ecclesiae Anglicanae*. Supporters of Rome unsuccessfully sought papal approval to attend church services and were compelled to either disobey the pope or become “recusants”; many faced fines, and those who attended mass were imprisoned. Meanwhile, a group that would come to be known as Puritans opposed church order; exiles influenced by Geneva protested against the vestments and ceremonies mandated by the prayer book upon their return. There was considerable nonconformity within the church, which the queen directed the bishops to address. Parker, although hesitant to use harsh methods, insisted on compliance with his “Advertisements” of 1566, which, while not officially authorized by the queen, conveyed her wishes and came to be seen as authoritative, leading to punishment for some dissenters. A group engaged in unauthorized worship was found in London in 1567, resulting in a few individuals being imprisoned by local authorities. Active resistance to the government was incited by Pius V, and in 1569 a rebellion in the north, where the old religion was strong, received support from papal funds and encouragement from hopes of Spanish intervention. In 1570, Pius issued a bull excommunicating and deposing the queen. From that point forward, recusants had to choose between loyalty to the queen and allegiance to the pope. They were viewed with suspicion, and strict laws were enacted against Roman Catholic practices. Around 1579, many seminary priests and Jesuits arrived in England as missionaries; some engaged in treasonous activities and all were deemed legal traitors. The country faced the threat of foreign invasion, plots against the government were uncovered, and the queen’s life was considered in jeopardy. The council pursued these priests and their supporters, resulting in many executions, with these individuals becoming martyrs for the belief in the pope’s power to depose. The total executed under the penal laws during this reign was 187. The papal strategy backfired; a significant number of those adhering to the old faith chose to remain loyal to the queen instead of cooperating with her enemies. From 1571 onward, recusants could no longer be regarded as nonconforming members of the English Church: the law recognized them as distinct from it. The church’s teachings were outlined in the catechism of 1570 and in the revised articles of religion, which were published as the XXXIX Articles in 1571, with its laws established by a body of canons published with authority in 1576, as the effort at codification made in the *Reformatio legum* was set aside.

From 1574 the Protestant Nonconformists strove to introduce Presbyterianism. Cause for grievance existed in the state of the church which had suffered from the late violent changes. Elizabeth plundered it, and laymen who The Nonconformists. owned the rectories formerly held by monasteries followed her example; bishoprics were impoverished by the queen and parish cures by her subjects, and the reform of abuses was checked by self-interest. As bishops, along with some able men, Elizabeth chose others of an inferior stamp who consented to the plunder of their sees and whom she could use to report on recusants and harry nonconformists. Separation, or Independency, began about 1578 with the followers of Robert Browne, who repudiated the queen’s ecclesiastical authority; two Brownists were executed in 1583. The nonconformists remained in the church and continued their efforts to subvert its episcopal system. Elizabeth, though personally little influenced by religion, understood the political value of the church, and would allow no slackness in enforcing conformity. Archbishop Grindal was sequestrated for defending “prophesyings,” or meetings of the Puritan clergy for religious exercises. The House of Commons, in which there was a Puritan element, repeatedly attempted to discuss church questions and was sharply silenced by the queen, who would not allow any interference in ecclesiastical matters. Whitgift, who succeeded Grindal in 1583, though kind-hearted, was strict in his administration of the law. Violent attacks were made upon the bishops in the Martin Marprelate tracts printed by a secret press; their author is unknown, but some who were probably connected with them were executed for publishing seditious libels. Whitgift’s firmness met with success. During the last years of the reign the movement towards Presbyterianism was checked and nonconformity was less prominent. The church regained a measure of orderliness and vigour; its claims on allegiance were advocated by eminent divines and expounded in the stately pages of Hooker. The queen, who had so vigorously ordered ecclesiastical affairs, died in 1603.

From 1574, the Protestant Nonconformists worked to introduce Presbyterianism. There were grievances about the state of the church, which had suffered from recent violent changes. Elizabeth plundered it, and laypeople who owned the rectories formerly held by monasteries followed her lead; bishoprics were drained by the queen, and parish positions were impoverished by her subjects, while the reform of abuses was stalled by self-interest. Elizabeth chose bishops, including some capable men, as well as others of lower quality who agreed to the plundering of their sees and whom she could use to report on recusants and harass nonconformists. Separation, or Independency, began around 1578 with the followers of Robert Browne, who rejected the queen’s authority over the church; two Brownists were executed in 1583. The nonconformists remained within the church and continued their efforts to undermine its episcopal system. Elizabeth, although not personally very religious, recognized the political importance of the church and would not tolerate any leniency in enforcing conformity. Archbishop Grindal was removed for defending “prophesyings,” or meetings of Puritan clergy for religious activities. The House of Commons, which included a Puritan faction, repeatedly tried to discuss church issues and was sharply silenced by the queen, who would not allow any interference in church matters. Whitgift, who succeeded Grindal in 1583, though compassionate, was strict in upholding the law. There were violent attacks on the bishops in the Martin Marprelate tracts printed by a secret press; the author is unknown, but some who were likely connected to them were executed for publishing seditious libels. Whitgift’s firmness proved effective. In the last years of the reign, the movement towards Presbyterianism was slowed, and nonconformity became less prominent. The church regained some order and vigor; its claims to loyalty were supported by notable theologians and articulated in the dignified writings of Hooker. The queen, who had vigorously managed ecclesiastical affairs, died in 1603.

On the accession of James I. the Puritans expressed their desire for ecclesiastical change in the Millenary Petition which purported to come from 1000 clergy; their requests were moderate, a sign of the success of Whitgift’s The Puritan rebellion. policy, but some could not have been granted without causing widespread dissatisfaction. At a conference between divines of the two parties at Hampton Court in 1604, James roughly decided against the Puritans. Some small alterations were made in the prayer-book, and a new version of the Bible was undertaken, which appeared in 1611 as the “authorized version.” In 1604 convocation framed a code of canons which received royal authorization. Refusal to obey them was punished with deprivation, and, according to S. R. Gardiner, about 300 clergy were deprived, though a 17th century writer (Peter Heylyn) puts the number at 49 only, which W. H. Frere (History of the English Church, 1558-1625, p. 321) thinks more credible. Conformity could still be enforced, but before long the Puritan party grew in strength partly from religious and partly from political causes. They would not admit any authority in religion that was not based on the scriptures; their opponents maintained that the church had authority to ordain ceremonies not contrary to the scriptures. In doctrine the Puritans remained faithful to the Calvinism in which most Englishmen of the day had been brought up; they called the high churchmen Arminians, and asserted that they were inclined to Rome. The Commons became increasingly Puritan; they were strongly Protestant and demanded the enforcement of the laws against recusants, who suffered much, specially after the Gunpowder Plot of 1605, though they were sometimes shielded by the king. The Commons regarded ecclesiastical jurisdiction with dislike, specially the Court of High Commission, which had developed from the ecclesiastical commissions of Elizabeth and was hated as a means of coercion based on prerogative. The bishops derived their support from the king, and the church in return supported the king’s claim to absolutism and divine right. It suffered heavily from this alliance. As men saw the church on the side of absolutism, Puritanism grew strong both among the country gentry, who were largely represented in the Commons, and among the nation at large, and the church lost ground through the king’s political errors. A restoration of order and decency in worship and the introduction of more ceremonial begun in James’s reign were carried on by Laud (q.v.) under Charles I. Laud aimed at silencing disputes about doctrine and enforcing outward uniformity; the Puritans hated ceremonial and wished to make every one accept their doctrines. Many of the reforms introduced by Laud after he became archbishop in 1633 were needful, but they offended the Puritans and were enforced in a harsh and tyrannical manner, for he lacked wisdom and sympathy. Under his rule nonconforming clergy were deprived and sometimes imprisoned. The cruel punishments inflicted by the Court of Star Chamber of which he was a member, the unpopularity of the High Commission Court, his own harsh dealing, and the part which he took in politics as a confidential adviser of the king, combined to bring odium upon him and upon the ecclesiastical system which he represented. The church was weak, for the Laudian system was disliked by the nation. A storm of discontent with the course of affairs both in church and state gathered. In 1640 Charles, after dissolving parliament, prolonged the session of convocation, which issued canons magnifying the royal authority and imposing the so-called “et cetera oath” against innovations on all clergy, graduates 450 and others. The Long Parliament voted the canons illegal; Laud was imprisoned, and in 1642 the bishops were excluded from parliament. The civil war began in 1642; in 1643 a bill was passed for the taking away of episcopacy, in 1645 Laud was beheaded, and parliament abolished the prayer-book and accepted the Presbyterian directory, and from 1646 Presbyterianism was the legal form of church government. Many, perhaps 2000, clergy were deprived; some were imprisoned and otherwise maltreated, though a fifth of their former revenues was assigned to the dispossessed. The king, who was beheaded in 1649, might have extricated himself from his difficulties if he had consented to the overthrow of episcopacy, and may therefore be held a martyr to the church’s cause. The victory of the army over the parliament secured England against the tyranny of Presbyterianism, but did not better the condition of the episcopal clergy; the toleration insisted on by the Independents did not extend to “prelacy.” Churchmen, however, occasionally enjoyed the ministrations of their own clergy in private houses, and though their worship was sometimes disturbed they were not seriously persecuted for engaging in it. Non-delinquent or non-sequestrated private patronage and the obligation of tithes were retained. Community of suffering and the execution of Charles I. brought the royalist country gentry into sympathy with the clergy, and at the Restoration the church had the hold upon the affection of the laity which it lacked under the Laudian rule.

Upon the accession of James I, the Puritans showed their desire for church reform in the Millenary Petition, which claimed to come from 1,000 clergy. Their requests were moderate, reflecting the success of Whitgift’s policy, but some could not be granted without causing widespread dissatisfaction. At a conference between representatives from both sides at Hampton Court in 1604, James decisively turned against the Puritans. A few minor changes were made to the prayer book, and a new translation of the Bible was initiated, which came out in 1611 as the “authorized version.” In 1604, the convocation established a set of canons that received royal approval. Those who refused to comply faced deprivation, and according to S. R. Gardiner, about 300 clergy were removed, although a 17th-century writer, Peter Heylyn, claims the number was only 49, which W. H. Frere (History of the English Church, 1558-1625, p. 321) believes is more credible. Conformity could still be enforced, but soon, the Puritan faction grew stronger due to both religious and political reasons. They would not accept any religious authority that was not based on scripture; their opponents argued that the church had the authority to establish ceremonies that didn't contradict the scriptures. Doctrinally, the Puritans remained loyal to the Calvinist beliefs that most English people had been raised with; they labeled the high church leaders as Arminians and claimed they were leaning towards Rome. The Commons increasingly became Puritan; they were strongly Protestant and insisted on enforcing laws against recusants, who faced significant hardship, especially after the Gunpowder Plot of 1605, although they were sometimes protected by the king. The Commons viewed ecclesiastical authority negatively, particularly the Court of High Commission, which evolved from Elizabeth's ecclesiastical commissions and was despised for being a coercive tool grounded in prerogative. The bishops gained their support from the king, and in turn, the church backed the king’s claims to absolute power and divine right. This alliance took a heavy toll. As people saw the church siding with absolutism, Puritanism gained strength among the country gentry, who were well-represented in the Commons, and among the broader public, and the church lost support due to the king’s political mistakes. The restoration of order and decorum in worship and the introduction of more ceremonies that started in James’s reign continued under Laud (q.v.) during Charles I’s rule. Laud aimed to silence doctrinal disputes and enforce outward uniformity; the Puritans detested ceremonial practices and sought to impose their beliefs on everyone. Many reforms initiated by Laud after he became archbishop in 1633 were necessary, yet they angered the Puritans and were imposed in a harsh and tyrannical way, as he lacked wisdom and empathy. Under his leadership, nonconforming clergy were deprived of their positions and sometimes imprisoned. Cruel punishments meted out by the Court of Star Chamber, of which he was a member, the unpopularity of the High Commission Court, his own harsh treatment, and his role in politics as a close adviser to the king combined to bring disdain upon him and the ecclesiastical system he represented. The church was weak because the Laudian system was unpopular with the public. A wave of discontent regarding the state of both church and state was building. In 1640, Charles, after dissolving parliament, extended the session of the convocation, which issued canons enhancing royal authority and imposed the so-called “et cetera oath” against innovations on all clergy, graduates, and others. The Long Parliament declared the canons illegal; Laud was imprisoned, and in 1642, bishops were banned from parliament. The civil war started in 1642; in 1643, a bill was passed to abolish episcopacy, and in 1645, Laud was executed, after which parliament abolished the prayer book and accepted the Presbyterian directory, making Presbyterianism the legal form of church governance from 1646. Many, perhaps around 2,000, clergy were removed; some were imprisoned and otherwise mistreated, although a fifth of their former revenues was allocated to the dispossessed. The king, who was executed in 1649, could have resolved his issues had he agreed to the abolition of episcopacy, making him potentially a martyr for the church’s cause. The army's victory over parliament safeguarded England from the tyranny of Presbyterianism but did not improve the situation for the episcopal clergy; the tolerance championed by the Independents did not extend to “prelacy.” Church members, however, occasionally attended services led by their own clergy in private homes, and while their worship was sometimes disrupted, they were not seriously persecuted for it. Non-delinquent or non-sequestered private patronage and the obligation of tithes were upheld. Shared suffering and the execution of Charles I fostered sympathy between the royalist country gentry and the clergy, so that at the Restoration, the church regained affection from the laity that it had lost during the Laudian period.

On the king’s restoration the survivors of the ejected clergy quietly regained their benefices. The Presbyterians helped to bring back the king and looked for a reward. Charles II. promised them a limited episcopacy and other The Restoration period. concessions, but his plan was rejected by the Commons. A conference at the Savoy between leading Presbyterians and churchmen in 1661 was ineffectual, and a revision of the prayer-book by convocation further discontented nonconformists. The parliament of 1661 was violently anti-Puritan, and in 1662 passed an Act of Uniformity providing that all ministers not episcopally ordained or refusing to conform should be deprived on St Bartholomew’s day, the 14th of August following. About 2000 ministers are said to have been ejected, and in 1665 ejected ministers were forbidden to come within five miles of their former cures. Though some bishops and clergy showed kindness to the ejected, churchmen generally approved of this oppressive legislation; they could not forget the wrongs inflicted on their church by the once triumphant Puritans. Nonconformist worship was made punishable by fine and imprisonment, and on the third offence by transportation. In 1672 Charles, who had secretly promised the French king openly to profess Roman Catholicism, issued a Declaration of Indulgence which applied both to Romanists and Protestant Nonconformists, but parliament compelled him to withdraw it, and, in 1673, passed a Test Act making reception of the holy communion and a denial of transubstantiation necessary qualifications for public office. Later, when the dissenters found friends among the party in parliament opposed to the crown, the church supported the king, and the doctrine of passive obedience was generally accepted by the clergy. The church was popular, and among the great preachers and theologians who adorned it in the Caroline period were Jeremy Taylor, Pearson, Bull, Barrow, South and Stillingfleet. The lower clergy were mostly poor, and their social position was consequently often humble, but the pictures of clerical humiliation after 1660 are generally overcoloured; the assertion that they commonly married servants or cast-off mistresses of their patrons has been disproved, and it is certain that men of good family entered holy orders. In accordance with an agreement between Archbishop Sheldon and Lord Chancellor Clarendon, the clergy ceased to tax themselves in convocation, and from 1665 have been taxed by parliament. James II., though a Romanist, promised to protect the church, and the clergy were on his side in the rebellion of the duke of Monmouth, who was supported by dissenters. The church and the nation, however, were strongly Protestant and were soon alarmed by his efforts to Romanize the country. James dispensed with the law by prerogative and appointed Romanists to offices in defiance of the Test Act. In 1688 he ordered that his declaration for liberty of conscience, issued in the interest of Romanism, should be read in all churches. His order was almost universally disobeyed. Archbishop Sancroft and six bishops who remonstrated against it were brought to trial, and were acquitted to the extreme delight of the nation. James’s attack on the church cost him his crown.

After the king was restored, the survivors of the ousted clergy quietly regained their positions. The Presbyterians helped bring back the king and expected some kind of reward. Charles II promised them a limited episcopacy and other The Restoration era. concessions, but the Commons rejected his plan. A meeting at the Savoy in 1661 between prominent Presbyterians and church leaders was ineffective, and a revision of the prayer book by convocation further upset nonconformists. The 1661 parliament was strongly anti-Puritan and, in 1662, passed an Act of Uniformity, stating that all ministers not episcopally ordained or refusing to conform would be removed on St. Bartholomew's Day, August 14th. Around 2,000 ministers were reportedly ejected, and in 1665, those who were ousted were banned from coming within five miles of their former positions. Although some bishops and clergy showed kindness to the ejected, most church officials supported this harsh legislation; they couldn’t forget the injustices inflicted on their church by the once-dominant Puritans. Nonconformist worship was punishable by fines and imprisonment, and on the third offense, by exile. In 1672, Charles, who had privately promised the French king he would openly embrace Roman Catholicism, issued a Declaration of Indulgence for both Roman Catholics and Protestant Nonconformists, but parliament forced him to revoke it. In 1673, they passed a Test Act, requiring reception of holy communion and denial of transubstantiation as necessary qualifications for public office. Later, when the dissenters found allies among the parliamentary opposition to the crown, the church supported the king, and the doctrine of passive obedience was widely accepted by the clergy. The church was popular, and some of the great preachers and theologians during the Caroline period included Jeremy Taylor, Pearson, Bull, Barrow, South, and Stillingfleet. Most lower clergy were poor, which often left them in humble social positions, but depictions of clerical humiliation after 1660 are generally exaggerated; the claim that they typically married servants or discarded mistresses of their patrons has been disproven, and it is known that men from respectable families became clergy. Following an agreement between Archbishop Sheldon and Lord Chancellor Clarendon, clergy stopped taxing themselves in convocation, and from 1665 onward, were taxed by parliament. James II, despite being a Roman Catholic, promised to protect the church, and the clergy sided with him during the rebellion of the Duke of Monmouth, who was backed by dissenters. However, the church and the nation were strongly Protestant and soon became alarmed by his attempts to Romanize the country. James ignored the law by using his prerogative and appointed Roman Catholics to positions in defiance of the Test Act. In 1688, he ordered his declaration for liberty of conscience, issued to promote Romanism, to be read in all churches. This order was largely disobeyed. Archbishop Sancroft and six bishops who protested against it were put on trial and acquitted to the nation's great delight. James’s attack on the church ultimately cost him his crown.

Sancroft and eight bishops would not belie their belief in the doctrines of divine right and passive obedience by swearing allegiance to William and Mary, and the archbishop, five bishops and over 400 clergy were deprived. Revolution period. Certain of these nonjuring bishops consecrated others and a schism ensued. The loss to the church was heavy; for among the nonjurors were many men of holy lives and eminent learning, and the fact that some suffered for conscience’ sake seemed a reproach on the rest of the clergy. After 1715 the secession became unimportant. Protestantism was secured from further royal attack by the Bill of Rights; and in 1701 the Act of Succession provided that all future sovereigns should be members of the Church of England. That the king’s title rested on a parliamentary decision was destructive of the clerical theory of divine right, and encouraged Erastianism, then specially dangerous to the church; for William, a Dutch Presbyterian, gave bishoprics to men personally worthy, but more desirous of union with other Protestant bodies than jealous for the principles of their own church. A bill for union was rejected in the Commons, where the church party had a majority, though one for toleration of Protestant dissenters became law. William, anxious for concessions to dissenters, appointed a committee of convocation for altering the liturgy, canons and ecclesiastical courts, but the Tory party in the lower house of convocation was strong and the scheme was abortive. A long controversy began between the two houses: the bishops were mostly Whigs with latitudinarian tendencies, the lower clergy Tories and high churchmen. During most of the reign convocation was suspended and the church was governed by royal injunctions, a system injurious to its welfare. It had been the bulwark of the nation against Romanism under James II., and the affection of the nation enabled it to preserve its distinctive character amid dangers of an opposite kind under William III. Its religious life was active; associations for worship and the reformation of manners led to more frequent services, the establishment of schools for poor children, and the foundation of the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge (S.P.C.K.) and for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts (S.P.G.). This activity and the discord between the two houses of convocation continued during Anne’s reign. Anne was a strong church-woman, and under her the church reached its highest point of popularity and influence. Its supposed interests were used by the Tories for political ends. Hence the Occasional Conformity Act, to prevent evasion of the Test Act, and a tyrannical Schism Act, both repealed in 1718, belong rather to the history of parties than to that of the church. So, too, does the case of Dr Sacheverell, who was prosecuted for a violently Tory sermon. His trial, in 1710, caused much excitement; mobs shouted for “High Church and Dr Sacheverell,” and the lightness of his sentence was hailed as a Tory victory. Queen Anne is gratefully remembered by the church for her “Bounty,” which gave it the first-fruits and tenths (see Annates and Queen Anne’s Bounty).

Sancroft and eight bishops refused to betray their belief in the doctrines of divine right and passive obedience by pledging loyalty to William and Mary, resulting in the archbishop, five bishops, and over 400 clergy being removed from their positions. Revolution era. Some of these nonjuror bishops consecrated others, leading to a schism. The church suffered significantly; many nonjurors were noted for their holy lives and significant learning, and the fact that some suffered for their conscience reflected poorly on the rest of the clergy. After 1715, the secession lost importance. Protestantism was safeguarded from further royal threats by the Bill of Rights; and in 1701, the Act of Succession mandated that all future monarchs must be members of the Church of England. The king’s title being based on a parliamentary decision undermined the clerical concept of divine right and promoted Erastianism, which was particularly threatening to the church; since William, a Dutch Presbyterian, appointed bishops who were personally worthy but more focused on uniting with other Protestant groups than on protecting the principles of their own church. A bill for union was rejected in the Commons, where the church faction held a majority, although a bill for the toleration of Protestant dissenters became law. William, eager to make concessions to dissenters, set up a committee of convocation to change the liturgy, canons, and ecclesiastical courts, but the Tory faction in the lower house of convocation was strong and the plan failed. A lengthy conflict began between the two houses: the bishops were mostly Whigs with broad-minded views, while the lower clergy were Tories and high churchmen. For most of the reign, convocation was suspended and the church was ruled by royal injunctions, which was detrimental to its well-being. It had previously been the nation’s defense against Romanism under James II., and the public’s support allowed it to maintain its unique identity amid opposing threats under William III. Its religious activities were vibrant; groups for worship and improving behavior led to more services, the establishment of schools for poor children, and the creation of the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge (S.P.C.K.) and the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts (S.P.G.). This initiative and the rift between the two houses of convocation continued during Anne’s reign. Anne was a devout church supporter, and under her, the church reached its peak of popularity and influence. Its supposed interests were exploited by the Tories for political reasons. Thus, the Occasional Conformity Act, aimed at preventing loopholes in the Test Act, and a harsh Schism Act, both repealed in 1718, are more about party politics than church history. Likewise, the case of Dr. Sacheverell, who was prosecuted for a strongly Tory sermon, is also more political. His trial in 1710 stirred considerable excitement; mobs rallied for “High Church and Dr. Sacheverell,” and the leniency of his sentence was celebrated as a Tory success. Queen Anne is fondly remembered by the church for her “Bounty,” which provided it the first-fruits and tenths (see Annates and Queen Anne’s Bounty).

With the accession of the Hanoverian line the church entered on a period of feeble life and inaction: many church fabrics were neglected; daily services were discontinued; holy days were disregarded; Holy Communion was The 18th century. infrequent; the poor were little cared for; and though the church remained popular, the clergy were lazy and held in contempt. In accepting the settlement of the crown the clergy generally sacrificed conviction to expediency, and their character suffered. Promotion largely depended on a profession of Whig principles: the church was regarded as subservient to the state; its historic position and claims were ignored, and it was treated by politicians as though its principal function was to 451 support the government. This change was accelerated by the silencing of convocation. A sermon by Hoadly, bishop of Bangor, impugned the existence of a visible church, and the “Bangorian controversy” which ensued threatened to end in the condemnation of his opinions by convocation, or at least by the lower house. As this would have weakened the government, convocation was prorogued, letters of business were withheld, and from 1717 until 1852 convocation, the church’s constitutional organ of reform, existed only in name. Walpole during his long ministry, from 1721 to 1742, discouraged activity in the church lest it should become troublesome to his government. Preferment was shamelessly sought after even by pious men, and was begged and bestowed on the ground of political services. In this the clergy, apart from the sacredness of clerical office, were neither better nor worse than the laity; in morality and decency they were better even at the lowest point of their decline, about the middle of the century. While the church was inactive in practical work, it showed vigour in the intellectual defence of Christianity. Controversies of earlier origin with assailants of the faith were ably maintained by, among others, Daniel Waterland, William Law, a nonjuror, Bishop Butler, whose Analogy appeared in 1736, and Bishop Berkeley. A revival of spirituality and energy at last set in. Its origin has been traced to Law’s Serious Call, published in 1728. Law’s teaching was actively carried out by John Wesley (q.v.), a clergyman who from 1739 devoted himself to evangelization. Though his preaching awoke much religious feeling, specially among the lower classes, the excitement which attended it led to a horror of religious enthusiasm, and his methods irritated the parochial clergy. Some of them seconded his efforts, but far more regarded them with violent and often unworthily expressed dislike. While he urged his followers to adhere to the church, he could not himself work in subordination to discipline; the Methodist organization which he founded was independent of the church’s system and soon drifted into separation. Nevertheless, he did much to bring about a revival of life in the church. Several clergy became his allies, and some preached in Lady Huntingdon’s chapels before her secession. These were among the fathers of the Evangelical party: they differed from the Methodists in not forming an organization, remaining in the church, working on the parochial system, and generally holding Calvinistic doctrine, being so far nearer to Whitfield than to Wesley, though Calvinism gradually ceased to be a mark of the party. The Evangelicals soon grew in number, and their influence for good was extensive. They laid stress on the depravity of human nature, and on the importance of conscious conversion, giving prominence to the necessity of personal salvation rather than of incorporation with, and abiding in, the church of the redeemed. Prominent among their early leaders after they became distinct from the Methodists were William Romaine, Henry Venn and John Newton. Bishop Porteus of London sympathized with them, Lord Dartmouth was a liberal patron, and Cowper’s poetry spread their doctrines in quarters where sermons might have failed to attract. Religion was also forwarded in the church by the example of George III. During his reign the progress of toleration, though slow and fitful, greatly advanced both as regards Roman Catholics and Protestant dissenters. The spirit of rationalism, which had been manifested earlier in attacks on revelation, appeared in a movement against subscription to the Articles demanded of the clergy and others which was defeated in parliament in 1772. The alarm consequent on the French Revolution checked the progress of toleration and was temporarily fatal to free-thinking; it strengthened the position of the church, which was regarded as a bulwark of society against the spread of revolutionary doctrines; and this caused the Evangelicals to draw off more completely from the Methodists. The church was active: the Sunday-school movement, begun in 1780, flourished; the crusade against the slave-trade was vigorously supported by Evangelicals; and the Church Missionary Society (C.M.S.), a distinctly Evangelical organization, was founded. Excellent as were the results of the revival generally, the Evangelicals had defects which tended to weaken the church. Some characteristics of their teaching were repellent to the young; they were deficient in theological learning, and often in learning of any kind; they took a low view of the church, regarding it as the offspring of the Protestant reformation; they expounded the Bible without reference to the church’s teaching, and paid little heed to the church’s directions. Dissent consequently grew stronger. By the Act of Union with Ireland the Churches of England and Ireland were united from the 1st of January 1801, and the continuance of the united church was declared an essential part of the union. No provision, however, was made giving the Irish clergy a place in convocation, which was evidently held unlikely to revive. The union of the churches was dissolved in 1871 by an act of 1869 for disestablishing the Irish Church.

With the rise of the Hanoverian line, the church entered a time of weakness and inactivity: many church buildings fell into disrepair; daily services stopped; holy days were ignored; Holy Communion became rare; the poor received little care; and even though the church remained popular, the clergy were lazy and looked down upon. By accepting the crown's settlement, the clergy often traded their convictions for convenience, damaging their reputation. Advancement largely depended on showing loyalty to Whig principles: the church was seen as subordinate to the state; its historical role and claims were dismissed, and politicians treated it as if its main job was to support the government. This shift was sped up by the silencing of convocation. A sermon by Hoadly, Bishop of Bangor, questioned the existence of a visible church, and the "Bangorian controversy" that followed risked a condemnation of his views by convocation, or at least by its lower house. Since this would have weakened the government, convocation was suspended, business letters were withheld, and from 1717 to 1852, convocation— the church's constitutional body for reform— existed only in name. Walpole, during his long term from 1721 to 1742, discouraged church activities to avoid trouble for his government. Even the most devout sought promotions shamelessly, often begging for them based on political services. In this way, the clergy, aside from the sanctity of their office, were no better or worse than the laity; morally and decently, they were better even at their lowest point around the middle of the century. While the church was inactive in practical work, it exhibited energy in the intellectual defense of Christianity. Controversies from earlier times with critics of the faith were smartly defended by figures like Daniel Waterland, William Law, a nonjuror, Bishop Butler—whose *Analogy* came out in 1736—and Bishop Berkeley. Eventually, a revival of spirituality and energy began, traced back to Law's *Serious Call,* published in 1728. Law's teachings were actively taken up by John Wesley, a clergyman who from 1739 dedicated himself to evangelism. Although his preaching sparked much religious enthusiasm, especially among the lower classes, the excitement led to a backlash against religious fervor, and his methods frustrated local clergy. Some supported his efforts, but many others expressed strong and often unjustified dislike. While he urged his followers to remain loyal to the church, he personally struggled to conform to its discipline; the Methodist organization he created was independent of the church's structure and soon drifted towards separation. Nevertheless, he played a significant role in revitalizing life within the church. Several clergy became his allies, with some preaching in Lady Huntingdon's chapels before she broke away. These were among the founding members of the Evangelical party; they differed from the Methodists by not forming an organization, staying within the church, operating through the parish system, and generally adhering to Calvinistic doctrine, which made them more aligned with Whitefield than Wesley, though Calvinism gradually ceased to define the party. The Evangelicals quickly grew in number, and their positive influence spread widely. They emphasized the depravity of human nature and the necessity of conscious conversion, highlighting personal salvation over incorporation within the church of the redeemed. Key early leaders of the Evangelicals after separating from the Methodists included William Romaine, Henry Venn, and John Newton. Bishop Porteus of London supported them, Lord Dartmouth was a liberal patron, and Cowper’s poetry helped broadcast their ideas in places where sermons might have failed to engage. Religion was also advanced in the church by the example of George III. During his reign, the slow but crucial progress of toleration significantly improved conditions for Roman Catholics and Protestant dissenters. The spirit of rationalism, which previously emerged in criticisms against revelation, also surfaced in a movement against the subscription to the Articles required of the clergy and others, which was defeated in Parliament in 1772. The alarms caused by the French Revolution dampened the progress of toleration and temporarily suppressed free-thinking; it reinforced the church's position, which was viewed as a shield for society against revolutionary ideologies; this made the Evangelicals pull back further from the Methodists. The church became active: the Sunday-school movement, which started in 1780, thrived; Evangelicals vigorously supported the crusade against the slave trade; and the Church Missionary Society (C.M.S.), a distinctly Evangelical organization, was established. While the results of the revival were largely positive, the Evangelicals had flaws that risked weakening the church. Some aspects of their teachings alienated young people; they often lacked theological knowledge and sometimes any knowledge at all; they held a low view of the church, seeing it as a product of the Protestant Reformation; they interpreted the Bible without considering the church’s teachings and paid little attention to the church’s guidance. Consequently, dissent grew stronger. With the Act of Union with Ireland, the Churches of England and Ireland were joined as of January 1, 1801, and the continuation of the united church was declared crucial to the union. However, no provision was made for Irish clergy to have a place in convocation, which was clearly thought unlikely to be revived. The union of the churches was dissolved in 1871 by an act from 1869 that disestablished the Irish Church.

Apart from the Evangelical revival, religion was advanced in the church. In 1811 the education of the poor was provided for on church principles by the National Society; the Church Building Society was founded in 1818; and the The Oxford Movement. colonial episcopate was started by the establishment of bishoprics in Calcutta in 1814, and in Jamaica and Barbados in 1824. Yet reforms were urgently needed. In 1813, out of about 10,800 benefices, 6311 are said to have been without resident incumbents (The Black Book, p. 34); the value of some great offices was enormous, while many of the parochial clergy were wretchedly poor. The repeal of the Test Act, long practically inoperative, in 1828, and Catholic emancipation in 1829, mark a change in the relations of church and state; and the Reform Bill of 1832 transferred political power from a class which generally supported the church to classes in which dissent was strong. The national zeal for reform was directed towards the church, not always in a friendly spirit. Yet wholesome changes were effected by legislation: dioceses were rearranged and two new bishoprics founded at Manchester and Ripon, the bishopric of Bristol, however, being suppressed; plurality and non-residence were abolished; tithes were commuted, and the Ecclesiastical Commission, which has effected reforms in respect of endowments, was permanently established in 1836. Some changes and proposals alarmed churchmen, specially as legislation for the church proceeded from parliament, while convocation remained silenced. Latitudinarian opinions revived, and the church was regarded merely as a human institution. Among the clergy generally ritual observance was neglected and rubrical directions disobeyed. A few churchmen, including Keble and Newman, set themselves to revive church feeling, and Oxford became the centre of a new movement. The publication of Keble’s Christian Year prepared its way, and its aims were declared in his assize sermon at Oxford on “National Apostasy” in 1833. Its promoters urged their views in Tracts for the Times, and were strengthened by the adhesion of Pusey. Hence they were nicknamed Tractarians or Puseyites. Their cardinal doctrine was that the Church of England was a part of the visible Holy Catholic Church and had unbroken connexion with the primitive church; they inculcated high views of the sacraments, and emphasized points of agreement with those branches of the Catholic Church which claim apostolic succession. Their party grew in spite of the opposition of low and broad churchmen, who, specially on the publication of Tract XC. by Newman in 1841, declared that its teaching was Romanizing. In 1845 Newman and several others seceded to Rome. Newman’s apostasy was a severe blow to the church, though permanent injury was averted by the steadfastness of Pusey. The Oxford movement was wrecked, but its effect survived both in the new high church party and in the church at large. As a body the clergy rated more highly the responsibilities and dignity of their profession, and became more zealous in the performance of its duties and more ecclesiastically minded. High churchmen carried out rubrical directions, and after a while began to introduce changes into the performance of divine service which had not been adopted by the early leaders of the party, were deprecated by many bishops, and excited opposition.

Aside from the Evangelical revival, religion was promoted within the church. In 1811, the education of the poor was organized on church principles by the National Society; the Church Building Society was established in 1818; and the colonial episcopate was initiated with the establishment of bishoprics in Calcutta in 1814, and in Jamaica and Barbados in 1824. However, reforms were urgently needed. In 1813, out of about 10,800 benefices, it's reported that 6,311 had no resident incumbents (The Black Book, p. 34); the value of some high-ranking positions was enormous, while many local clergy were extremely poor. The repeal of the Test Act, which had been largely ineffective, in 1828, and Catholic emancipation in 1829 indicated a shift in the relationship between church and state; and the Reform Bill of 1832 shifted political power away from a class that generally supported the church to classes where dissent was strong. The national desire for reform was aimed at the church, not always in a friendly way. Nevertheless, positive changes were made through legislation: dioceses were reorganized, and two new bishoprics were created in Manchester and Ripon, although the bishopric of Bristol was suppressed; plurality and non-residence were abolished; tithes were reformed, and the Ecclesiastical Commission, which implemented reforms regarding endowments, was permanently established in 1836. Some changes and proposals alarmed church members, especially since legislation affecting the church came from Parliament while convocation remained quiet. More permissive views gained traction, and the church was seen merely as a human institution. Many clergy neglected ritual observance and ignored rubrical guidelines. A few church members, including Keble and Newman, aimed to revive church sentiment, and Oxford became the center of a new movement. The publication of Keble’s Christian Year paved the way for this movement, and its goals were outlined in his assize sermon at Oxford on “National Apostasy” in 1833. Its advocates expressed their beliefs in Tracts for the Times, gaining support from Pusey. Consequently, they were labeled Tractarians or Puseyites. Their main belief was that the Church of England was a part of the visible Holy Catholic Church and had an unbroken connection with the early church; they promoted high views of the sacraments and stressed common ground with those branches of the Catholic Church that claim apostolic succession. Their group grew despite opposition from low and broad church members, who particularly after the publication of Tract XC. by Newman in 1841, claimed that its teachings were leading towards Romanism. In 1845, Newman and several others left for Rome. Newman's departure was a significant blow to the church, although permanent damage was avoided by Pusey's steadfastness. The Oxford movement faltered, but its influence remained both in the new high church faction and in the church overall. As a group, the clergy began to value the responsibilities and dignity of their roles more highly and became more dedicated to fulfilling their duties with a greater ecclesiastical focus. High church members adhered to rubrical directives and eventually began to introduce changes to the way divine service was performed, which had not been accepted by the early leaders of the movement, were discouraged by many bishops, and sparked opposition.

In 1833 the supreme jurisdiction of the Court of Delegates was transferred to the judicial committee of the privy council. Before this court came an appeal by a clerk named Gorham, 452 whom the bishop of Exeter refused to institute to a benefice The church and the law courts. because he denied unconditional regeneration in baptism, and in 1850 the court decided in the appellant’s favour. The decision was followed by some secessions to Rome, and high churchmen were dissatisfied that spiritual questions should be decided by a secular court. The “papal aggression” of that year, by which Pius IX. appeared to claim authority in England, roused violent popular indignation which was used against the high church party. However, it afforded an argument for the revival of convocation, and, chiefly owing to the exertions of Bishop Wilberforce of Oxford, convocation again met in 1852 (see Convocation). Meanwhile broad church opinions were gaining ground to some extent owing to a reaction from the Oxford movement. Among the clergy the broad church party was comparatively small, but it included some men of mark. In 1860 appeared Essays and Reviews, a volume of essays by seven authors, of whom six were in orders. The book as a whole had a rationalistic tendency and was condemned by convocation: two of the essayists were suspended by the Court of Arches, but its judgment was reversed by the judicial committee. Crude attacks on the authority of the Scriptures and the position of the English Church with respect to it having been published by Colenso, bishop of Natal, he was deposed by his metropolitan, Bishop Gray of Cape Town, in 1863, but the judicial committee decided that the bishop of Cape Town had no coercive jurisdiction over Natal. Convocation declared Colenso’s books erroneous, abstaining in face of this judgment from acknowledging as valid the excommunication which Bishop Gray pronounced against him. It followed from the decision of the council that the English Church in a self-governing colony is a voluntary association. Opposition to the dogmatic principle in the church was maintained. Some practices introduced by clergy desirous of bringing the services of the church to a higher level came before the judicial committee in the case of Westerton v. Liddell in 1857, with a result encouraging to the ritualists, as they then began to be called. An increase in ritual usages, such as eucharistic vestments, altar lights and incense, followed. In 1859-1860 disgraceful riots took place at St George’s-in-the-East, London, where an advanced ritual was used. In 1860 the English Church Union was formed mainly to uphold high church doctrine and ritual, and assist clergy prosecuted for either cause, and in 1865 the Church Association, mainly to put down such doctrine and ritual by prosecution. A royal commission appointed in 1867 recommended that facilities should be granted for enabling parishioners aggrieved by ritual to gain redress, and in 1870 that a revised lectionary and a shortened form of service should be provided. A new lectionary was approved by the two convocations and enacted, and convocation having received letters of business in 1872 and 1874 drew up a shortened form of prayer which was also enacted, but the commission had no further direct results. Between 1867 and 1871 two decisions of the judicial committee were adverse to the ritualists, and by exciting dislike to the court among high churchmen indirectly led to an increase in ritual usages. Among those who adopted them were many self-devoted men; their practices, which they believed to be incumbent on them, were condemned as illegal, yet they saw the rubrics daily disregarded with impunity by others who trod the easy path of neglect. In 1873 a declaration against sacramental confession received the assent of the bishops, and in 1874 Archbishop Tait of Canterbury introduced a bill for enforcing the law on the ritualist clergy; it was transformed in committee, and was enacted as the Public Worship Regulation Act. It provided for the appointment of a new judge in place of the old ecclesiastical judges, the officials principal, of the two provinces. Litigation increased, the only check on prosecutions being the right of the bishop to veto proceedings, and in 1878-1881 four clergymen were imprisoned for disobedience to the orders of courts against whose jurisdiction they protested. In consequence of the scandal raised by this mode of dealing with spiritual causes, a royal commission on ecclesiastical courts was appointed in 1881, but its report in 1883 led to no results, and the bishops strove to mend matters by exercising their veto. Advanced and illegal usages became more frequent. Proceedings in respect of illegal ritual having been instituted against Bishop King of Lincoln, the archbishop of Canterbury (Benson) personally heard and decided the case in 1890, and his judgment was upheld by the judicial committee (see Lincoln Judgment). The spiritual character of the tribunal and the authority of the judgment which sanctioned certain usages and condemned others, had a quieting effect. Increase in ritualism, however, caused agitation in 1898, and in 1899 and 1900 the two archbishops, Temple of Canterbury and Maclagan of York, delivered “opinions” condemning the use of incense and processional lights, and the reservation of the consecrated elements. Finding himself unable to put down illegal practices, Bishop Creighton of London adopted a policy of compromise which was followed by other bishops, and encouraged illegality. Disregard of law both in excess and defect of ritual being common, a royal commission on ecclesiastical discipline was appointed in 1904. The commissioners presented a unanimous report in 1906, its chief recommendations being, briefly, that practices significant of doctrines repugnant to those of the English Church should be extirpated; that the convocations should prepare a new ornaments rubric, and frame modifications in the conduct of divine service; that the diocesan and provincial courts and the court of final appeal should be reformed in accordance with the recommendations of 1883, the last to consist of a permanent body of lay judges who on all doubtful questions touching the doctrine or use of the church should be bound by the decision of an episcopal assembly; that the Public Worship Regulation Act should be repealed, and the bishops’ power of veto abolished.

In 1833, the highest authority of the Court of Delegates was transferred to the judicial committee of the Privy Council. An appeal was brought to this court by a clerk named Gorham, who the Bishop of Exeter refused to appoint to a benefice because he denied unconditional regeneration in baptism. In 1850, the court ruled in favor of the appellant. This decision led some individuals to leave for Rome, and high church leaders were unhappy that spiritual matters were being decided by a secular court. The “papal aggression” of that year, where Pius IX appeared to assert authority in England, sparked widespread public outrage that was aimed at the high church faction. However, it also provided an argument for the revival of convocation, which reconvened in 1852 largely thanks to the efforts of Bishop Wilberforce of Oxford (see Convocation). Meanwhile, broad church ideas started to gain traction, partly as a reaction against the Oxford movement. Among the clergy, the broad church party was relatively small but included prominent figures. In 1860, the book Essays and Reviews was published, containing essays by seven authors, six of whom were clergymen. The collection had a rationalist approach and was condemned by convocation; two of the contributors were suspended by the Court of Arches, but the judicial committee later overturned that ruling. After Colenso, the Bishop of Natal, published harsh critiques of the authority of Scripture and the English Church’s position on it, he was deposed by his metropolitan, Bishop Gray of Cape Town, in 1863. However, the judicial committee determined that the Bishop of Cape Town had no jurisdiction over Natal. Convocation declared Colenso’s writings to be erroneous, and refrained from acknowledging the validity of the excommunication Bishop Gray imposed on him. As a result of the council’s decision, it was established that the English Church in a self-governing colony is a voluntary association. Opposition to the church's dogmatic principles continued. Some practices introduced by clergy who wanted to elevate the church's services came before the judicial committee in the case of Westerton v. Liddell in 1857, resulting in an encouraging outcome for the ritualists, as they began to be known. This prompted an increase in ritual practices such as eucharistic vestments, altar lights, and incense. In 1859-1860, there were disgraceful riots at St George’s-in-the-East in London, where advanced rituals were implemented. In 1860, the English Church Union was founded primarily to support high church doctrine and ritual and assist clergymen prosecuted for either, while in 1865, the Church Association was established to counter such doctrine and ritual through legal action. A royal commission set up in 1867 recommended that measures be taken to help parishioners who were upset by rituals seek redress, and in 1870, proposed a revised lectionary and a shorter service format. A new lectionary was approved and enacted by the two convocations, and after receiving business letters in 1872 and 1874, convocation created a shortened prayer form that was also enacted, though the commission did not yield further direct results. Between 1867 and 1871, two decisions from the judicial committee went against the ritualists, and by generating discontent with the court among high church leaders, indirectly led to an increase in ritual usages. Many dedicated individuals adopted these practices, believing they were obligated to do so, yet they were condemned as illegal. They noted that the rubrics were routinely ignored without consequences by others who took the easier route of neglect. In 1873, a statement against sacramental confession received approval from the bishops, and in 1874, Archbishop Tait of Canterbury introduced legislation to enforce the law on ritualist clergy; it was revised in committee and passed as the Public Worship Regulation Act. This act provided for the appointment of a new judge instead of the old ecclesiastical judges in both provinces. Legal actions surged, with the only limitation on prosecutions being the bishop's right to veto proceedings. From 1878 to 1881, four clergymen were imprisoned for defying court orders, against which they protested. Due to the scandal generated by this handling of spiritual matters, a royal commission on ecclesiastical courts was established in 1881, but its 1883 report led to no significant changes, and the bishops attempted to improve the situation by using their veto power. Nonetheless, advanced and unlawful practices became more common. Proceedings were initiated against Bishop King of Lincoln regarding illegal rituals, and the archbishop of Canterbury (Benson) personally heard and resolved the case in 1890, with his ruling upheld by the judicial committee (see Lincoln Judgment). The spiritual nature of the tribunal and the authority of the judgment that approved certain practices while condemning others had a calming effect. However, the rise of ritualism provoked agitation in 1898, and in 1899 and 1900, the two archbishops, Temple of Canterbury and Maclagan of York, issued “opinions” condemning the use of incense, processional lights, and the reservation of consecrated elements. Facing challenges in curbing illegal practices, Bishop Creighton of London adopted a policy of compromise, which was also taken up by other bishops and inadvertently encouraged noncompliance. With law disregarded both through excessive and minimal ritual, a royal commission on ecclesiastical discipline was appointed in 1904. The commissioners submitted a unanimous report in 1906, recommending that practices representing doctrines contrary to those of the English Church should be eliminated; that the convocations should create a new ornaments rubric and modify the conduct of worship; that the diocesan and provincial courts, along with the final appeal court, should be reformed based on the suggestions from 1883, the last being a permanent assembly of lay judges bound by an episcopal assembly’s decisions on any questions of doctrine or use of the church; that the Public Worship Regulation Act should be repealed, and the bishops' veto power abolished.

Since the Oxford movement the church has developed wonderful energy. Yet it is beset with difficulties and dangers both from within and without. Within, besides difficulties as regards ritual, it has to contend against Present life. rationalism, which has been stimulated by scientific discoveries and speculations, and far more by Biblical criticism. While this criticism has been used by many as a means to a fuller comprehension of divine revelation, much of it is simply destructive, and has led to ill-considered expressions of opinion adverse to the doctrine of the church. From without, the church has been threatened with disestablishment both wholly and as regards the dioceses within the Welsh counties; and the education of the poor, which from early days depended on its care, has largely been taken out of its hands (see Education). The amount contributed by the church to elementary education, including the maintenance of Sunday schools, in 1907-8 was £576,012. During the last sixty years the church has strengthened its hold on the loyalty of the nation by its increased efficiency. Its bishops are laborious and active. Since 1876 the home episcopate has been increased by the creation of the dioceses of Truro, St Albans, Liverpool, Newcastle, Southwell, Wakefield, Bristol, Southwark and Birmingham, so that there are now (1910) thirty-seven diocesan bishops, aided by twenty-eight suffragan and eight assistant bishops, and a further subdivision of dioceses is contemplated. At no other time probably have the clergy been so industrious. As a rule they are far better instructed in theology than forty years ago, but they have not advanced in secular learning. Changes in the university system have contributed to draw off able young men to other professions which offer greater worldly advantages. The poverty of many of the clergy stands in strong contrast to the wealth around them. Of 14,242 benefices 4704 are said to be below £200 a year net value. The value of £100 tithe rent charge has sunk (1909) to £69: 18 : 5¼, the average value since the Commutation Act of 1836 being £94 : 3 : 2¾. The number of assistant clergy is (1910) about 7500, in spite of the hardships often attending clerical life, the supply of men being kept up. The Queen Victoria Clergy Fund and other voluntary associations and various educational institutions have been founded to relieve clerical distress. In the church at home there is much energy in numberless directions: cathedral 453 churches have become centres of religious activity, and in parish churches the administration of the Holy Communion and weekday services are frequent. Many of the laity co-operate in church work and liberally support it. During the years 1898-1907 598 churches were built or rebuilt, and during twenty-four years, 1884-1907, the voluntary offerings for church building were £27,612,709, and for endowments and parsonages £6,116,592, yet church extension fails to keep pace with the increase of the population. Evangelistic efforts, the relief of the sick and poor, and the inculcation of temperance are zealously carried on. Good work is done by twenty-six sisterhoods and several institutions of deaconesses, and one or two communities of celibate clergy. In the British colonies and India the episcopate consists (1909) of seven archbishops with two coadjutors; there are also seventy diocesan bishops, and in other parts of the world thirty missionary bishops. The S.P.G. has 847 ordained ministers, including thirty chaplains in Europe, besides many female missionaries; the C.M.S. has 793 ordained ministers, and many other missionaries of both sexes; the Zenana Missionary Society has a staff of 1288; other church societies for foreign missions are vigorous, and the S.P.C.K. in addition to its work at home spends large sums in furthering the church abroad. The benefits arising from conference have increasingly been valued since the revival of convocation. Appreciation of the importance of lay support and counsel has led to the institution of two voluntary elective assemblies called Houses of Laymen, one for each province, and in 1905 an association of the four houses of convocation and the two lay assemblies was formed with the name of the Representative Church Council. During the last forty years diocesan conferences, in which the laity are represented, have become universal, while ruridecanal and other meetings of a like kind are general. An annual church congress, established in 1861, held its forty-ninth meeting in 1909. Of wider importance are the Lambeth conferences, held since 1878 at intervals of ten years, to which the bishops of the English Church and the churches in communion with it are invited, and meet under the presidency of the archbishop of Canterbury. The first of these conferences, which illustrate the dignity of the see founded by St Augustine and now the head of a vast quasi-patriarchate, was held under the presidency of Archbishop Longley in 1867 (see Lambeth Conferences and Anglican Communion).

Since the Oxford movement, the church has become incredibly energetic. However, it faces challenges and risks from both inside and outside. Internally, along with challenges related to rituals, it has to deal with rationalism, which has been fueled by scientific discoveries and theories, and even more so by Biblical criticism. While many have used this criticism as a way to gain a deeper understanding of divine revelation, a lot of it is simply destructive and has led to poorly thought-out opinions that go against the church's doctrine. Externally, the church has been threatened with disestablishment, both completely and specifically concerning the dioceses in Wales; also, the education of the poor, which it had traditionally looked after, has largely been taken away from it (see Education). The church contributed £576,012 to elementary education, including the upkeep of Sunday schools, in 1907-08. Over the last sixty years, it has strengthened its connection with the nation through improved effectiveness. Its bishops are active and hardworking. Since 1876, new dioceses have been created in Truro, St Albans, Liverpool, Newcastle, Southwell, Wakefield, Bristol, Southwark, and Birmingham, resulting in a total of thirty-seven diocesan bishops, supported by twenty-eight suffragan and eight assistant bishops, with plans for further subdivisions of dioceses. Probably never before have clergy been so diligent. Generally, they are much better educated in theology than forty years ago, but they have not progressed in secular knowledge. Changes in the university system have drawn talented young men to other professions that offer better financial rewards. The poverty of many clergy sharply contrasts with the wealth surrounding them. Of 14,242 benefices, 4,704 are reported to be worth less than £200 a year. The value of a £100 tithe rent charge has fallen (1909) to £69: 18: 5¼, with the average value since the Commutation Act of 1836 being £94: 3: 2¾. The number of assistant clergy is about 7,500 (1910), despite the difficulties often associated with clerical life, and the supply of available men remains steady. The Queen Victoria Clergy Fund and other voluntary organizations, as well as various educational institutions, have been established to support clergy in need. There is significant energy in the church at home across countless areas: cathedral churches have become hubs of religious activity, and in parish churches, the administration of Holy Communion and weekday services happens frequently. Many laypeople collaborate with the church and provide generous support. Between 1898 and 1907, 598 churches were built or rebuilt, and over twenty-four years (1884-1907), voluntary donations for church building totaled £27,612,709, with an additional £6,116,592 for endowments and parsonages, yet church expansion is lagging behind population growth. Evangelistic initiatives, support for the sick and poor, and the promotion of temperance are pursued with enthusiasm. Good work is being done by twenty-six sisterhoods and several deaconess institutions, as well as a couple of communities of celibate clergy. In the British colonies and India, the episcopate (1909) consists of seven archbishops with two coadjutors; there are also seventy diocesan bishops, along with thirty missionary bishops elsewhere. The S.P.G. has 847 ordained ministers, including thirty chaplains in Europe, along with many female missionaries; the C.M.S. has 793 ordained ministers and many other male and female missionaries; the Zenana Missionary Society has a staff of 1,288; other church societies for foreign missions remain active, and the S.P.C.K., in addition to its domestic efforts, invests significant amounts in promoting the church abroad. The value of conferences has been increasingly recognized since the revival of convocations. Recognizing the importance of lay support and advice has led to the creation of two voluntary elective assemblies called Houses of Laymen, one for each province, as well as the formation in 1905 of an association comprising the four houses of convocation and the two lay assemblies, named the Representative Church Council. Over the last forty years, diocesan conferences, which include lay representatives, have become common, while rural deans’ and similar meetings are widespread. An annual church congress, established in 1861, held its forty-ninth meeting in 1909. Of greater significance are the Lambeth conferences, which have been held every ten years since 1878, inviting the bishops of the English Church and those in communion with it to meet under the leadership of the archbishop of Canterbury. The first of these conferences, highlighting the dignity of the see founded by St. Augustine and now the head of a vast quasi-patriarchate, took place under Archbishop Longley in 1867 (see Lambeth Conferences and Anglican Communion).

Authorities.—General Histories, Narrative: J. Collier, Ecclesiastical History of Great Britain (to 1685), ed. T. Lathbury (9 vols., London, 1852); T. Fuller, Church History (to 1648), ed. J. S. Brewer (Oxford, 1845), valuable near the author’s own time; C. Dodd, Church History of England (to 1625, by a Roman Catholic), ed. M. A. Tierney (5 vols., London, 1839-1843); Dean W. F. Hook, Lives of the Archbishops of Canterbury (to 1663) (12 vols., London, 1860-1879); G. G. Perry, Students’ English Church History (to 1884) (London, 1887), a carefully written book; A History of the English Church, ed. Stephens and Hunt, in 8 vols., noticed below under various periods; H. O. Wakeman, An Introduction to the History of the Church of England (London, 1896), a brightly written manual by a pronounced high churchman. Documents: D. Wilkins, Concilia (446-1717) (4 vols. fol., London, 1737), a splendid work; A. W. Haddan and Bishop W. Stubbs, Councils and Ecclesiastical Documents (3 vols., Oxford, 1869-1873), supersedes Wilkins so far as it goes, but deals with English Church only to 870, with Welsh, Scottish and Cumbrian churches to later dates; H. Gee and W. J. Hardy, Documents of English Church History (to 1700) (London, 1896), useful for students. Constitutional: Bishop W. Stubbs, Constitutional History of England (parts of) (3 vols., revised ed., Oxford, 1895-1897), a work of great learning; F. Makower, Constitutional History of the Church of England, from the German (London, 1895); F. W. Maitland, Roman Canon Law in the Church of England (London, 1898), authoritative. (See under Convocation.)

Authorities.—General Histories, Narrative: J. Collier, Ecclesiastical History of Great Britain (to 1685), edited by T. Lathbury (9 vols., London, 1852); T. Fuller, Church History (to 1648), edited by J. S. Brewer (Oxford, 1845), significant for the period close to the author's time; C. Dodd, Church History of England (to 1625, by a Roman Catholic), edited by M. A. Tierney (5 vols., London, 1839-1843); Dean W. F. Hook, Lives of the Archbishops of Canterbury (to 1663) (12 vols., London, 1860-1879); G. G. Perry, Students’ English Church History (to 1884) (London, 1887), a well-written book; A History of the English Church, edited by Stephens and Hunt, in 8 vols., listed below under various periods; H. O. Wakeman, An Introduction to the History of the Church of England (London, 1896), an engaging manual by a noted high churchman. Documents: D. Wilkins, Concilia (446-1717) (4 vols. fol., London, 1737), an excellent work; A. W. Haddan and Bishop W. Stubbs, Councils and Ecclesiastical Documents (3 vols., Oxford, 1869-1873), which surpasses Wilkins to some extent but addresses the English Church only to 870, and includes Welsh, Scottish, and Cumbrian churches to later dates; H. Gee and W. J. Hardy, Documents of English Church History (to 1700) (London, 1896), useful for students. Constitutional: Bishop W. Stubbs, Constitutional History of England (parts of) (3 vols., revised ed., Oxford, 1895-1897), a richly scholarly work; F. Makower, Constitutional History of the Church of England, from the German (London, 1895); F. W. Maitland, Roman Canon Law in the Church of England (London, 1898), authoritative. (See under Convocation.)

From 597: Bede, Historia ecclesiastica, ed. C. Plummer (2 vols., Oxford, 1896), the primary authority to 731, trans. by J. A. Giles (Bohn’s Library) and others; see also Eddi’s contemporary “Vita Wilfridi,” in Historians of York, ed. James Raine, Rolls series (3 vols., 1879-1894); W. Bright, Early English Church History (to 709) (3rd ed., Oxford, 1897), a learned and beautiful book; articles in Dictionary of Christian Biography (to 9th century), ed. W. Smith and H. Wace (4 vols., London, 1877-1887). Later Anglo-Saxon: In Chronicles and biographies, as Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, Two of the Saxon Chronicles, ed. C. Plummer (2 vols., 1892), trans. by B. Thorpe, Rolls series (1861), and others; Asser, Life of Alfred, ed. W. H. Stevenson (Oxford, 1904), trans. by Giles; Memorials of Dunstan, ed. W. Stubbs, Rolls series (1874). Modern: J. Lingard, History of the Anglo-Saxon Church (2 vols., London, 2nd ed., printed 1858); W. Hunt, History of the English Church, 597-1066, ed. Stephens and Hunt (London, revised ed., 1901).

From 597: Bede, Historia ecclesiastica, edited by C. Plummer (2 volumes, Oxford, 1896), the main source up to 731, translated by J. A. Giles (Bohn’s Library) and others; also check Eddi’s contemporary “Vita Wilfridi,” in Historians of York, edited by James Raine, Rolls series (3 volumes, 1879-1894); W. Bright, Early English Church History (up to 709) (3rd edition, Oxford, 1897), a scholarly and beautiful book; articles in Dictionary of Christian Biography (up to 9th century), edited by W. Smith and H. Wace (4 volumes, London, 1877-1887). Later Anglo-Saxon: In Chronicles and biographies, such as Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, Two of the Saxon Chronicles, edited by C. Plummer (2 volumes, 1892), translated by B. Thorpe, Rolls series (1861), and others; Asser, Life of Alfred, edited by W. H. Stevenson (Oxford, 1904), translated by Giles; Memorials of Dunstan, edited by W. Stubbs, Rolls series (1874). Modern: J. Lingard, History of the Anglo-Saxon Church (2 volumes, London, 2nd edition, printed 1858); W. Hunt, History of the English Church, 597-1066, edited by Stephens and Hunt (London, revised edition, 1901).

For later medieval times: (1) Chroniclers, &c., after 1066, as Florence of Worcester, ed. B. Thorpe, Eng. Hist. Soc. (2 vols., 1878), trans. by J. Stevenson in Church Historians (London, 1853); Symeon of Durham, ed. T. Arnold, Rolls series (2 vols., 1882); Eadmer (for Archbishop Anselm), ed. M. Rule, Rolls series (1884); William of Malmesbury, Gesta regum, &c. (to 1152), ed. W. Stubbs, Rolls series (2 vols., 1887), and Gesta pontificum, ed. N. E. S. A. Hamilton, Rolls series (1870); (John of Salisbury?) Historia pontificalis (for Archbishop Theobald, 1139-1161), ed. Pertz, Rerum Germ. scriptt. xx.; Materials for the Life of Archbishop Becket, ed. J. C. Robertson, Rolls series (7 vols., 1875-1885); Giraldus Cambrensis (12th century), Gemma ecclesiastica and Speculum ecclesiae, Works ii. and iv., ed. J. S. Brewer, Rolls series (1862, 1873); Matthew Paris, Chronica majora (to 1259), ed. H. R. Luard, Rolls series (7 vols., 1880-1883), and many more. (2) Letters, as Archbishop Lanfranc, Epistolae, ed. Giles (Oxford, 1844); Archbishop Anselm, Epistolae, ed. Migne (Paris, 1863); Robert Grosseteste, Epistolae, ed. H. R. Luard, Rolls series (1861), and others. (3) Bishops’ Registers, as Registrum J. Peckham (Archbishop of Canterbury, 1279-1292), ed. C. T. Martin, Rolls series (3 vols., 1882-1886); Exeter Registers, ed. Hingeston-Randolph (5 vols., 1889); Registers of Bishops Drokensford and Ralph of Shrewsbury, ed. W. H. Dickinson and T. S. Holmes, Somerset Record Soc. (3 vols., 1887, 1895-1896), and others. For Wycliffe and early Lollards see Wycliffe. R. Pecock, Repressor of Overmuch Blaming of the Clergy, ed. C. Babington, Rolls series (2 vols., 1860); and T. Gascoigne, Loci e libro veritatum, ed. J. T. Rogers (Oxford, 1881), which gives ample notices of abuses, should be consulted for 15th century. Modern books: W. R. W. Stephens, The English Church, 1066-1272 (revised edition, 1904), and W. W. Capes, The English Church in the 14th and 15th Centuries (1900), both ed. Stephens and Hunt (London); J. Raine, Archbishops of York (ends at 1373) (London, 1863); F. A. Gasquet, Henry III. and the Church (London, 1905). Biographical: Dean R. W. Church, Anselm (London, 1870); M. Rule, Life and Times of St Anselm (written from a Roman Catholic standpoint) (2 vols., London, 1883); C. de Rémusat, Vie de S. Anselme (Paris, 1868); G. G. Perry, St Hugh, Bishop of Lincoln (London, 1879); F. S. Stevenson, Robert Grosseteste, Bishop of Lincoln (London, 1899), and others.

For later medieval times: (1) Chroniclers, etc., after 1066, like Florence of Worcester, ed. B. Thorpe, Eng. Hist. Soc. (2 vols., 1878), translated by J. Stevenson in Church Historians (London, 1853); Symeon of Durham, ed. T. Arnold, Rolls series (2 vols., 1882); Eadmer (for Archbishop Anselm), ed. M. Rule, Rolls series (1884); William of Malmesbury, Gesta regum, etc. (to 1152), ed. W. Stubbs, Rolls series (2 vols., 1887), and Gesta pontificum, ed. N. E. S. A. Hamilton, Rolls series (1870); (John of Salisbury?) Historia pontificalis (for Archbishop Theobald, 1139-1161), ed. Pertz, Rerum Germ. scriptt. xx.; Materials for the Life of Archbishop Becket, ed. J. C. Robertson, Rolls series (7 vols., 1875-1885); Giraldus Cambrensis (12th century), Gemma ecclesiastica and Speculum ecclesiae, Works ii. and iv., ed. J. S. Brewer, Rolls series (1862, 1873); Matthew Paris, Chronica majora (to 1259), ed. H. R. Luard, Rolls series (7 vols., 1880-1883), and many more. (2) Letters, such as Archbishop Lanfranc, Epistolae, ed. Giles (Oxford, 1844); Archbishop Anselm, Epistolae, ed. Migne (Paris, 1863); Robert Grosseteste, Epistolae, ed. H. R. Luard, Rolls series (1861), and others. (3) Bishops’ Registers, like Registrum J. Peckham (Archbishop of Canterbury, 1279-1292), ed. C. T. Martin, Rolls series (3 vols., 1882-1886); Exeter Registers, ed. Hingeston-Randolph (5 vols., 1889); Registers of Bishops Drokensford and Ralph of Shrewsbury, ed. W. H. Dickinson and T. S. Holmes, Somerset Record Soc. (3 vols., 1887, 1895-1896), and others. For Wycliffe and early Lollards see Wycliffe. R. Pecock, Repressor of Overmuch Blaming of the Clergy, ed. C. Babington, Rolls series (2 vols., 1860); and T. Gascoigne, Loci e libro veritatum, ed. J. T. Rogers (Oxford, 1881), which provides ample accounts of abuses, should be consulted for the 15th century. Modern books: W. R. W. Stephens, The English Church, 1066-1272 (revised edition, 1904), and W. W. Capes, The English Church in the 14th and 15th Centuries (1900), both ed. Stephens and Hunt (London); J. Raine, Archbishops of York (ends at 1373) (London, 1863); F. A. Gasquet, Henry III. and the Church (London, 1905). Biographical: Dean R. W. Church, Anselm (London, 1870); M. Rule, Life and Times of St Anselm (written from a Roman Catholic perspective) (2 vols., London, 1883); C. de Rémusat, Vie de S. Anselme (Paris, 1868); G. G. Perry, St Hugh, Bishop of Lincoln (London, 1879); F. S. Stevenson, Robert Grosseteste, Bishop of Lincoln (London, 1899), and others.

For the Reformation Period: Documentary: Notices in Letters and Papers, Henry VIII., ed. J. S. Brewer, J. Gairdner, R. H. Brodie, Record Publ. (19 vols., 1862-1905), and Calendars of State Papers for Henry VIII., Edward VI., ed. R. Lemon (1856) and M. A. Green (1870), for Mary, ed. Lemon (1856), Record Publ., and for Elizabeth, Hatfield MSS., Hist. MSS. Comm.; Acts of the Privy Council, ed. J. R. Dasent (1890), in progress; Records of the Reformation, ed. N. Pocock (2 vols., Oxford, 1870); E. Cardwell, Documentary Annals (Oxford, 1839); Original Letters, ed. H. Ellis (11 vols., 1824-1846); Zurich Letters (2 vols.), Original Letters (2 vols.), ed. Robinson (1842-1847); Latimer’s Sermons (1844), and Archbishop Parker’s Correspondence, ed. J. Bruce and T. T. Perowne, all Parker Soc. Publ., Cambridge; see also General Index to Parker Soc.’s Publ. (1855); R. Pole (Cardinal), Epistolae, ed. Quirini (5 vols., Brescia, 1744-1757); G. W. Prothero, Select Statutes, &c.; Elizabeth and James I. (3rd ed., Oxford, 1906). Supplementary: Strype, Ecclesiastical Memorials (6 vols., 1513-1556); Annals (Elizabeth) (7 vols.); Memorials of Cranmer (2 vols.); Lives of Parker (3 vols.), Grindal, Whitgift (3 vols.), all with a large repertory of documents, also of Cheke, T. Smith and Aylmer (all Oxford, 1820-1824); Burnet, History of the Reformation, ed. N. Pocock (7 vols., Oxford, 1865), with many documents. Chronicles and early Histories: W. Camden, Annales (Elizabeth), ed. T. Hearne (3 vols., 1717); Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary, ed. J. G. Nichols (Camden Soc., 1850); E. Hall, Chronicle (Henry VIII.), ed. C. Whibley (2 vols., London, 1904); N. Harpsfield, Treatise on the Pretended Divorce of Henry VIII., ed. N. Pocock (Camden Soc., 1878); J. Foxe, Acts and Monuments (often called “The Book of Martyrs”), ed. S. R. Cattley and G. Townsend (a book with many facts industriously gathered, many documents and some errors) (8 vols., London, 1843-1849); H. Machyn, Diary (1550-1563), and Narratives of the Reformation, both ed. J. G. Nichols (Camden Soc., 1854, 1859); W. Roper, The Life of Sir Thomas More, ed. S. Singer (1817), and other editions, a beautiful book by More’s son-in-law; N. Sander, De origins ac progressu schismatis Anglicani, continued by E. Rishton (Rome, 1586), translated by D. Lewis (London, 1877) (Sander was a Roman Catholic priest who wrote in 1576; his language is violent but the narrative generally trustworthy); The Presbyterian Movement in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, ed. R. G. Usher (R. Hist. Soc., 1905). Modern histories: J. H. Blunt, History of the English Reformation (London, 1878), a careful work, though of no great historical importance; T. E. Bridgett, Life of Blessed John Fisher (London, 1888); R. W. Dixon, History of the Church of England from the Abolition of the Roman Jurisdiction (5 vols., London, 1878-1892), a book showing great knowledge and insight; V. M. Doreau, Henry VIII et les martyres de la Chartreuse (Paris, 1890); H. Fisher, History of England 1485-1547, presents a brilliant and trustworthy narrative of ecclesiastical affairs during the reign of Henry VIII., 454 and forms vol. v. of the Political History of England, ed. W. Hunt and R. L. Poole (London, 1906); P. Friedmann, Anne Boleyn (London, 1884), an important work; W. H. Frere, History of the English Church, 1558-1625, ed. W. R. W. Stephens and W. Hunt (1904), scholarly; J. A. Froude, History of England (1527-1588), a work of literary beauty, research and historical grasp, from an anti-ecclesiastical standpoint, with some blemishes, but of increasing value after the reign of Henry VIII. (12 vols., London, 1856-1870, cheap editions, 1881-1882, 1893); J. Gairdner, History of the English Church, Henry VIII. to Mary, ed. Stephens and Hunt (London, 1902), by the highest authority on the period; H. E. Jacobs, The Lutheran Movement in England (Philadelphia, 1890), chiefly on progressive doctrinal change; A. F. Pollard, Henry VIII. (London, with illustrations 1902, with references 1905), an excellent general history of the reign, England under Protector Somerset (London, 1900), and Life of Cranmer (London, 1904). For Rebellion Period: Contemporary and early: State Papers, Domestic, 1625-1649, ed. J. Bruce, W. D. Hamilton, Mrs S. C. Lomas (23 vols.), from 1649, ed. E. Green (13 vols.), and Calendars of Committees for Plundered Ministers, &c., all Record Publ.; Constitutional Documents of the Puritan Revolution, ed. S. R. Gardiner (Oxford, 1899); J. Evelyn, Diary, ed. A. Dobson (3 vols., London, 1906); also ed. W. Bray and ed. H. B. Wheatley; J. Hacket, Scrinia reserata, Life of Archbishop Williams (London, 1715); P. Heylyn, Cyprianus Anglicanus, Life of Archbishop Laud (Dublin, 1668); W. Laud, Works, ed. W. Scott and W. Bliss, Library of Anglo-Catholic Theology (7 vols., Oxford, 1847-1860); J. Milton, various Prose Works, ed. C. Symmons (7 vols., London, 1806); Puritan Visitations of Oxford, ed. M. Burrows (Camden Soc., 1881). Later: W. H. Hutton, History of the English Church, 1625-1714, ed. Stephen and Hunt (London, 1903), and William Laud (London, 1895); S. R. Gardiner, History of England, under various titles, 1603-1657 (London, 1863-1903), and cr. 8vo edition begun 1883, a work of vast research and learning, contains fair and careful accounts of religious matters; D. Masson, Life of Milton (7 vols., London, 1859-1894); D. Neal, History of the Puritans, ed. J. Toulmin (3 vols., 1837); W. A. Shaw, The English Church, 1640-1660 (2 vols., London, 1900), and on the Westminster Assembly, Cambridge Modern History, iv. c. 12 (Cambridge, 1906); J. Stoughton, Ecclesiastical History of England, Civil Wars, &c. (4 vols., London, 1867-1870), by a dissenting divine, a careful and unprejudiced history; J. Walker, Sufferings of the Clergy (London, 1714). For Restoration and Revolution Period: R. Baxter, Reliquiae Baxterianae, ed. M. Sylvester (London, 1696); and E. Calamy, Abridgment of Life of Baxter (2 vols., 1713); R. Bentley, Life of Bishop Stillingfleet, with Works in 6 vols. (London, 1710); Bishop G. Burnet, History of his Own Time (6 vols., Oxford, 1783); G. Doyly, Life of Archbishop Sancroft (2 vols., London, 1821); W. Kennett (Bishop), Compleat History, vol. iii. (London, 1710); T. Lathbury, History of the Nonjurors (London, 1843); T. B. Macaulay, History of England (5 vols., London, 1858-1861); Magdalen College and James II., ed. J. R. Bloxam, Oxford Historical Society (Oxford, 1886); R. Nelson, Life of Bishop Bull, ed. Burton (Oxford, 1827); J. H. Overton, The Nonjurors (London, 1902), and Life in the English Church, 1660-1714 (2 vols., London, 1885); E. H. Plumptre, Life of Bishop Ken (2 vols., London, 1888); I. Walton, Lives (Bishop G. Morley and others) (London, 1898, and frequently). For 18th century: C. J. Abbey, The English Church and its Bishops, 1700-1800 (2 vols., London, 1887); C. J. Abbey and J. H. Overton, The English Church in the 18th Century (London, revised ed., 1887), a pleasant and useful book; R. Cecil, Life of John Newton (London, 1827); A. C. Fraser, Life of Bishop Berkeley, vol. iv. of Works (Oxford, 1871); Lord Hervey, Memoirs of the Reign of George II., ed. J. W. Croker (3 vols., London, 1884); A. H. Hore, The Church of England from William III. to Victoria (2 vols., Oxford, 1886); J. Hunt, Religious Thought in England (3 vols., London, 1873); Huntingdon, Selina, Countess of, Life and Times (2 vols., London, 1839-1840); J. Keble, Life of Bishop Wilson (Oxford, 1863): W. E. H. Lecky, History of England in the 18th Century, vols. i.-iii. and v. (8 vols., London, 1879-1890); Bishop T. Newton, Autobiography, with Works (6 vols., London, 1787); J. H. Overton and F. Relton, History of the English Church, 1714-1800, ed. Stephens and Hunt (London, 1906); W. Roberts, Memoir of Hannah More (4 vols., London, 1834); W. A. Spooner, Bishop Butler (London, 1891); Sir J. Stephen, Essays in Ecclesiastical Biography (2 vols., London, 1853), for an account of the Evangelicals early in the 19th century; Sir L. Stephen, English Thought in the 18th Century (2 vols., London, 1881), for theological controversies; H. Thompson, Life of Hannah More (London, 1838); R. Watson, Anecdotes of the Life of Bishop R. Watson (2 vols., London, 1818), presents a curious picture of a bishop’s life 1782-1816; R. and S. Wilberforce, Memoir of W. Wilberforce (5 vols., London, 1838). See under Methodism; Wesley (family); and Whitefield, George.

For the Reformation Period: Documentary: Notices in Letters and Papers, Henry VIII., edited by J. S. Brewer, J. Gairdner, R. H. Brodie, Record Publishing (19 volumes, 1862-1905), and Calendars of State Papers for Henry VIII., Edward VI., edited by R. Lemon (1856) and M. A. Green (1870), for Mary, edited by Lemon (1856), Record Publishing, and for Elizabeth, Hatfield MSS., Hist. MSS. Comm.; Acts of the Privy Council, edited by J. R. Dasent (1890), in progress; Records of the Reformation, edited by N. Pocock (2 volumes, Oxford, 1870); E. Cardwell, Documentary Annals (Oxford, 1839); Original Letters, edited by H. Ellis (11 volumes, 1824-1846); Zurich Letters (2 volumes), Original Letters (2 volumes), edited by Robinson (1842-1847); Latimer’s Sermons (1844), and Archbishop Parker’s Correspondence, edited by J. Bruce and T. T. Perowne, all Parker Society Publishing, Cambridge; see also General Index to Parker Society’s Publications (1855); R. Pole (Cardinal), Epistolae, edited by Quirini (5 volumes, Brescia, 1744-1757); G. W. Prothero, Select Statutes, etc.; Elizabeth and James I. (3rd edition, Oxford, 1906). Supplementary: Strype, Ecclesiastical Memorials (6 volumes, 1513-1556); Annals (Elizabeth) (7 volumes); Memorials of Cranmer (2 volumes); Lives of Parker (3 volumes), Grindal, Whitgift (3 volumes), all with a large collection of documents, also of Cheke, T. Smith, and Aylmer (all Oxford, 1820-1824); Burnet, History of the Reformation, edited by N. Pocock (7 volumes, Oxford, 1865), with many documents. Chronicles and early Histories: W. Camden, Annales (Elizabeth), edited by T. Hearne (3 volumes, 1717); Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary, edited by J. G. Nichols (Camden Society, 1850); E. Hall, Chronicle (Henry VIII.), edited by C. Whibley (2 volumes, London, 1904); N. Harpsfield, Treatise on the Pretended Divorce of Henry VIII., edited by N. Pocock (Camden Society, 1878); J. Foxe, Acts and Monuments (often called “The Book of Martyrs”), edited by S. R. Cattley and G. Townsend (a book with many facts carefully gathered, many documents, and some errors) (8 volumes, London, 1843-1849); H. Machyn, Diary (1550-1563), and Narratives of the Reformation, both edited by J. G. Nichols (Camden Society, 1854, 1859); W. Roper, The Life of Sir Thomas More, edited by S. Singer (1817), and other editions, a beautiful book by More’s son-in-law; N. Sander, De origins ac progressu schismatis Anglicani, continued by E. Rishton (Rome, 1586), translated by D. Lewis (London, 1877) (Sander was a Roman Catholic priest who wrote in 1576; his language is intense but the narrative is generally reliable); The Presbyterian Movement in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, edited by R. G. Usher (R. Hist. Soc., 1905). Modern histories: J. H. Blunt, History of the English Reformation (London, 1878), a thorough work, though not of great historical importance; T. E. Bridgett, Life of Blessed John Fisher (London, 1888); R. W. Dixon, History of the Church of England from the Abolition of the Roman Jurisdiction (5 volumes, London, 1878-1892), a book showing great knowledge and insight; V. M. Doreau, Henry VIII et les martyrs de la Chartreuse (Paris, 1890); H. Fisher, History of England 1485-1547, presents a brilliant and trustworthy narrative of church matters during Henry VIII.’s reign, 454 and forms volume v. of the Political History of England, edited by W. Hunt and R. L. Poole (London, 1906); P. Friedmann, Anne Boleyn (London, 1884), an important work; W. H. Frere, History of the English Church, 1558-1625, edited by W. R. W. Stephens and W. Hunt (1904), scholarly; J. A. Froude, History of England (1527-1588), a work of literary beauty, research, and historical understanding, from an anti-ecclesiastical perspective, with some flaws but increasing value after Henry VIII.’s reign (12 volumes, London, 1856-1870, cheap editions, 1881-1882, 1893); J. Gairdner, History of the English Church, from Henry VIII. to Mary, edited by Stephens and Hunt (London, 1902), by the leading authority on the period; H. E. Jacobs, The Lutheran Movement in England (Philadelphia, 1890), mainly on progressive doctrinal change; A. F. Pollard, Henry VIII. (London, with illustrations 1902, with references 1905), an excellent general history of the reign, England under Protector Somerset (London, 1900), and Life of Cranmer (London, 1904). For Rebellion Period: Contemporary and early: State Papers, Domestic, 1625-1649, edited by J. Bruce, W. D. Hamilton, Mrs. S. C. Lomas (23 volumes), from 1649, edited by E. Green (13 volumes), and Calendars of Committees for Plundered Ministers, etc., all Record Publishing; Constitutional Documents of the Puritan Revolution, edited by S. R. Gardiner (Oxford, 1899); J. Evelyn, Diary, edited by A. Dobson (3 volumes, London, 1906); also edited by W. Bray and edited by H. B. Wheatley; J. Hacket, Scrinia reserata, Life of Archbishop Williams (London, 1715); P. Heylyn, Cyprianus Anglicanus, Life of Archbishop Laud (Dublin, 1668); W. Laud, Works, edited by W. Scott and W. Bliss, Library of Anglo-Catholic Theology (7 volumes, Oxford, 1847-1860); J. Milton, various Prose Works, edited by C. Symmons (7 volumes, London, 1806); Puritan Visitations of Oxford, edited by M. Burrows (Camden Society, 1881). Later: W. H. Hutton, History of the English Church, 1625-1714, edited by Stephen and Hunt (London, 1903), and William Laud (London, 1895); S. R. Gardiner, History of England, under various titles, 1603-1657 (London, 1863-1903), and crown 8vo edition begun 1883, a work of extensive research and scholarship, contains thorough and careful accounts of religious matters; D. Masson, Life of Milton (7 volumes, London, 1859-1894); D. Neal, History of the Puritans, edited by J. Toulmin (3 volumes, 1837); W. A. Shaw, The English Church, 1640-1660 (2 volumes, London, 1900), and on the Westminster Assembly, Cambridge Modern History, iv. c. 12 (Cambridge, 1906); J. Stoughton, Ecclesiastical History of England, Civil Wars, etc. (4 volumes, London, 1867-1870), by a dissenting divine, a careful and unbiased history; J. Walker, Sufferings of the Clergy (London, 1714). For Restoration and Revolution Period: R. Baxter, Reliquiae Baxterianae, edited by M. Sylvester (London, 1696); and E. Calamy, Abridgment of Life of Baxter (2 volumes, 1713); R. Bentley, Life of Bishop Stillingfleet, with Works in 6 volumes (London, 1710); Bishop G. Burnet, History of his Own Time (6 volumes, Oxford, 1783); G. Doyly, Life of Archbishop Sancroft (2 volumes, London, 1821); W. Kennett (Bishop), Compleat History, vol. iii. (London, 1710); T. Lathbury, History of the Nonjurors (London, 1843); T. B. Macaulay, History of England (5 volumes, London, 1858-1861); Magdalen College and James II., edited by J. R. Bloxam, Oxford Historical Society (Oxford, 1886); R. Nelson, Life of Bishop Bull, edited by Burton (Oxford, 1827); J. H. Overton, The Nonjurors (London, 1902), and Life in the English Church, 1660-1714 (2 volumes, London, 1885); E. H. Plumptre, Life of Bishop Ken (2 volumes, London, 1888); I. Walton, Lives (Bishop G. Morley and others) (London, 1898, and frequently). For 18th century: C. J. Abbey, The English Church and its Bishops, 1700-1800 (2 volumes, London, 1887); C. J. Abbey and J. H. Overton, The English Church in the 18th Century (London, revised edition, 1887), a pleasant and useful book; R. Cecil, Life of John Newton (London, 1827); A. C. Fraser, Life of Bishop Berkeley, vol. iv. of Works (Oxford, 1871); Lord Hervey, Memoirs of the Reign of George II., edited by J. W. Croker (3 volumes, London, 1884); A. H. Hore, The Church of England from William III. to Victoria (2 volumes, Oxford, 1886); J. Hunt, Religious Thought in England (3 volumes, London, 1873); Huntingdon, Selina, Countess of, Life and Times (2 volumes, London, 1839-1840); J. Keble, Life of Bishop Wilson (Oxford, 1863); W. E. H. Lecky, History of England in the 18th Century, volumes i.-iii. and v. (8 volumes, London, 1879-1890); Bishop T. Newton, Autobiography, with Works (6 volumes, London, 1787); J. H. Overton and F. Relton, History of the English Church, 1714-1800, edited by Stephens and Hunt (London, 1906); W. Roberts, Memoir of Hannah More (4 volumes, London, 1834); W. A. Spooner, Bishop Butler (London, 1891); Sir J. Stephen, Essays in Ecclesiastical Biography (2 volumes, London, 1853), for an account of the Evangelicals early in the 19th century; Sir L. Stephen, English Thought in the 18th Century (2 volumes, London, 1881), for theological controversies; H. Thompson, Life of Hannah More (London, 1838); R. Watson, Anecdotes of the Life of Bishop R. Watson (2 volumes, London, 1818), presents a curious picture of a bishop’s life from 1782-1816; R. and S. Wilberforce, Memoir of W. Wilberforce (5 volumes, London, 1838). See under Methodism; Wesley (family); and Whitefield, George.

For the Oxford Movement and onwards: A. W. Benn, English Rationalism in the 19th Century (2 vols., London, 1906); A. C. Benson, Life of Archbishop E. W. Benson (2 vols., London, 1899); J. W. Burgon, Lives of Twelve Good Men (2 vols., London, 1888); R. W. Church, History of the Oxford Movement (London, 1891); J. T. Coleridge, Life of Keble (Oxford, 1869); R. T. Davidson and W. Benham, Life of Archbishop A. C. Tait (2 vols., London, 1892); H. P. Liddon and J. O. Johnston, Life of Pusey (4 vols., London, 1893-1895); T. Mozley, Reminiscences of Oriel and the Oxford Movement (2 vols., London, 1882); J. H. Newman, Apologia pro Vita sua (London, 1864); R. Prothero, Correspondence of Dean A. P. Stanley (2 vols., London, 1893); R. G. Wilberforce and A. Ashwell, Life of Bishop S. Wilberforce (3 vols., London, 1879) Report of the Royal Commission on Ecclesiastical Courts (1883), and Report of the Royal Commission on Ecclesiastical Discipline (1906), both H.M. Stationery Office; Official Year Book of the Church of England, S.P.C.K. (1906).

For the Oxford Movement and onwards: A. W. Benn, English Rationalism in the 19th Century (2 vols., London, 1906); A. C. Benson, Life of Archbishop E. W. Benson (2 vols., London, 1899); J. W. Burgon, Lives of Twelve Good Men (2 vols., London, 1888); R. W. Church, History of the Oxford Movement (London, 1891); J. T. Coleridge, Life of Keble (Oxford, 1869); R. T. Davidson and W. Benham, Life of Archbishop A. C. Tait (2 vols., London, 1892); H. P. Liddon and J. O. Johnston, Life of Pusey (4 vols., London, 1893-1895); T. Mozley, Reminiscences of Oriel and the Oxford Movement (2 vols., London, 1882); J. H. Newman, Apologia pro Vita sua (London, 1864); R. Prothero, Correspondence of Dean A. P. Stanley (2 vols., London, 1893); R. G. Wilberforce and A. Ashwell, Life of Bishop S. Wilberforce (3 vols., London, 1879) Report of the Royal Commission on Ecclesiastical Courts (1883), and Report of the Royal Commission on Ecclesiastical Discipline (1906), both H.M. Stationery Office; Official Year Book of the Church of England, S.P.C.K. (1906).

(W. Hu.)

ENGLEFIELD, SIR FRANCIS (c. 1520-1596), English Roman Catholic politician, born probably about 1520, was the eldest son of Sir Thomas Englefield of Englefield, Berkshire, justice of the common pleas. His mother was Elizabeth, daughter of Sir Robert Throckmorton, one of the well-known Catholic family of Coughton, Warwickshire. Francis, who succeeded his father in 1537, was too young to have taken any part in the opposition to the abolition of the Roman jurisdiction and dissolution of the monasteries; and he acquiesced in these measures to the extent of taking the oath of royal supremacy, serving as sheriff of Berkshire and Oxfordshire in 1546-1547, and accepting in 1545 a grant of the manor of Tilehurst, which had belonged to Reading Abbey. He was even knighted at the coronation of Edward VI. in February 1547. But the progress of the Reformation during that reign alienated him, and he attached his fortunes to the cause of the princess Mary, whose service he entered before 1551. In August of that year he was sent to the Tower for permitting Mass to be celebrated in Mary’s household. He was released in the following March, and permitted to resume his duties in Mary’s service. But in February 1553 he was again summoned before the privy council, and may have been in confinement at the crisis of July; perhaps he was only released on Mary’s triumph, for his name does not appear among those who exerted themselves on her behalf before the middle of August. He was then sworn a member of the privy council like many others who owed their promotion to their loyalty rather than to their political abilities. Their numbers swelled the privy council and sadly impaired its efficiency; but Mary resisted the various attempts to get rid of them because she liked staunch friends, and regarded them as a salutary check upon the abler but less scrupulous members who had served Edward VI. as well as herself. Englefield sat as M.P. for Berkshire in all Mary’s parliaments except that of April 1554, but received no higher political office than the lucrative mastership of the court of wards.

ENGLEFIELD, SIR FRANCIS (c. 1520-1596), an English Roman Catholic politician, was likely born around 1520 and was the eldest son of Sir Thomas Englefield of Englefield, Berkshire, who served as a justice of the common pleas. His mother, Elizabeth, was the daughter of Sir Robert Throckmorton, a member of the well-known Catholic family from Coughton, Warwickshire. Francis, who took over his father’s position in 1537, was too young to participate in the opposition against the abolition of Roman jurisdiction and the dissolution of the monasteries; he went along with these changes by taking the oath of royal supremacy, serving as sheriff of Berkshire and Oxfordshire in 1546-1547, and accepting a grant of the manor of Tilehurst in 1545, which had belonged to Reading Abbey. He was even knighted during Edward VI's coronation in February 1547. However, the advancement of the Reformation during that reign drove him away, and he aligned himself with Princess Mary’s cause, joining her service before 1551. In August of that year, he was imprisoned in the Tower for allowing Mass to be celebrated in Mary’s household. He was released the following March and allowed to return to his duties with her. But in February 1553, he was summoned again before the privy council and may have been imprisoned during the crisis in July; he could have only been freed upon Mary’s victory since his name does not appear among those who supported her before mid-August. He was then sworn in as a member of the privy council, like many others who gained their positions through loyalty rather than political skill. Their numbers increased in the privy council, which unfortunately reduced its efficiency; however, Mary resisted efforts to remove them because she valued loyal friends and saw them as a necessary balance against the more skilled but less principled members who had served both Edward VI and herself. Englefield served as the Member of Parliament for Berkshire in all of Mary's parliaments except the one in April 1554, but he did not receive any higher political office than the profitable mastership of the court of wards.

He was an ardent believer in persecution, was present at Hooper’s trial, sought Ascham’s ruin, and naturally lost his office and his seat on the privy council at Elizabeth’s succession. He retired to the continent before May 1559, and from that time until his death was an active participant in all schemes for the restoration of Roman Catholicism. At first his ideas took such comparatively mild forms as inducing the pope to send a legate to persuade Elizabeth to return to the fold; but gradually they grew more violent and treasonable, until Englefield became the close confidant of Cardinal Allen, Parsons and the “jesuited” Catholics, who advocated forcible intervention by Spain and the succession of the infanta; in 1585 Englefield thought that Mary’s succession, peaceful or other, would not be satisfactory unless it were owing to Spanish support and she were dependent on Philip. Englefield lived first at Rome, then in the Low Countries, and finally at Valladolid. He was blind for the last twenty years of his life, and received a pension of six hundred crowns from Philip. He had been outlawed in 1564 and his estates sequestered, but they were not forfeited until 1585, when an act of attainder was passed against Englefield. Even then some legal difficulties stood in the way of their appropriation by the crown, for Englefield, obviously with an eye to this contingency, had conditionally settled them on his nephew Francis. The long arguments on the point are given in Coke’s Reports, and a further act was passed in 1592 confirming the forfeiture to the crown. The nephew, however, eventually recovered some of the family estates, and was created a baronet in 1612. His uncle was alive in September 1596, but apparently died at Valladolid about the end of that year. His tomb there used to be shown to visitors as that of an eminent man.

He was a passionate supporter of persecution, attended Hooper’s trial, aimed to bring down Ascham, and naturally lost his position and his seat on the privy council when Elizabeth became queen. He moved to the continent before May 1559, and from then until his death, he was actively involved in all plans to restore Roman Catholicism. At first, his ideas were relatively mild, like trying to get the pope to send a representative to persuade Elizabeth to return to the Church; but over time, they became more extreme and treasonous, leading Englefield to become a close ally of Cardinal Allen, Parsons, and the “jesuited” Catholics, who pushed for intervention by Spain and the succession of the infanta. By 1585, Englefield believed that Mary’s succession, whether peaceful or otherwise, wouldn’t be satisfactory unless it had Spanish support and she depended on Philip. Englefield lived initially in Rome, then in the Low Countries, and finally in Valladolid. He was blind for the last twenty years of his life and received a pension of six hundred crowns from Philip. He had been outlawed in 1564 and his estates seized, but they were not officially forfeited until 1585, when an act of attainder was passed against him. Even then, there were some legal issues regarding their appropriation by the crown, since Englefield had, clearly anticipating this situation, conditionally settled them on his nephew Francis. The lengthy discussions about this are recorded in Coke’s Reports, and a further act was passed in 1592 to confirm the forfeiture to the crown. However, the nephew eventually regained some of the family estates and was made a baronet in 1612. His uncle was still alive in September 1596, but he reportedly passed away in Valladolid around the end of that year. His tomb there used to be shown to visitors as that of a notable man.

455

455

See Dict. of Nat. Biog. xvii. 372-374; but additional light has been thrown on Englefield’s career since the date of that article by the publication of the Spanish and Venetian Calendars, the Hatfield MSS., the Acts of the Privy Council, and the Letters and Papers of Henry VIII.

See Dict. of Nat. Biog. xvii. 372-374; but new insights into Englefield’s career have emerged since that article was published, thanks to the release of the Spanish and Venetian Calendars, the Hatfield MSS., the Acts of the Privy Council, and the Letters and Papers of Henry VIII.

(A. F. P.)

ENGLEHEART, GEORGE (1752-1829), English miniature painter, the great rival of Richard Cosway, was born at Kew in October 1752, and received his artistic training first under George Barret, R.A., and then under Sir Joshua Reynolds. He started on his own account in 1773, and exhibited in that year at the Royal Academy. He continued the active pursuit of his profession down to 1813, when he retired, and his fee-book, still in existence, records the names of his sitters, and the amount paid for each portrait, proving that he painted 4853 miniatures during that period of thirty-nine years, and that his professional income for many years exceeded £1200 a year. During the greater part of his life he resided in Hertford Street, Mayfair, where he lived till he retired. He died at Blackheath in 1829, and was buried at Kew.

ENGLEHEART, GEORGE (1752-1829), English miniature painter, the main competitor of Richard Cosway, was born in Kew in October 1752. He initially trained under George Barret, R.A., and later under Sir Joshua Reynolds. He began working independently in 1773 and exhibited that same year at the Royal Academy. He actively pursued his career until 1813, when he retired. His fee book, which still exists, lists the names of his sitters and the amounts paid for each portrait, showing that he painted 4,853 miniatures during his thirty-nine years of work, with his professional income often exceeding £1,200 a year. For most of his life, he lived in Hertford Street, Mayfair, where he stayed until his retirement. He passed away in Blackheath in 1829 and was buried in Kew.

He painted George III. twenty-five times, and had a very extensive circle of patrons, comprising nearly all the important persons connected with the court. He made careful copies in miniature of many of the famous paintings executed by Sir Joshua Reynolds, and in some cases these constitute the only information we possess respecting portraits by Sir Joshua that are now missing. His fee-book, colours, appliances and a large collection of his miniatures still remain in the possession of his descendants.

He painted George III twenty-five times and had a wide range of patrons, including almost all the key figures connected to the court. He created meticulous miniature copies of many famous paintings by Sir Joshua Reynolds, and in some instances, these are the only evidence we have of portraits by Sir Joshua that are now lost. His fee book, paints, tools, and a large collection of his miniatures are still held by his descendants.

His nephew, John Cox Dillman Engleheart (1784-1862), also a miniature painter, entered George Engleheart’s studio when he was but fourteen years of age. He first exhibited at the Royal Academy in 1801, and sent in altogether 157 works. He was a man of substantial means, and in his time a very popular painter, but his health broke down when he was forty-four years old, and he had to relinquish the pursuit of his profession. He lived at Tunbridge Wells for some years and died there in 1862.

His nephew, John Cox Dillman Engleheart (1784-1862), also a miniature painter, joined George Engleheart’s studio when he was just fourteen. He first exhibited at the Royal Academy in 1801 and submitted a total of 157 works. He was financially well-off and was quite a popular painter in his time, but his health declined when he was forty-four, forcing him to give up his career. He lived in Tunbridge Wells for several years and passed away there in 1862.

See George Engleheart, by G. C. Williamson and H. L. D. Engleheart (1902).

See George Engleheart, by G. C. Williamson and H. L. D. Engleheart (1902).

(G. C. W.)

ENGLEWOOD, a city of Bergen county, New Jersey, U.S.A., near the Hudson river, 14 m. N. by E. of Jersey City. Pop. (1900) 6253, of whom 1548 were foreign-born and 386 negroes; (1905) 7922; (1910) 9924. It is served by a branch of the Erie railway, and by an electric line connecting with a ferry (at Fort Lee) to New York. Englewood is primarily a residential suburb of New York. The site rises terrace above terrace from the marshes in the valley of the Hackensack to the top of the palisades overlooking the Hudson, from which Englewood is separated by the borough of Englewood Cliffs (pop. in 1905, 266). There are several fine residences, a hospital, a public library and the Dwight school for girls (1859). The site of Englewood was for a long time a part of “English Neighbourhood,” and was known as Liberty Pole; but until 1859, when the place was laid out, there were only a few houses here, one of which was the “Liberty Pole Tavern.” In 1871 Englewood was set off from the township of Hackensack and was incorporated as a separate township, and in 1896 it was chartered as a city; but the act under which it was chartered was declared unconstitutional, and in 1899 Englewood was rechartered as a city by a special act of the state legislature.

ENGLEWOOD, is a city in Bergen County, New Jersey, U.S.A., located near the Hudson River, 14 miles northeast of Jersey City. The population was 6,253 in 1900, including 1,548 foreign-born residents and 386 Black residents; 7,922 in 1905; and 9,924 in 1910. It is served by a branch of the Erie Railway and an electric line that connects with a ferry (at Fort Lee) to New York. Englewood is mainly a residential suburb of New York. The area features a series of terraces rising from the marshes in the Hackensack Valley to the top of the Palisades, which overlook the Hudson River, separated from Englewood by the borough of Englewood Cliffs (population in 1905: 266). Notable sites include several beautiful homes, a hospital, a public library, and the Dwight School for Girls (founded in 1859). The land where Englewood sits was once part of “English Neighborhood” and was known as Liberty Pole; however, there were only a few houses here, including the “Liberty Pole Tavern,” until 1859, when the area was developed. In 1871, Englewood was separated from the township of Hackensack and incorporated as its own township, and in 1896, it was chartered as a city. However, the charter was declared unconstitutional, and in 1899, Englewood was rechartered as a city through a special act of the state legislature.


ENGLISH CHANNEL (commonly called “The Channel”; Fr. La Manche, “the sleeve”), the narrow sea separating England from France. If its entrance be taken to lie between Ushant and the Scilly Isles, its extreme breadth (between those points) is about 100 m., and its length about 350. At the Strait of Dover, its breadth decreases to 20 m. Along both coasts of the Channel, cliffs and lowland alternate, and the geological affinities between successive opposite stretches are well marked, as between the Devonian and granitic rocks of Cornwall and Brittany, the Jurassic of Portland and Calvados, and the Cretaceous of the Pays de Caux and the Isle of Wight and the Sussex coast, as well as either shore of the Strait of Dover. The English Channel is of comparatively recent geological formation. The land-connexion between England and the continent was not finally severed until the latter part of the Pleistocene period. The Channel covers what was previously a wide valley, and may be described now as a headless gulf. The action of waves and currents, both destructive and constructive, is well seen at many points; thus Shakespeare Cliff at Dover is said to have been cut back more than a mile during the Christian era, and the cliffs of Grisnez have similarly receded. Of the opposite process notable examples are the building of the pebbly beaches of Chesil Bank and near Tréguier in Côtes du Nord, and the promontory of Dungeness. The total drainage area of the English rivers flowing into the Channel is about 8000 sq. m.; of the French rivers, including as they do the Seine, it is about 41,000 sq. m.

ENGLISH CHANNEL (commonly known as “The Channel”; Fr. La Manche, “the sleeve”), is the narrow sea that separates England from France. If we consider its entrance to be between Ushant and the Scilly Isles, its widest point (between those locations) measures about 100 miles, and its length is around 350 miles. At the Strait of Dover, its width narrows to 20 miles. Both coasts of the Channel feature alternating cliffs and lowlands, and the geological similarities between neighboring opposite stretches are clearly marked, such as between the Devonian and granitic rocks of Cornwall and Brittany, the Jurassic of Portland and Calvados, and the Cretaceous of the Pays de Caux and the Isle of Wight and the Sussex coast, as well as on either side of the Strait of Dover. The English Channel has formed relatively recently in geological terms. The land connection between England and the continent was not completely severed until the later part of the Pleistocene period. The Channel covers what was once a wide valley and can now be described as a headless gulf. The effects of waves and currents, both destructive and constructive, are evident at many locations; for example, Shakespeare Cliff at Dover is said to have receded more than a mile since the start of the Christian era, and the cliffs of Grisnez have similarly retreated. Notable examples of the opposite process include the formation of the pebbly beaches of Chesil Bank and near Tréguier in Côtes du Nord, and the promontory of Dungeness. The total drainage area of the English rivers flowing into the Channel is about 8,000 square miles; for the French rivers, including the Seine, it totals about 41,000 square miles.

From the Strait of Dover the bottom slopes fairly regularly down to the western entrance of the Channel, the average depths ranging from 20 to 30 fathoms in the Strait to 60 fathoms at the entrance. An exception to this condition, however, is found in Hurd’s Deep, a narrow depression about 70 m. long, lying north and north-west of the Channel Islands, and at its nearest point to them only 5 m. distant from their outlying rocks, the Casquets. Towards its eastern end Hurd’s Deep has an extreme depth of 94 fathoms, and in it are found steeper slopes from shoal to deep water than elsewhere within the Channel. Nearing the entrance to the Channel from the Atlantic, the 100 fathoms line may be taken to mark the edge of soundings. Beyond this depth the bottom falls away rapidly. The 100 fathoms line is laid down about 180 m. W. to 120 m. S.W. of the Scilly Isles, and 80 m. W. of Ushant. Within it there are considerable irregularities of the bottom; thus a succession of narrow ridges running N.E. and S.W. occurs west of the Scillies, while only 4 m. N.W. of Ushant there is a small depression in which a depth of 105 fathoms has been found. As a general rule the slope from the English coast to the deepest parts of the Channel is more regular than that from the French coast, and for that reason, and in consideration of the greater dangers to navigation towards the French shore, the fairway is taken to lie between 12 and 24 m. from the principal promontories of the English shore, as far up-channel as Beachy Head. These promontories (the Lizard, Start Point, Portland Bill, St Alban’s Head, St Catherine’s Point of the Isle of Wight, Selsey Bill, Beachy Head, Dungeness, the South Foreland) demarcate a series of bays roughly of sickle-shape, the shores of which run north and south, or nearly so, at their western sides, turn eastward somewhat abruptly at their heads, and then trend more gently towards the south-east. On the French coast the arrangement is similar but reversed; Capes Grisnez, Antifer and La Hague, and the Pointe du Sillon demarcating a series of bays (larger than those on the English coast) whose shores run north and south on the eastern side, and have a gentler trend westward from the head.

From the Strait of Dover, the seabed gradually slopes down toward the western entrance of the Channel, with average depths ranging from 20 to 30 fathoms in the Strait to 60 fathoms at the entrance. However, an exception to this is Hurd’s Deep, a narrow depression about 70 meters long, located to the north and northwest of the Channel Islands, and at its closest point, it's only 5 meters away from their outer rocks, the Casquets. Near its eastern end, Hurd’s Deep has a maximum depth of 94 fathoms, featuring steeper slopes from shallow to deep water than in other parts of the Channel. Approaching the entrance to the Channel from the Atlantic, the 100 fathom line indicates the limit of soundings. Beyond this depth, the seabed drops off quickly. The 100 fathom line is located about 180 meters west to 120 meters southwest of the Scilly Isles and 80 meters west of Ushant. Inside this line, the seabed shows significant irregularities; for example, there is a series of narrow ridges running northeast and southwest west of the Scillies, while only 4 meters northwest of Ushant, there’s a small depression where a depth of 105 fathoms has been recorded. Generally, the slope from the English coast to the deepest parts of the Channel is more consistent than that from the French coast. For this reason, along with the increased navigation hazards near the French shore, the best route is considered to lie 12 to 24 meters from the main points of the English coast, extending up the Channel as far as Beachy Head. The prominent points (the Lizard, Start Point, Portland Bill, St Alban’s Head, St Catherine’s Point of the Isle of Wight, Selsey Bill, Beachy Head, Dungeness, the South Foreland) outline a series of bays shaped like a sickle, with their shores running north and south, or nearly so, on the western sides, sharply turning eastward at their heads, and then gradually trending southeast. The arrangement on the French coast is similar but reversed; Capes Grisnez, Antifer, and La Hague, along with Pointe du Sillon, mark a series of bays (larger than those on the English coast) where the shores run north and south on the eastern side and gently trend westward from their heads.

The configuration of the coasts is perhaps the chief cause of the peculiarities of tides in the Channel. From the entrance as far as Portland Bill the time of high water is found to be progressively later in passing from west to east, being influenced by the oceanic tidal stream from the west under conditions which are on the whole normal. But eastward of a line between Portland Bill and the Gulf of St Malo these conditions are changed and great irregularities are observed. On the English coast between Portland Bill and Selsey a double tide is found. At Portland this double tide corresponds approximately with the time of low water in the regular tidal progression, and the result is the occurrence of two periods of low water, separated by a slight rise known locally as “gulder.” But farther east the double tide corresponds more nearly with the time of high water, and in consequence either the effect is produced of a prolonged period of high water, or there are actually two periods of high water, as at Southampton. Various causes apparently contribute to this phenomenon. The configuration of the coast line is such as to present at intervals barriers to the regular movement of the tidal wave (west to east), so that reflex waves (east to west) are set up. In the extreme case at Southampton the tidal effect is carried from the outer Channel first by way of 456 the Solent, the strait west of the Isle of Wight, and later by way of Spithead, the eastern strait. Finally the effect of the tidal stream entering the Channel through the Strait of Dover from the North Sea must be considered. The set of this stream towards the Strait of Dover from the east corresponds in time with that of the Channel stream (i.e. the stream within an area defined by Start Point, the Casquets, Beachy Head and the mouth of the Somme) towards the strait from the west; the set of the two streams away from the strait also corresponds, and consequently they alternately meet and separate. The area in which the meeting and separation take place lies between Beachy Head and the North Foreland, the mouth of the Somme and Dunkirk. Within this area, therefore, a stream is formed, known as the intermediate stream, which, running at first with the Channel stream and then with the North Sea stream, changes its direction throughout its length almost simultaneously, and is never slack. Under these conditions, the time of high water eastward of Selsey Bill as far as Dover is almost the same at all points, though somewhat earlier at the east than at the west of this stretch of coast. The configuration of the French coast causes a very strong tidal flow in the Gulf of St Malo, with an extreme range at spring tides of 42 ft. at St Germain, compared with a range of 12 ft. at Exmouth and 7 ft. at Portland. In the neighbourhood of Beer Head and Portland and Weymouth Roads the streams are found to form vortices with only a slight movement. On the eastern (Selsey-Dover) section of the English coast the maximum range of tide is found at Hastings, with a decrease both eastward and westward of this point.

The shape of the coastlines is likely the main reason for the unique tide patterns in the Channel. From the entrance all the way to Portland Bill, high tide occurs progressively later as you move from west to east, influenced by the oceanic tidal stream coming from the west under mostly normal conditions. However, east of a line between Portland Bill and the Gulf of St Malo, these conditions change, and significant irregularities can be seen. Along the English coast between Portland Bill and Selsey, a double tide occurs. At Portland, this double tide roughly aligns with the time of low water in the regular tidal cycle, resulting in two low water periods, separated by a slight rise known locally as “gulder.” Further east, the double tide aligns more closely with high water, leading to either a prolonged period of high water or two distinct periods of high water, as seen at Southampton. Various factors seem to contribute to this phenomenon. The coastline's shape intermittently creates barriers to the regular flow of the tidal wave moving from west to east, leading to the generation of reflex waves moving from east to west. In the extreme case at Southampton, the tidal effect is carried from the outer Channel first through the Solent, the strait west of the Isle of Wight, and then through Spithead, the eastern strait. Additionally, we must consider the impact of the tidal stream entering the Channel via the Strait of Dover from the North Sea. The flow of this stream toward the Strait of Dover from the east coincides in time with the Channel stream (i.e., the stream within an area defined by Start Point, the Casquets, Beachy Head, and the mouth of the Somme) moving towards the strait from the west; the movement of both streams away from the strait also corresponds, allowing them to alternately meet and separate. The area where this meeting and separation occurs is between Beachy Head and the North Foreland, and between the mouth of the Somme and Dunkirk. Within this area, a stream is formed, known as the intermediate stream, which initially runs with the Channel stream and then with the North Sea stream, changing direction throughout its length almost simultaneously and never slackening. Under these conditions, the time of high water from Selsey Bill to Dover is nearly the same at all points, though it occurs slightly earlier in the east than in the west of this coastal stretch. The shape of the French coast results in a very strong tidal flow in the Gulf of St Malo, with a maximum range of 42 ft at St Germain during spring tides, compared to a range of 12 ft at Exmouth and 7 ft at Portland. Near Beer Head and Portland and Weymouth Roads, the streams form vortices with minimal movement. On the eastern section of the English coast (Selsey-Dover), the maximum tidal range is found at Hastings, with a decrease in both the east and west directions from this point.

Westerly winds are most prevalent in the Channel. The total number of gales recorded in the period 1871-1885 was 190, of which 104 were south-westerly. Gales are most frequent from October to January (November during the above period had more than any other month, with an average of 2.1), and most rare from May to July. It appears that gales are generally more violent and prolonged when coincident with spring tides than with neaps. The winds have naturally a powerful effect on the tidal streams and currents, the latter being in these seas simply movements of the water set up by gales, which may themselves be far distant. Thus under the influence of westerly winds prevailing west of the Iberian Peninsula a current may be set up from the Bay of Biscay across the entrance of the Channel; this is called Rennell’s current. Fogs and thick weather are common in the Channel, and occur at all seasons of the year. Observations during the period 1876-1890 at Dover, Hurst Castle and the Scilly Isles showed that at the two first stations fogs most frequently accompany anticyclonic conditions in winter, but at the Scilly Isles they are much more common in summer than in winter, and accompany winds of moderate strength more frequently than in the case of the up-Channel stations.

Westerly winds are most common in the Channel. Between 1871 and 1885, a total of 190 gales were recorded, with 104 coming from the southwest. Gales are most frequent from October to January, with November during this period having the most, averaging 2.1 gales. They are least frequent from May to July. It seems that gales tend to be more intense and last longer when they coincide with spring tides rather than neap tides. The winds significantly impact the tidal streams and currents, which in these areas are largely movements of water caused by gales that may originate far away. For instance, under the influence of westerly winds west of the Iberian Peninsula, a current can form from the Bay of Biscay across the entrance of the Channel; this is known as Rennell’s current. Fogs and thick weather are common in the Channel throughout the year. Observations from 1876 to 1890 at Dover, Hurst Castle, and the Scilly Isles indicated that at the first two locations, fogs are most often associated with anticyclonic conditions in winter, while at the Scilly Isles, they are much more frequent in summer than in winter and tend to occur with moderate wind strengths more often than in the up-Channel stations.

(O. J. R. H.)

Salinity and Temperature.—The waters of the English Channel are derived partly from the west and partly from the English and French rivers, and all observations tend to show that there is a slow and almost continuous current through it from west to east. The western supply comes from two sources, one of which, the more important, is the relatively salt and warm water of the Bay of Biscay, which enters from the south-west and has a salinity sometimes reaching 35.6 pro mille (parts of salt per thousand by weight); the other consists of a southerly current from the Irish Channel, and is colder and has a salinity of 35.0 to 35.2 pro mille. As the water passes eastwards it mixes with the fresher coastal water, so that the salinities generally rise from the shore to the central line, and from east to west, though south of Scilly Islands there is often a fall due to the influence of the Irish Channel. The mean annual salinity decreases from between 35.4 and 35.5 pro mille in the western entrance to 35.2 pro mille at the Strait of Dover on the central axis, and to about 34.7 pro mille under the Isle of Wight and off the Bay of the Seine. The English Channel may be divided into two areas by a line drawn from Start Point to Guernsey and the Gulf of St Malo. In the eastern area the water is thoroughly mixed owing to the action of the strong tidal currents and its comparatively small depth, and salinities and temperatures are therefore generally the same from surface to bottom; while westward of this line there is often a strongly marked division into layers of different salinity and temperature, especially in summer and autumn, when the fresher water of the Irish Channel is found overlying the salt water of the Bay of Biscay. The salinity of the English Channel undergoes an annual change, being highest in winter and spring and lowest in summer, and this change is better marked in the eastern area, where the mean deviation from the annual mean reaches 0.3 pro mille, than it is farther west with a mean deviation of 0.1 pro mille. There is also reason to believe that there is a regular change with a two-year period, years of high maximum and low minimum alternating with years of low maximum and high minimum. Variations of long period or unperiodic also occur, which are probably, and in one case (1905) almost certainly, due to changes taking place some months earlier far out in the Atlantic Ocean.

Salinity and Temperature.—The waters of the English Channel come partly from the west and partly from the rivers of England and France. All observations suggest there is a slow and almost continuous current flowing from west to east. The supply from the west has two sources: one, the more significant, is the relatively salty and warm water from the Bay of Biscay, which comes in from the southwest and has a salinity that can reach 35.6 parts per thousand; the other is a colder southern current from the Irish Channel, with a salinity of 35.0 to 35.2 parts per thousand. As the water moves eastward, it mixes with the fresher coastal water, causing salinity levels to generally rise from the shore to the center and from east to west, although south of the Scilly Islands, there’s often a decrease influenced by the Irish Channel. The mean annual salinity decreases from between 35.4 and 35.5 parts per thousand at the western entrance to 35.2 parts per thousand at the Strait of Dover along the central line, and down to about 34.7 parts per thousand under the Isle of Wight and off the Bay of the Seine. The English Channel can be divided into two areas by a line drawn from Start Point to Guernsey and the Gulf of St Malo. In the eastern area, the water is thoroughly mixed due to strong tidal currents and its relatively shallow depth, so salinities and temperatures are generally consistent from the surface to the bottom; whereas to the west of this line, there is often a clear division into layers with different salinity and temperature, especially in summer and autumn, when the fresher water from the Irish Channel sits above the saltier water from the Bay of Biscay. The salinity of the English Channel changes annually, being highest in winter and spring and lowest in summer; this change is more pronounced in the eastern area, where the average deviation from the annual mean reaches 0.3 parts per thousand, compared to 0.1 parts per thousand farther west. There’s also reason to believe that there’s a regular change with a two-year cycle, alternating between years of high maximum and low minimum and years of low maximum and high minimum. Long-term variations or unperiodic changes also occur, which are likely, and in one case (1905) almost certainly, due to changes happening several months earlier far out in the Atlantic Ocean.

The mean annual surface temperature increases from between 11° C. and 11.5° C. at the Strait of Dover to over 12° C. at the western entrance.1 The yearly range in the eastern area is considerable, reaching 11° C. off the Isle of Wight and 10° C. in the Strait of Dover; westward it gradually decreases to 5° C. a short distance north-west of Ushant. The mean maximum temperature, over 16° C., is found under the English coast from Start Point to the Strait of Dover about the 1st of September and off the French coast eastward of Cape la Hague about eleven days later. In the western area the maximum temperature is about 15° C. and occurs between September 1 and 11. The mean minimum surface temperature is between 5° C. and 6° C. at the eastern end, and increases to over 9° C. off the coast of Brittany. Owing to the thorough mixing of the water in the eastern area the temperatures are here generally the same at all depths, and the description of the surface conditions applies equally to the bottom. In the western entrance, on the other hand, the bottom temperature is often much lower than on the surface; the range here is also much less, about 3° C., and the maximum is not reached till about the 1st of October, or from three weeks to a month later than on the surface.

The average annual surface temperature rises from between 11° C and 11.5° C at the Strait of Dover to over 12° C at the western entrance.1 The yearly temperature range in the eastern area is significant, reaching 11° C off the Isle of Wight and 10° C in the Strait of Dover; to the west, it gradually decreases to 5° C a short distance northwest of Ushant. The average maximum temperature, over 16° C, is found under the English coast from Start Point to the Strait of Dover around September 1 and off the French coast east of Cape la Hague about eleven days later. In the western area, the maximum temperature is about 15° C and occurs between September 1 and 11. The average minimum surface temperature is between 5° C and 6° C at the eastern end, increasing to over 9° C off the coast of Brittany. Due to thorough mixing of the water in the eastern area, temperatures are typically consistent at all depths, so the description of surface conditions also applies to the bottom. In the western entrance, however, the bottom temperature is often significantly lower than on the surface; the range here is also much smaller, around 3° C, and the maximum is not reached until about October 1, or three weeks to a month later than on the surface.

A detailed account of the mean conditions in the English Channel will be found in Rap. et procès-verbaux, vol. vi., and Bulletin supplémentaire (1908) of the Conseil Permanent International pour l’Exploration de la Mer (Copenhagen).

A detailed description of the average conditions in the English Channel can be found in Rap. et procès-verbaux, vol. vi., and Bulletin supplémentaire (1908) of the Permanent International Council for the Exploration of the Sea (Copenhagen).

(D. J. M.)

Cross-Channel Communication.—An immense amount of time and thought has been expended in the elaboration of schemes to provide unbroken railway communication between Great Britain and the continent of Europe and enable passengers and goods to be conveyed across the Channel without the delay and expense involved by transhipping them into and out of ordinary steamers. These schemes have taken three main forms: (1) tunnels, either made through the ground under the sea, or consisting of built-up structures resting upon the sea bed; (2) bridges, either elevated high above the sea-level so as to admit of the unimpeded passage of ships under them, or submerged below the surface; and (3) train ferries, or vessels capable of conveying a train of railway vehicles with their loads. A tunnel was first proposed at the very beginning of the 19th century by a French mining engineer named Mathieu, whose scheme was for a time favourably regarded by Napoleon, but it was first put on a practical basis more than fifty years later by J. A. Thomé de Gamond (1807-1876), whose plans were submitted to the French emperor in 1856. This engineer had begun to work at the problem of cross-Channel communication twenty years previously, and had considered the possibility of a submerged tunnel or tube resting on the sea-level, of steam ferries plying between huge piers thrown out from both coasts, and of a bridge, for which he prepared five different plans. He again brought forward his scheme for a tunnel, in a modified form, in 1867, and exhibited his plans in the Universal Exhibition of that year. About the same time an English engineer, William Lowe, of Wrexham, was also working at the idea of a tunnel. Geological investigation convinced him that between Fanhole, a point half a 457 mile west of the South Foreland light, and Sangatte on the French coast, 4 m. W. of Calais, the Dover grey chalk was continuous from side to side, and he considered that this stratum, owing to its comparative freedom from water and the general absence of cracks and fissures, offered exceptional advantages for a tunnel. He and Thomé de Gamond joined forces, and their plans were adopted by an international committee whose object was to popularize the idea of a tunnel both in England and France. Its engineers on the English side were Lowe, Sir James Brunlees and Sir John Hawkshaw, the last of whom in 1866 had made trial borings at St Margaret’s and near Sangatte; and on the French side Thomé de Gamond, Paulin Talabot and Michael Chevalier. In 1868 they reported that there was a reasonable prospect of completing the tunnel in ten or twelve years at a cost not exceeding ten millions sterling. They admitted, however, that there was some risk of an influx of the sea, but pointed out that this risk could be determined by driving preliminary driftways, as suggested by Lowe, and for this purpose asked for financial aid from the imperial treasury. A commission of inquiry then appointed by the French ministry of public works reported favourably on the plans, though it declined to, recommend a grant of money; but the further progress of the scheme was interrupted by the outbreak of the Franco-German war.

Cross-Channel Communication.—A significant amount of time and energy has been dedicated to developing plans for continuous railway communication between Great Britain and mainland Europe, enabling passengers and goods to move across the Channel without the delays and costs associated with transferring them to and from regular steamers. These plans have mainly taken three forms: (1) tunnels, either constructed underground beneath the sea or built structures resting on the seabed; (2) bridges, either elevated high enough to allow ships to pass underneath or submerged below the surface; and (3) train ferries, vessels capable of carrying a train of railway cars with their loads. The first proposal for a tunnel came at the very start of the 19th century from a French mining engineer named Mathieu, who had initially favorable support from Napoleon. However, it wasn't until over fifty years later that J. A. Thomé de Gamond (1807-1876) put the idea on a practical footing, presenting his plans to the French emperor in 1856. This engineer began exploring cross-Channel communication twenty years prior and considered the possibility of a submerged tunnel or tube at sea level, steam ferries operating between large piers extending from both coasts, and a bridge, for which he created five different designs. In 1867, he reintroduced his tunnel proposal in a revised form and showcased his plans at that year's Universal Exhibition. Around the same time, an English engineer named William Lowe from Wrexham was also pursuing the tunnel idea. Geological studies convinced him that between Fanhole, half a mile west of the South Foreland light, and Sangatte on the French coast, 4 miles west of Calais, the Dover grey chalk remained continuous, and he believed this stratum, due to its relative dryness and lack of cracks, provided exceptional conditions for a tunnel. He and Thomé de Gamond collaborated, and their plans were endorsed by an international committee aimed at promoting the tunnel concept in both England and France. The English engineers included Lowe, Sir James Brunlees, and Sir John Hawkshaw, the latter of whom conducted test borings in 1866 at St Margaret’s and near Sangatte; on the French side were Thomé de Gamond, Paulin Talabot, and Michael Chevalier. In 1868, they reported a reasonable chance of completing the tunnel within ten to twelve years at a cost not exceeding ten million pounds. They acknowledged some risk of seawater intrusion but argued that this could be addressed by creating preliminary driftways, as suggested by Lowe, and requested financial support from the imperial treasury for this purpose. A commission of inquiry appointed by the French public works ministry reported positively on the plans but did not recommend financial backing; however, the further progress of the project was halted by the outbreak of the Franco-German war.

The tunnel was by no means the only plan in evidence at this period for securing continuous railway communication between England and France. An iron tube, resting on the bottom of the sea, had been proposed by Tessier de Mottray in 1803, and had again been considered by Thomé de Gamond in 1833; but after 1850 projects of this kind might almost be counted by the dozen. Some of the structures were to be of iron, others of concrete or masonry, and some were to be floated a moderate distance below the surface. One of the most carefully worked out plans was that of J. F. Bateman and J. Revy, who proposed to construct a continuous tube, 13 ft. in internal diameter, of iron rings each 10 ft. long, each ring being built out from the completed portion of the tube by means of a horizontal chamber or bell, which slid telescopically over the last few rings previously put in place, and was moved forward by hydraulic power. About the same time Zerah Colburn produced plans for a tube constructed of 1000 ft. sections, which were to be built in dry dock and then successively attached by a ball and socket joint to the completed portion, the whole being raised from the bottom and dragged out to sea, by the aid of a large number of ships, as each section was attached and launched. Thomas Page, again, the builder of Westminster Bridge, proposed to place eight conical steel shafts at intervals across the Strait of Dover, and to connect them by long sections of tube lowered from the surface, the whole structure being covered with concrete when finished. No attempt was made to put any of these plans into execution, and the same was true of several bridge schemes propounded about the same time; in one of these, spans one-half or three-quarters of a mile in length were contemplated, while another required 190 towers, 500 ft. apart and rising 500 ft. above the water-level, which obviously would have constituted an intolerable nuisance to navigation. The case, however, was different with a train ferry which was vigorously advocated by Sir John Fowler. His proposal was to employ steamers 450 ft. long, with a beam of 57 ft. and a speed of 20 knots, having railway lines laid down on their decks on and off which railway vehicles could be run directly at each side of the strait. Dover was to be the English port, while on the French coast a new harbour was to be formed at Audresselles, between Calais and Boulogne. This plan in 1872 received the sanction of the House of Commons, but was rejected in the House of Lords by the casting vote of the chairman of the committee. According to another similar ferry scheme, which was worked out by Admiral Dupuy de Lôme in 1870, a new maritime station was to be constructed at Calais, so far off the shore that it would command deep water at every state of the tide, and connected with the French railways by a bridge.

The tunnel wasn't the only plan during this time to secure ongoing railway communication between England and France. An iron tube resting on the seabed was proposed by Tessier de Mottray in 1803, and again considered by Thomé de Gamond in 1833; however, after 1850, there were nearly a dozen similar projects. Some structures were to be made of iron, others of concrete or masonry, and some were designed to float a short distance below the surface. One of the most detailed plans came from J. F. Bateman and J. Revy, who wanted to build a continuous tube with a 13 ft. internal diameter, made of iron rings each 10 ft. long. Each ring would be extended from the already completed part of the tube using a horizontal chamber or bell that slid telescopically over the last few installed rings, moved forward by hydraulic power. Around the same time, Zerah Colburn created plans for a tube made of 1000 ft. sections, which would be built in dry dock and then attached to the completed portion with a ball and socket joint. Each section would be lifted from the bottom and dragged out to sea by many ships as they were attached and launched. Thomas Page, who built Westminster Bridge, suggested placing eight conical steel shafts at intervals across the Strait of Dover and connecting them with long tube sections lowered from the surface, covering the entire structure with concrete when finished. None of these plans were ever put into action, and the same was true for several bridge proposals made around the same time; one plan envisioned spans of half or three-quarters of a mile long, while another required 190 towers spaced 500 ft. apart and rising 500 ft. above the water, which would have severely disrupted navigation. However, the situation was different for a train ferry strongly supported by Sir John Fowler. His proposal involved using steamers 450 ft. long, 57 ft. wide, and capable of 20 knots, with railway lines laid on their decks to allow railway vehicles to directly cross from one side of the strait to the other. Dover was to be the English port, while a new harbor was planned at Audresselles on the French coast, situated between Calais and Boulogne. This plan received approval from the House of Commons in 1872 but was rejected in the House of Lords by the casting vote of the committee chairman. According to another similar ferry scheme developed by Admiral Dupuy de Lôme in 1870, a new maritime station was to be constructed at Calais, far enough off the shore to have deep water at all tidal stages, connected to the French railways by a bridge.

After the conclusion of the Franco-Prussian War, negotiations concerning the tunnel were resumed between the French and British governments, and in 1872 the latter intimated that it had “no objection in principle.” After some further communications between the two governments in 1874, settling the basis on which the enterprise should be allowed to proceed, a joint commission was appointed to arrange details relating to jurisdiction, the right of blocking the tunnel, &c., and this commission’s report was accepted as a basis of agreement between the governments. In 1875 the Channel Tunnel Company obtained an act authorizing it to undertake certain preliminary works at St Margaret’s Bay. In the same year the French Submarine Railway Company obtained a concession, with the obligation to spend a minimum of 2,000,000 francs in making investigations; in fact it took over 3000 samples from the bottom of the sea in the strait, and made over 7000 soundings, and also sunk a shaft at Sangatte and started a heading. The English company did not do so much, for it failed to raise the money it required and its powers expired in 1880. Moreover, it was not the only company in the field, and its programme was not universally accepted as the best possible. Some authorities, such as Sir Joseph Prestwich, doubted whether the tunnel should be attempted in the chalk because of the likelihood of fissures being encountered while others who thought the chalk suitable were dissatisfied With the actual plans and formed a rival “Anglo-French Submarine Railway Company.” In 1882 another tunnel company made its appearance. In 1874 the South Eastern Railway Company had obtained powers to sink experimental shafts on its property between Dover and Folkestone, and in 1881 to acquire lands, including the beach and foreshore, in that area in connexion with a Channel tunnel. These powers resulted, in 1882, in the formation of the Submarine Continental Railway Company which in that year sought parliamentary sanction for a tunnel, starting from a point west of Dover, at Shakespeare’s Cliff; and at the same time the resuscitated Channel Tunnel Company applied for powers to make one from Fanhole, instead of St Margaret’s Bay as in its former scheme. The whole question of the tunnel was then widely discussed and considered by various committees, the last of which—a joint select committee of the Lords and Commons—in 1883 expressed the opinion by a majority that it was “inexpedient that parliamentary sanction should be given to a submarine communication between England and France.” This decision for the time being disposed of the question of making a tunnel, and though Sir Edward Watkin, one of its most prominent advocates, brought bill after bill before parliament to authorize experimental works in connexion with it, all were rejected. In 1882 the government interfered with the operations then in progress, and they were ultimately discontinued. They included a driftway 7 ft. in diameter which was driven for a distance of about 2300 yds. eastwards under the sea at an inclination of 1 in 72 from the bottom of a shaft sunk to a depth of 164 ft. in the chalk marl at Shakespeare’s Cliff.

After the Franco-Prussian War ended, discussions about the tunnel resumed between the French and British governments. In 1872, the British indicated that they had “no objection in principle.” Following more conversations in 1874 to establish the terms for the project to proceed, a joint commission was formed to iron out details related to jurisdiction, blocking rights for the tunnel, etc. The commission's report was accepted as the foundation for an agreement between the governments. In 1875, the Channel Tunnel Company received an act that authorized it to carry out certain preliminary works at St Margaret’s Bay. That same year, the French Submarine Railway Company got a concession requiring it to spend at least 2,000,000 francs on investigations. They collected over 3000 samples from the sea floor in the strait and conducted over 7000 soundings, also sinking a shaft at Sangatte and starting a heading. The British company wasn't as productive, as it struggled to raise the needed funds and its powers lapsed in 1880. Additionally, it faced competition from other companies, and its approach wasn't widely seen as the best. Some experts, like Sir Joseph Prestwich, questioned whether the tunnel should be built in the chalk due to the risk of encountering fissures, while others who believed chalk was suitable were unhappy with the actual plans and formed a competing “Anglo-French Submarine Railway Company.” In 1882, another tunnel company emerged. In 1874, the South Eastern Railway Company had secured rights to sink experimental shafts on its land between Dover and Folkestone, and in 1881, it gained the ability to acquire land, including the beach and foreshore in connection with a Channel tunnel. These rights led to the creation of the Submarine Continental Railway Company in 1882, which sought parliamentary approval for a tunnel starting from west of Dover, at Shakespeare’s Cliff. Simultaneously, the revived Channel Tunnel Company applied for the rights to construct a tunnel from Fanhole instead of St Margaret’s Bay, as initially planned. The entire question of the tunnel was widely debated among various committees, the last being a joint select committee of the Lords and Commons, which in 1883 concluded that it was "inexpedient for parliamentary approval to be granted for a submarine connection between England and France." This decision temporarily settled the tunnel issue, and although Sir Edward Watkin, a leading supporter, introduced several bills in parliament to authorize experimental works, all were rejected. In 1882, the government intervened in the ongoing operations, which were eventually halted. These works included a driftway 7 ft. in diameter, driven about 2300 yards eastward under the sea at a slope of 1 in 72 from the bottom of a shaft sunk to a depth of 164 ft. in the chalk marl at Shakespeare’s Cliff.

About this time the Channel Bridge and Railway Company took in hand the design of a bridge, the preliminary plans for which were exhibited in the Paris Exhibition of 1889. The terminal points were Folkestone and Cap Grisnez, and for the sake of facilitating the laying of the pier foundations it was proposed to take the bridge over the Varne and Colbart shoals. The main girders were to be nearly 59 yds. above the sea-level, the railway itself being more than 20 ft. higher still, and the spans were to vary in length between 540 and 108 yds. As the result of a survey of the sea bottom made in 1890, a modification in the line of the bridge was adopted, and it was taken direct from Cap Blancnez to the South Foreland. It was found that in this way an excellent bottom would be obtained for the foundations, and the length of the bridge would be 3 m. less, the number of piers, by employing spans of 434 and 542 yds. alternately, being reduced to 72. The cost of this structure was estimated at £28,320,000, exclusive of interest on capital during the period of construction, which was put at seven years. The same company also worked out plans for a moving chariot or platform, capable of holding a railway train and supported by long legs on a submerged causeway or track constructed of steel or 458 armoured concrete 45 or 50 ft. below low-water level. No attempt has been made actually to carry out either this project or that of a bridge.

About this time, the Channel Bridge and Railway Company began designing a bridge, with initial plans showcased at the Paris Exhibition of 1889. The starting points were Folkestone and Cap Grisnez, and to make it easier to set the pier foundations, they proposed to route the bridge over the Varne and Colbart shoals. The main girders were to be nearly 59 yards above sea level, with the railway itself over 20 feet higher, and the spans would range from 540 to 108 yards in length. Following a seabed survey conducted in 1890, they decided to adjust the bridge's path, taking it directly from Cap Blancnez to the South Foreland. This route ensured a solid foundation, and the bridge would be 3 meters shorter, reducing the number of piers to 72 by alternating spans of 434 and 542 yards. The estimated cost for this structure was £28,320,000, not including interest on capital during the seven-year construction period. The same company also developed plans for a movable platform capable of carrying a railway train, supported by long legs on a submerged path made of steel or armored concrete, 45 or 50 feet below low-water level. However, no attempt has been made to execute either this project or the bridge.

In 1905 the question of establishing a train ferry from Dover across the Channel was brought forward by the Intercontinental Railway Company, and in the following year the Channel Ferry (Dover) Act was passed authorizing the work. About the same period the Channel Tunnel Company, which had amalgamated with the Submarine Railway Company, awoke to activity and started a campaign in favour of its scheme; but the bill which it promoted was opposed by the government and accordingly was withdrawn in March 1907.

In 1905, the Intercontinental Railway Company proposed the idea of setting up a train ferry from Dover across the Channel, and the following year, the Channel Ferry (Dover) Act was passed to authorize the project. Around the same time, the Channel Tunnel Company, which had merged with the Submarine Railway Company, became active and launched a campaign to support its plan; however, the bill they promoted faced opposition from the government and was withdrawn in March 1907.

See Blue-book, Correspondence respecting the proposed Channel Tunnel, Commercial No. 6 (1875); Blue-book, Correspondence with reference to the proposed Construction of a Channel Tunnel, C. 3358 (1882); Blue-book, Report from the Joint Select Committee of the House of Lords and House of Commons on the Channel Tunnel (1883); F. J. Bramwell, “The Making and Working of a Channel Tunnel,” Proc. Roy. Inst., May 1882; Tylden Wright, “The Channel Tunnel,” North of England Inst. Min. and Mech. Eng. vol. 33 (1882); W. Boyd Dawkins, “The Channel Tunnel,” Manchester Geol. Soc., May 1882, and Brit. Assoc. Rep. (1882, 1899); E. de Rodakowski, The Channel Ferry (London, 1905).

See Blue-book, Correspondence regarding the proposed Channel Tunnel, Commercial No. 6 (1875); Blue-book, Correspondence concerning the proposed Construction of a Channel Tunnel, C. 3358 (1882); Blue-book, Report from the Joint Select Committee of the House of Lords and House of Commons on the Channel Tunnel (1883); F. J. Bramwell, “The Making and Working of a Channel Tunnel,” Proc. Roy. Inst., May 1882; Tylden Wright, “The Channel Tunnel,” North of England Inst. Min. and Mech. Eng. vol. 33 (1882); W. Boyd Dawkins, “The Channel Tunnel,” Manchester Geol. Soc., May 1882, and Brit. Assoc. Rep. (1882, 1899); E. de Rodakowski, The Channel Ferry (London, 1905).

(H. M. R.)

1 50° F. = 10° C.; 60.8° F. = 16° C.

1 50° F. = 10° C.; 60.8° F. = 16° C.


ENGLISH FINANCE. The history of the English fiscal system affords the best example known of continuous financial development, in respect both of institutions and methods. Though certain great periods of change can be readily noticed, yet from the time of the Norman Conquest to the beginning of the 20th century the line of connexion is substantially unbroken. Perhaps the most revolutionary changes occurred in the 17th century, as the outcome of the Civil War, and, later on, the revolution of 1688. But even in this case there was no real breach of continuity. It is, therefore, possible to trace the normal growth and expansion of British finance as one of the aspects of the nation’s history.

ENGLISH FINANCE. The history of the English financial system provides the best example we have of ongoing financial development, both in terms of institutions and methods. While certain major periods of change are clearly noticeable, the connection remains largely unbroken from the time of the Norman Conquest to the early 20th century. The most significant changes likely occurred in the 17th century, as a result of the Civil War, and later, the revolution of 1688. However, even in these instances, there wasn't a genuine break in continuity. Thus, it is possible to trace the normal growth and expansion of British finance as an important part of the nation’s history.

The primitive financial institutions of England centre round the king’s household, or, in other words, the royal economy precedes the national one. Revenue dues collected by the king’s agents, rents, or rather returns of produce, from land, and special levies for emergencies form the elements of the royal income, which gradually acquired greater regularity and consistency. There is, however, little or no evidence of any effective financial organization until we approach the 11th century. The influence exercised from Normandy, which so powerfully affected the English rulers at this time, tended towards the creation of records of revenue claims and also of a central treasury.

The early financial institutions of England were focused on the king’s household, meaning that royal finances came before the national economy. The king’s agents collected revenue, including rents—essentially returns from land—and special taxes for emergencies, all of which contributed to the royal income that gradually became more regular and consistent. However, there’s little to no evidence of any effective financial organization until we get to the 11th century. The influence from Normandy, which had a significant impact on English rulers during this period, led to the establishment of records for revenue claims and the creation of a central treasury.

With the union of England and Normandy under the same head the idea of settled administrative methods was definitely fixed and became of special importance in the field of finance. The systematizing spirit, so characteristic of both the Norman and Angevin kings, produced the great institution of the exchequer (q.v.) with its judicial and administrative sides, and its elaborate forms of account and control. Even before this organization was developed the Domesday Survey (see Domesday Book)—now recognized as having a purely fiscal object (in Maitland’s words “a tax book, a geld book”)—shows the movement towards careful observation of the sources of revenue. It is clear that William I. initiated a policy which was followed by his successors, in spite of the serious difficulties of the period of anarchy during Stephen’s nominal reign. The obscure question as to the real origin of the special contrivances employed by the exchequer is, strictly speaking, irrelevant to the financial inquirer, who may be content to hold that, granting the existence of some Old English analogies, the system, as it appears in the 12th century, was a peculiar product of the conceptions as to fiscal organization formed by Norman subtlety. It is the manner in which this institution held together and focused the revenues and expenditure of the kingdom that has to be considered. The picture presented by the “Dialogue of the Exchequer” (c. 1176) is that of a comprehensive system which secured the receipt of the royal income, and provided a thorough audit of the accounts by employing processes adapted to the circumstances of the time. It is, in fact, through the description of financial institutions that it is possible to ascertain the forms of revenue possessed by the crown. The ingenuity expended on the administrative machinery of the exchequer had as its aim the increase of the king’s resources, an object in which the official class of churchmen and lawyers was deeply interested.

With the unification of England and Normandy under a single ruler, the idea of established administrative methods became clearly defined and gained significant importance in finance. The organized approach, characteristic of both the Norman and Angevin kings, led to the creation of the exchequer (q.v.), which had both judicial and administrative functions, along with its detailed accounting and control systems. Even before this organization was fully developed, the Domesday Survey (see Domesday Book)—now seen as primarily a tool for taxation (as Maitland described it, “a tax book, a geld book”)—illustrates the trend toward careful tracking of revenue sources. It's clear that William I initiated a policy that his successors continued, despite the serious challenges of the anarchy during Stephen’s nominal reign. The unclear origins of the specific methods used by the exchequer are generally not important for financial researchers, who can accept that, while there may have been some Old English influences, the system as it emerged in the 12th century was mainly shaped by Norman insights into fiscal organization. What truly matters is how this institution consolidated and regulated the kingdom’s revenues and expenditures. The scenario depicted in the “Dialogue of the Exchequer” (c. 1176) shows a comprehensive system that ensured the collection of royal income and carried out thorough audits of accounts through methods suited to the times. In fact, by examining financial institutions, one can identify the forms of revenue held by the crown. The cleverness applied to the administrative framework of the exchequer aimed to enhance the king’s resources, a goal in which the official class of churchmen and lawyers had a vested interest.

In order to understand the character Of English finance in the middle ages it is absolutely essential to bear constantly in mind the identification of the king with the state. Though feudalism (q.v.) was, in one of its aspects, a powerful instrument for division of political authority, it, nevertheless, in the particular form in which the Conqueror introduced it into England, enabled the fiscal rights of the crown to be established in a more definite shape than was possible under the older condition. For, in the first place, the actual property of the crown was more carefully administered as each royal manor came under the system of accounting. Again, the various claims or dues of the king took more decidedly the feudal type and received stricter legal definition. Further, the higher judicial organization assisted the expansion of court fees; while, above all, the increased authority of the state made the casual receipts (for such they were) from trade more profitable.

To understand English finance during the Middle Ages, it's crucial to remember that the king was closely tied to the state. While feudalism (q.v.) was, in some ways, a strong tool for dividing political power, it also allowed, in the form introduced by the Conqueror in England, the fiscal rights of the crown to be established more clearly than before. First of all, the crown's actual property was managed more carefully as each royal manor was brought under an accounting system. Additionally, the various claims or dues of the king became more distinctly feudal and received clearer legal definitions. Moreover, the higher judicial organization helped increase court fees; and, most importantly, the strengthened authority of the state made what were essentially casual receipts from trade much more profitable.

In a broad view the sources of revenue fall under the following heads:—(1) The royal estates which were distributed over England, derived in part from the possessions of the old English kings, but increased by the confiscations that followed the events of the Conqueror’s reign, as well as by the doctrine that unowned land was the king’s (terra regis). Over fourteen hundred manors appear in Domesday as royal property. The forests, placed under special laws, yielded little revenue, except in the form of penalties on offenders. The rural tenants, who at first paid their rents in produce, gradually commuted them into money payments. As the royal demesne was favourable for the growth of towns the rents derived from urban tenants became a valuable part of the yield from the demesne; this, later, took the shape of a payment from the town as a unit (the firma burgi), a method which secured to the burghers freedom from the exactions of the sheriff and which was purchased by special payments. (2) The feudal rights. These included the claim to military service; the three regular aids and the payments of relief at succession to a fief, as also the profits on wardships and marriages. Escheats and forfeitures completed the list. The yield from this source varied with the power of the king and was kept within bounds by the resistance of the tenants as shown in the provisions of Magna Carta. (3) The administration of justice was a lucrative prerogative of the crown. Suitors had to pay for securing the hearing of their cases in addition to the fees for writs, and both amercements and compositions increased the receipts under this head. (4) Two special classes contributed to the royal exchequer. As a great deal of the wealth of the country was in the hands of the church the opportunities afforded by the vacancies of sees, abbacies and priories were utilized for the purpose of securing the profits of these offices during the time in which there was no occupant; and this term was frequently prolonged by the king’s action or inaction. The Jews, until their expulsion, were an even more profitable class to the revenue. Being under the absolute control of the crown, they could be taxed at pleasure, either by taking a percentage of their property (e.g. in one case, one-fourth), or by levies for alleged offences. The existence of a separate exchequer for the Jews is an indication of their fiscal value. (5) Direct taxation formed an extraordinary or occasional head of revenue. The Danegeld was succeeded by the carucage, and the commutation of military service introduced the scutage, but these forms were of little immediate importance, though very significant for the future course of development. (6) Lastly come the dues claimed at the ports, which contain in germ the customs system of later times, though they rather resemble the harbour charges of modern ports and were very trivial in amount.

In general, the sources of revenue can be categorized as follows: (1) The royal estates spread across England, partly inherited from the old English kings but expanded due to confiscations following the Conqueror’s reign, along with the idea that unowned land belonged to the king (terra regis). Domesday records over fourteen hundred manors as royal property. The forests, governed by special laws, generated little income aside from penalties on violators. Rural tenants, initially paying their rents in goods, eventually shifted to cash payments. Since the royal demesne was favorable for the development of towns, the rents from urban tenants became a significant part of the demesne's revenue; this later transformed into a payment from the town as a whole (the firma burgi), a system that ensured townspeople were exempt from the sheriff's demands, which they obtained through special payments. (2) The feudal rights included claims to military service, three regular aids, and payments for relief upon inheriting a fief, plus profits from wardships and marriages. Escheats and forfeitures rounded out this category. The revenue from this source depended on the king’s power and was limited by tenant resistance, as outlined in the provisions of Magna Carta. (3) The administration of justice was a profitable privilege of the crown. Those seeking legal hearings had to pay to have their cases heard on top of the fees for writs, and both amercements and compositions increased income from this area. (4) Two specific groups contributed to the royal treasury. Since a large portion of the nation's wealth was controlled by the church, opportunities from vacant bishoprics, abbeys, and priories were used to gain the profits of these positions during the vacancy, a situation often prolonged by the king's actions or lack thereof. The Jews, until their expulsion, were even more lucrative for the royal revenue. Under the king’s complete control, they could be taxed at will, either by taking a percentage of their property (e.g., one-fourth in one instance) or through levies for supposed offenses. The establishment of a separate treasury for the Jews indicated their financial importance. (5) Direct taxation served as an exceptional or occasional source of revenue. The Danegeld was followed by the carucage, and the shift from military service led to the scutage, although these methods were of minimal immediate significance, they were quite meaningful for future developments. (6) Lastly, there were the dues collected at the ports, which foreshadowed the customs system of later times, though they were more like the harbor fees of modern ports and were quite small in scale.

The history of the English financial system consists largely in the exhibition of the different fortunes of these several component parts of the exchequer receipts; for it must be remembered that the sheriff was bound to account to that tribunal for all that he should have received, and by this agency the local 459 contributions passed into the king’s possession for the service of the state, During the century and a half that lay between the Conquest and the granting of the Great Charter the account given above holds good. The character of the ruler affected the vigour of the fiscal, as well as the general, administration. Henry I. and Henry II. secured much better results than Stephen or John; but the collection of the rent and profits of the royal manors and the feudal and other dues continued as the mainstay of revenue. Indications of change are, however, to be found. Thus the substitution of the “carucage” or plough tax for the “Danegeld” marks an advance towards direct taxation of land through its produce, and the introduction of “scutage” is not only further evidence of the same tendency, but also a step in the development of “money economy” in place of the earlier “natural economy” or system of payments in kind. The special levies or “tallages” imposed at times of need on the towns in the king’s demesne appear to have been a doubtful exercise of the royal prerogative, but scientifically they belong to the same class as the Danegeld and scutage. Perhaps the most important advance made in this period is the beginning of taxation of movables, first applied in the Saladin tithe of 1189 and, later, expanded into a general system.

The history of the English financial system largely showcases the varying fortunes of its different parts. It’s important to remember that the sheriff had to report to that court for everything he collected, and through this process, local contributions were transferred to the king for state purposes. The information provided remains valid for the one and a half centuries between the Conquest and the granting of the Great Charter. The ruler's character influenced the effectiveness of both fiscal and overall governance. Henry I and Henry II achieved much better outcomes than Stephen or John; however, the collection of rent and profits from royal estates and various dues remained the main source of revenue. Signs of change are evident, though. For instance, replacing the “Danegeld” with the “carucage” or plough tax represents progress towards direct land taxation based on its production. Additionally, the introduction of “scutage” not only reflects the same trend but also marks a shift towards a “money economy” instead of the earlier “natural economy,” which relied on payments in kind. Special levies or “tallages” imposed on towns within the king’s domain during times of need seem to have been a questionable use of royal power, yet they are scientifically aligned with Danegeld and scutage. Perhaps the most significant advancement during this period is the initiation of taxes on movable goods, first implemented with the Saladin tithe of 1189 and later developed into a broader system.

In the reign of John (1199-1216) the loss of Normandy and the concession of the barons’ demands by the issue of Magna Carta rendered financial readjustments inevitable. During the long reign of Henry III. the struggle to maintain the privileges granted by the Charter acted on the fiscal system by checking the arbitrary use of tallages, and as a consequence, encouraging the regular assessment of the tax on movables, which was becoming more prominent. The fruitful idea that it was necessary to obtain the consent of the payers of taxes before the imposition operated powerfully in favour of the establishment of bodies representing the several estates. It is through the reaction of constitutional on fiscal development that the transition from feudal to parliamentary taxation in its earlier form is made.

During John’s reign (1199-1216), the loss of Normandy and the barons’ demands leading to the Magna Carta made financial adjustments unavoidable. Throughout Henry III's long reign, the fight to keep the privileges given by the Charter impacted the financial system by limiting the arbitrary collection of tallages, which in turn promoted a more regular assessment of taxes on personal property, becoming increasingly important. The strong notion that tax payers should give their consent before taxes are imposed greatly supported the establishment of representative bodies for the various estates. It is through the interaction of constitutional changes and financial development that the shift from feudal to parliamentary taxation began in its early stages.

Almost at the opening of the age of parliamentary taxation one of the older sources of revenue ceased. The pressure of popular opinion forced Edward I. to decree the expulsion of the Jews (1290), though he naturally desired to retain such profitable subjects. It is, indeed, probable that, owing to the exactions practised on them, the Jewish usurers had become less serviceable to the exchequer; while it is certain that the general resources of the kingdom had so increased as to make their contribution relatively much smaller. The first effects of the representative influence in the fiscal domain are the abandonment of the tallages on towns and the decline of scutage as a mode of levy. The tax on movables was framed in a more systematic way. Instead of distinct charges on different classes, or variations in proportion of levy from one-fourth to one-fortieth, the policy of imposing a tax of one-tenth on the towns and one-fifteenth on the counties was adopted. Greater strictness in assessment was sought by the appointment of commissioners for each county, supplied with special instructions as to taxable goods and exemptions. This method continued in force for the tax on movables from 1290 till 1334, though in some cases the proportions imposed on the towns and counties were varied (e.g. an eighth and a fifth were granted in 1297, and a tenth and a sixth in 1322). A more general influence was the growing national economy which led to greater activity on the part of the king as administrator, and which also increased the need of the state for revenue. Though the doctrine that “The king should live of his own” was generally accepted as a constitutional maxim, the force of events was making it obsolete. From being an infrequent and uncertain kind of taxation the direct tax on movables, which was practically absorbing the older forms, became usual and regular. Under medieval conditions the collection of a general property tax (for such, in fact, was the nature of “the tenth and fifteenth”) presented serious difficulties. Each locality gained by keeping its assessment down to the lowest point, while the borough authorities were naturally not eager to enforce the charge on their fellow-citizens. England in the 14th century was not ripe for a system that has been found hard to make effective in more advanced societies. Hence, from 1334 onward, the method of “apportionment” was employed, i.e. the tenth and fifteenth was taken as affording a definite sum measured by the yield on the ancient valuation. As this gave, in the aggregate, between £38,000 and £39,000, “the tenth and fifteenth” became for the future “practically a fiscal expression for a sum of about £39,000”; the total to be divided or “apportioned” between the several counties, cities and boroughs according to their former payments. This settlement, which remained in force for centuries and affected all the later direct taxes, had the great advantages of certainty and adaptability. The inhabitants of any particular town knew their total liability and could distribute it amongst themselves in the manner most convenient to them. From the royal standpoint also the arrangement was satisfactory, for the “tenth and fifteenth” could be multiplied (e.g. in 1352 three “tenths and fifteenths” were voted for three years), and supplied a stable revenue for the service of the kingdom. To the parliament the power of regulating the policy of the crown by the bestowal or refusal of grants was naturally agreeable. Thus, all sections of the nation united in support of the system established in 1334, just before the opening of the Hundred Years’ War, in connexion with which it was particularly serviceable.

Almost at the start of the age of parliamentary taxation, one of the older sources of revenue came to an end. Public opinion pressured Edward I to order the expulsion of the Jews (1290), even though he would have preferred to keep such profitable subjects. It's likely that, due to the burdens placed on them, the Jewish moneylenders had become less valuable to the treasury; meanwhile, the kingdom's overall resources had grown so much that their contributions were relatively smaller. The initial effects of representative influence in taxation were the elimination of tallages on towns and the decline of scutage as a method of levy. Instead of having separate charges for different classes or varying tax rates from one-fourth to one-fortieth, a new approach of imposing a tax of one-tenth on towns and one-fifteenth on counties was adopted. Stricter assessments were sought by appointing commissioners for each county, who received specific instructions regarding taxable goods and exemptions. This method for taxing movables remained in place from 1290 until 1334, though sometimes the rates for towns and counties were adjusted (for example, an eighth and a fifth were set in 1297, and a tenth and a sixth in 1322). A broader trend was the growing national economy, which led to a more active king as an administrator and increased the state's need for revenue. Although the idea that "The king should live of his own" was widely accepted as a constitutional principle, circumstances were making it outdated. The direct tax on movables, which was gradually replacing older forms of taxation, became common and regular. However, under medieval conditions, collecting a general property tax (which is essentially what “the tenth and fifteenth” was) posed serious challenges. Each locality benefited by keeping their assessments as low as possible, while the borough authorities were understandably reluctant to enforce taxes on their fellow citizens. England in the 14th century wasn’t ready for a system that has proven difficult to implement even in more advanced societies. Therefore, starting in 1334, the method of “apportionment” was used, meaning that the tenth and fifteenth were taken as a specific amount based on the yield from historical valuations. This resulted in a total of around £38,000 to £39,000, effectively making “the tenth and fifteenth” a fiscal term for about £39,000; this amount would then be divided or "apportioned" among different counties, cities, and boroughs according to their previous payments. This arrangement, which lasted for centuries and influenced all later direct taxes, had significant advantages of certainty and flexibility. Residents in any particular town understood their total tax liability and could share it among themselves in the most convenient way. From the monarchy's perspective, the setup was also beneficial, as the “tenth and fifteenth” could be amplified (for instance, in 1352, three “tenths and fifteenths” were approved for three years) and provided a stable revenue source for the kingdom's needs. For Parliament, having the authority to influence the crown's policy through the granting or withholding of funds was pleasing. Consequently, all segments of the nation came together to support the system established in 1334, right before the onset of the Hundred Years’ War, which made it especially useful.

Akin to the tax that has just been described, at least in its nature as a direct impost, is the poll or capitation tax. Financial pressure at the close of Edward III.’s reign (1377) led to the adoption of a tax of fourpence per head on all persons in the kingdom (mendicants and persons under fourteen years being excepted). This “tallage of groats,” which seems to be derived by analogy from the hearth money for Peter’s pence, was followed by the graduated poll taxes of 1379 and 1380. In the former the scale ranged from ten marks (£6:13:4) imposed on the royal dukes and the viscounts, through six marks on earls, bishops and abbots, and three on barons, down to the groat or fourpence payable by all persons over sixteen years of age. Such a form of taxation approximated—as Adam Smith saw—to an income tax, but it proved to be unproductive, only half of the estimated yield of £50,000 being obtained. The tax of 1380 varied within narrower limits; from twenty shillings to fourpence (or sixty groats to three), with the proviso that “the strong should aid the weak.” But this particular tax is chiefly memorable as the occasion—whatever may have been the real causes—of the great “Peasants’ Revolt” of 1381. This unlucky association sealed the fate of the poll tax as a fiscal expedient. It was abandoned, with one exception, for nearly three hundred years; and its occasional employment in the 17th century did not result in its permanent revival. Apart from special circumstances it is plain that the “tenth and fifteenth” was better suited than the poll tax for the purpose of English finance. The machinery for collection was ready to hand for the former, while special agents had to gather the latter, even from the poorest classes. In fact, the episode of the poll taxes may be regarded as an attempt—fortunately unsuccessful—to relieve the propertied classes at the expense of the peasants and poorer burghers. Failure in this respect helped in the maintenance of the settlement of direct taxation devised in 1334.

Similar to the tax just described, at least in its nature as a direct levy, is the poll or capitation tax. Financial strain at the end of Edward III’s reign (1377) led to the introduction of a tax of fourpence per head on all individuals in the kingdom (excluding beggars and those under fourteen years old). This "tallage of groats," which appears to be derived by analogy from the hearth tax for Peter’s pence, was followed by the graduated poll taxes of 1379 and 1380. In the former, the scale ranged from ten marks (£6:13:4) imposed on royal dukes and viscounts, through six marks on earls, bishops, and abbots, and three on barons, down to the groat or fourpence payable by all individuals over sixteen years of age. This form of taxation was similar to what Adam Smith viewed as an income tax, but it turned out to be unproductive, with only half of the estimated yield of £50,000 being collected. The tax of 1380 varied within narrower limits; from twenty shillings to fourpence (or sixty groats to three), with the stipulation that “the strong should aid the weak.” However, this particular tax is mainly remembered as the trigger—regardless of the actual reasons—of the significant “Peasants’ Revolt” of 1381. This unfortunate association doomed the poll tax as a fiscal strategy. It was set aside, with one exception, for nearly three hundred years; and its sporadic use in the 17th century did not lead to its long-term reinstatement. Generally, it’s clear that the “tenth and fifteenth” was better suited than the poll tax for English finance. The collection system was already in place for the former, while special agents had to collect the latter, even from the poorest groups. In fact, the poll tax situation can be seen as an attempt—thankfully unsuccessful—to shift the burden onto the property-owning classes at the expense of peasants and poorer townsfolk. This failure helped preserve the system of direct taxation established in 1334.

Parallel with the evolution of direct taxation, but decidedly lagging behind, is the progress of indirect taxation. As already mentioned, the right of levying dues on goods entering or leaving English ports belonged from very early times to the king. Whether this power was, in its origin, due to the protection afforded to traders and thus a kind of insurance, or the result of the royal prerogative of pre-emption is immaterial for finance. What is established is that the “prisage” of wine or levy of one cask in ten, and the taking of one-tenth or one-fifteenth of other commodities was in force. Attempts to impose additional dues were forbidden by an important article (41) of the Great Charter which recognized “the ancient and just customs.” One of the earliest effects of parliamentary influence is manifested in the establishment of duties on wool, woolfells and leather by Edward I.’s first parliament. After some efforts by the king to gather increased duties, the “Confirmation of the Charters” 460 (1297) forbade any increases on the amounts fixed in 1275, which were henceforth known as the ancient customs. Another attempt was made to obtain a higher scale of duties by arrangement with the merchants. The foreign traders consented to the royal proposals, which comprised duties on wine, wool, hides and wax, as well as a general tax of 1¼% on all imports and exports. Thus, in addition to the old customs of half a mark (6s. 8d.) per sack of wool and on each three hundred woolfells, and one mark (13s. 4d.) per last or load of leather, the foreign merchants paid an extra duty (or surtax) of 50% and also 2s. on the tun of wine—the so-called “butlerage.” The privileges granted in the Carta Mercatoria (1303) were probably the consideration for accepting these enhanced dues. The English merchants, however, for the time, successfully resisted the application in their case of the higher charges, and consequently remained under the old prisage of wine. In spite of parliamentary opposition, on the ground that they amounted to an infringement of the Great Charter, the new customs were maintained in force. After being suspended in 1311 they were revived in 1322, confirmed by royal authority in 1328, and finally sanctioned by parliament in the Statute of the Staple (1353). They became a part of the permanent crown revenue from the ports, and, with the old customs, were the basis for further development.

Alongside the growth of direct taxes, the advancement of indirect taxation has been noticeably slower. As mentioned earlier, the right to impose fees on goods coming in or out of English ports has belonged to the king since very early times. Whether this power originated from protecting traders like a form of insurance or from the king's privilege of pre-emption doesn’t really matter for finance. What’s clear is that the “prisage” of wine, which is the tax of one cask for every ten, and the collection of one-tenth or one-fifteenth of other goods, were already in place. An important article (41) of the Great Charter prohibited the imposition of additional charges, acknowledging “the ancient and just customs.” One of the first signs of parliamentary influence was seen when Edward I.’s first parliament established duties on wool, woolfells, and leather. After some attempts by the king to increase these duties, the “Confirmation of the Charters” 460 (1297) banned any increases from the rates set in 1275, which were from then on referred to as the ancient customs. Another effort was made to negotiate higher duties with the merchants. The foreign traders agreed to the king’s proposals, which included duties on wine, wool, hides, and wax, plus a general tax of 1¼% on all imports and exports. Therefore, on top of the existing customs of half a mark (6s. 8d.) per sack of wool and on every three hundred woolfells, and one mark (13s. 4d.) per last or load of leather, foreign merchants also paid an extra duty (or surtax) of 50% and 2s. on each tun of wine — known as “butlerage.” The privileges granted in the Carta Mercatoria (1303) were likely a reward for accepting these higher fees. However, English merchants successfully resisted these increased charges for themselves and remained subject to the traditional prisage of wine. Despite parliamentary opposition on the grounds that they violated the Great Charter, the new customs were enforced. After being suspended in 1311, they were reintroduced in 1322, confirmed by royal authority in 1328, and finally ratified by parliament in the Statute of the Staple (1353). They became a permanent source of crown revenue from the ports, and along with the old customs, laid the groundwork for further development.

Just as the old direct taxes were first supplemented by, and then absorbed in, the general taxation of movables, so the customs, in the strict sense, were followed by the subsidies or parliamentary grants. One great source of English wealth in the 14th century was the export of the peculiarly fine wool of the country, and the political circumstances of Edward III.’s time suggested the manipulation of the trade in this commodity for purposes of policy as well as revenue. Sometimes, in order to influence the towns of Flanders, the export of wool was absolutely prohibited; at others, export duties of varying amounts were imposed on wool, skins and leather. In the early years of the reign these arrangements were settled by agreement with the merchants. The subsidies of this class began in 1340 and henceforward were frequently granted, though complaints were very often made. Thus, in 1348 the Commons objected to the subsidy of an export duty of £2 per sack on wool on the ground that it was really a tax on the landowners, who received a lower price for their wool in consequence of the duty. Bargains between the king and the merchants were forbidden, and this species of taxation was brought under parliamentary control by statutes passed in 1362 and 1371. Along with the special duties on wool there was an increase of the imposts on wine and general goods. By agreement with the merchants a charge of 2s. per tun on wine and 2½% on goods was levied in 1347. Between 1371 and 1376 these dues were established as parliamentary grants under the names of “Tunnage” and “Poundage,” leaving the older dues intact.

Just like the old direct taxes were initially added to and then included in the general taxation of movable goods, customs, in their strict sense, were followed by subsidies or parliamentary grants. A major source of wealth in England during the 14th century was the export of the country’s exceptionally fine wool, and the political situation during Edward III's reign encouraged the manipulation of this trade for both policy and revenue purposes. Sometimes, to sway the towns of Flanders, the export of wool was completely banned; at other times, varying export duties were charged on wool, skins, and leather. In the early years of his reign, these arrangements were made through agreements with the merchants. The subsidies of this kind began in 1340 and were frequently granted afterwards, although many complaints were raised. For example, in 1348, the Commons opposed a subsidy of £2 per sack on wool export duties, arguing that it effectively taxed the landowners, who received a lower price for their wool because of the duty. Deals between the king and the merchants were prohibited, and this type of taxation was placed under parliamentary control by laws passed in 1362 and 1371. Along with the special duties on wool, there was an increase in taxes on wine and general goods. In 1347, a fee of 2s. per tun on wine and 2.5% on goods was agreed upon with the merchants. Between 1371 and 1376, these charges were established as parliamentary grants under the names “Tunnage” and “Poundage,” while the older dues remained unchanged.

One class or “estate” occupied a peculiar position. The clergy still claimed the privilege of self-taxation, and therefore it was convocation, not parliament, that voted the tenths imposed on clerical property. In some instances much heavier charges (e.g. in 1296 one-third) were decreed by the king, but the taxation of the clergy declined in productiveness during the 14th century. By the close of the reign of Richard II. the results of the transition from feudalism to a parliamentary constitution were practically complete. In respect to finance the most important of these were: (1) The disappearance or reduction to unimportance of the feudal dues. The fact that this change occurred at, relatively speaking, so early a date is of special significance for English development. (2) The royal demesne, though it had not suffered the losses that the grants of later times inflicted on it, had also lost some of its value as a source of revenue. (3) In compensation the direct taxation of property had become a ready means of supplying the growing requirements of the administration, and the mode of levy had been reduced to a well-recognized form, unsatisfactory experiments—such as the poll tax—being withdrawn. (4) The growth of import and export duties through the “old” and “new” customs and the subsidies furnished a large part of the requisite funds. In fact, in the course of a little over three hundred years the constituent parts of the public income had, without any violent change, been completely altered in relative value and in organization.

One social class or “estate” held a unique position. The clergy still insisted on their right to self-taxation, so it was the convocation, not parliament, that approved the tenths imposed on church property. In some cases, much heavier taxes (like in 1296, where it was one-third) were mandated by the king, but the taxation of the clergy became less productive during the 14th century. By the end of Richard II’s reign, the changes from feudalism to a parliamentary system were nearly complete. In terms of finances, the most significant changes were: (1) The disappearance or reduction of feudal dues to little importance. The fact that this change occurred relatively early is particularly noteworthy for English development. (2) The royal lands, although not suffering the losses that later grants caused, had also lost some of their value as a revenue source. (3) In compensation, direct property taxation became a reliable way to meet the growing needs of administration, and the collection method had been streamlined, with unsuccessful experiments—like the poll tax—being eliminated. (4) The increase in import and export duties through the “old” and “new” customs and subsidies provided a significant portion of the necessary funds. In fact, over the span of just over three hundred years, the components of public income had been entirely transformed in both relative value and structure without any drastic upheaval.

The period of the Lancastrian kings, extending over two-thirds of the 15th century (1399-1471), is noticeable for various experiments in the system of direct taxation. The standard tax—“the tenth and fifteenth”—failed to suit the changed conditions. In consequence of the decay of some of the towns allowances had to be made to them, amounting to over 15% (£6000), which, with other deductions, lowered the yield from a “tenth and fifteenth” to £31,000. As a supplement a land tax, affecting only the large owners, was voted at the rate of 5% in 1404, and repeated with wider scope, but at the lower rate of 123%, in 1411. A house tax made its appearance in 1428. Taxes on knight’s fees and other freeholds were also tried, while in 1435 and 1450 the graduated income tax was employed. The minimum rate, 2½%, applied to incomes under £100 (or under £20 in the tax of 1450), and rose to 10% on the higher incomes. These devices are evidence of the demand for larger revenue, and also of the increasing unfitness of the existing direct taxation. It may be added that they indicate a disposition to adopt foreign models, particularly the methods of taxation in use in France and Italy. As to indirect taxation the receipts seem at first to have declined, and the subsidies were only granted for fixed terms (the victory of Agincourt gained a life grant to Henry V.). After the establishment of Edward IV. on the throne, the idea of a “tenth,” in the literal sense, was taken up and voted (1472) by the two houses as a special military provision; but it failed to bring in the required revenue, and the king had to fall back on grants of the old-established form. Extra taxes on aliens were levied under both Lancastrian and Yorkist rulers with little profit. The most original contribution of Edward IV. to fiscal policy was the “benevolence” (q.v.) or payment by wealthy subjects of sums requested by the king. Voluntary in form, these payments were, in fact, compulsory, and became in later times one of the great grievances against which parliament had to struggle.

The period of the Lancastrian kings, spanning over two-thirds of the 15th century (1399-1471), is notable for various experiments in direct taxation. The standard tax—"the tenth and fifteenth"—didn't fit the changed circumstances. Due to the decline of some towns, adjustments had to be made for them, totaling over 15% (£6,000), which, along with other deductions, reduced the yield from a "tenth and fifteenth" to £31,000. To supplement this, a land tax was introduced in 1404, targeting only large owners at a rate of 5%, and later a broader version was enacted in 1411 at a lower rate of 123%. A house tax appeared in 1428. There were also attempts at taxing knight's fees and other freeholds, and in 1435 and 1450, a graduated income tax was implemented. The minimum rate of 2.5% applied to incomes under £100 (or under £20 in the 1450 tax), increasing to 10% on higher incomes. These measures reflect the need for greater revenue and highlight the inadequacy of the existing direct tax system. They also suggest a willingness to adopt foreign models, particularly the taxation methods used in France and Italy. Regarding indirect taxation, initial receipts appeared to decline, and subsidies were only granted for fixed terms (the victory at Agincourt granted a lifetime allowance to Henry V.). After Edward IV. came to the throne, the concept of a "tenth," in the literal sense, was proposed and voted on (1472) by both houses as a special military provision, but it fell short of the expected revenue, forcing the king to revert to traditional grants. Additional taxes on foreigners were imposed under both Lancastrian and Yorkist rulers with little success. Edward IV.'s most original contribution to fiscal policy was the “benevolence” (q.v.), where wealthy subjects would pay sums requested by the king. Although voluntary in appearance, these payments were effectively compulsory and became a major grievance for parliament to contend with in later years.

Broader issues in finance marked the course of the Tudor period, and these were connected with the general history of the time. The era of national monarchies had arrived, necessitating the maintenance of greater military and naval forces, as well as more costly machinery of administration. External policy was affected by the set of ideas that developed into mercantilism (see Mercantile System); but so also was fiscal policy. Finance reflected the actions of the personal rule that was the characteristic of the 16th century. Within the period, however, some decided contrasts are to be found. Prudence, carried to parsimony with Henry VII., is followed by lavish prodigality in the case of Henry VIII. Elizabeth, again, presents in her reign a very different financial policy from that of either her father or her grandfather. The desire for a vigorous foreign policy, the hope of encouraging native industry, and the sentiment of retaliation against the trade regulations of other countries are found to interfere with the aim—strictly followed in earlier times—of obtaining the largest possible yield. All the different parts of the public economy were regarded as existing only in order to be utilized for the furtherance of national power. It is this more complex character in policy, coupled with the new influences, that the discovery of America, the Renaissance and the Reformation brought into operation, which gives special interest to the financial problems of the 16th century.

Broader issues in finance shaped the Tudor period and were linked to the general history of the time. The era of national monarchies had begun, requiring the upkeep of larger military and naval forces, as well as more expensive administrative systems. External policies were influenced by the ideas that evolved into mercantilism (see Mercantile System); fiscal policy was affected as well. Finance reflected the actions of the personal rule typical of the 16th century. However, within this period, there were some notable contrasts. The caution, taken to the extreme of stinginess by Henry VII, was followed by the extravagant spending of Henry VIII. Elizabeth, on the other hand, implemented a very different financial policy during her reign compared to her father or grandfather. The desire for an assertive foreign policy, the ambition to promote domestic industry, and the pushback against the trade regulations of other countries interfered with the goal—strictly adhered to in earlier times—of maximizing revenue. All aspects of the public economy were seen as existing solely to enhance national power. It is this more intricate nature of policy, along with the new influences brought about by the discovery of America, the Renaissance, and the Reformation, that makes the financial challenges of the 16th century particularly interesting.

Taking in order the great heads of public income placed at the disposal of the sovereign, it appears that the first head of the old receipts—the crown lands—had been from time to time diminished by grants to the king’s relatives and favourites, but had also gained through resumptions and forfeitures. On the whole, the loss and gain down to the close of the 14th century was probably balanced. The revenue was, however, inelastic, and declined in relative importance. It has been said that “it was in the 15th century that the great impoverishment of the crown estate began.” The Lancastrian kings (especially Henry VI.) lost most of the lands attached to the crown through pressure of expenditure and the wholesale plunder of officials. 461 Though the civil wars of the 15th century brought in many forfeited estates the grants of Edward IV. kept down the increase. But the chief opportunity for aggrandizement was afforded by the dissolution of the monasteries and gilds under Henry VIII. The great mass of property that passed into the royal possession in this way was in part assigned to nobles and officials, while most of the remainder was distributed in the reigns of his children. The dwindling importance of the public revenue from land and rent charges is as noticeable under the Tudors as in earlier times. In like manner the feudal dues had fallen into a very subordinate place notwithstanding the attempts made on particular occasions to enforce them with greater rigour. The force of personal monarchy exercised by the Tudors, depending as it did on popular support, tended to encourage the collection of dues which had a legal ground in preference to taxation of the community. Of similar character was the employment of the old right of purveyance (q.v.), in restraint of which a series of statutes had been passed.

Taking into account the major sources of public income available to the sovereign, it seems that the first source of historical revenue—the crown lands—had experienced some reductions over time due to grants to the king’s relatives and favorites, but had also increased through reclaiming property and forfeitures. Overall, the losses and gains by the end of the 14th century were likely balanced. However, the revenue was unchanging and lost relative significance. It has been remarked that “it was in the 15th century that the major decline of the crown estate began.” The Lancastrian kings, particularly Henry VI, lost a significant amount of crown lands due to increased spending and widespread corruption by officials. 461 Although the civil wars of the 15th century resulted in numerous forfeited estates, the grants made by Edward IV limited this increase. The biggest opportunity for expanding holdings came from the dissolution of monasteries and guilds under Henry VIII. The vast amount of property that came into royal possession this way was partially allocated to nobles and officials, while most of the remainder was distributed during the reigns of his children. The decreasing significance of public revenue from land and rent charges is just as apparent under the Tudors as it was in earlier periods. Similarly, feudal dues had fallen into a minor role despite efforts at various times to enforce them more strictly. The personal monarchy established by the Tudors, which relied on popular support, encouraged the collection of dues that had a legal basis instead of taxing the community. A similar trend was seen with the use of the old right of purveyance (q.v.), against which a series of statutes had been enacted.

Whatever possibilities of obtaining some additional revenue from the crown lands or prerogative rights may have existed in the 16th century, and these were slight, all the political and social conditions tended more and more to make the need of taxation as the principal financial resource imperative. Amongst the cases of increased calls for funds to maintain the machinery of state, the rise of prices, due to increased supplies of the precious metals, must be included as one of the chief, and its effect extends into the 17th century. It was under this influence that the old forms of revenue became less profitable and that fresh developments were necessitated.

Whatever chances there were to earn some extra money from crown lands or special rights in the 16th century, and they were minimal, all the political and social conditions increasingly made it essential to rely on taxation as the main source of funding. Among the reasons for the growing demand for money to support the government, the rise in prices, caused by more abundant supplies of precious metals, stands out as one of the key factors, and its impact carried into the 17th century. Because of this, the old sources of revenue became less effective, and new methods had to be introduced.

Direct taxation still retained in one of its branches the pattern set in the reign of Edward III. “Tenths and fifteenths” continued to be voted, and for some time all attempts to introduce new methods failed. In 1488 a military grant framed on the model of the abortive tax of 1472 yielded only a little over one-third of the estimate (£27,000 out of £75,000), and the unsatisfactory result prevented further experiments on the part of Henry VII. The foreign policy of Henry VIII.—particularly his French expedition—with its attendant outlay, accounts for the graduated capitation tax of 1513, which was even less in accordance with anticipation than the tax of 1488 (it yielded only £50,000 instead of £160,000). But these failures cleared the way for a more effective form of direct impost, which appeared in the “subsidy” or general tax on land and goods. The first case of this tax (1514) was a modest one-2½%; it, however, soon took on a typical form, so that the subsidy came to mean a charge of 4s. in the pound on land and 2s. 8d. in the pound on goods, a scale evidently devised with reference to the older tenth and fifteenth, which was henceforth put in a subordinate position. The subsidy became the established mode of grant under both Tudors and Stuarts, though by degrees it underwent a change similar to that experienced by its predecessor. The taxing statutes made elaborate provisions for the assessment and collection of the tax in order to secure a full return. Old habits proved too strong and the subsidy “slipped into the same kind of groove as that of the fifteenth and tenth, and became, in practice, a grant of a sum of money of about the same amount as the yield of the last preceding subsidy” (Dowell). The consequence was that each subsidy came, in the middle of the 16th century, to be a sum of £100,000, and at its close only £80,000. The parallel vote of the clergy in convocation (which after 1533 had to be confirmed in parliament) amounted to £20,000. The usual parliamentary proceeding was to vote so many “tenths and fifteenths” and so many subsidies, e.g. Elizabeth’s first parliament voted her “two fifteenths and tenths and a subsidy,” or, taking the usual values, £160,000. At times of crisis such as the arrival of the Armada the votes were enlarged by granting more tenths and fifteenths and subsidies. The history of the subsidy is instructive as to the tendencies of direct taxation in all countries. The assessment becomes inelastic and approximates to a fixed sum. As the subsidy follows the course of the later medieval taxation, so it is the undesigned model of the later land and property tax.

Direct taxation still kept one of its forms from the time of Edward III. “Tenths and fifteenths” continued to be approved, and for a while, all attempts to introduce new methods failed. In 1488, a military grant based on the unsuccessful tax of 1472 brought in only a little over one-third of the expected amount (£27,000 out of £75,000), and the disappointing outcome stopped further experiments from Henry VII. The foreign policy of Henry VIII—especially his expedition to France—along with its costs, led to the graduated capitation tax of 1513, which was even less successful than the tax of 1488 (it raised only £50,000 instead of £160,000). However, these failures paved the way for a more effective form of direct tax, known as the “subsidy” or general tax on land and goods. The first instance of this tax (1514) was modest—2.5%; however, it quickly evolved into a standardized form, where the subsidy became a charge of 4s. in the pound on land and 2s. 8d. in the pound on goods, a scale clearly designed in reference to the older tenths and fifteenths, which were then placed in a secondary role. The subsidy became the main form of grant under both the Tudors and the Stuarts, though over time it underwent a change similar to its predecessor. The taxing laws included detailed provisions for assessing and collecting the tax to ensure a complete return. Old habits proved too strong, and the subsidy “fell into the same kind of routine as that of the fifteenth and tenth, and became, in practice, a grant of an amount similar to the yield of the last preceding subsidy” (Dowell). As a result, each subsidy around the mid-16th century came to be set at £100,000, and by the end, it was only £80,000. The parallel vote by the clergy in convocation (which after 1533 had to be confirmed in parliament) amounted to £20,000. The usual parliamentary action was to approve a certain number of “tenths and fifteenths” and subsidies; for example, Elizabeth’s first parliament voted her “two fifteenths and tenths and a subsidy,” or, using the usual figures, £160,000. During crises like the arrival of the Armada, the votes were increased by adding more tenths and fifteenths and subsidies. The history of the subsidy is telling about the trends of direct taxation in all countries. The assessment becomes inflexible and approximates a fixed sum. Just as the subsidy reflects the pattern of later medieval taxation, it also inadvertently serves as a model for the later land and property tax.

In the history of the port duties under the Tudors the first point for notice is the life grant to each of the sovereigns of the subsidies on wool, hides and leather, together with tunnage at 3s. and poundage at 5%; thus, with the hereditary customs, supplying a considerable revenue for the crown’s use. No better indication of the increased power and popularity of the monarchy could be found. The contrast with the suspicious and grudging attitude of the Plantagenet and Lancastrian parliaments is significant of the change in national sentiment. A duty on malmsey (1490) had a retaliatory rather than a fiscal aim, being directed against the Venetians who had imposed restrictions on English trade. In several later cases wine became liable to extra duties, chiefly applied to French trade in further pursuance of the policy of retaliation. Restrictions on import and export as well as the hostile measures against foreign merchants were matters of economic policy rather than finance, but they had the indirect effect of increasing the control exercised at the ports. The loss of Calais (1558) dislocated the system of the staple and cut off one centre of customs revenue; and it was also probably the cause of an important change in the mode of valuing goods for duty. For the declaration on oath of the merchant a fixed valuation was substituted and set forth in a book of rates, the first of its class (1558). Following this reform came more stringent regulations against smuggling and fraud on the part of officials. All through the Tudor period the cost of collection was unduly high. For the first six years of Elizabeth it has been estimated at one-sixth of the gross receipts.

In the history of port duties under the Tudors, the first thing to notice is the lifetime grant given to each of the monarchs for the subsidies on wool, hides, and leather, along with a charge of 3s. for tunnage and 5% for poundage; thus, combined with the hereditary customs, this provided a significant revenue for the crown. This is a clear sign of the monarchy's increased power and popularity. The contrast with the distrustful and reluctant attitude of the Plantagenet and Lancastrian parliaments highlights the shift in national sentiment. A duty on malmsey (1490) had more of a retaliatory aim than a fiscal one, targeting the Venetians who had imposed trade restrictions on England. In several later instances, wine faced additional duties, mainly aimed at French trade as part of a retaliatory policy. Restrictions on imports and exports, as well as aggressive measures against foreign merchants, were more about economic strategy than finances, but they indirectly increased control at the ports. The loss of Calais (1558) disrupted the staple system and eliminated one source of customs revenue; it also likely caused a significant change in how goods were valued for duty. Instead of relying on merchants’ sworn declarations, a fixed valuation was adopted, outlined in a rates book, the first of its kind (1558). Following this reform, stricter regulations against smuggling and fraud by officials were introduced. Throughout the Tudor period, the cost of collection was excessively high. For the first six years of Elizabeth's reign, it was estimated to be one-sixth of the total gross receipts.

Just as in the 14th century the subsidy had followed the “old” and “new” customs, so in the 16th the “impositions” levied by royal prerogative formed a supplement to the parliamentary subsidy; but the principal employment of this expedient occurs in the next century. Another significant indication of the future course of indirect taxation was furnished by the grants of monopolies to inventors, producers and traders. These privileges, when they affected important commodities, operated in the same way as taxes farmed out to collectors, and, though the profit to the crown was small, they enhanced prices and excited discontent. The wisdom of Elizabeth (or her ministers) was shown in the promise of redress after the hostile debate of 1601.

Just like in the 14th century when subsidies were based on the “old” and “new” customs, in the 16th century, the “impositions” charged by royal authority served as an addition to the parliamentary subsidy; however, the main use of this method occurred in the following century. Another important sign of the future direction of indirect taxation came from the grants of monopolies to inventors, producers, and traders. These privileges, especially when they involved essential goods, acted like taxes assigned to collectors, and, although the profit to the crown was minimal, they drove up prices and caused dissatisfaction. Elizabeth's (or her ministers') wisdom was clear in the promise of reform following the contentious debate of 1601.

From one point of view it may fairly be said that the great struggle of the Stuart kings with the parliament centred round financial issues. It is, at all events, beyond dispute that questions of taxation were the chosen ground of conflict. Taking the period from the accession of James I. to the opening of the Civil War (1603-42) it appears that the legal basis of indirect taxation was tested for the port duties in the “Great Case of Impositions” (known as Bates’ case, see Bates, John), while that of direct taxation was considered in the even more famous “Ship Money” case (for ever associated with the name of Hampden). In parliament the debates deal with impositions, monopolies, the grounds for voting subsidies, and the proper application of the funds granted; in fact, with nearly all the financial questions of the time. Notwithstanding these difficulties and disputes the financial system shows evident signs of expansion and adaptation to the needs of the state.

From one perspective, it can be said that the main conflict between the Stuart kings and Parliament revolved around financial issues. It is undeniable that taxation was the primary battleground. Looking at the period from the beginning of James I's reign to the start of the Civil War (1603-42), it seems that the legal foundation for indirect taxation was challenged in the “Great Case of Impositions” (known as Bates’ case, see Bates, John), while direct taxation was examined in the even more notable “Ship Money” case (forever linked to Hampden). In Parliament, the discussions focused on impositions, monopolies, the reasons for voting subsidies, and how to properly use the funds granted; essentially, they tackled almost all financial matters of the time. Despite these challenges and arguments, the financial system showed clear signs of growth and adjustment to the needs of the state.

The direct grants of the parliaments of James I. far exceeded those of earlier periods (in 1606 six “fifteenths and tenths,” three lay and four clerical subsidies), but the efforts to extend the other sources of revenue by the exercise of the prerogative naturally reacted on this spirit of liberality. The last “fifteenth and tenth” was voted in 1624, from which date this old-established form disappears, and the subsidy alone is used. In spite of Charles I.’s high-handed policy five subsidies were voted after the Petition of Right had been accepted, and even the Long Parliament made similar grants. Almost at the outbreak of the Civil War it also gave the king a graduated capitation tax. Other modes of direct taxation were used without parliamentary sanction. The collection of the antiquated feudal dues was enforced through the special courts (particularly the Star Chamber) with a rigour long unknown; James had tried the French device of a “tariff of honors.” Both kings employed 462 the “benevolence” until the Petition of Right made such a levy illegal. But by far the most serious innovation was the collection of the “ship money,” a course forced on Charles by his determination not to meet the representatives of the nation. The writs “embodied the ultimate expression of the ingenuity of the king’s advisers in the invention of means to enable him to rule without a parliament.” The first writs secured over £100,000, and were followed by five further issues (1634-1639) bringing in an average return of £200,000 or about three lay subsidies. Like the “benevolence,” the ship money was declared to be illegal (1641).

The direct grants from the parliaments during James I’s reign far surpassed those from earlier times (in 1606, there were six “fifteenths and tenths,” three lay and four clerical subsidies), but attempts to increase other revenue sources through the use of royal prerogative naturally affected this spirit of generosity. The last “fifteenth and tenth” was approved in 1624, after which this long-standing form disappeared, and only the subsidy was used. Despite Charles I’s authoritarian approach, five subsidies were approved after the Petition of Right was accepted, and even the Long Parliament made similar grants. Just before the Civil War broke out, it also imposed a graduated capitation tax on the king. Other forms of direct taxation were implemented without parliamentary approval. The collection of outdated feudal dues was enforced through special courts (especially the Star Chamber) with a severity not seen in a long time; James had attempted the French method of a “tariff of honors.” Both kings used the “benevolence” until the Petition of Right made such levies illegal. However, the most serious change was the collection of “ship money,” a decision Charles made because he didn't want to engage with the nation's representatives. The writs represented the peak of the king's advisers' creativity in finding ways for him to govern without a parliament. The first writs collected over £100,000 and were followed by five more issues (1634-1639), averaging returns of £200,000 or about three lay subsidies. Like the “benevolence,” the ship money was declared illegal in 1641.

The contest respecting monopolies, settled by Elizabeth’s withdrawal, was revived under James I., and had to be finally closed by the Statute of Monopolies (1624), declaring such grants to be utterly void. Certain exceptions (as in the case of the soap-boilers) permitted the raising of revenue by what was in fact a rudimentary excise, and plans for a general excise were discussed, especially as a substitute for the feudal dues, though they were not reduced to practice. In the earlier 17th century the customs show a steady increase. From £127,000 in 1604 they rose to nearly £500,000 in 1641. This fourfold increase was due in part to the growth of English trade, but it was also influenced by the adoption of new “Books of rates” in 1608 and 1635, fixing higher valuations, and by the inclusion of new commodities with definite duties. Wine, currants (the subject of controversy in Bates’ case) and tobacco are particularly noticeable. Sugar also appears as a contributory. An interesting development was the adoption on a larger scale of the “farming” system, an evident imitation from France. A distinction was made between the “great,” the “petty” and the “sugar” farms, and opportunities for gain were afforded to the officials. On the constitutional side the life grant of subsidies, made in accordance with Tudor usage to James, was temporarily withheld from Charles, a restriction which his own overbearing policy led the parliament to maintain. Practically, the whole customs revenue between 1628 and 1640 was raised by the use of the prerogative without any parliamentary sanction. The Tunnage and Poundage Act of 1641 pronounced definitely against the legality of any extra parliamentary customs and thus closed another of the constitutional problems of finance.

The competition regarding monopolies, which was put on hold by Elizabeth, was brought back during James I's reign and had to be ultimately ended by the Statute of Monopolies (1624), which declared such grants completely invalid. Certain exceptions (like those for soap-makers) allowed for revenue generation through what was basically a basic excise system, and discussions took place about a general excise as an alternative to feudal payments, although these plans were never put into action. In the early 17th century, customs steadily increased. They rose from £127,000 in 1604 to nearly £500,000 in 1641. This fourfold growth was partly due to the expansion of English trade, but was also affected by the introduction of new “Books of Rates” in 1608 and 1635 that set higher valuations and included new goods with specific duties. Wine, currants (a point of contention in the Bates case), and tobacco stand out. Sugar also contributed to the revenue. An interesting trend was the larger-scale adoption of the “farming” system, clearly modeled after France. A distinction was made between the “great,” “petty,” and “sugar” farms, providing profit opportunities for officials. Constitutionally, the lifetime grant of subsidies that was traditionally given to James was temporarily withheld from Charles, with this restriction maintained by Parliament due to his domineering policies. Essentially, the entire customs revenue between 1628 and 1640 was raised using prerogative powers without any parliamentary approval. The Tunnage and Poundage Act of 1641 explicitly ruled against the legality of any customs raised without parliamentary consent, effectively resolving another financial constitutional issue.

In the progress from the Conquest to the crisis of the Great Rebellion there is noticeable a practically complete shifting of the classes of revenue. The king had ceased “to live of his own”; the royal demesne and the prerogative rights included in feudalism had become very subordinate. The direct taxation of property and income, and the indirect taxation on imported or exported commodities became the principal forms of receipt.

In the period from the Conquest to the crisis of the Great Rebellion, there was a noticeable shift in the sources of revenue. The king had stopped being financially independent; the royal lands and the rights granted by feudalism had become much less important. The primary sources of income became direct taxes on property and income, along with indirect taxes on goods that were imported or exported.

In the long course of English financial history the nearest approach to the new departure and an abandonment of old devices is found at the time of the Civil War and Commonwealth. The actual outlines of the now existing system made their appearances, while the older portions of the revenue—particularly the survivals of feudalism—are eliminated. Thus the Civil War and the Interregnum (1642-60) may be regarded as marking a watershed in the financial history of the country. At the beginning of the struggle both sides had to rely on voluntary contributions. Plate and ornaments were melted down and useful commodities were furnished by the adherents of the king and by those of the parliament. As holding possession of London and the central organization the parliament voted subsidies and a poll tax. Such imports could hardly be levied with success and new forms became necessary. The direct taxation took the shape of a “monthly assessment” which was fixed from time to time, and which was collected under strict regulations, in marked contrast to the lax management of the former subsidies. As the amount for each district was fixed, the systematic collection secured “the more equitable adjustment of the burden of the tax as regards the various taxpayers” without hardship to the community. In spite of its origin, the “assessment” was the model for later taxation of property. The yield of this tax—exceeding for the whole period £32,000,000—is a proof of its importance. Minor contrivances, e.g. the “weekly meal” tax, indicate the financial difficulties of the parliament, but are otherwise unimportant. Owing to its control of the sea and the principal ports the parliament was able to command the customs revenue; and in this case also it remodelled the duties, abolishing the wool subsidy and readjusting the general customs by a new book of rates. A more extensive tariff was adopted in 1656, and various restrictions in harmony with the mercantilist ideas of the time were enforced. Thus French wines, silk and wool were excluded from 1649 to 1656. Far more revolutionary in its effects was the introduction of the excise or inland duties on goods—a step which Elizabeth, James I. and Charles I. had hesitated to take. Beginning (1643) with duties on ale, beer and spirits, it was soon extended to meat, salt and various textiles. Meat and domestic salt were relieved in 1647, and the taxation became definitely established under the administration of commissioners appointed for the purpose. Powers to let out the collection to farmers were granted, and a bid for both excise and customs amounted in 1657 to £1,100,000. Confiscations of church lands and those belonging to royalists, feudal charges and special collections helped to make up the total of £83,000,000 raised during the nineteen years of this revolutionary period. Another mark of change was the removal of the exchequer to Oxford, leaving, however, the real fiscal machinery at the disposal of the committees that directed the affairs of the parliament. Under Cromwell the exchequer was re-established (1654) in a form suited for the changes in the finances, the office of treasurer being placed in the hands of commissioners.

In the long history of English finance, the closest thing to a fresh start and a move away from old methods happened during the Civil War and Commonwealth. The basic structure of what we have today started to take shape, while many outdated revenue sources—especially those leftover from feudalism—were phased out. Thus, the Civil War and the Interregnum (1642-60) can be seen as a turning point in the financial history of the nation. At the beginning of the conflict, both sides depended on voluntary donations. Silverware and jewelry were melted down, and useful goods were provided by supporters of both the king and the parliament. With control over London and the central government, the parliament was able to vote on subsidies and a poll tax. These taxes were difficult to collect, prompting the need for new methods. Direct taxation came in the form of a “monthly assessment,” which was adjusted regularly and collected under strict rules, contrasting sharply with the loose management of previous subsidies. Because the amount due for each district was set, this systematic collection ensured a fairer distribution of the tax burden among different taxpayers without causing hardship to the community. Despite its origins, the “assessment” served as a model for later property taxation. The revenue from this tax—over £32,000,000 for the entire period—demonstrated its significance. Smaller taxes, such as the “weekly meal” tax, reflected the financial struggles of the parliament but were otherwise unimportant. Thanks to its control of the sea and major ports, the parliament could oversee customs revenue; it restructured duties by eliminating the wool subsidy and introducing a new rate book to adjust the overall customs. A broader tariff was adopted in 1656, and various restrictions aligned with the mercantilist ideas of the time were enforced. For instance, French wines, silk, and wool were banned from 1649 to 1656. Even more groundbreaking was the introduction of excise or inland duties on goods—a move that previous monarchs like Elizabeth, James I, and Charles I had hesitated to take. Starting in 1643 with duties on ale, beer, and spirits, it quickly expanded to include meat, salt, and various textiles. Meat and household salt were exempted in 1647, and the taxation system became firmly established under appointed commissioners. Authority was granted to outsource the collection to farmers, and in 1657, bids for both excise and customs totaled £1,100,000. Confiscations of church lands and properties belonging to royalists, along with feudal fees and special collections, contributed to a total of £83,000,000 raised during the 19 years of this revolutionary period. Another sign of change was moving the exchequer to Oxford, although the real financial operations remained under the control of the committees managing parliamentary affairs. Under Cromwell, the exchequer was re-established in 1654 in a form better suited to the changes in finance, with the office of treasurer handled by commissioners.

A complete reconstruction of the revenue system became necessary at the Restoration. The feudal tenures and dues, with the prerogative rights of purveyance and pre-emption, which had been abolished by order of the parliament, could not be restored. Their removal was confirmed, and the new revenues that had been developed were resorted to as a substitute. Careful inquiry showed that just before the Civil War the king’s annual revenue had reached nearly £900,000. The needs of the restored monarchy were estimated at £1,200,000 per annum, and the loyal spirit of the commons provided sources of revenue deemed sufficient for this amount. An hereditary excise on beer and ale was voted as a compensation for the loss of the feudal dues, and temporary excises on spirits, vinegar, coffee, chocolate and tea were added. All differences of “old” and “new” customs and subsidies had disappeared under the Commonwealth. The general or “great statute” (1660) provided a scale of duties—5% on imports and exports, with special duties on wines and woollen cloths—accompanied by a new book of rates. A house tax, levied after the French pattern, on each hearth, was introduced in 1662 and became established. Poll taxes were used as an extraordinary resource, as were the last subsidies, voted in 1663, and then for ever abandoned. Licences on retailers and fees on law proceedings were further aids to the revenue, which, in the later years of Charles II. and in the short reign of his successor, was with difficulty kept up to the level of the increasing expenditure. The Commonwealth assessments were revived on several occasions, and indirect taxation was made more rigorous by the imposition of extra duties on brandy, tobacco and sugar, as also on French linens and silks. A very important development was the placing of the customs (1670) and the excise (1683) in the hands of special commissioners, instead of the system of farming them out to private collectors. The approach to modern conditions is further evidenced by the greater care in the administration. Amongst expert officials Dudley North (q.v.), as commissioner of customs, was the most distinguished. In this period, too, the beginning of the public debt as in the appropriation of the bankers’ deposits may be found.

A complete overhaul of the revenue system became essential at the Restoration. The feudal tenures and dues, along with the rights of purveyance and pre-emption, which had been eliminated by the parliament, could not be reinstated. Their removal was confirmed, and the new revenues that had developed were utilized as a substitute. Careful investigation revealed that just before the Civil War, the king’s annual revenue had reached nearly £900,000. The needs of the restored monarchy were estimated at £1,200,000 per year, and the loyal spirit of the commons provided revenue sources considered sufficient for this amount. An hereditary excise on beer and ale was approved as compensation for the loss of the feudal dues, and temporary excises on spirits, vinegar, coffee, chocolate, and tea were added. All distinctions between “old” and “new” customs and subsidies had vanished under the Commonwealth. The general or “great statute” (1660) established a scale of duties—5% on imports and exports, with special duties on wine and woolen cloth—along with a new book of rates. A house tax, modeled after the French system, imposed on each hearth, was introduced in 1662 and became established. Poll taxes were used as an extraordinary resource, as were the last subsidies, approved in 1663, and then abandoned forever. Licenses on retailers and fees on legal proceedings provided further support to the revenue, which, in the later years of Charles II and during the brief reign of his successor, was maintained with difficulty at the level of rising expenditure. The Commonwealth assessments were revived several times, and indirect taxation became more stringent with the addition of extra duties on brandy, tobacco, and sugar, as well as on French linens and silks. A significant development was the transfer of customs (1670) and excise (1683) to special commissioners, moving away from the old system of leasing them out to private collectors. The transition to modern conditions is further highlighted by increased diligence in administration. Among expert officials, Dudley North (q.v.), as commissioner of customs, stood out as the most distinguished. This period also marks the beginning of the public debt and the appropriation of bankers’ deposits.

The Revolution of 1688 may be regarded both on its constitutional and financial sides as the completion of the work of the Long Parliament. In the latter respect its chief effects were: (1) the transfer of the administration of the finances from the king’s nominees to officials under parliamentary control, (2) the consequent application of the revenue to the purposes designated by parliamentary appropriation, (3) the rapid expansion of the 463 various kinds of revenue, particularly the indirect taxes, (4) the rise and growth of the national debt, combined with the creation of an effective banking system. The greater part of the 18th century was occupied with the working out of these results.

The Revolution of 1688 can be seen as the completion of the work of the Long Parliament in both its constitutional and financial aspects. In financial terms, its main effects were: (1) the shift of financial administration from the king’s appointees to officials under parliamentary control, (2) the subsequent allocation of revenue for purposes specified by parliamentary approval, (3) the rapid increase in various types of revenue, especially indirect taxes, (4) the rise and growth of national debt, along with the establishment of an effective banking system. Most of the 18th century was spent dealing with these outcomes.

The government of William III. had to face the expenses of a great war and to allay discontent at home. As a preliminary step to the necessary settlement of the revenue a return was prepared, showing the tax receipts at over £1,800,000 and the peace expenditure at about £1,100,000. Parliament accepted the view that £1,200,000 per annum would suffice for the ordinary requirements of the kingdom. It, further, introduced the system of the Civil List (q.v.) and assigned £600,000 for the fixed payments placed under that head, leaving the remainder to be appropriated for the other needs of the state. As the “hearth money” had proved to be a very unpopular charge, it was, in spite of its yield (£170,000), given up. The temporary excise duties were voted for “their majesties’ lives” and the customs for a limited term. These branches of revenue were altogether insufficient to meet the pressure of the war outlay, and in consequence new heads of taxation—or old ones revived—came into use. A series of poll and capitation taxes were imposed between 1689 and 1698, but were after that date abandoned for the same reason as that for the repeal of the hearth money. The monthly assessment was tried in 1688; then came an income tax followed by “twelve months’” assessments in 1690 and 1691. The way was thus prepared for the property tax of 1692, imposing a rate of 4s. in the pound on real estate, offices and personal property. The old difficulties of securing returns made the tax chiefly one on land. It was under the name of “the land tax” that it was generally known. The 4s. rate brought in £1,922,712, a return which declined in the following years. To meet this a fixed quota of nearly half a million (a 1s. rate) was adopted in 1697, the amount to be apportioned in specified sums to the several counties and towns. The framework of the tax remained without substantial change till 1798, the time of Pitt’s redemption scheme. In 1696 houses were taxed 2s. each, with higher rates for extra windows. The beginning of the “window tax,” licences on pedlars, and a temporary tax on the stocks of companies complete the imposts of this kind. Stamp duties—imitated from Holland—were adopted in 1694 and extended in 1698: they mark the beginnings of the modern duties on transactions and the “death duties.” Large additions were made to the excise. Breweries and distilleries were placed under charge, and such important commodities as salt, coal, malt, leather and glass were included in the list of taxable articles, but the two last mentioned were soon relieved for the time. The customs rates were also increased. In 1698 the general 5% duty was raised by the new subsidy to 10%. French goods became liable to surtaxes, first of 25%, afterwards of 50%; those of other countries had to pay similar charges of smaller amount. Spirits, wines, tea and coffee were taxed at special rates. How great was the expansion of the fiscal system may be best realized from the fact that during the comparatively short reign of William III. (1689-1702) the land tax produced £19,200,000, the customs £13,296,000, and the excise £13,650,000, or altogether £46,000,000. In the last year of the reign, the opening one of the 18th century, the returns from these taxes respectively were: land tax (at 2s.), £990,000, customs £1,540,000, excise £986,000, or a total exceeding three and a half millions. The removal of the regular export duties in respect of (a) domestic woollen manufactures, (b) corn, was the only alleviation of taxation, and in both cases it was due to special reasons of policy.

The government of William III faced the costs of a major war and needed to ease public discontent at home. To start addressing the revenue situation, a report was prepared showing tax receipts of over £1,800,000 and peace spending at around £1,100,000. Parliament agreed that £1,200,000 a year would be enough for the kingdom's regular needs. Additionally, a system called the Civil List (q.v.) was introduced, allocating £600,000 for fixed payments, with the rest available for other state expenditures. Since the "hearth money" tax was very unpopular, it was abolished despite its revenue of £170,000. Temporary excise duties were approved for "their majesties’ lives," and customs duties were set for a limited period. However, these revenue sources were not enough to cover war costs, leading to new taxes or the revival of old ones. A series of poll and capitation taxes were enforced from 1689 to 1698 but were dropped afterward for the same reasons the hearth money was repealed. A monthly assessment was attempted in 1688, followed by an income tax and "twelve months’” assessments in 1690 and 1691. This set the stage for the property tax of 1692, which imposed a rate of 4s. in the pound on real estate, offices, and personal property. The ongoing challenge of collecting returns meant that the tax primarily fell on land, and it became commonly known as the "land tax." The 4s. rate generated £1,922,712, but this amount declined in subsequent years. To address this, a fixed quota of nearly half a million (a 1s. rate) was established in 1697, distributed in set amounts to various counties and towns. The framework of this tax remained mostly unchanged until Pitt’s redemption scheme in 1798. In 1696, homes were taxed 2s. each, with higher rates for additional windows. This marked the start of the "window tax," along with licenses for pedlars and a temporary tax on company stocks. Stamp duties, inspired by Holland, were introduced in 1694 and expanded in 1698, laying the groundwork for modern transaction and inheritance taxes. Significant increases were made to excise taxes. Breweries and distilleries were taxed, along with essential goods like salt, coal, malt, leather, and glass, though the last two were temporarily exempted. Customs rates were also raised. In 1698, the general 5% duty was increased to 10% due to a new subsidy. French goods faced additional surcharges, initially 25% and eventually 50%, while goods from other countries also had similar but smaller charges. Spirits, wines, tea, and coffee were taxed at special rates. The growth of the fiscal system is highlighted by the fact that during the relatively short reign of William III (1689-1702), the land tax yielded £19,200,000, customs brought in £13,296,000, and excise generated £13,650,000, totaling £46,000,000. In the last year of his reign, the opening year of the 18th century, the returns were: land tax (at 2s.) £990,000, customs £1,540,000, excise £986,000, totaling over three and a half million. The only relief from taxation was the removal of regular export duties on domestic woolen goods and corn, which occurred for specific policy reasons.

Quite as remarkable as the growth of revenue is the sudden appearance of the use of public loans. In earlier periods a ruler had accumulated treasure (Henry VII. left £1,800,000) or had pledged “his jewels or the customs or occasionally the persons of his friends for the payment” of his borrowings. Edward III.’s dealings with the Florentine bankers are well known; but it was only after the Revolution that the two conditions essential for a permanent public debt were realized, viz.: (1) the responsibility of the government to the people, and (2) an effective market for floating capital. At the close of the war in 1697 a debt of £21,500,000 had been incurred, over £16,000,000 of which remained due at William III.’s death. Connected with the public debt is the foundation of the Bank of England (see Banks and Banking), which more and more became the agent for dealing with the state revenue and expenditure; though the exchequer continued to exist until 1834 as a real, even if antiquated institution.

Just as notable as the increase in revenue is the sudden rise in the use of public loans. In earlier times, a ruler would have hoarded treasure (Henry VII. left £1,800,000) or relied on "his jewels, the customs, or sometimes the individuals of his associates for repayment" of his debts. Edward III’s transactions with the Florentine bankers are well-documented; however, it wasn’t until after the Revolution that the two crucial conditions for establishing a lasting public debt were met: (1) the government's accountability to the people, and (2) a functioning market for investment capital. By the end of the war in 1697, a debt of £21,500,000 had been accumulated, with over £16,000,000 still owed at William III's death. The establishment of the Bank of England (see Banks and Banking) is linked to the public debt, as it increasingly became the entity managing state revenue and spending; although the exchequer remained operational until 1834 as a genuine, albeit outdated, institution.

Thus it is clear that by the end of the 17th century the new influences which date from the Civil War had brought into being all the elements of the modern financial system. Expenditure, revenue, borrowing to meet deficiencies are all, in a sense, developed into their present-day form. Increase in amount and some refinements in procedure, combined with improved views of public policy, are the only changes that occur later on.

Thus, it's clear that by the end of the 17th century, the new influences that started with the Civil War had created all the components of the modern financial system. Spending, income, and borrowing to cover shortfalls have all, in a way, evolved into their current form. The only changes that happen later are increases in amounts and some improvements in procedures, along with better perspectives on public policy.

Regarded broadly, the 18th and 19th centuries exhibit several distinct periods with definite financial aspects. In the ninety years from the death of William III. (1702) to the outbreak of the Revolutionary War with France (1793) there are four serious wars, covering nearly thirty-five years. There is the long peace administration of Walpole, and there are the shorter intervals of rest following each of the contests. From the beginning of the war with the French Republic to the year of Waterloo there is a nearly unbroken war time of over twenty years. The forty years’ peace is closed by the Crimean War (1854-56); and another forty years of peace ends with the South African War (1899-1902). During this time the older mercantilism passes into protectionism; and this, again, gives way before the gradual adoption of the free trade policy. At each time of war, taxation (particularly in the indirect form) and debt increase. Financial reform is connected with the maintenance of peace. Among the great financial ministers Walpole, the younger Pitt, Peel and Gladstone are conspicuous; while Huskisson’s services in the kindred field of economic policy deserve special notice in their financial bearing.

In general, the 18th and 19th centuries show several distinct periods with clear financial aspects. From the death of William III (1702) to the start of the Revolutionary War with France (1793), there were four major wars that lasted almost thirty-five years. There was the long period of peace under Walpole, followed by shorter breaks of rest after each conflict. From the start of the war with the French Republic until the year of Waterloo, there was almost twenty years of continuous warfare. The forty years of peace ended with the Crimean War (1854-56), and another forty years of peace concluded with the South African War (1899-1902). During this time, traditional mercantilism shifted to protectionism, which gradually transitioned to a free trade policy. Each time there was a war, taxation (especially in indirect forms) and debt increased. Financial reform was linked to maintaining peace. Among the notable financial ministers, Walpole, the younger Pitt, Peel, and Gladstone stand out, while Huskisson’s contributions in economic policy are particularly significant for their financial impact.

By taking the several great heads of revenue in order it is comparatively easy to understand the nature of the progress made in subsequent years. (1) The land tax, established on a definite basis in 1692, was the great 18th century form of direct taxation. Varying in rate from 1s. (as in 1731) to 4s. (as in most war years), it was converted by Pitt in 1798 into a redeemable charge on the lands of each parish, and by this process has sunk from the amount of £1,911,000 in 1798 to £730,000 in 1907-1908. The great increase in other heads had impaired the value of the land tax as a fiscal support. (2) Parallel with the movement of the land tax but showing much more rapid growth was the excise of the 18th century. Most of the articles of common consumption were permanently taxed. Soap, salt, candles and leather are described by Adam Smith as taxed, and that taxation is unreservedly condemned by him. In 1739 the excise duties brought in £3,000,000. By 1792 they had risen to £10,000,000. Their continued expansion was due both to the wider area covered and to the increased consuming power of the country. (3) The customs were equally serviceable, and in their case the increased duties were even more considerable. The general 10% of 1698 became 15% in 1704, a fourth 5% was imposed in 1748, and in 1759 the general duties were raised to 25%. Coincidently with this general extension of the customs duties special articles such as tea were subjected to increased duties. The American War of Independence brought about a further general increase of 10%, together with special extra duties on tobacco and sugar. In 1784 the customs revenue came to over £3,000,000. Two circumstances account for this slower growth. (1) The extreme rigour of the duties and prohibitions, aimed chiefly against French trade; and (2) the absence of care in estimating the point of maximum productiveness for each duty. Swift’s famous saying that “in the arithmetic of the customs two and two sometimes, made only one” is well exemplified in England at this time. The smuggler did a great deal of the foreign trade of the country. Efforts at reform were not, however, altogether wanting. Walpole succeeded in carrying several useful adjustments. He abolished the general duties on exports and also several of those on imported raw materials such as silk, 464 beaver, indigo and colonial timber. His most ambitious scheme—that for the warehousing of wine and tobacco in order to relieve exporters—failed, in consequence of the popular belief that it was the forerunner of a general excise. Walpole’s treatment of the land tax, which he kept down to the lowest figure (1s.), and his earlier funding plan deserve notice. His determination to preserve peace assisted his fiscal reforms. Pitt’s administration from 1783 to 1792 marks another great period of improvement. The consolidation of the customs laws (1787), the reduction of the tea duty to nearly one-tenth of its former amount, the conclusion of a liberal commercial treaty with France, and the attempted trade arrangement with Ireland, tend to show that “Pitt would have anticipated many of the free trade measures of later years if it had been his lot to enjoy ten more years of peaceful administration.” One of the financial problems which excited the interest and even the alarm of the students of public affairs was the rapid increase of the public debt. Each war caused a great addition to the burden; the intervals of peace showed very little diminution in it. From sixteen millions in 1702, the debt rose to £53,000,000 at the treaty of Utrecht (1713). In 1748 it reached £78,000,000, at the close of the Seven Years’ War it was £137,000,000, and when the American colonies had established their independence it exceeded £238,000,000. Apprehensions of national bankruptcy led to the adoption of the device of a sinking fund, and in this case Pitt’s usual sagacity seems to have failed him. The influence of R. Price’s theory induced the policy of assigning special sums for debt reduction, without regard to the fundamental condition of maintaining a real surplus.

By looking at the main sources of revenue in order, it’s relatively straightforward to see the progress made in the following years. (1) The land tax, which was set upon a solid foundation in 1692, became the primary form of direct taxation in the 18th century. Ranging from 1 shilling (like in 1731) to 4 shillings (typically during war years), it was converted by Pitt in 1798 into a redeemable charge on the land of each parish, and because of this change, it dropped from £1,911,000 in 1798 to £730,000 in 1907-1908. The significant increase in other revenue sources diminished the land tax's value as a financial resource. (2) Alongside the land tax's development, the excise taxes of the 18th century grew even more quickly. Most everyday items were permanently taxed. Adam Smith described soap, salt, candles, and leather as taxed, and he strongly criticized this taxation. In 1739, excise duties generated £3,000,000. By 1792, this amount had increased to £10,000,000. Their continued rise was a result of both the broader scope of items taxed and the increased spending power of the population. (3) Customs duties were also beneficial, with even greater increases. The general 10% rate in 1698 rose to 15% in 1704, an additional 5% was added in 1748, and in 1759 the overall duties were raised to 25%. Along with this expansion in customs duties, specific items like tea faced increased taxes. The American War of Independence led to another general increase of 10%, plus extra duties on tobacco and sugar. In 1784, customs revenue exceeded £3,000,000. Two factors explain this slower growth: (1) the strictness of the duties and prohibitions primarily targeting French trade; and (2) a lack of careful estimation regarding the maximum productive capacity of each duty. Swift’s famous quote that “in the arithmetic of the customs, two and two sometimes made only one” perfectly illustrates England during this period. Smugglers handled a significant portion of the country’s foreign trade. However, efforts for reform were not entirely absent. Walpole successfully implemented several useful changes. He removed general duties on exports and several duties on imported raw materials like silk, beaver, indigo, and colonial timber. His most ambitious plan to warehouse wine and tobacco to help exporters failed due to widespread belief that it would lead to a general excise. Walpole’s management of the land tax, keeping it at the lowest rate (1 shilling), and his earlier funding plan deserve recognition. His commitment to maintaining peace supported his fiscal reforms. Pitt’s administration from 1783 to 1792 marked another significant period of improvement. The consolidation of customs laws (1787), the reduction of the tea tax to nearly one-tenth of its previous amount, the signing of a liberal trade treaty with France, and the proposed trade arrangement with Ireland indicate that “Pitt could have anticipated many of the free trade actions of later years had he enjoyed ten more years of peaceful governance.” One financial issue that caught the attention and concern of public affairs students was the swift rise of the public debt. Each war significantly increased this burden, while periods of peace barely reduced it. The debt grew from £16 million in 1702 to £53,000,000 by the Treaty of Utrecht in 1713. By 1748, it hit £78,000,000, reached £137,000,000 at the end of the Seven Years’ War, and surpassed £238,000,000 after the American colonies gained independence. Fears of national bankruptcy led to the creation of a sinking fund, although in this instance, Pitt's usual wisdom seemed to fail him. The influence of R. Price’s theory prompted the policy of allocating specific amounts for debt reduction without considering the essential condition of maintaining a true surplus.

The revolutionary and Napoleonic wars mark an important stage in English finance. The national resources were strained to the utmost, and the “whip and spur” of taxation was used on all classes of the community. In the earlier years of the struggle the expedient of borrowing enabled the government to avoid the more oppressive forms of charge; but as time went on every possible expedient was brought into play. One class of taxes had been organized during peace—the “assessed taxes” on houses, carriages, servants; horses, plate, &c. These duties were raised by several steps of 10% each until, in 1798, their total charge was increased threefold (for richer persons four- or fivefold) under the plan of a “triple assessment.” The comparative failure of this scheme (which did not bring in the estimated yield of £4,500,000) prepared the way for the most important development of the tax system—the introduction of the income-tax in 1798. Though a development of the triple assessment, the income-tax was also connected with the permanent settlement of the land tax as a redeemable charge. It is possible to trace the progress of direct taxation from the scutage of Norman days through “the tenth and fifteenth,” the Tudor “subsidies,” the Commonwealth “monthly assessments,” and the 18th century land tax, to the income-tax as applied by Pitt, and, after an interval of disuse, revived by Peel (1842). The immediate yield of the income-tax was rather less than was expected (£6,000,000 out of £7,500,000); but by alteration of the mode of assessment from that of a general declaration to returns under the several schedules, the tax became, first at 5%, afterwards at 10%, the most valuable part of the revenue. In 1815 it contributed 22% of the total receipts (i.e. £14,600,000 out of £67,000,000). If employed at the beginning of the war, it would probably have obviated most of the financial difficulties of the government. The window tax, which continued all through the 18th century, had been supplemented in the American War by a tax on inhabited houses (one of Adam Smith’s many suggestions), a group to which the assessment taxes were naturally joined. During the 18th century the probate duty had been gradually raised, and in 1780 the legacy duty was introduced; but these charges were moderate in character and did not affect land. Though the direct and quasi-direct taxes had been so largely increased, their growth was eclipsed by that of the excise and customs. With each succeeding year of war new articles for duties were detected and the rates of old taxes raised. The maxim, said to have guided the financiers of another country—“Wherever you see an object, tax it”—would fairly express the guiding policy of the English system of the early 19th century. Eatables, liquors, the materials of industry, manufactures, and the transactions of commerce had in nearly all their forms to pay toll. To take examples:—salt paid 15s. per bushel; sugar 30s. per cwt.; beer 10s. per barrel (with 4s. 5d. per bushel on malt and a duty on hops); tea 96% ad valorem. Timber, cotton, raw silk, hemp and bar iron were taxed, so were leather, soap, glass, candles, paper and starch. In spite of the need of revenue, many of the customs duties were framed on the protective system and thereby gave little returns; e.g. the import duty on salt in 1815 produced £547, as against £1,616,124 from excise; pill-boxes brought in 18s. 10d., saltpetre 2d., with 1d. for the war duties. The course of the war taxation was marked by varied experiments. Duties were raised, lowered, raised again, or given some new form in the effort to find additional revenue. Some duties, e.g. that on gloves, were abandoned as unproductive; but the conclusion is irresistible that the financial system suffered from over-complication and absence of principle. In the period of his peace administration Pitt was prepared to follow the teaching of The Wealth of Nations. The strain of a gigantic war forced him and his successors to employ whatever heads of taxation were likely to bring in funds without violating popular prejudices. Along with taxation, debt increased. For the first ten years the addition to it averaged £27,000,000 per annum, bringing the total to over £500,000,000. By the close of the war period in 1815 the total reached over £875,000,000, or a somewhat smaller annual increase—a result due to the adoption of more effective tax forms, and particularly the income tax. The progress of English trade was another contributing agency towards securing higher revenue. The import of articles such as tea advanced with the growing population; so that the tea duty of 96% yielded in 1815 no less than £3,591,000. It is, however, true that by the year just mentioned the tax system had reached its limit. Further extension (except by direct confiscation of property) was hardly possible. The war closed victoriously at the moment when its prolongation seemed unendurable.

The revolutionary and Napoleonic wars represent a key period in British finance. National resources were stretched to their limits, and all classes of society felt the burden of increased taxation. In the earlier years of the conflict, borrowing helped the government avoid harsher financial measures; however, as time went on, every possible option was utilized. One category of taxes, established during peacetime, included the “assessed taxes” on houses, carriages, servants, horses, silverware, etc. These taxes were gradually raised through several increments of 10% each until, in 1798, the overall charge tripled (for wealthier individuals, it increased four or five times) under a “triple assessment” plan. The relative failure of this approach (which did not yield the projected £4,500,000) paved the way for a major shift in the tax system—the introduction of income tax in 1798. Although it evolved from the triple assessment, the income tax was also tied to the permanent establishment of land tax as a redeemable charge. One can trace the development of direct taxation from the scutage of Norman times through “the tenth and fifteenth,” Tudor “subsidies,” Commonwealth “monthly assessments,” and the 18th-century land tax, to the income tax introduced by Pitt and later revived by Peel in 1842 after a period of dormancy. The initial yield of the income tax was a bit less than anticipated (£6,000,000 out of £7,500,000); however, by changing the assessment method from a general declaration to returns under specific schedules, the tax became a significant source of revenue, first at 5%, then at 10%. By 1815, it contributed 22% of total receipts (i.e., £14,600,000 out of £67,000,000). If it had been implemented at the start of the war, it likely would have alleviated many of the government’s financial challenges. The window tax, which persisted throughout the 18th century, was supplemented during the American War by a tax on inhabited houses (one of Adam Smith’s many suggestions), into which assessment taxes were naturally included. Throughout the 18th century, the probate duty was gradually increased, and in 1780, the legacy duty was introduced. However, these charges were moderate and did not impact land. Although direct and quasi-direct taxes had grown significantly, their increase was overshadowed by that of excise and customs duties. With each passing year of war, new taxable items were identified, and rates on existing taxes were raised. The maxim said to guide financiers of another country—“Wherever you see an object, tax it”—accurately reflects the policy of the early 19th-century English tax system. Food, alcohol, raw materials, manufacturing, and commerce activities were all taxed in nearly all forms. For example: salt was taxed at 15s. per bushel; sugar at 30s. per cwt.; beer at 10s. per barrel (with additional duties on malt and hops); tea at 96% ad valorem. Taxes were also imposed on timber, cotton, raw silk, hemp, bar iron, leather, soap, glass, candles, paper, and starch. Despite the need for revenue, many customs duties were designed for protection rather than profit, yielding little income; for instance, the import duty on salt in 1815 brought in £547, compared to £1,616,124 from excise. Pill-boxes generated 18s. 10d. and saltpetre just 2d., with an additional penny for war duties. The trend in war taxation was marked by various experiments. Duties were raised, lowered, adjusted, or altered as the government sought to find more revenue. Some duties, like that on gloves, were eliminated for being unprofitable; however, it is clear that the financial system suffered from excessive complexity and a lack of coherent principles. During his peacetime administration, Pitt was ready to follow the principles laid out in The Wealth of Nations. The strains of a massive war compelled him and his successors to utilize any forms of taxation likely to generate funds without upsetting public opinion. Alongside taxation, debt increased. For the first ten years, it averaged an increase of £27,000,000 annually, bringing the total to over £500,000,000. By the end of the war period in 1815, the total had exceeded £875,000,000, with a somewhat smaller annual increase—thanks to the use of more effective tax structures, particularly the income tax. The growth of British trade also played a significant role in achieving higher revenues. Imports of goods such as tea grew with the rising population, resulting in a tea duty of 96% yielding £3,591,000 in 1815. However, by that year, it is true that the tax system had reached its limits. Further expansion (except through direct confiscation of property) was hardly possible. The war ended victoriously at a time when its continuation felt unbearable.

A particular aspect of the English financial system is its relation to the organization of the finance of territories connected with the English crown. The exchequer may be plausibly held to have been derived from Normandy, and wherever territory came under English rule the methods familiar at home seem to have been adopted. With the loss of the French possessions the older cases of the kind disappeared. Ireland, however, had its own exchequer, and Scotland remained a distinct kingdom. The 18th century introduced a remarkable change. One of the aims of the union with Scotland was to secure freedom of commerce throughout Great Britain, and the two revenue systems were amalgamated. Scotland was assigned a very moderate share of the land tax (under one-fortieth), and was exempted from certain stamp duties. The attempt to apply selected forms of taxation—custom duties (1764), stamp duties (1765), and finally the effort to collect the tea duty (1773)—to the American colonies are indications of a movement towards what would now be called “imperialist” finance. The complete plan of federation for the British empire, outlined by Adam Smith, is avowedly actuated by financial considerations. Notwithstanding the failure of this movement in the case of the colonies, the close of the century saw it successful in respect to Ireland, though separate financial departments were retained till after the close of the Napoleonic War and some fiscal differences still remain. By the consolidation of the English and Irish exchequers and the passage from war to peace, the years between 1815 and 1820 may be said to mark a distinct step in the financial development of the country. The connected change in the Bank of England by the resumption of specie payments supports this view. Moreover, the political conditions in their influence on finance were undergoing a revolution. The landed interest, though powerful at the moment, had henceforth to face the rivalry of the wealthy manufacturing communities of the north of England, and it may be added that the influence of theoretic 465 discussion was likely to be felt in the treatment of the financial policy of the nation. Canons as to the proper system of administration, taxation and borrowing come to be noticed by statesmen and officials.

A key feature of the English financial system is its connection to the finance organization of territories associated with the English crown. The exchequer is thought to have originated in Normandy, and wherever territory fell under English control, the practices familiar at home seem to have been used. With the loss of French territories, the earlier cases of this kind vanished. However, Ireland had its own exchequer, and Scotland remained an independent kingdom. The 18th century brought significant change. One of the goals of the union with Scotland was to ensure free trade across Great Britain, leading to the merging of the two revenue systems. Scotland received a relatively small portion of the land tax (less than one-fortieth) and was exempt from certain stamp duties. Attempts to apply certain taxes—custom duties (1764), stamp duties (1765), and eventually the effort to collect the tea duty (1773)—to the American colonies show a shift towards what we would now call “imperialist” finance. Adam Smith openly based the complete plan for federation in the British empire on financial interests. Despite this approach failing in the colonies, by the end of the century, it succeeded with Ireland, although separate financial departments remained until after the Napoleonic War, and some fiscal differences persist. The unification of the English and Irish exchequers, along with the transition from war to peace, marked a significant step in the country’s financial development between 1815 and 1820. The related change in the Bank of England with the resumption of specie payments supports this perspective. Additionally, the changing political conditions were impacting finance significantly. The landed interest, although powerful at the time, now had to contend with the competition from wealthy manufacturing communities in northern England. It's worth noting that discussions on theoretical matters likely influenced how the nation’s financial policy was approached. Principles regarding the appropriate system of administration, taxation, and borrowing began to be recognized by statesmen and officials.

These influences may be followed out in their working by observing the chief lines of adjustment and modification that followed the conclusion of peace. Relieved from the extraordinary outlay of the preceding years, the government felt bound to propose reductions. With commendable prudence it was resolved to retain the income-tax at 5% (one-half of the former rate), and to join with this reduction the removal of some war duties on malt and spirits. Popular feeling against direct taxation was so strong that the income-tax had to be surrendered in toto, a course which seriously embarrassed the finances of the following years. For over twenty-five years the income-tax remained in abeyance, to the great detriment of the revenue system. Its revival by Peel (1842), intended as a temporary expedient, proved its services as a permanent tax: it has continued and expanded considerably since. Both the excise and customs at the close of the war were marked by some of the worst defects of a vicious kind of taxation. The former had the evil effect of restricting the progress of industry and hampering invention. The raw materials and the auxiliary substances of industry were in many cases raised in price. The duties on salt and glass specially illustrated the bad results of the excise. New processes were hindered and routine made compulsory. The customs duties were still more restrictive of trade; as they practically excluded foreign manufactures, and were both costly and in many instances unproductive of revenue. As G. R. Porter has shown, the really profitable customs taxes were few in number. Less than a score of articles contributed more than nineteen-twentieths of the revenue from import duties. The duties on transactions, levied chiefly by stamps, were ill-graded and lacking in comprehensiveness. From the standpoint of equity the ground for criticism was equally plain. The great weight of taxation fell on the poorer classes. The owners of land escaped giving any return for the property that they held under the state, and other persons were not taxed in proportion to their abilities, which had been long recognized as the proper criterion.

These influences can be traced through the main adjustments and changes that happened after peace was achieved. With the heavy expenses of the previous years behind them, the government felt it necessary to propose cuts. Wisely, they decided to keep the income tax at 5% (half of the previous rate) and to accompany this cut with the removal of some war taxes on malt and spirits. Public sentiment against direct taxation was so strong that the income tax had to be completely abolished, which created significant challenges for finances in the following years. For over twenty-five years, the income tax was not in effect, which seriously harmed the revenue system. Its reintroduction by Peel in 1842, meant to be a temporary measure, turned out to be effective as a permanent tax: it has persisted and grown significantly since then. Both excise and customs at the end of the war displayed some of the worst flaws of a harmful tax system. The excise tax restricted industrial progress and stifled innovation. The prices of raw materials and other industrial supplies often increased. The duties on salt and glass particularly highlighted the negative consequences of the excise. New methods were obstructed, and routine work became mandatory. The customs duties were even more obstructive to trade, as they effectively barred foreign products and were both expensive and often failed to generate revenue. As G. R. Porter pointed out, there were very few truly profitable customs taxes. Less than twenty items accounted for over ninety-five percent of the revenue from import duties. The transaction taxes, mostly collected through stamps, were poorly structured and lacked comprehensiveness. From a fairness perspective, the criticisms were equally evident. The bulk of the tax burden fell on the poorer classes. Landowners did not have to provide any returns for the property they held under the state, and other individuals were not taxed in proportion to their means, which had long been acknowledged as the right standard.

The grievance as to distribution has been modified, if not removed, by the great development of (1) the income-tax, (2) the “death” or inheritance duties. Beginning at the rate of 7d. per pound (1842-1854), the income-tax was raised to 1s. 4d. for the Crimean War, and then continued at varying rates; reduced to 2d. in 1874, it rose to 5d., then in 1894 to 8d., and by 1909 appeared to be fixed as a minimum at 1s., or 5% on income from property. The yield per penny on the £ has risen almost uninterruptedly. From £710,000 in 1842, it now exceeds £2,800,000, though the exemptions and abatements are much more extensive. In fact, all incomes of £3 per week are absolutely free (£160 per annum is the precise exemption limit), and an income of £400 derived from personal exertion pays less than 5½d. per pound, or 2¼%. The great productiveness of the tax is equally remarkable. From £5,600,000 in 1843 (with a rate of 7d.) the return rose to £32,380,000 in 1907-1908, having been at the maximum of £38,800,000 in 1902-1903, with a tax rate of 6¼%. The income-tax thus supplies about one-fifth of the total revenue, or one-fourth of that obtained by taxation. Several fundamental questions of finance are connected with the taxation of income and have been dealt with by English practice. Small incomes claim lenient treatment; and, as mentioned above, this leniency means in England complete freedom. Again, earned incomes appear to represent lower ability to pay than unearned ones. Long refused on practical grounds (as by Gladstone and Lowe), the concession of an abatement of 25% on earned incomes of £2000 and under was granted in 1907. The question whether savings should be exempt from taxation as income has (with the exception of life insurance premiums) been decided in the negative. Allowances for depreciation and cost of repairs are partially recognized. Far more important than these special problems is the general one of increased tax rates on large incomes. Up to 1908-1909 the tax above the abatement limit of £700 remained strictly proportional; but opinion showed a decided tendency in favour of extra rates or a “super tax” on incomes above an assigned amount (e.g. £5000), and this was included in the budget of 1909-1910 (see Income-Tax).

The concerns about distribution have been changed, if not eliminated, by the significant development of (1) the income tax and (2) inheritance taxes. Starting at a rate of 7d. per pound (1842-1854), the income tax was increased to 1s. 4d. for the Crimean War and then continued at various rates; reduced to 2d. in 1874, it increased to 5d., then in 1894 to 8d., and by 1909 seemed to be set at a minimum of 1s., or 5% on income from property. The revenue generated per penny on the £ has increased almost without interruption. From £710,000 in 1842, it now exceeds £2,800,000, although the exemptions and deductions are much broader. In fact, all incomes under £3 per week are completely tax-free (£160 per year is the exact exemption limit), and an income of £400 from personal work pays less than 5½d. per pound, or 2¼%. The tax's impressive productivity is also notable. From £5,600,000 in 1843 (with a 7d. rate), the revenue increased to £32,380,000 in 1907-1908, having peaked at £38,800,000 in 1902-1903, with a tax rate of 6¼%. The income tax therefore accounts for about one-fifth of the total revenue, or one-fourth of what is collected from taxation. Several key financial issues are related to income taxation and have been addressed in English practice. Small incomes require lenient treatment; as mentioned earlier, this leniency in England means complete exemption. Additionally, earned incomes seem to indicate a lower ability to pay compared to unearned incomes. Long denied for practical reasons (by figures like Gladstone and Lowe), the allowance for a 25% deduction on earned incomes of £2000 and under was granted in 1907. The question of whether savings should be exempt from taxation as income has (with the exception of life insurance premiums) been answered negatively. Deductions for depreciation and repair costs are partially recognized. More critical than these specific issues is the broader concern of higher tax rates on large incomes. Up until 1908-1909, the tax above the exemption threshold of £700 remained strictly proportional; however, there was a clear shift towards supporting additional rates or a "super tax" on incomes above a certain amount (e.g. £5000), which was included in the 1909-1910 budget (see Income-Tax).

In close relation with the income-tax is the estate duty, with its adjuncts of Legacy and Succession Duties. After Pitt’s failure to carry the succession duty in 1796, no change was made till Gladstone’s introduction in 1853 of a duty on land and settled property parallel to the legacy duty on free personality. Apart from certain minor alterations, the really vital change was the extension in 1894 of the old Probate Duty into a comprehensive impost (entitled the Estate Duty) applicable to all the possessions of a deceased person. This “Inheritance Tax”—to give it its scientific title—operates as a complementary property tax, and is thus an addition to the contribution from incomes derived from large properties. By graduation the charges on large estates in 1908-1909 (before the proposal for further increase in 1909-1910) came to 10% on £1,000,000, and reached the maximum of 15% at £3,500,000. From the several forms of the “Inheritance Taxes” the national revenue gained £14,500,000, with 4½ millions as a supplementary yield for local finance. The immense expansion of direct taxation is evident on comparing 1840 with 1908. In the former year the Probate and legacy duties brought in about one million; the other direct taxes, even including the “House duty,” did not raise the total to £3,000,000. In 1908 the direct taxation of property and income supplied £51,500,000, or one-third of the total receipts as against less than one-twentieth in 1840.

In close relation to income tax is estate duty, along with its related Legacy and Succession Duties. After Pitt’s unsuccessful attempt to implement the succession duty in 1796, there was no change until Gladstone introduced a duty on land and settled property in 1853, which was aligned with the legacy duty on free personal property. Aside from a few minor adjustments, the significant change came in 1894 when the old Probate Duty was expanded into a comprehensive tax (called Estate Duty) that applied to all the assets of a deceased person. This “Inheritance Tax”—as it's officially known—functions as an additional property tax, adding to the overall contribution from incomes derived from large estates. Due to gradual increases, the charges on large estates in 1908-1909 (before proposals for further increases in 1909-1910) reached 10% on £1,000,000 and peaked at 15% on £3,500,000. From various forms of the “Inheritance Taxes,” the national revenue gained £14,500,000, with an additional £4.5 million for local finance. The massive expansion of direct taxation is obvious when comparing 1840 to 1908. In 1840, Probate and legacy duties generated about one million; other direct taxes, including the “House duty,” didn’t raise the total to £3,000,000. By 1908, direct taxation on property and income produced £51,500,000, making up one-third of the total receipts, compared to less than one-twentieth in 1840.

But though this wider employment of direct taxation—a characteristic of European finance generally—reduced the relative position of the taxation of commodities, there was a growth in the absolute amount obtained from this category of duties. There were also considerable alterations, the result of changes in the views respecting fiscal policy. At the close of the Great War the excise duties were at first retained, and even in some cases increased. After some years reforms began. The following articles amongst others were freed from charge: salt (1825); leather and candles (1830); glass (1845); soap (1853); and paper (1860). The guiding principles were: (1) the removal of raw materials from the list of goods liable to excise, (2) the limitation of the excise to a small number of productive articles, with (3) the placing of the greater part (practically nearly the whole) of this form of taxation on alcoholic drinks. Apart from breweries and distilleries, the excise had little field for its work. The large revenue of £35,700,000 in 1907-1908 was derived one-half from spirits (£17,700,000), over one-third from beer, while most of the remainder was obtained from business taxation in the form of licences, the raising of which was one of the features of the budget in 1909. As a feeder of the revenue the excise might be regarded as equal to the income-tax, but less to be relied on in times of depression. Valuable as were the reforms of the excise after 1820, they were insignificant as compared with the changes in the customs. The particular circumstances of English political life have led to perhaps undue emphasis being placed on this particular branch of financial development. Between 1820 and 1860 the customs system was transformed from a highly complicated arrangement of duties, pressing with severity on nearly all foreign imports, into a simple and easily understood set of charges on certain specially selected commodities. All favours or preferences to home or colonial producers disappeared. Expressed in financial terms, all duties were imposed “for revenue only,” and estimated in reference to their productiveness. An assimilation between the excise and customs rates necessarily followed. The stages of the development under the guidance of (1) Huskisson, (2) Peel, and (3) Gladstone are commonly regarded as part of the movement for Free Trade; but the financial working of the alteration is understood only by remembering that the duties removed by “tens” or by “hundreds” were quite trivial in yield, and did not involve any serious loss to the revenue. Perhaps the most remarkable feature of the English customs of the 19th century was the steadiness of the receipts. In spite of trade depressions, 466 commercial crises and sweeping changes in rates, the annual revenue in the period 1815-1900 only varied between £19,000,000 and £24,000,000; though, on balance, duties amounting to £30,000,000 were remitted. The potential resources of this branch of revenue were made evident in the rapid rise of the yield by the new taxation imposed for the South African War (1899-1902). In consequence of this increase the customs became equal to the excise in return, and, combined, they collected over £60,000,000 annually from the consumption of commodities. They accordingly afforded a counterpoise to the burden put on income and property, or, more accurately speaking, they obtained due, or somewhat more than due, contribution from the smaller incomes, particularly those of the working class.

But even though this broader use of direct taxation—a common feature of European finance—reduced the relative position of taxing goods, the total amount collected from this category of duties increased. There were also significant changes, resulting from shifts in attitudes toward fiscal policy. After the Great War, excise duties were initially kept and even increased in some cases. After a few years, reforms began. The following items, among others, were exempted from charges: salt (1825); leather and candles (1830); glass (1845); soap (1853); and paper (1860). The main principles were: (1) removing raw materials from the list of taxable goods, (2) limiting excise to a small number of productive items, and (3) placing most (essentially nearly all) of this form of taxation on alcoholic beverages. Aside from breweries and distilleries, there wasn’t much scope for excise duties. The substantial revenue of £35,700,000 in 1907-1908 came mainly from spirits (£17,700,000), over a third from beer, while most of the rest was collected through business taxes in the form of licenses, whose increase was a key feature of the 1909 budget. As a source of income, excise could be seen as equal to income tax, but was less reliable during economic downturns. While the reforms of excise after 1820 were valuable, they were minor compared to customs changes. The specific context of English political life has led to perhaps an overemphasis on this area of financial development. Between 1820 and 1860, the customs system transformed from a highly complicated set of duties that heavily taxed nearly all foreign imports into a straightforward and easy-to-understand structure focusing on select commodities. All preferences for domestic or colonial producers were eliminated. In financial terms, all duties were imposed "for revenue only," assessed based on their productivity. A convergence between excise and customs rates naturally followed. The phases of development guided by (1) Huskisson, (2) Peel, and (3) Gladstone are generally seen as part of the Free Trade movement; however, the financial implications of these changes are understood only when considering that the duties removed by the "tens" or "hundreds" were relatively insignificant in yield and did not cause any major revenue loss. Perhaps the most remarkable aspect of English customs in the 19th century was the stability of receipts. Despite trade downturns, commercial crises, and major rate changes, the annual revenue from 1815 to 1900 only fluctuated between £19,000,000 and £24,000,000; however, duties totaling £30,000,000 were waived. The potential of this revenue source became clear with the rapid increase in revenue from new taxes imposed during the South African War (1899-1902). As a result of this increase, customs revenue equaled excise, and together they collected over £60,000,000 annually from consumer goods. They provided a balance against the burdens placed on income and property, or more accurately, they collected due, or somewhat more than due, contributions from lower incomes, particularly those of the working class.

The exemption of raw materials and food; the absence of duties on imported, as on home manufactures; the selection of a small number of articles for duty; the rather rigorous treatment of spirits and tobacco, were the salient marks of the English fiscal system which grew up in the 19th century. The part of the system most criticised was the very narrow list of dutiable articles. Why, it was asked, should a choice be made of certain objects for the purpose of imposing heavy taxation on them? The answer has been that they were taken as typical of consumption in general and were easily supervised for taxation. Moreover, the sumptuary element is introduced by the policy of putting exceptionally heavy duties on spirits and tobacco, with lighter charges on the less expensive wines and beers. Facility of collection and distribution of taxation over a larger class appear to be the grounds for the inclusion of the tea and coffee duties, which are further supported by the need for obtaining a contribution of, roughly speaking, over half the tax revenue by duties on commodities. The last consideration led, at the beginning of the 20th century, to the sugar tax and the temporary duties on imported corn and exported coal.

The exemption of raw materials and food, the lack of duties on imports compared to domestic products, the limited number of items chosen for duties, and the strict treatment of alcohol and tobacco were key features of the English tax system that developed in the 19th century. The most criticized part of the system was the very short list of taxable items. People questioned why certain goods were singled out for heavy taxes. The explanation given was that these items were considered typical of overall consumption and were easy to monitor for taxation purposes. Additionally, the tax policy on alcohol and tobacco included high duties, while lower taxes were applied to cheaper wines and beers, introducing a sort of luxury tax. The ease of collecting and distributing taxes across a broader category seemed to justify the inclusion of taxes on tea and coffee, which were further supported by the need to generate over half of the tax revenue through duties on goods. This reasoning led, in the early 20th century, to the implementation of the sugar tax and temporary duties on imported grain and exported coal.

As a support to the great divisions of income-tax, Death Duties, Excise and Customs, the stamps, fees and miscellaneous taxes are of decided service. A return of £9,000,000 was secured by stamp duties.

As a complement to the major categories of income tax, Death Duties, Excise, and Customs, the stamps, fees, and various other taxes are quite useful. A total of £9,000,000 was collected from stamp duties.

In recent years the so-called “non-tax” revenue largely increased, owing to the extension of the postal and telegraphic services. The real gain is not so great, as out of gross receipts of £22,000,000 over £17,500,000 is absorbed in expenses, while the carriage of ordinary letters seems to be the only profitable part of these services. Crown lands and rights (such as vintage charges) are of even less financial value.

In recent years, what’s called “non-tax” revenue has significantly increased, mainly because of the expansion of postal and telegraphic services. However, the actual profit isn’t that impressive, since out of total earnings of £22,000,000, more than £17,500,000 goes toward expenses, and it seems that the delivery of regular letters is the only truly profitable aspect of these services. Crown lands and rights (like vintage charges) have even less financial value.

One cardinal principle of the greatest English finance ministers has been the avoidance of deficits or undue surpluses. Gladstone’s inheritance of doctrine from Peel “was to estimate expenditure liberally, to estimate revenue carefully, to make each year pay its own expenses, and to take care that your charge is not greater than your income.” This method of treatment requires that taxation shall be productive in yield, and that it shall be so elastic as to admit of expansion, a function specially assigned to the income-tax. It may also be said to involve due care in the treatment of the national resources. The reaction of ill-chosen taxes on industry is a hindrance to their productiveness and their growth.

One key principle of the best English finance ministers has been to avoid deficits or excessive surpluses. Gladstone inherited a doctrine from Peel that emphasized “estimating expenses generously, estimating revenue cautiously, ensuring each year covers its own costs, and making sure your expenses don’t exceed your income.” This approach requires that taxation be effective in generating revenue and flexible enough to allow for growth, which is especially the role of income tax. It should also involve careful management of national resources. The negative impact of poorly chosen taxes on industry can hinder their productivity and growth.

Authorities.—The constitutional historians—Stubbs, Gneist, Hallam—deal with the legal and constitutional aspects of finance. Special financial histories are: Sir J. Sinclair, History of the Public Revenue of the British Empire (3 vols., 3rd ed., London, 1803); S. Dowell, History of Taxation and Taxes in England (4 vols., 2nd ed., London, 1888); Schanz, Englische Handelspolitik (2 vols., Leipzig, 1881), and H. Hall, History of the Customs Revenue of England (2 vols., London, 1885), are valuable for the earlier periods. W. Cunningham, Growth of English Industry and Commerce (2 vols., Cambridge, 1903-1907); H. O. Meredith, Economic History of England (London, 1908), devote sections to finance. A. Smith, Wealth of Nations (1776), Tooke and Newmarch, History of Prices (6 vols., London, 1837-1856), give financial details. G. R. Porter, Progress of the Nation (3rd ed., London, 1851); Sir S. Northcote, Twenty Years of Financial Policy (London, 1862); S. Buxton, Finance and Politics (2 vols., London, 1888); J. R. McCulloch, Taxation and Funding (3rd ed., London, 1863); W. M. J. Williams, The King’s Revenue (London, 1908), for 19th-century finance.

Authorities.—The constitutional historians—Stubbs, Gneist, Hallam—address the legal and constitutional aspects of finance. Notable financial histories include: Sir J. Sinclair, History of the Public Revenue of the British Empire (3 vols., 3rd ed., London, 1803); S. Dowell, History of Taxation and Taxes in England (4 vols., 2nd ed., London, 1888); Schanz, Englische Handelspolitik (2 vols., Leipzig, 1881), and H. Hall, History of the Customs Revenue of England (2 vols., London, 1885), which are invaluable for earlier periods. W. Cunningham, Growth of English Industry and Commerce (2 vols., Cambridge, 1903-1907); H. O. Meredith, Economic History of England (London, 1908), include sections on finance. A. Smith, Wealth of Nations (1776), Tooke and Newmarch, History of Prices (6 vols., London, 1837-1856), provide financial details. G. R. Porter, Progress of the Nation (3rd ed., London, 1851); Sir S. Northcote, Twenty Years of Financial Policy (London, 1862); S. Buxton, Finance and Politics (2 vols., London, 1888); J. R. McCulloch, Taxation and Funding (3rd ed., London, 1863); W. M. J. Williams, The King’s Revenue (London, 1908), focus on 19th-century finance.

(C. F. B.)




        
        
    
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