This is a modern-English version of The Franco-German War of 1870-71, originally written by Moltke, Helmuth, Graf von. It has been thoroughly updated, including changes to sentence structure, words, spelling, and grammar—to ensure clarity for contemporary readers, while preserving the original spirit and nuance. If you click on a paragraph, you will see the original text that we modified, and you can toggle between the two versions.

Scroll to the bottom of this page and you will find a free ePUB download link for this book.


The Franco-Prussian War of 1870–71

BY

Field Marshal COUNT HELMUTH VON MOLTKE

TRANSLATION REVISED BY

ARCHIBALD FORBES

WITH A MAP, NOTES, AND ORDERS OF BATTLE

LONDON
JAMES R. OSGOOD, McILVAINE & CO.
45, Albemarle St., W.
1893
[All rights reserved]

NOTE.

The translation has been thoroughly revised for the sense as well as in regard to technical military terms and expressions. To the name of every German general officer mentioned in the text has been affixed, within brackets, his specific command, a liberty which the reader will perhaps not resent, since the interpolation is intended to facilitate his clearer understanding of a narrative condensed by the author with extreme severity.

The translation has been carefully reviewed for clarity and for accurate military terminology and expressions. Next to the name of each German general officer mentioned in the text, I’ve included their specific command in brackets. This addition is meant to help the reader better understand a narrative that the author has summarized quite sharply, and hopefully, it won't be an unwelcome change.

In further aid of elucidation there has been occasionally inserted, also within brackets, a date, a figure, or a word.

In addition to providing clarification, a date, a number, or a word has sometimes been included in brackets.

A few footnotes will be found, which may perhaps be excused as not wholly irrelevant. In the Appendix have been inserted the "Orders of Battle" of both sides, as in the first period of the war.

A few footnotes will be found, which might be considered somewhat relevant. In the Appendix, the "Orders of Battle" for both sides have been included, as they were in the first period of the war.

A. F.

PREFACE.

Field-Marshal von Moltke began this history of the War of 1870—1 in the spring of the year 1887, and during his residence at Creisau he worked at it for about three hours every morning. On his return to Berlin in the autumn of that year, the work was not quite finished, but he completed it by January, 1888, at Berlin, placed it in my hands, and never again alluded to the subject.

Field Marshal von Moltke started this account of the War of 1870-71 in the spring of 1887. While he was at Creisau, he dedicated about three hours each morning to it. When he returned to Berlin that autumn, the work wasn't completely finished, but he wrapped it up by January 1888 in Berlin, handed it to me, and never mentioned the topic again.

The origin of the book was as follows. I had several times entreated him, but in vain, to make use of his leisure hours at Creisau in noting down some of his rich store of reminiscences. He always objected, in the same words: "Everything official that I have had occasion to write, or that is worth remembering, is to be seen in the Archives of the Staff Corps. My personal experiences had better be buried with me." He had a dislike to memoirs in general, which he was at no pains to conceal, saying that they only served to gratify the writer's vanity, and often contributed to distort important historical events by the subjective views of an individual, and the intrusion of trivial details. It might easily happen that a particular character which in history stood forth in noble simplicity should be hideously disfigured by the narrative of some personal experiences, and the ideal halo which had surrounded it be destroyed. And highly characteristic of Moltke's magnanimity are the words he once uttered on such an occasion, and which I noted at the time: "Whatever is published in a military history is always dressed for effect: yet it is a duty of piety and patriotism never to impair the prestige which identifies the glory of our Army with personages of lofty position."[vi]

The book originated as follows. I had asked him several times to take advantage of his free time at Creisau to jot down some of his wealth of memories, but it was all in vain. He always responded with the same reasoning: "Everything official I've had to write, or that is worth remembering, can be found in the Staff Corps Archives. My personal experiences are better off buried with me." He generally disliked memoirs and was open about it, stating that they only served to feed the writer's ego and often distorted significant historical events due to individual biases and unnecessary details. It could easily happen that a character, which should stand out in history with noble simplicity, could be badly misrepresented by the account of someone's personal experiences, ruining the ideal image surrounding it. Highly representative of Moltke's generosity were the words he once said on such an occasion, which I noted at the time: "Whatever is published in military history is always dressed to impress: yet it's a duty of respect and patriotism to never diminish the prestige that aligns the glory of our Army with figures of high standing."[vi]

Not long after our arrival at Creisau, early in 1887, I repeated my suggestion. In reply to my request that he would write an account of the Campaign of 1870—1, he said: "You have the official history of the war. That contains everything. I admit," he added, "that it is too full of detail for the general type of readers, and far too technical. An abridgment must be made some day." I asked him whether he would allow me to lay the work on his table, and next morning he began the narrative contained in this volume, and comparing it as he went on with the official history, carried it through to the end.

Not long after we arrived at Creisau, early in 1887, I brought up my suggestion again. When I asked him to write about the Campaign of 1870-1, he said, "You have the official history of the war. That has everything you need. I admit," he added, "that it's too detailed for the average reader and way too technical. An abridged version should be done someday." I asked him if I could put the work on his table, and the next morning he started the narrative in this volume, comparing it as he went along with the official history, and carried it through to the end.

His purpose was to give a concise account of the war. But, while keeping this in view, he involuntarily—as was unavoidable in his position—regarded the undertaking from his own standpoint as Chief of the General Staff, and marshalled results so as to agree as a whole with the plan of campaign which was known only to the higher military authorities. Thus this work, which was undertaken in all simplicity of purpose, as a popular history, is practically from beginning to end the expression of a private opinion of the war by the Field-Marshal himself.

His goal was to provide a brief overview of the war. However, while focusing on this objective, he naturally—since it was inevitable given his role—viewed the project from his own perspective as Chief of the General Staff, organizing the results to align with the overall campaign plan that was known only to the top military leaders. Consequently, this work, which was meant to be a straightforward popular history, essentially represents the Field Marshal's personal opinion on the war from start to finish.

The Appendix: "On a pretended Council of War in the Wars of William I. of Prussia," was written in 1881. In a book by Fedor von Koppen, "Männer und Thaten, vaterländische Balladen" (Men and Deeds: Patriotic Songs), which the poet presented to the Field-Marshal, there is a poem entitled, "A German Council of War at Versailles" (with a historical note appended), describing an incident which never occurred, and which, under the conditions by which the relations of the Chief of the Staff to his Majesty were regulated, never could have occurred. To preclude any such mistakes for the future, and to settle once and for all the truth as to the much-discussed question of the Council of War, the Field-Marshal wrote this paper, to which he added a description of his personal experience[vii] of the battle of Königgrätz. It is this narrative which, shortly after the writer's death, was published in the Allgemeine Zeitung of Munich, in the somewhat abridged and altered form in which the Field-Marshal had placed it at the disposal of Professor von Treitscke, the well-known historian.

The Appendix: "On a Pretend War Council in the Wars of William I of Prussia," was written in 1881. In a book by Fedor von Koppen, "Männer und Thaten, vaterländische Balladen" (Men and Deeds: Patriotic Songs), which the poet gave to the Field-Marshal, there is a poem titled "A German War Council at Versailles" (with a historical note attached), describing an event that never happened and, under the circumstances governing the Chief of Staff’s relationship with His Majesty, could never have happened. To prevent any similar errors in the future and to clarify once and for all the truth about the much-discussed issue of the War Council, the Field-Marshal wrote this paper, adding a description of his personal experience[vii] during the battle of Königgrätz. It is this narrative that, shortly after the writer's death, was published in the Allgemeine Zeitung of Munich, in a somewhat shortened and altered version that the Field-Marshal had made available to Professor von Treitscke, the well-known historian.

Count Helmuth von Moltke,
Major and Adjutant to his
Imperial Majesty.

Berlin, June 25th, 1891.

Berlin, June 25, 1891.


CONTENTS.

PART I.
PAGE
Preparations for War2
Combat of Weissenburg (4th August)12
Battle of Wörth (6th August)14
Battle of Spicheren (6th August)19
Right-wheel of the German Army26
Battle of Colombey-Nouilly (14th August)29
Battle of Vionville—Mars la Tour (16th August)34
Battle of Gravelotte—St. Privat (18th August)49
New Distribution of the Army64
The Army of Châlons66
Battle of Beaumont (30th August)76
Battle of Sedan (1st September)87
PART II.
Sortie from Metz (26th August)102
Battle of Noisseville (31st August)106
Change of Government in Paris114
Retreat of General Vinoy116
March on Paris of IIIrd Army and the Army of the Meuse119
Investment of Paris (19th September)124
First Negotiations for Peace129
Reduction of Toul (23rd September)130
Reduction of Strasburg (28th September)131
Operations round Paris to 15th October139
Action of Artenay (10th October)145
Engagement at Orleans (11th October)146
Reduction of Soissons (15th October)149
Storming of Châteaudun (18th October)151
Sortie against Malmaison (21st October)153
Storming of Le Bourget (30th October)156
Sortie from Metz against Bellevue (7th October)162
[x]Capitulation of Metz (27th October)165
New Distribution of the Army166
Operations of the XIVth Corps in the South-East (October)166
Reduction of Schlettstadt (24th October)172
Reduction of Breisach (10th November)174
Reduction of Verdun (9th November)175
Advance of Ist and IInd Armies (up to mid-November)177
Engagement at Coulmiers (9th November)181
Operations of the Grand Duke of Mecklenburg187
Situation of IInd Army (second half of November)189
Battle of Beaune la Rolande (28th November)192
Advance of the Army of the Loire to the relief of Paris197
Battle of Loigny—Poupry (2nd December)199
Paris in November204
Attempt of the Army of Paris to break out (30th November and 2nd December)207
Advance of the Ist Army in November216
Battle of Amiens (17th November)217
Reduction of La Fère (27th November)221
Reduction of Thionville (24th November)222
Investment of Belfort in November223
Battle of Orleans (3rd and 4th December)224
Offensive Operations South, East, and West233
Fighting of the Grand Duke of Mecklenburg (7th—10th December)235
Interruption of important offensive operations in December245
The XIVth Corps in December250
The Ist Army in December252
Reduction of Mézières (1st January, 1871)257
Paris in December259
Battle of Le Bourget (December 21st)261
Bombing of Mont-Avron (December 27)264
The Army of the East under General Bourbaki266
Advance of the IInd Army to Le Mans269
Battle in front of Le Mans (10th—12th January)284
Occurrences northward of Paris during January303
Battle of Bapaume (January 3rd)305
Combat on the Lower Seine (January 4th)308
Fall of Péronne (January 9)310
Battle of St. Quentin (19th January)316
Occurrences in the South-Eastern Seat of War up to 17th January324
Belfort Siege324
Transfer of the French Army of the East to the South-Eastern Theater of War (late December)328
Action at Villersexel (January 9)331
Battle on the Lisaine (15th—17th January)338
The Artillery Attack on Paris (January, 1871)349
[xi] Battle of Mont Valérien (19th January)355
Prosecution of the Artillery Attack on Paris to the Armistice361
Operations of the Army of the South under General von Manteuffel366
General Hann von Weyhern's March on Dijon390
Occupation of the Departments of the Doubs, Jura, and Côte d'Or391
Prosecution of the Siege of Belfort393
The Armistice399
The Homeward March of the German Army406
APPENDIX.
On the pretended Council of War in the Wars of King William I.413
"Orders of Battle" of the French and German Armies in the first period of the war419
[xii]

THE FRANCO-GERMAN WAR.

PART I.

The days are gone by when, for dynastical ends, small armies of professional soldiers went to war to conquer a city, or a province, and then sought winter quarters or made peace. The wars of the present day call whole nations to arms; there is scarcely a family that has not had to bewail lost ones. The entire financial resources of the State are appropriated to military purposes, and the seasons of the year have no influence on the unceasing progress of hostilities. As long as nations exist distinct one from the other there will be quarrels that can only be settled by force of arms; but, in the interests of humanity, it is to be hoped that wars will become the less frequent, as they become the more terrible.

The days are long gone when small armies of professional soldiers went to war for dynastic reasons to conquer a city or a province, only to seek winter quarters or make peace afterward. Today's wars involve whole nations mobilizing; hardly a family has been untouched by loss. The entire financial resources of the state are directed towards military purposes, and the seasons of the year have no effect on the ongoing conflicts. As long as nations remain distinct from one another, there will be disputes that can only be resolved by force; however, for the sake of humanity, we can only hope that wars will become less frequent as they become even more devastating.

Generally speaking, it is no longer the ambition of monarchs which endangers peace; but the impulses of a nation, its dissatisfaction with its internal conditions, the strife of parties and the intrigues of their leaders. A declaration of war, so serious in its consequences, is more easily carried by a large assembly, of which no one of the members bears the sole responsibility, than by a single individual, however lofty his position; and a peace-loving sovereign is less rare than a parliament composed of wise men. The great wars of recent times have been declared against the wish and will of the reigning powers. Now-a-days the Bourse possesses so great influence that it is able to have armies called into the field merely to protect its interests. Mexico[2] and Egypt have had European armies of occupation inflicted upon them simply to satisfy the demands of the haute finance. To-day the question is not so much whether a nation is strong enough to make war, as whether its Government is powerful enough to prevent war. For example, united Germany has hitherto used her strength only to maintain European peace; while the weakness of a neighbouring Government continues to involve the gravest risk of war.

Generally speaking, it's no longer the ambitions of monarchs that threaten peace; instead, it's the motivations of a nation, its frustration with its internal issues, the conflicts among political parties, and the schemes of their leaders. A declaration of war, with its serious consequences, is more easily pushed through by a large assembly where no single member is solely responsible than by one individual, no matter how high their rank; and a peace-loving ruler is less common than a parliament made up of wise individuals. The major wars of recent times have been declared against the wishes of the ruling powers. Nowadays, the stock market has such significant influence that it can mobilize armies merely to protect its interests. Mexico[2] and Egypt have had European occupying armies imposed on them just to meet the demands of high finance. Today, the issue isn't whether a nation is strong enough to wage war, but whether its government is strong enough to prevent it. For instance, united Germany has so far used its strength only to maintain peace in Europe, while the weakness of a neighboring government continues to pose a serious risk of war.

It was, indeed, from such a condition of relations that the war of 1870—71 originated. A Napoleon on the throne of France was bound to justify his pretensions by political and military successes. Only temporarily was the French nation contented by the victories of its arms in remote fields of war; the triumphs of the Prussian armies excited jealousy, they were regarded as arrogant, as a challenge; and the French demanded revenge for Sadowa. The liberal spirit of the epoch set itself against the autocratic Government of the Emperor; he was forced to make concessions, his internal authority was weakened, and one day the nation was informed by its representatives that it desired war with Germany.

It was, in fact, from this situation that the war of 1870–71 started. A Napoleon on the throne of France had to prove his claims through political and military victories. The French people were only briefly satisfied by their military successes in far-off battles; the victories of the Prussian armies stirred jealousy and were seen as arrogant challenges, leading the French to seek revenge for Sadowa. The liberal spirit of the time pushed back against the Emperor's autocratic rule; he had to make concessions, his authority at home weakened, and eventually, the nation learned from its representatives that it wanted war with Germany.


War Preparations.

The wars carried on by France beyond seas, essentially on behalf of financial interests, had consumed immense sums and had undermined the discipline of the army. Her army was by no means in thorough preparedness for a great war, but, in the temper of the nation, the Spanish succession question furnished an opportune pretext on which to go to war. The French Reserves were called out on July 15th, and, as if the opportunity for a rupture was on no account to be let slip, only[3] four days later the French declaration of war was presented at Berlin.

The wars that France waged overseas, mainly for financial gain, had drained huge amounts of money and weakened the army’s discipline. The army was not fully prepared for a major conflict, yet the national mood made the Spanish succession issue a convenient excuse to go to war. The French Reserves were mobilized on July 15th, and just four days later, eager not to lose the chance for conflict, France presented its declaration of war in Berlin.

One Division of the French Army was ordered to the Spanish frontier as a corps of observation; only such troops as were absolutely necessary were left in Algiers and in Civita Vecchia; Paris and Lyons were sufficiently garrisoned. The entire remainder of the army: 332 battalions, 220 squadrons, 924 guns, in all about 300,000 men, formed the Army of the Rhine, which, divided into eight Corps, was, at any rate in the first instance, to be under the sole direction of a central head. The Emperor himself was the fitting person to undertake this weighty duty, pending whose arrival Marshal Bazaine was to command the gathering forces.

One division of the French Army was sent to the Spanish border as an observation corps; only the absolutely necessary troops were left in Algiers and Civita Vecchia; Paris and Lyons had enough garrison. The rest of the army: 332 battalions, 220 squadrons, 924 guns, totaling about 300,000 men, made up the Army of the Rhine, which, split into eight corps, was initially to be under the direction of a central command. The Emperor himself was the right person to take on this important responsibility, and until he arrived, Marshal Bazaine was to lead the assembled forces.

It is very probable that the French reckoned on the old dissensions of the German races. Not that they dared to look forward to the South Germans as allies, but they hoped to paralyze their offensive by an early victory, perhaps even to win them over to their side. It was true that Prussia by herself was still a mighty antagonist, and that her armed forces were of superior strength; but peradventure this advantage might be counterbalanced by rapidity of action.

It’s likely that the French relied on the old disagreements among the German states. They didn’t think of South Germans as allies, but they hoped to weaken their efforts with an early victory, maybe even turn them to their side. It was true that Prussia alone was still a strong opponent, and that its military was more powerful; but perhaps this advantage could be offset by acting quickly.

The French plan of campaign was indeed based on the delivery of sudden unexpected attacks. The powerful fleet of war-ships and transports was to be utilized to land a considerable force in Northern Prussia, which should there engage a part of the Prussian troops, while the main body of the German army, it was assumed, would await the first French attack behind the strong defensive line of the Rhine. A French force was to cross the Rhine promptly, at and below Strasburg, thus avoiding the great German fortresses; its function being, at the very outset of the campaign, to cut off the South-German army charged with the defence of the Black Forest, and prevent it from effecting a junction with the North Germans. In the execution of this plan it was imperative that the[4] main body of the French army should be massed in Alsace. Railway accommodation, however, was so inadequate that in the first instance it was only possible to transport 100,000 men to Strasburg; 150,000 had to leave the railway at Metz, and remain there till they could be moved forward. Fifty thousand men in the Châlons camp were intended to serve as supports, and 115 battalions were destined for field service as soon as the National Guard should relieve them in the interior. The various Corps were distributed as follows:—

The French campaign plan was really about launching sudden and unexpected attacks. They intended to use a strong fleet of warships and transports to land a significant force in Northern Prussia, where they would engage part of the Prussian troops. Meanwhile, the main bulk of the German army was expected to wait for the first French strike behind the robust defensive line of the Rhine. A French force was supposed to cross the Rhine quickly, at and below Strasbourg, avoiding the major German fortresses. The goal at the start of the campaign was to cut off the South German army responsible for defending the Black Forest and prevent it from joining forces with the North Germans. To carry out this plan, it was crucial for the main part of the French army to be concentrated in Alsace. However, the railway system was so limited that initially only 100,000 men could be transported to Strasbourg; 150,000 had to disembark at Metz and stay there until they could move forward. Fifty thousand men from the Châlons camp were meant to serve as support, and 115 battalions were set to be deployed as soon as the National Guard relieved them in the interior. The various Corps were distributed as follows:—

Imperial Guard,General Bourbaki—Nancy.
Ist Corps,Marshal MacMahon—Strasburg.
IInd Corps,General Frossard—St. Avold.
IIIrd Corps,Marshal Bazaine—Metz.
IVth Corps,General Ladmirault—Thionville.
Vth Corps,General Failly—Bitsch.
VIth Corps,Marshal Canrobert—Châlons.
VIIth Corps,General Félix Douay—Belfort.

Thus while there were but two Corps in Alsace, there were five on the Moselle; and, so early as the day of the declaration of war, one of the latter, the IInd Corps, had been pushed forward close to the German frontier, about St. Avold and Forbach. General Frossard, its commander, was, however, under strict injunctions to commit himself to no serious undertaking.

Thus, while there were only two Corps in Alsace, there were five on the Moselle; and as early as the day of the declaration of war, one of those, the II Corps, had been moved forward close to the German border, near St. Avold and Forbach. However, General Frossard, its commander, was under strict orders not to engage in any serious operations.

The regiments had been hurried away from their peace stations before the arrival of their complement of men, and without waiting for their equipments. Meanwhile the called-out reservists accumulated in the depôts, overflowed the railway stations and choked the traffic. Their transmission to their destinations was at a standstill, for it was often unknown at the depôts where the regiments to which the reservists were to be sent were for the time encamped. When at length they joined they were destitute of the most necessary articles of equipment. The Corps and Divisions lacked trains, hospitals and nearly the whole of the personnel[5] of their administration. No magazines had been established in advance, and the troops were to depend on the stores in the fortresses. These were in a neglected state, for in the assured expectation that the armies would be almost immediately launched into the enemy's country they had received little attention. It was of a piece with this that the French Staff-officers had been provided with maps of Germany, but not of their own country. The Ministry of War in Paris was overwhelmed with claims, protestations, and expostulations, till finally it was left to the troops to help themselves as best they could. "On se débrouillera," was the hope of the authorities.

The regiments had been rushed away from their peaceful stations before their full complement of personnel arrived, and without waiting for their equipment. Meanwhile, the reservists called up were piling up in the depots, overflowing the train stations, and blocking traffic. Their transfer to their destinations was at a standstill because it was often unclear at the depots where the regiments they were supposed to join were currently camped. When they finally arrived, they were lacking the most essential gear. The Corps and Divisions were missing trains, hospitals, and almost all of their administrative personnel. No supply depots had been set up in advance, so the troops had to rely on the supplies in the fortresses. These were in poor condition, as there had been an expectation that the armies would be quickly launched into enemy territory and they had received little care. In line with this, the French staff officers had maps of Germany but none of their own country. The Ministry of War in Paris was overwhelmed with claims, protests, and complaints, leaving it up to the troops to fend for themselves as best they could. "On se débrouillera," was the authorities' hope.

When the Emperor arrived at Metz eight days after the declaration of war, the forces were not yet up to their strength, and even the precise whereabouts of whole bodies of troops was for the time unknown. He ordered the advance of the army, but his Marshals protested that its internal plight was so unsatisfactory as to make this impossible for the time. The general conviction was gradually impressing itself on the French, that instead of continuing to aim at invasion of the enemy's country, their exertions would have to be confined to the defence of their own territory. A strong German army was reported to be assembling between Mayence and Coblentz; and instead of reinforcements being sent forward from Metz to Strasburg, much heavier ones would have to be ordered from the Rhine to the Saar. The determination to invade South Germany was already abandoned; the fleet sailed, but without carrying a force to be landed on the north German coast.

When the Emperor got to Metz eight days after the war was declared, the troops weren't at full strength, and even the exact locations of entire units were unknown at that time. He ordered the army to advance, but his Marshals argued that the situation within the army was so poor that it wasn't possible right now. It was becoming clear to the French that instead of focusing on invading enemy territory, they would need to concentrate on defending their own land. A large German army was reported to be gathering between Mayence and Coblentz; rather than sending reinforcements from Metz to Strasburg, much larger ones would need to be called in from the Rhine to the Saar. The plan to invade South Germany had already been scrapped; the fleet set sail, but without troops to land on the north German coast.

Germany had been surprised by the declaration of war, but she was not unprepared. That was a possibility which had been foreseen.

Germany was caught off guard by the declaration of war, but she wasn't unprepared. That was something that had been anticipated.

After the withdrawal of Austria from the German connection, Prussia had taken upon itself the sole leadership, and had gradually formed closer relations with the South-German States. The idea of national[6] unification had been revived, and found an echo in the patriotic sentiments of the entire people.

After Austria pulled out of the German Confederation, Prussia took on the leadership role itself and gradually built closer ties with the South German states. The idea of national unification was reignited and resonated with the patriotic feelings of the entire population.

The mobilization machinery of the North-German army had been elaborated from year to year, in accord with the changing conditions, by the combined exertions of the War Ministry and the General Staff. Every branch of the administration throughout the country had been kept informed of all it needed to know in this relation. The Berlin authorities had also come to a confidential understanding with the Chiefs of the General Staffs of the South-German States on all important points. The principle was established that Prussian assistance was not to be reckoned on for the defence of any particular point, such as the Black Forest; and that South Germany would be best protected by an offensive movement into Alsace from the middle Rhine, to be effectively supported by a large army massed there. That the Governments of Bavaria, Würtemberg, Baden and Hesse, to all appearance uncovering their own territories, were ready to place their contingents under the command of King William, proved their entire confidence in the Prussian leadership.

The mobilization system of the North-German army had been developed over the years, adapting to changing conditions through the joint efforts of the War Ministry and the General Staff. Every part of the administration across the country had been kept updated on everything it needed to know in this regard. The Berlin authorities had also established a confidential agreement with the Chiefs of the General Staffs of the South-German States on all important issues. It was agreed that Prussian help shouldn't be expected for the defense of specific locations, like the Black Forest; instead, South Germany would be better protected through an offensive move into Alsace from the middle Rhine, effectively backed by a large army assembled there. The fact that the governments of Bavaria, Württemberg, Baden, and Hesse, seemingly exposing their own territories, were willing to place their forces under King William's command showed their complete trust in Prussian leadership.

This understanding enabled the preparations which it entailed to be proceeded with. The train and march tables were worked out for each body of troops, with the most minute directions as to the respective starting-points, the day and hour of departure, the duration of the journey, the refreshment stations, and points of detrainment. In the locality of concentration cantonments were assigned to each Corps and Division, and magazines were established with due regard to the most convenient sites; and thus, when the stroke of war inevitably impended, there was required only the Royal signature to start the whole mighty movement in its smooth, swift course. Nothing needed to be changed in the directions originally given; it sufficed to follow the plans previously thought out and prepared.

This understanding allowed the necessary preparations to move forward. The train and march schedules were created for each unit of troops, with detailed instructions about the starting points, the day and hour of departure, the length of the journey, the rest stops, and points of disembarkation. In the area of concentration, camp locations were assigned to each Corps and Division, and storage facilities were set up with careful consideration of the most convenient locations; thus, when the war was about to start, all that was needed was the Royal signature to set the entire operation in motion smoothly and quickly. No changes were required in the original instructions; it was enough to follow the plans that had been previously developed and prepared.

The aggregated mobile forces were formed into three[7] separate Armies, on the basis of an elaborate tabular statement drawn up by the Chief of the Prussian General Staff.

The combined mobile forces were organized into three[7] distinct Armies, based on a detailed table created by the Chief of the Prussian General Staff.

The Ist Army, under the command of General von Steinmetz, consisted of, in the first instance, only the VIIth and VIIIth Corps, with one Division of cavalry; 60,000 men all told. It was ordered to assemble at Wittlich and form the right wing.

The Ist Army, led by General von Steinmetz, initially included only the VIIth and VIIIth Corps, along with one Division of cavalry; a total of 60,000 men. It was directed to gather at Wittlich and establish the right wing.

The IInd Army, under the command of Prince Frederick Charles, consisted of the IIIrd, IVth, Xth, and Guard Corps, with two Divisions of cavalry. Assembling in the vicinity of Homburg and Neunkirchen, it was to form the centre, with a strength of 134,000 men.

The 2nd Army, led by Prince Frederick Charles, was made up of the 3rd, 4th, 10th, and Guard Corps, along with two cavalry divisions. Gathering near Homburg and Neunkirchen, it was set to form the center, with a total strength of 134,000 troops.

The IIIrd Army, under the command of the Crown Prince of Prussia, consisted of the Vth and XIth Prussian, and the Ist and IInd Bavarian Corps, the Würtemberg and Baden Field Divisions, with one Division of cavalry. Its approximate strength was 130,000 men; it was to constitute the left wing, and to concentrate about Landau and Rastatt.

The Third Army, led by the Crown Prince of Prussia, was made up of the Fifth and Eleventh Prussian Corps, the First and Second Bavarian Corps, the Württemberg and Baden Field Divisions, along with one cavalry division. Its estimated strength was around 130,000 troops; it was tasked with forming the left wing and concentrating around Landau and Rastatt.

The IXth Corps, consisting of the 18th and the Hesse Divisions, was along with the XIIth Royal Saxon Corps to form a reserve of 60,000 men in front of Mayence, for the reinforcement of the IInd Army to a strength of 194,000 men.

The 9th Corps, made up of the 18th and Hesse Divisions, along with the 12th Royal Saxon Corps, was set up as a reserve of 60,000 men in front of Mainz, to boost the 2nd Army's strength to 194,000 men.

The three Armies numbered together 384,000 men.

The three armies together had a total of 384,000 men.

There still remained the Ist, IInd, and VIth Corps, numbering 100,000 men; but they were not at first included, as railway transport for them was not available for three weeks to come. The 17th Division and certain bodies of Landwehr troops were detailed to defend the coasts.

There were still the 1st, 2nd, and 6th Corps, totaling 100,000 men; however, they were not initially included because railway transport for them wouldn’t be available for another three weeks. The 17th Division and some Landwehr troops were assigned to defend the coasts.

It is apparent that numerically the German armies were considerably superior to the French. Inclusive of the garrisons and reserves about one million of men and over 200,000 horses were on the ration list.

It is clear that in terms of numbers, the German armies were significantly greater than the French. Including the garrisons and reserves, about one million men and over 200,000 horses were on the ration list.

On the night of July 16th the Royal order for mobilization was issued, and when his Majesty[8] arrived in Mayence fourteen days later, he found 300,000 men assembled on the Rhine and beyond.

On the night of July 16th, the Royal order for mobilization was issued, and when His Majesty[8] arrived in Mayence fourteen days later, he found 300,000 men gathered on the Rhine and beyond.

The plan of campaign submitted by the Chief of the General Staff, and accepted by the King, proves that officer to have had his eye fixed, from the first, upon the capture of the enemy's capital, the possession of which is of more importance in France than in other countries. On the way thither the hostile forces were to be driven as persistently as possible back from the fertile southern provinces into the more confined background to the north. But beyond everything the plan of campaign was based on the resolve to attack the enemy at once, wherever found, and keep the German forces always so compact that this could be done with the advantage of superior numbers. The specific dispositions for the accomplishment of those objects were left to be adopted on the spot; the advance to the frontier was alone pre-arranged in every detail.

The campaign plan proposed by the Chief of the General Staff and approved by the King shows that he was focused from the start on capturing the enemy's capital, which is more crucial in France than in other countries. Along the way, the enemy forces were to be pushed back as much as possible from the fertile southern regions into the more restricted areas to the north. Most importantly, the campaign plan was centered on the decision to attack the enemy immediately, wherever they were found, and to keep the German forces tightly grouped to ensure they could do this with the advantage of superior numbers. The specific arrangements for achieving these goals were to be made on-site; only the advance to the frontier was fully planned out in detail.

It is a delusion to imagine that a plan of campaign can be laid down far ahead and fulfilled with exactitude. The first collision with the enemy creates a new situation in accordance with its result. Some things intended will have become impracticable; others, which originally seemed impossible, become feasible. All that the leader of an army can do is to form a correct estimate of the circumstances, to decide for the best for the moment, and carry out his purpose unflinchingly.

It’s a misconception to think that a battle plan can be made far in advance and executed perfectly. The first encounter with the enemy changes the situation based on the outcome. Some planned actions will become unworkable; others that initially seemed impossible might turn out to be doable. All an army leader can do is assess the situation accurately, make the best decision for that moment, and pursue their goal confidently.

The advance of the French troops to the frontier, while as yet imperfectly mobilized, which was an extremely hazardous measure in itself, was evidently with the intent of utilizing the temporary advantage of having a superior force at immediate disposition by taking at unawares the German armies in the act of developing their advance-movements. But, notwithstanding, the German commanders did not deviate from their purpose of promptly effecting this first advance in front of the Rhine. The railway transport of the Corps of the IInd and IIIrd Armies, however,[9] ended at the Rhine; thence the troops marched on foot into the cantonments prepared on the left bank of the river. They moved in echelon, advancing only so many at a time as would make room for the body in rear, in the first instance to the line Bingen-Dürkheim-Landau. The farther advance towards the frontier was not to be undertaken until the Divisions and Corps were all assembled, and provided with the necessary trains; and then they were to march forward in a state of readiness to confront the enemy at any moment.

The movement of the French troops to the border, even though they were not fully mobilized, was a very risky action on its own. It was clearly aimed at taking advantage of their temporary numeric superiority by catching the German armies off guard while they were preparing their advance. However, the German commanders remained focused on making their own first move across the Rhine. The railway transport for the II and III Armies, though, ended at the Rhine; from there, the troops marched on foot to the camps set up on the left bank of the river. They moved in order, advancing only as many troops at a time as could create space for those behind them, initially to the Bingen-Dürkheim-Landau line. Further movement toward the border would not happen until all the Divisions and Corps were gathered and supplied with the necessary transport; only then would they move forward ready to face the enemy at any moment.

The massing of the Ist Army appeared to be less threatened, because its route was protected by neutral territory, and was covered by the garrisons of Trèves, Saarlouis and Saarbrücken, the German outposts on the Saar.

The buildup of the Ist Army seemed less at risk because its route was safeguarded by neutral land and was backed by the garrisons of Trèves, Saarlouis, and Saarbrücken, the German outposts along the Saar.

The Ist Army, 50,000 strong, was concentrated at Wadern, in the first days of August. The IInd Army, which meanwhile had been increased to a strength of 194,000 men, had pushed forward its cantonments to Alsenz-Günnstadt, at the farther base of the Haardt Mountains, a position which had been thoroughly inspected by an officer of the General Staff, and where the troops might confidently await an attack. The 5th and 6th cavalry Divisions were reconnoitring the country in front. The IIIrd Army was still assembling on both banks of the Rhine.

The Ist Army, made up of 50,000 troops, was gathered at Wadern in the early days of August. The IInd Army, which had now grown to a total of 194,000 soldiers, had moved its camps to Alsenz-Günnstadt, at the far end of the Haardt Mountains. This location had been thoroughly checked by a General Staff officer, where the soldiers could confidently prepare for an attack. The 5th and 6th Cavalry Divisions were scouting the area ahead. The IIIrd Army was still gathering on both sides of the Rhine.

The French so far had made no serious attempt at Saarbrücken; Lieutenant-Colonel Pestel, with one battalion and three squadrons, was able successfully to withstand their petty attacks. It had meanwhile been observed that the hostile forces were moving farther to the right, towards Forbach and Bitsch. This seemed to indicate that the two French Corps known to be about Belfort and Strasburg, might purpose crossing the Rhine and marching through the Black Forest. It seemed therefore all the more important that the IIIrd Army should be set in motion as early as possible, for one[10] thing to protect the right bank of the Upper Rhine by an advance on the left; for another, to cover the left flank of the IInd Army during its advance.

The French had not made any serious attempts on Saarbrücken so far; Lieutenant-Colonel Pestel, with one battalion and three squadrons, was able to successfully fend off their minor attacks. Meanwhile, it had been noticed that the enemy forces were shifting further to the right, towards Forbach and Bitsch. This seemed to suggest that the two French Corps based around Belfort and Strasburg might plan to cross the Rhine and march through the Black Forest. Therefore, it became even more crucial for the IIIrd Army to be mobilized as soon as possible, both to protect the right bank of the Upper Rhine by advancing on the left, and to cover the left flank of the IInd Army during its advance.

A telegraphic order to that effect was despatched on the evening of July 30th, but the Head-quarters of the IIIrd Army wished to wait for the arrival of the VIth Corps and of the trains. Whereupon, regardless of this delay, the IInd Army was put in march towards the Saar, where the French were beginning to be active.

A telegram was sent out that evening on July 30th, but the headquarters of the IIIrd Army wanted to wait for the VIth Corps and the trains to arrive. Despite this delay, the IInd Army began marching towards the Saar, where the French were starting to take action.

The time had gone by when they might have taken advantage of their over-hasty mobilization; the inefficient condition of the troops had paralyzed every attempt at activity. France had been long waiting for the news of a victory, and something had to be done to appease public impatience. So, in order to do something, it was resolved (as is usual in such circumstances) to undertake a reconnoissance in force, and, it may be added, with the usual result.

The time had passed when they could have made the most of their rushed mobilization; the poor state of the troops had stopped any attempts at action. France had been waiting for news of a victory for a long time, and something needed to be done to ease public frustration. So, to take some action, it was decided (as often happens in these situations) to carry out a strong reconnaissance, and, as usual, it led to the expected outcome.

On August 2nd three entire Army Corps were set in motion against three battalions, four squadrons, and one battery in Saarbrücken. The Emperor himself and the Prince Imperial shared in the enterprise. The IIIrd Corps advanced on Völklingen, the Vth through Saargemünd, the IInd on Saarbrücken.

On August 2nd, three entire Army Corps were activated against three battalions, four squadrons, and one battery in Saarbrücken. The Emperor himself and the Prince Imperial took part in the operation. The III Corps moved toward Völklingen, the V Corps through Saargemünd, and the II Corps on Saarbrücken.

Saarbrücken was evacuated after a gallant defence and repeated counter-strokes, but the French did not press across the Saar; convinced, possibly, that they had wasted their strength in a stroke in the air, and had nowhere gained any insight into the dispositions of the enemy.

Saarbrücken was evacuated after a brave defense and repeated counterattacks, but the French did not advance across the Saar; possibly believing that they had exhausted their energy in a pointless effort and had not gained any understanding of the enemy's positions.

The French military chiefs now hesitated for a long while between conflicting resolutions. Orders were given and recalled on the strength of mere rumours. The left wing was reinforced because 40,000 Prussians were supposed to have marched through Trèves, the Guard received contradictory orders, and the bare apparition of a small German force about[11] Lörrach in the Black Forest occasioned the order that the VIIth Corps must remain in Alsace. Thus the French forces were straggled over the wide area between the Nied and the Upper Rhine, while the Germans were advancing in compact masses towards the Saar.

The French military leaders were stuck for a long time between different decisions. Orders were issued and then taken back based on just rumors. The left wing got reinforcements because it was thought that 40,000 Prussians had marched through Trèves, the Guard received conflicting orders, and the mere sighting of a small German force near[11]Lörrach in the Black Forest led to the command that the VIIth Corps must stay in Alsace. As a result, the French forces were scattered across the wide area between the Nied and the Upper Rhine, while the Germans were moving forward in tight formations toward the Saar.

This scattered state of their forces finally induced the French leaders to divide them into two separate Armies. Marshal MacMahon took command, but only provisionally, of the Ist, VIIth, and Vth Corps, of which the latter had therefore to draw in to him from Bitsch. The other Corps remained under Marshal Bazaine, with the exception of the Imperial Guard, the command of which the Emperor reserved to himself.

This disorganized state of their forces eventually led the French leaders to split them into two separate armies. Marshal MacMahon took temporary command of the 1st, 7th, and 5th Corps, which meant the latter had to pull back to him from Bitsch. The other Corps stayed under Marshal Bazaine, except for the Imperial Guard, which the Emperor kept under his own command.

It had now become a pressing necessity to protect the left wing of the advancing IInd German Army against the French forces in Alsace, and the IIIrd Army was therefore ordered to cross the frontier on August 4th, without waiting any longer for its trains. The Ist Army, forming the right wing, was in complete readiness near Wadern and Losheim, three or four days' march nearer to the Saar than the IInd Army in the centre. It received the order to concentrate in the neighbourhood of Tholey and there halt for the present. For one thing, this army, the weakest of the three, could not be exposed single-handed to an encounter with the enemy's main force; and for another, it was available to serve as an offensive flank in case the IInd Army should meet the enemy on emerging from the forest zone of the Palatinate.

It had become urgent to protect the left flank of the advancing II German Army against the French forces in Alsace, so the III Army was ordered to cross the border on August 4th, without waiting any longer for its supply trains. The I Army, positioned on the right flank, was fully prepared near Wadern and Losheim, three or four days' march closer to the Saar than the II Army in the center. It received orders to concentrate near Tholey and hold position for now. For one, this army, the weakest of the three, couldn’t face the enemy's main force alone; and for another, it could be used as an offensive flank if the II Army encountered the enemy when coming out of the forest area in the Palatinate.

In the execution of this order, the Ist Army had so extended its cantonments southward that they trenched on the line of march of the IInd Army, and it had to evacuate the quarters about Ottweiler in favour of the latter. This involved a difficulty, as all the villages to the north were full, and as room had also to be found for the Ist Corps, now advancing by Birkenfeld. General von Steinmetz therefore decided to march his whole[12] army in the direction of Saarlouis and Saarbrücken. The IInd Army, on August 4th, stood assembled ready for action, and received orders to deploy on the farther side of the forest zone of Kaiserslautern.

In carrying out this order, the Ist Army had spread its camps southward so much that they interfered with the route of the IInd Army, forcing them to leave their positions near Ottweiler for the latter. This created a challenge since all the villages to the north were full, and they also needed to make space for the Ist Corps, which was now moving through Birkenfeld. General von Steinmetz therefore decided to march his entire[12] army towards Saarlouis and Saarbrücken. The IInd Army, on August 4th, gathered and prepared for action, receiving orders to deploy on the far side of the forest area near Kaiserslautern.


Battle of Weissenburg.

(August 4th.)

On this day the Corps of the IIIrd Army, consisting of 128 battalions, 102 squadrons, and 80 batteries, which had been assembled in bivouac behind the Klingsbach, crossed the French frontier, marching on a broad front to reach the Lauter between Weissenburg and Lauterburg. This stream affords an exceptionally strong defensive position, but on August 4th only one weak Division and a cavalry brigade of the Ist French Corps covered this point, the main body of that Corps being still on the march towards the Palatinate.

On this day, the IIIrd Army Corps, made up of 128 battalions, 102 squadrons, and 80 batteries, which had set up camp behind the Klingsbach, crossed the French border, advancing on a wide front to reach the Lauter River between Weissenburg and Lauterburg. This river provides a very strong defensive position, but on August 4th, only one weak division and a cavalry brigade from the Ist French Corps were stationed there, while the main part of that Corps was still on the way to the Palatinate.

Early in the morning the Bavarians forming the right wing encountered a lively resistance before the walls of Weissenburg, which were too strong to be stormed. But very soon after the two Prussian Corps crossed the Lauter lower down. General von Bose led forward the XIth Corps (which he commanded) with intent to turn the French right flank on the Geisberg, while General von Kirchbach, with the Vth Corps (which he commanded) advanced against the enemy's front. Thirty field-guns were meanwhile massed against the railway station of Weissenburg. It and subsequently the town were taken, after a bloody struggle.

Early in the morning, the Bavarians on the right wing faced strong resistance at the walls of Weissenburg, which were too fortified to be attacked directly. However, soon after, the two Prussian Corps crossed the Lauter further down. General von Bose moved the XI Corps, which he commanded, forward to try to outflank the French on the Geisberg, while General von Kirchbach advanced with the V Corps he commanded against the enemy's front. Meanwhile, thirty field guns were positioned against the railway station at Weissenburg. The station, and later the town, were captured after a fierce battle.

So early as ten o'clock General Douay had ordered a retreat, which was seriously threatened by the movement against the Geisburg; and the château of that name, a very defensible building, was most obstinately defended to enable the French to retire. The Grenadiers[13] of the King's Regiment No. 7 in vain assailed it by storm, suffering heavy loss; nor did its defenders surrender until, with the greatest difficulty, artillery had been dragged up on to the height.

So early as ten o'clock, General Douay ordered a retreat due to the serious threat posed by the movement against the Geisburg. The château of that name, a well-fortified building, was stubbornly defended to allow the French to withdraw. The Grenadiers of the King's Regiment No. 7 attacked it in vain, suffering heavy losses; its defenders didn't surrender until, with great effort, artillery had been hauled up to the heights.

The French Division, which had been attacked by three German Corps, effected a retreat after an obstinate struggle, though in great disorder, having suffered much loss. Its gallant Commander had been killed. The Germans had to bewail a proportionately considerable loss; their casualties were 91 officers and 1460 men. General von Kirchbach had been wounded while fighting in the foremost rank.

The French Division, which had been attacked by three German Corps, managed to retreat after a fierce fight, although it was very disorganized and had suffered significant losses. Its brave Commander had been killed. The Germans also faced a considerable loss; their casualties included 91 officers and 1,460 men. General von Kirchbach was injured while fighting at the front.

The 4th Division of cavalry had met with much delay in the course of a nineteen miles' march by the crossing of the columns of infantry. It did not reach the scene of combat, and all touch of the enemy, now retiring to the westward, was lost.

The 4th Division of cavalry faced significant delays during a nineteen-mile march due to crossing infantry columns. They didn’t arrive at the battlefield, and any contact with the enemy, who was now retreating to the west, was completely lost.

Uncertain as to the direction whence fresh hostile forces might be approaching, the IIIrd Army advanced on the 5th of August by diverging roads in the direction of Hagenau and Reichshofen; yet not so far apart but that it should be possible for the Corps to reconcentrate in one short march. The Crown Prince intended to allow his troops a rest on the following day, so as to have them fresh for a renewed attack as soon as the situation was made clear.

Uncertain about where new enemy forces might be coming from, the IIIrd Army advanced on August 5th along different roads towards Hagenau and Reichshofen; however, they stayed close enough that the Corps could regroup with a short march. The Crown Prince planned to give his troops a break the next day to ensure they were rested for a renewed attack once the situation became clearer.

But already, that same evening, the Bavarians on the right flank and the Vth Corps in the front had a sharp encounter with the enemy, who showed behind the Sauer in considerable strength. It was to be assumed that Marshal MacMahon had brought up the VIIth Corps from Strasburg, but it remained a question whether he intended to join Marshal Bazaine by way of Bitsch, or whether, having secured his line of retreat thither, he meant to accept battle at Wörth. Yet again there was the possibility that he might himself initiate the offensive. The Crown Prince, to make sure in any case of a preponderance of force, determined[14] to concentrate his army in the neighbourhood of Sulz on August 6th. The IInd Bavarian Corps received separate instructions to watch the road from Bitsch with one Division; the other Division was to strike the hostile attack in flank on the western bank of the Sauer, in the event of artillery fire about Wörth being heard.

But that same evening, the Bavarians on the right flank and the Vth Corps up front had a fierce encounter with the enemy, who was showing strong numbers behind the Sauer. It was likely that Marshal MacMahon had brought up the VIIth Corps from Strasburg, but it was unclear whether he planned to join Marshal Bazaine via Bitsch or if, having secured his retreat route there, he intended to engage in battle at Wörth. There was also the chance that he might launch an attack himself. The Crown Prince, to ensure he had overwhelming force, decided to gather his army near Sulz on August 6th. The II Bavarian Corps received specific instructions to monitor the road from Bitsch with one Division; the other Division was to counter the enemy's attack from the side on the western bank of the Sauer if artillery fire was heard near Wörth.

Marshal MacMahon was endeavouring with all his might to concentrate his three Corps, and he really had the intention to make an immediate attack on his invading foe. A Division of the VIIth Corps, which had but just been sent to Mülhausen to strengthen the defence of Alsace, was at once recalled to Hagenau, and early on the 6th formed the right wing of the strong position which the Ist Corps had taken up behind the Sauer, and in front of Fröschwiller, Elsasshausen, and Eberbach. On the left, Lespart's Division of the Vth Corps was expected from Bitsch, of which the other Divisions were only now on march from Saargemünd by way of Rohrbach. Meanwhile Ducrot's Division formed a refused flank on the French left.

Marshal MacMahon was doing everything he could to gather his three Corps, and he genuinely intended to launch an immediate attack on his invading enemy. A Division of the VII Corps, which had just been sent to Mülhausen to bolster the defense of Alsace, was quickly recalled to Hagenau and, early on the 6th, became the right wing of the strong position that the I Corps had established behind the Sauer, in front of Fröschwiller, Elsasshausen, and Eberbach. On the left, Lespart's Division of the V Corps was expected from Bitsch, with the other Divisions just now on their way from Saargemünd via Rohrbach. Meanwhile, Ducrot's Division formed a refused flank on the French left.

Neither the German nor the French leaders expected the collision before the following day, but when, as in this case, the adversaries are in so close proximity, the conflict may break out at any moment, even against the wish of the higher commanders.

Neither the German nor the French leaders expected the clash until the next day, but when, as in this situation, the enemies are so close to each other, the conflict can erupt at any moment, even against the wishes of the higher commanders.


Battle of Wörth.

(August 6th.)

After a good deal of skirmishing between the respective outposts during the night, the Commander of the 20th German Brigade[1] thought it expedient to seize[15] a passage over the Sauer, which flowed just in his front and constituted a serious obstacle. The bridge leading to Wörth had been destroyed, but the sharp-shooters waded through the river, and at seven o'clock pressed into the town, which the French had left unoccupied.

After a lot of skirmishes between the respective outposts during the night, the Commander of the 20th German Brigade[1] decided it was necessary to take[15] a route across the Sauer, which flowed right in front of him and posed a significant barrier. The bridge to Wörth had been destroyed, but the sharpshooters waded through the river and pushed into the town at seven o'clock, which the French had left vacant.

Soon enough they realized that before them was a numerous enemy in a strong position.

Soon enough, they realized that in front of them was a large enemy force in a strong position.

The broad meadows of the Sauer all lie within effective range of the commanding slopes on the right bank; and the long-ranging chassepôt fire could not but tell heavily. On the French side of the river the terrain was dotted with vineyards and hop-gardens, which afforded great advantages for defensive purposes.

The wide meadows of the Sauer are all within range of the commanding slopes on the right bank, and the long-range Chassepot fire had a significant impact. On the French side of the river, the landscape was filled with vineyards and hop gardens, which provided strong advantages for defense.

The combat which had begun at Wörth was broken off after lasting half an hour, but the artillery of both sides had taken part in it, and the sound of cannon-fire had been the signal prescribed to Hartmann's IInd Bavarian Corps, acting on which it now advanced from Langensulzbach, and was soon engaged in a brisk fight with the left flank of the French. The latter on their side had advanced on their right to the attack of Gunstett, where they came in contact with the advancing XIth Prussian Corps.

The fighting that started at Wörth stopped after about thirty minutes, but both sides' artillery had been involved, and the sound of cannon fire was the signal for Hartmann's II Bavarian Corps to move forward from Langensulzbach. They soon found themselves in a lively battle with the French left flank. Meanwhile, the French had advanced on their right to attack Gunstett, where they encountered the advancing XI Prussian Corps.

The din of battle, rolling from the north and south alike, was heard by the Vth Corps in its position opposite to Wörth; and it seemed imperative that it should engage with vigour the enemy's centre in order to hinder him from throwing himself with all his strength on one or other of the German flanks.

The noise of battle, coming from both the north and south, was heard by the Vth Corps as it positioned itself opposite Wörth; and it seemed crucial that it should actively engage the enemy's center to prevent him from concentrating all his power on either of the German flanks.

The artillery was brought up, and by ten o'clock 108 guns were in action on the eastern slope of the Sauer valley.

The artillery was brought up, and by ten o'clock, 108 guns were in action on the eastern slope of the Sauer valley.

Some infantry detachments waded breast-high through the river, but this dashing attempt, undertaken in inadequate strength, miscarried, and it was only by strenuous efforts that a foothold was maintained on the other side.[16]

Some infantry groups waded through the river with water up to their chests, but this bold move, made with insufficient forces, failed, and it was only through hard work that they managed to keep a foothold on the other side.[16]

The Crown Prince sent orders that nothing was to be undertaken that would bring on a battle on that day. But by this time the Vth Corps was so seriously engaged that the fight could not be broken off without obvious disadvantage. General von Kirchbach therefore determined to continue the contest on his own responsibility.

The Crown Prince ordered that nothing should be done to provoke a battle that day. However, by this point, the Vth Corps was so heavily involved that it couldn’t be pulled back without significant disadvantage. General von Kirchbach therefore decided to keep fighting on his own authority.

The frontal attack was an undertaking of great difficulty, and could scarcely succeed unless with the co-operation of another on the flank. But at this juncture the Bavarians, who, in position as they were on the right, could have afforded this co-operation, obeyed the breaking off command, which had also reached them in the course of the fighting, and withdrew to Langensulzbach. There was, however, the XIth Corps in position on the left, eager to strike in. It seized the Albrechts-häuser farm, and pressed forward into the Niederwald.

The frontal attack was a challenging effort that could hardly succeed without support from another force on the side. However, at this moment, the Bavarians, who were stationed on the right and could have provided that support, followed the order to withdraw, which had also come to them during the fighting, and retreated to Langensulzbach. Meanwhile, the XIth Corps was positioned on the left and was eager to join the fight. They took control of the Albrechts-häuser farm and advanced into the Niederwald.

In front of Wörth the battle hung, consisting of a succession of attacks renewed again and again on either side; each assailant in turn getting worsted, in consequence of the nature of the country. By degrees, however, the collective battalions, and finally the artillery of the Vth Corps, were brought over to the west bank of the Sauer; while the XIth Corps had already won there a firm point of support for further advance.

In front of Wörth, the battle raged on, marked by a series of attacks that were launched repeatedly by both sides; each attacker would end up losing, due to the landscape. Gradually, however, the combined battalions, along with the artillery of the Vth Corps, were moved over to the west bank of the Sauer; meanwhile, the XIth Corps had already secured a solid position there for further progress.

Just then, near Morsbronn, notwithstanding the evident unfavourable nature of the ground, two Cuirassier and one Lancer regiments of Michel's brigade hurled themselves with reckless daring on a body of German infantry taken in the act of wheeling to the right. But the 32nd Regiment, far from seeking cover, received in open order the charging mass of over 1000 horse with a steady fire which did great execution. The Cuirassiers especially suffered immense loss. Only a few horsemen broke through the firing line and gained the open ground; many were taken prisoners in the village, the remainder rode[17] in wild gallop as far as Walburg. There they encountered the Prussian 13th Hussars, suffered further loss, and disappeared from the field.

Just then, near Morsbronn, despite the clearly unfavorable terrain, two Cuirassier regiments and one Lancer regiment from Michel's brigade charged recklessly at a group of German infantry that was turning to the right. However, the 32nd Regiment, instead of taking cover, lined up and met the oncoming mass of over 1,000 cavalry with steady gunfire that caused significant damage. The Cuirassiers, in particular, faced heavy losses. Only a few horsemen made it through the firing line and reached open ground; many were captured in the village, while the rest galloped wildly as far as Walburg. There, they ran into the Prussian 13th Hussars, suffered even more losses, and vanished from the battlefield.

It is true that the infantry of the French right wing succeeded in driving back the foremost detachments of the Germans about Albrechts-häuser farm, but the further advance of the former was shattered by the fire of newly-unmasked artillery.

It’s true that the infantry on the French right flank managed to push back the leading units of the Germans near Albrechts-häuser farm, but their further advance was halted by the fire from newly revealed artillery.

When finally the last battalions had crossed the Sauer, the XIth Corps made its way through the Niederwald, fighting its way step by step. The northern edge of the forest was reached by 2.30, and there a junction was formed with the left flank of the Vth Corps. The burning village of Elsasshausen was carried by storm, and the little copse south of Fröschwiller was also won after a gallant defence.

When the last battalions finally crossed the Sauer, the XI Corps moved through the Niederwald, fighting their way forward step by step. They reached the northern edge of the forest by 2:30, where they connected with the left flank of the V Corps. The burning village of Elsasshausen was taken by storm, and the small grove south of Fröschwiller was also captured after a brave defense.

Thus crowded together in a limited space, the French army was in a situation of imminent danger. Its left flank, it is true, still held out against the renewed attack of the Bavarians, who had re-entered the action, but its front and right flank were terribly hard pressed, and even its retreat was seriously threatened. Marshal MacMahon therefore tried to obtain a breathing space by a heavy counter-stroke to the south. The weak German detachments standing to the east of Elsasshausen, thrown into confusion by the vehement attack, were in part driven back into the Niederwald, but were quickly rallied and brought up again. Here the French cavalry strove once more to change the fortunes of the day. Bonnemain's Division, notwithstanding the unfavourable nature of the ground, threw itself on the dishevelled front of the enemy, suffered terrible losses, and was shattered without having been able effectively to charge home.

Thus crowded together in a limited space, the French army was in imminent danger. Its left flank still held out against the renewed attack of the Bavarians, who had re-entered the fight, but its front and right flank were under severe pressure, and even its retreat was seriously threatened. Marshal MacMahon tried to buy some time with a strong counterattack to the south. The weak German detachments to the east of Elsasshausen, thrown into chaos by the intense assault, were partly pushed back into the Niederwald, but quickly regrouped and came back into action. Here, the French cavalry made another attempt to turn the tide of the battle. Bonnemain's Division, despite the unfavorable terrain, charged into the disorganized enemy front, suffered heavy casualties, and was effectively destroyed without being able to mount a successful charge.

The Würtembergers now came up from the south, and the Bavarians from the north. General von Bose, though twice wounded, led what of his troops he[18] could collect to the storm of the burning Fröschwiller, the enemy's last stronghold. The artillery moved up within case-shot range, and thus cleared the road for the infantry which was pushing forward from all sides. After maintaining to the utmost a resolute and gallant resistance until five o'clock, the French retreated in great disorder towards Reichshofen and Niederbronn.

The Würtembergers came up from the south, and the Bavarians from the north. General von Bose, despite being wounded twice, led whatever troops he could gather to the attack on the burning Fröschwiller, the enemy's last stronghold. The artillery moved up within close-range fire, clearing the path for the infantry that was advancing from all sides. After putting up a determined and brave resistance until five o'clock, the French retreated in great disarray toward Reichshofen and Niederbronn.

At the Falkenstein stream, Lespart's Division, just arrived on the field, made a short stand, but these fresh troops offered only brief resistance, and were swept away in the general rout.

At the Falkenstein stream, Lespart's Division, just arrived on the field, made a short stand, but these fresh troops offered only brief resistance and were swept away in the general rout.

This victory of the IIIrd Army had been dearly paid for with the loss of 489 officers and 10,000 men. The loss on the French side is not exactly known, but of prisoners alone they left 200 officers and 9000 men, and in the German hands there remained 33 guns and 2000 horses.

This victory of the IIIrd Army came at a heavy cost, with 489 officers and 10,000 soldiers lost. The exact casualties on the French side are unclear, but they surrendered 200 officers and 9,000 men. The Germans also captured 33 guns and 2,000 horses.

The disintegration of the French army must have been so complete as to throw it altogether out of hand. Only one brigade of Lespart's Division took the road by Bitsch to join the French main army at St. Avold; all the rest of the army, following an infectious impulse, rolled unhaltingly in a south-western direction towards Saverne.

The collapse of the French army must have been so total that it completely spiraled out of control. Only one brigade from Lespart's Division took the route through Bitsch to join the main French army at St. Avold; the rest of the army, driven by a contagious urge, moved relentlessly in a southwestern direction towards Saverne.

As in the Head-quarter of the IIIrd Army it had not been intended to fight on August 6th, the 4th Division of cavalry had not left its quarters in the rear, and was therefore not available to take up the pursuit; it did not reach Gunstett until nine o'clock in the evening. But, in order to be at hand at any rate for the next day, Prince Albert marched his command on during the night as far as Eberbach; after three hours' rest he started again, and after covering thirty-six miles,[2] came up in the evening with the rearguard of the enemy near Steinberg, at the foot of the Vosges. Without infantry it would have been impossible for the[19] Division to push farther, but the sight of it gave the enemy a fresh impulse of flight. The Ist Corps stampeded again in the night and reached Saarburg, where it joined the Vth Corps. Thus the French had a start of twenty-three and a half miles, and continued their retreat on Lunéville, unmolested by the Germans.

As the headquarters of the IIIrd Army hadn't planned to fight on August 6th, the 4th Division of cavalry didn't leave its base in the rear and wasn't available for pursuit; it didn't reach Gunstett until nine o'clock in the evening. However, to ensure they would be ready for the next day, Prince Albert marched his troops during the night as far as Eberbach; after resting for three hours, he set out again and covered thirty-six miles, coming up in the evening with the enemy's rearguard near Steinberg, at the foot of the Vosges. Without infantry, it would have been impossible for the Division to advance further, but seeing it motivated the enemy to flee again. The 1st Corps panicked overnight and made it to Saarburg, where it joined the 5th Corps. Thus, the French had a lead of twenty-three and a half miles and continued their retreat to Lunéville, unhindered by the Germans.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] General Walther von Montbary. It is Molkte's custom throughout this work, except in regard to his prime aversion, Prince Frederick Charles, to refrain from naming an officer whom by implication he is censuring, but this is simply a nuance, since he specifies the culprit's military position.

[1] General Walther von Montbary. Throughout this work, Molkte usually avoids naming an officer whom he is criticizing, except for his main dislike, Prince Frederick Charles. However, this is just a nuance, as he clearly identifies the officer's military position.

[2] Throughout the miles are English miles.

[2] Throughout the distances are English miles.


Battle of Spicheren.

(August 6th.)

Let us now turn to the events which occurred, on this same 6th of August, in another part of the theatre of war.

Let’s now look at what happened on this same 6th of August in another area of the battlefield.

The IInd Army, its southern (left) flank covered by the IIIrd Army, had been moving to the westward, while the Corps it still lacked were being brought up by railway. Its leading Corps, having traversed unmolested the long defiles of the forest-belt of Kaiserslautern, reached on the 5th the line Neunkirchen-Zweibrücken. The cavalry, scouting into French territory, reported that the enemy was retreating. Everything seemed to indicate that the French would await the attack of the Germans in a strong defensive position. The nearest position of the kind that offered was that on the farther bank of the Moselle, of which Metz protected one flank, Thionville the other. It was decided that if the French were found in that position, the Ist Army should hold the enemy in front, while the IInd made a circuit south of Metz, and so the enemy be forced either to retire or to fight. In case of disaster the IInd Army was to fall back on the IIIrd, now advancing over the Vosges.

The II Army, with its southern (left) flank protected by the III Army, had been moving westward while the Corps it still needed were being transported by train. Its leading Corps, having passed through the long paths of the Kaiserslautern forest without any problems, reached the line Neunkirchen-Zweibrücken on the 5th. The cavalry, scouting into French territory, reported that the enemy was retreating. Everything indicated that the French would wait for the Germans to attack from a strong defensive position. The closest option was on the other side of the Moselle, where Metz protected one flank and Thionville the other. It was decided that if the French were found in that position, the I Army would engage the enemy in front while the II would take a route south of Metz, forcing the enemy to either retreat or fight. In case of disaster, the II Army was to fall back on the III, which was now advancing over the Vosges.

The protrusion to the south-westward[3] of the Ist Army towards the Saar, which had not been intended by the[20] supreme Command, had brought its left wing in upon the line of march laid down for the IInd, and detachments of the two armies had to cross each other at Saarbrücken on the 6th. Thus there was indeed no lack of strength at that point; but as a battle on that day was neither expected nor probable, the synchronous arrival of troops had not been pre-arranged, and so detachments could only come up by quite unprescribed routes and arrive one after the other at different hours.

The south-westward extension of the Ist Army towards the Saar, which had not been planned by the supreme Command, caused its left wing to converge on the route set for the IInd Army, leading units from both armies to cross paths at Saarbrücken on the 6th. This resulted in a significant presence at that location; however, since a battle on that day was neither anticipated nor likely, the simultaneous arrival of troops had not been coordinated, so units could only approach via unplanned routes and arrive at different times throughout the day.

The 14th Division of the VIIth Corps was the first to reach Saarbrücken, towards noon on the 6th.

The 14th Division of the VII Corps was the first to arrive in Saarbrücken, around noon on the 6th.

General Frossard, considering his position there very hazardous, had left the night before, without waiting for permission, and had fallen back with the IInd Corps on Spicheren, where it had entrenched itself. The IIIrd, IVth, and Vth Corps were behind, at distances of from nine to nineteen miles, and the Imperial Guard was about twenty-three miles rearward. The Emperor, therefore, had it in his power to collect five Corps for a battle in the vicinity of Cocheren, or, on the other hand, to support Frossard with at least four Divisions, if that General were confident that his position was strong enough to hold.

General Frossard, seeing that his position was very risky, left the night before without waiting for permission and retreated with the II Corps to Spicheren, where they set up defenses. The III, IV, and V Corps were behind at distances ranging from nine to nineteen miles, and the Imperial Guard was about twenty-three miles back. Therefore, the Emperor had the ability to gather five Corps for a battle near Cocheren or, alternatively, to reinforce Frossard with at least four Divisions if the General believed that his position was secure enough to withstand an attack.

The range of heights which upheaves itself immediately behind Saarbrücken is capable of affording a serious obstacle to a hostile passage of the Saar. It was known that the French had evacuated those heights, but General von Kameke thought it prudent to seize them at once, in order to secure the debouche of the columns following him. When, in the forenoon, two squadrons of the 5th Cavalry Division showed themselves on the drill-ground on the ridge above the farther bank, they were greeted with a hot fire from the Spicheren heights. But as it seemed highly probable, from the previous behaviour of the French, that the force seen there was only the rear-guard of the retiring enemy, General von Kameke (commanding 14th Infantry Division) ordered an immediate attack,[21] since he had the promise of reinforcements. General von Zastrow (commanding VIIth Corps), as soon as he recognized that the 14th Division had involved itself in a serious engagement, allowed the 13th to go forward. General von Alvensleben (its commander) also ordered up to Saarbrücken all the available troops of the IIIrd Corps, and with equal promptitude General von Goeben (commanding VIIIth Corps) hurried thither the entire 16th Division. Generals von Döring (commanding 9th Infantry Brigade) and von Barnekow (commanding 16th Infantry Division), belonging respectively to these two Corps (IIIrd and VIIIth), had besides already struck forward from Tudweiler and Fischbach in the direction of the cannon-thunder, even before receiving orders to that effect.

The series of hills right behind Saarbrücken can pose a significant barrier for any enemy trying to cross the Saar. It was understood that the French had pulled back from these heights, but General von Kameke believed it was wise to take control of them immediately to secure the advance of the units following him. In the morning, when two squadrons of the 5th Cavalry Division appeared on the drill ground on the ridge above the opposite bank, they faced heavy fire from the Spicheren heights. However, since it seemed likely, based on the French's earlier actions, that the troops they encountered were just the rear-guard of the retreating enemy, General von Kameke (in command of the 14th Infantry Division) ordered an immediate attack,[21] assured that reinforcements would arrive. Once General von Zastrow (in command of VII Corps) realized that the 14th Division was engaged in a serious fight, he allowed the 13th Division to move forward. General von Alvensleben (its commander) also sent all available troops from the III Corps to Saarbrücken, and promptly, General von Goeben (in command of VIII Corps) dispatched the entire 16th Division to the scene. Generals von Döring (in command of the 9th Infantry Brigade) and von Barnekow (in command of the 16th Infantry Division), from these two Corps (III and VIII), had already moved ahead from Tudweiler and Fischbach toward the sound of the cannon fire, even before receiving any orders.

The position occupied by the French was one of exceptional advantage. In the centre projected the Red Hill (der Rothe Berg), a precipitous and almost inaccessible cliff; and the steep slopes on either side were densely wooded. On the left the massive buildings of the Stiering-Wendel ironworks furnished a separate defensive position.

The position held by the French was extremely advantageous. In the center stood Red Hill (der Rothe Berg), a steep and nearly unreachable cliff; the steep slopes on both sides were heavily forested. On the left, the large structures of the Stiering-Wendel ironworks provided an additional defensive stronghold.

Had the strength of the enemy been fully known the attack would certainly have been delayed until the whole of the 14th Division had arrived. As a matter of fact, at the beginning of the fight, about noon, only von François' Brigade (27th) had come up, and this force, in the effort to facilitate an attack on the naturally strong position held by the enemy's front, assailed in the first instance both his flanks.

Had the enemy's strength been fully understood, the attack would definitely have been postponed until the entire 14th Division had arrived. In reality, at the start of the fight around noon, only von François' Brigade (27th) was present, and this force, in an attempt to support an attack on the enemy's naturally strong position, first targeted both of his flanks.

At first it succeeded in making progress. On the left the 39th Regiment drove the swarms of hostile skirmishers out of the wood of Gifert, but then became exposed to the bitter fire of a French battalion lining the farther side of a deep hollow. On the right flank its 3rd Battalion, together with the 74th Regiment, seized the wood of Stiering. But the enemy's superior strength soon displayed itself in violent counter-attacks,[22] and when Von Woyna's[4] Brigade (28th) reached the field it had to furnish reinforcements to both flanks. Thus, at an early stage, intermingling of battalions and companies began, which increased with every subsequent rush, and made the control of the combat a matter of extraordinary difficulty. Added to this was the circumstance that three Commanding Generals in succession came up to the scene of the conflict, and one after the other took the chief control.

At first, things were looking good. On the left, the 39th Regiment pushed the waves of enemy skirmishers out of the Gifert woods, but then they became vulnerable to the harsh fire from a French battalion positioned on the other side of a deep dip. On the right, the 3rd Battalion, along with the 74th Regiment, captured the Stiering woods. However, the enemy’s greater strength quickly showed in fierce counter-attacks,[22] and when Von Woyna's[4] Brigade (28th) arrived on the field, it had to provide support to both sides. So, early on, units and companies started to mix together, which only grew more chaotic with each new charge, making it extremely difficult to manage the combat. On top of that, three different Commanding Generals showed up in quick succession to take charge of the situation.

At about one o'clock, simultaneously with the flanks, the Fusilier Battalion of the 74th Regiment pushed forward in front, under a severe fire across the open ground towards the Red Hill, and, under such trivial cover as offered, established itself at the foot of the cliff. When at about three o'clock the Prussian artillery compelled the foe to move his guns farther up the hill, the Fusiliers, with General von François at their head, began to climb the cliff. The French Chasseurs, evidently taken by surprise, were driven from the most advanced entrenchments with clubbed rifles and at the point of the bayonet. The 9th company of the 39th Regiment followed close, and the gallant General, charging farther forward along with it, fell pierced by five bullets. Nothing daunted, the small body of Fusiliers made good its grip of the narrow spur of the cliff.

At around one o'clock, at the same time as the flanks, the Fusilier Battalion of the 74th Regiment advanced forward, enduring heavy fire as they crossed the open ground toward Red Hill, and, taking advantage of the limited cover available, secured their position at the foot of the cliff. By about three o'clock, when the Prussian artillery forced the enemy to relocate their guns further up the hill, the Fusiliers, led by General von François, started to climb the cliff. The French Chasseurs, clearly caught off guard, were pushed out of the most forward trenches with clubbed rifles and at the point of the bayonet. The 9th company of the 39th Regiment quickly followed, and the brave General, charging ahead with them, was hit by five bullets. Undeterred, the small group of Fusiliers maintained their hold on the narrow ridge of the cliff.

Nevertheless, a crisis was imminent. The 14th Division was extended over a distance of about three and a half miles, its left wing had been repulsed by greatly superior forces in the wood of Gifert, its right wing was hard pressed at Stiering. But now, at four o'clock, the heads of the 5th and 16th Divisions simultaneously struck in, shortly after their batteries, which had been sent on ahead, had come into action.

Nevertheless, a crisis was about to happen. The 14th Division was spread out over a distance of about three and a half miles, its left wing had been pushed back by much stronger forces in the woods of Gifert, and its right wing was struggling at Stiering. But now, at four o'clock, the leaders of the 5th and 16th Divisions attacked at the same time, just after their artillery, which had been sent ahead, began firing.

The left wing, strongly reinforced, now again pressed forward. General von Barnekow[5] led trusty succours[23] up on to the Red Hill, where the Fusiliers had almost entirely exhausted their ammunition, and drove the French out from all their entrenchments. As the result of a fierce struggle the Germans also succeeded in taking possession of the western part of the wood of Gifert. The right wing with sharp fighting had pressed on to Alt Stiering and was approaching the enemy's line of retreat, the Forbach highway. General Frossard had, however, recognized the danger threatened at this point, and reinforced his left wing to the strength of a Division and a half. This force advanced to the attack at five o'clock. On the German side there was no formed force to oppose to it, so all the previously gained advantages were lost.

The left flank, heavily reinforced, pushed forward once more. General von Barnekow[5] led reliable reinforcements[23] up to the Red Hill, where the Fusiliers had nearly run out of ammunition, and drove the French out of all their fortifications. After a fierce fight, the Germans managed to secure the western part of the Gifert woods. Meanwhile, the right flank fought hard to advance to Alt Stiering and was nearing the enemy's escape route, the Forbach highway. However, General Frossard recognized the imminent threat at this point and bolstered his left flank to a strength of one and a half Divisions. This force launched an attack at five o'clock. There was no organized force on the German side to counter it, so all the advantages gained earlier were lost.

If the 13th Division[6] had here struck in with a resolute attack, the battle would have ended. This Division after, indeed, a march of nearly nineteen miles had reached Puttlingen at one o'clock, where it was little more than four miles distant from Stiering. When the fighting about Saarbrücken was heard it is true that at four p.m. the advanced guard moved forward to Rossel. It would seem that the roar of the cannon was not audible in that wooded region; the impression was that the combat was over, and the Division bivouacked at Völkingen, which place had been previously named as the end of its march by the Corps Commander at a time when he was, of course, unable to foresee the change in the situation.

If the 13th Division[6] had launched a determined attack here, the battle would have ended. This Division, after a nearly nineteen-mile march, reached Puttlingen at one o'clock, just a little over four miles from Stiering. When the fighting around Saarbrücken was heard, it’s true that at four p.m. the advanced guard moved forward to Rossel. It seemed that the sound of the cannon wasn’t heard in that wooded area; it gave the impression that the fight was over, and the Division set up camp at Völkingen, which had previously been designated as the end of its march by the Corps Commander at a time when he couldn’t have anticipated the change in the situation.

The French offensive movement had meanwhile been brought to a stand by the seven batteries in position on the Folster height; the infantry then succeeded in making fresh progress, under the personal leadership of General von Zastrow.

The French offensive had been stopped by the seven batteries positioned on the Folster height; the infantry then managed to make more progress, led personally by General von Zastrow.

The nature of the ground entirely prohibited the twenty-nine squadrons of cavalry which had arrived from all directions and were drawn up out of the range of fire, from taking part in the action. The Hussars tried in vain to ride up the Red Hill, but in spite of[24] incredible difficulties Major von Lyncker finally gained the summit with eight guns, amid the loud cheering of the hard-pressed infantry. The guns, as each one came up, at once came into action against three French batteries; but quite half of the gunners were shot down by sheltered French tirailleurs, at a range of about 800 paces. A small strip of ground in front was indeed won, but the narrow space allowed of no deployment against the wide front of the enemy.

The condition of the ground completely prevented the twenty-nine squadrons of cavalry that had come from all directions and were positioned out of the line of fire from participating in the fight. The Hussars attempted unsuccessfully to ride up the Red Hill, but despite[24] incredible challenges, Major von Lyncker ultimately reached the top with eight guns, cheered on by the beleaguered infantry. As each gun arrived, it immediately began firing at three French batteries; however, nearly half of the gunners were taken out by hidden French sharpshooters from about 800 yards away. A small section of ground was indeed secured, but the limited area did not allow for any effective formation against the enemy’s broad front.

But effective assistance was coming from the right. General von Goeben had despatched all the battalions of the 16th Division not yet engaged, in the decisive direction toward Stiering. While one part of these troops made a frontal attack on the village, the rest climbed from the high-road up the defiles of the Spicheren woods, in a hand-to-hand encounter drove the French from the saddle leading to the Red Hill, and pushed them farther and farther back towards the Forbach height.

But effective support was coming from the right. General von Goeben had sent all the battalions of the 16th Division that weren't engaged yet in the crucial direction toward Stiering. While part of these troops launched a frontal assault on the village, the rest made their way from the main road up through the Spicheren woods, engaging in close combat that forced the French from the ridge leading to Red Hill, pushing them back farther toward the Forbach height.

Even as late as seven o'clock on the French right wing Laveaucoupet's Division, supported by part of Bataille's, advanced to the attack and once more penetrated into the oft-contested Gifert wood, but the danger threatening the French left wing from the Spicheren wood paralyzed this effort. By nightfall the French were falling back over the whole plateau.

Even as late as seven o'clock, on the French right wing, Laveaucoupet's Division, backed by part of Bataille's, launched an attack and once again moved into the frequently contested Gifert wood, but the threat to the French left wing from the Spicheren wood stifled this effort. By nightfall, the French were retreating across the entire plateau.

At nine o'clock, when their "Retreat" call was sounding from the heights, General von Schwerin (commanding 10th Infantry Brigade) made sure of night quarters by occupying Stiering, where resistance was only quelled, at many points, after a hand-to-hand fight. The advanced guard of the 13th Division advanced on Forbach, but did not occupy it, having allowed itself to be hoodwinked by some French Dragoons in possession.

At nine o'clock, when the call for "Retreat" echoed from the hills, General von Schwerin (in charge of the 10th Infantry Brigade) secured their overnight accommodations by taking Stiering, where resistance was only suppressed at several locations after intense close combat. The advance guard of the 13th Division moved toward Forbach but didn't take control of it, having been misled by some French Dragoons who were already there.

Apart from this, General Frossard had abandoned the line of retreat by the so seriously threatened Forbach-St. Avold road, and fell back with all his three divisions on Oetingen. The darkness, and the impossibility of[25] handling large bodies of cavalry in such a country, saved him from further pursuit.

Apart from this, General Frossard had left the retreat route along the seriously threatened Forbach-St. Avold road and withdrew with all three of his divisions to Oetingen. The darkness and the difficulty of managing large groups of cavalry in such terrain spared him from further pursuit.

General von Steinmetz ordered the reorganization of the dislocated bodies of troops that same night. Some of them had marched more than twenty-eight miles; two batteries, arriving from Königsberg by rail, had immediately set out for the battle-field. But it remains that the Germans at no time of the day attained the numerical strength of the enemy in this engagement, which had been begun with insufficient forces. Only thirteen batteries could be brought into action in the limited space, and the cavalry remained excluded from all participation. It was only natural, under the circumstances, that the losses of the assailants were greater than those of the defence. The Prussians lost 4871, the French 4078 men. The fact was significant that a considerable number of unwounded French prisoners were taken in this early action.

General von Steinmetz ordered the reorganization of the scattered troops that night. Some had marched over twenty-eight miles; two batteries, arriving from Königsberg by train, immediately headed for the battlefield. However, the Germans never reached the same numerical strength as the enemy during this engagement, which started with insufficient forces. Only thirteen batteries could be deployed in the limited area, and the cavalry did not participate at all. Given the situation, it was expected that the attackers would suffer greater losses than those defending. The Prussians lost 4,871 men, while the French lost 4,078. Notably, a significant number of unwounded French prisoners were captured in this early engagement.

In strong contrast to the comradeship and mutual helpfulness displayed by the Prussian Generals, and the eagerness of their troops to hurry into the fight, was the strange vacillation of the Divisions in General Frossard's rear; of which three, indeed, were sent forward to his support, but only two came up, and that when the fight was already ended.

In stark contrast to the camaraderie and willingness to help shown by the Prussian Generals, and the eagerness of their troops to rush into battle, was the strange hesitation of the divisions in General Frossard's rear; three were actually sent forward to support him, but only two arrived, and they did so only after the fighting was already over.

It has been vehemently asserted that the battle of Spicheren was fought in an ill-judged locality, and that it interfered with more important plans. It certainly had not been anticipated. But, generally speaking, a tactical victory rarely fails to fit in with a strategic design. Success in battle has always been thankfully accepted, and turned to account. By the battle of Spicheren the IInd French Corps was prevented from withdrawing unharmed; touch of the enemy's main force was obtained, and to the supreme Direction of the armies was afforded a basis for further resolutions.[26]

It has been strongly argued that the Battle of Spicheren took place in a poorly chosen location and that it disrupted more crucial plans. This outcome was certainly unexpected. However, generally speaking, a tactical victory rarely fails to align with a broader strategy. Success in battle has always been gratefully embraced and capitalized on. The Battle of Spicheren prevented the II French Corps from retreating safely; contact was made with the enemy's main forces, providing the high command of the armies a foundation for future decisions.[26]

FOOTNOTES:

[3] South-eastward.

South-east.

[4] There were two Major-Generals of this name, both commanding Brigades; one the 28th, VIIth Corps, the other 39th, Xth Corps.

[4] There were two Major Generals with this name, each leading a Brigade; one commanded the 28th, VII Corps, and the other led the 39th, X Corps.

[5] Commanding 16th Division, VIIIth Corps.

[5] In charge of the 16th Division, VIII Corps.

[6] Commanded by General Glümen.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Commanded by General Glümen.


Right Wing of the German Army.

Marshal MacMahon in his retreat had taken a direction which entirely severed his touch with Marshal Bazaine.

Marshal MacMahon, during his retreat, chose a route that completely cut off any connection with Marshal Bazaine.

As he was not pursued, he could have used the Lunéville-Metz railway to effect his union with the French main army; for up to the 9th it was still open. But rumour had it that the Prussians had already appeared in Pont à Mousson, and the state of his troops did not permit him thus early to risk another engagement.

As he wasn't being chased, he could have taken the Lunéville-Metz railway to join the main French army, since it was still open until the 9th. However, there were rumors that the Prussians had already shown up in Pont à Mousson, and the condition of his troops didn't allow him to take the chance of another battle this early.

His Ist Corps, therefore, marched southwards on Neufchâteau, whence Châlons could be reached by railway. The Vth Corps was being shifted to and fro by contradictory orders from the Emperor's head-quarters. First it was to proceed to Nancy, then to take an opposite direction towards Langres. On arriving at Charmes it was ordered to Toul, but from Chaumont it was finally directed to proceed to Châlons. General Trochu had there located the newly-formed XIIth Corps, and behind this gathering point the VIIth Corps also managed to get away from Alsace and reach Rheims by rail by way of Bar sur Aube and Paris.

His Ist Corps marched south to Neufchâteau, which could be reached by railway to Châlons. The Vth Corps was being moved back and forth due to conflicting orders from the Emperor's headquarters. First, it was told to go to Nancy, then to head in the opposite direction towards Langres. Upon arriving at Charmes, it was ordered to Toul, but from Chaumont, it was ultimately instructed to go to Châlons. General Trochu had set up the newly-formed XIIth Corps there, and behind this gathering point, the VIIth Corps also managed to leave Alsace and reach Rheims by train via Bar sur Aube and Paris.

Thus by August 22nd a Reserve Army was formed, consisting of four Corps and two Cavalry Divisions, under the command of Marshal MacMahon, who, however, at a distance, as he was, of about 120 miles, was unable to render timely assistance to Marshal Bazaine, who stood directly in the line of the advancing enemy.

Thus, by August 22nd, a Reserve Army was formed, consisting of four Corps and two Cavalry Divisions, under the command of Marshal MacMahon. However, since he was about 120 miles away, he couldn't provide timely support to Marshal Bazaine, who was directly in the path of the advancing enemy.

When the news of the double disaster of August 6th reached the Imperial Head-quarter, the first impression there was that it would be necessary to retreat immediately on Châlons with Bazaine's army; and the VIth Corps, a portion of which was already being transported thence to Metz, was ordered to retrace its steps. But this resolution was presently retracted. The Emperor had not merely to consider the foreign[27] enemy, but public opinion within his own realm. The sacrifice of entire provinces at the very beginning of a war which had been undertaken with such high anticipations, would have provoked the unbounded indignation of the French people. There were still 200,000 men who could be brought together in front of the Moselle, supported by a large fortress, and though the enemy would still have the superiority in numbers, his army was holding a line nearly sixty miles long. It had yet to cross the Moselle, and this would necessitate a dislocation which might create a weakness at the critical moment.

When the news of the double disaster on August 6th reached the Imperial Headquarters, the initial reaction was that they needed to retreat immediately to Châlons with Bazaine's army. A portion of the VIth Corps, which was already being moved to Metz, was ordered to turn back. However, this decision was quickly reversed. The Emperor had to consider not only the foreign enemy but also public opinion within France. Sacrificing entire provinces right at the start of a war that had begun with such high hopes would have sparked immense outrage among the French people. There were still 200,000 troops that could be assembled in front of the Moselle, supported by a large fortress, and although the enemy had numerical superiority, their army was spread across a line nearly sixty miles long. The enemy still needed to cross the Moselle, which would require a shift that could create a vulnerability at a crucial moment.

In the IIIrd German Army the disorderly condition of the defeated enemy was not known, nor even the direction of his retreat. It was expected that MacMahon's Army would be found rallied on the farther side of the Vosges for renewed resistance; and as it was impossible to cross the mountains except in detached columns, the German advance was very cautious, and by short marches only. Though the distance between Reichshofen and the Saar is not more than about twenty-eight miles in a straight line, that river was only reached in five days. Nothing was seen of the enemy, except in the fortified places, small indeed, but too strong to be taken by storm, which command the highways in the mountains. Bitsch had to be avoided by a fatiguing circuit, Lichtenberg was captured by surprise, Lützelstein had been abandoned by its garrison, the investment of Pfalzburg was handed over to the approaching VIth Corps, and Marsal capitulated after a short resistance.

In the Third German Army, the chaotic state of the defeated enemy was unknown, and so was the direction of their retreat. It was thought that MacMahon's Army would regroup on the other side of the Vosges for more resistance. Since crossing the mountains could only be done in small groups, the German advance was very careful and consisted of short marches. Although the distance between Reichshofen and the Saar is only about twenty-eight miles in a straight line, they reached the river only after five days. The only sightings of the enemy were in fortified locations, which were small but too strong to be taken by storm and controlled the mountain highways. Bitsch had to be avoided by taking a tiring detour, Lichtenberg was captured by surprise, Lützelstein had been abandoned by its garrison, the siege of Pfalzburg was entrusted to the approaching Sixth Corps, and Marsal surrendered after a brief resistance.

The German left wing had no enemy before it, and could be brought into closer connection with the centre. To bring the three armies abreast of each other a wheel to the right was requisite. The advance of the Ist and IInd Armies had, however, to be delayed, as the IIIrd did not reach the Saar until August 12th. The whole movement was so arranged that the IIIrd Army was to[28] use the roads by Saarunion and Dieuze, and to southward; the IInd those by St. Avold and Nomény and to southward; the Ist those by Saarlouis and Les Etangs, the last also taking the direction of Metz.

The German left wing had no opponent in front of it and could be more closely aligned with the center. To position the three armies side by side, a rightward maneuver was necessary. However, the advance of the 1st and 2nd Armies had to be postponed since the 3rd Army did not reach the Saar until August 12th. The entire movement was planned so that the 3rd Army would use the roads through Saarunion and Dieuze, heading south; the 2nd Army would take the routes via St. Avold and Nomény, also heading south; and the 1st Army would use the roads through Saarlouis and Les Etangs, with the last also moving toward Metz.

The cavalry Divisions which were reconnoitring far to the front, reported the enemy as retreating all along the line. They ranged close up to Metz, and across the Moselle both above and below the place, forcing the detachments of Canrobert's Corps, which had again been ordered up from Châlons, to return thither. All their information indicated that very large masses were encamped in front of Metz. From this it might equally be inferred that the enemy intended to retreat further, or, with his whole force concentrated, to strike hard at the right wing of the German Army, at the moment when the impending crossing of the Moselle should make its severance from the left wing unavoidable.

The cavalry divisions that were scouting ahead reported that the enemy was retreating along the entire line. They moved close to Metz and across the Moselle both upstream and downstream of the city, forcing the units of Canrobert's Corps, which had been ordered back from Châlons, to return there. All their intel suggested that large groups were camped in front of Metz. From this, one could conclude that the enemy either planned to retreat further or, with their entire force concentrated, intended to launch a strong attack on the right flank of the German Army at the moment when the upcoming crossing of the Moselle would make separating from the left wing unavoidable.

The chief Head-quarter restricted itself in ordinary course to issuing general directions, the execution of which was left in detail to the army commanders; but in this instance it was deemed necessary in the momentary circumstances to regulate the movements of each separate corps by specific orders. On August 11th the Head-quarter of his Majesty was therefore transferred to St. Avold, in the front line, and midway between the Ist and IInd Armies, so as, by being in the immediate vicinity, to be able to exercise timely authority to either hand. The three Corps of the Ist Army advanced towards the German Nied on August 12th, only to find that the French had evacuated that position. Three Corps of the IInd Army on the left of the Ist also moved forward in prolongation of the same front by Faulquemont and Morhange, while two others followed.

The main headquarters usually limited itself to giving general instructions, leaving the detailed execution to the army commanders. However, due to the current situation, it was necessary to direct the movements of each unit with specific orders. On August 11th, the King’s headquarters was moved to St. Avold, which was located on the front line and situated between the 1st and 2nd Armies, allowing for timely authority over both sides. On August 12th, the three Corps of the 1st Army advanced toward the German Nied but discovered that the French had already evacuated that position. The three Corps of the 2nd Army on the left of the 1st also moved forward in the same direction, passing through Faulquemont and Morhange, while two others followed behind.

On the next day the IInd Army reached the Seille, without encountering the enemy, and occupied Pont à Mousson with infantry.

On the next day, the 2nd Army reached the Seille without facing the enemy and captured Pont à Mousson with infantry.

The strangely inactive attitude of the French made it seem quite probable that they might not make any[29] stand in front of Metz, a probability strengthened by the reports of the German cavalry, which was scouting as far as Toul and on to the Verdun road. But there always loomed the possibility that the enemy would throw himself with 200 battalions on the Ist Army, now in his immediate front. The two Corps forming the right wing of the IInd Army were therefore ordered to halt for the present, a little to the south of Metz, ready to deliver a shattering blow on the flank of any such attack. If the enemy preferred to assail these Corps, then would devolve on the Ist Army on its part the prompt assumption of the offensive.

The oddly passive behavior of the French made it seem quite likely that they wouldn't put up any[29]fight in front of Metz, a likelihood supported by reports from the German cavalry scouting as far as Toul and along the Verdun road. However, there was always the chance that the enemy could launch an attack with 200 battalions against the Ist Army right in front of them. As a result, the two Corps on the right flank of the IInd Army were instructed to pause just south of Metz, ready to deliver a powerful strike on the side of any such attack. If the enemy chose to target these Corps, then the Ist Army would be responsible for quickly taking the offensive.

Meanwhile the other Corps of the IInd Army were pursuing the march towards the Moselle farther to the southward; if the enemy should attack them with superior forces after they had crossed the river, it would be possible for them, in case of need, to fall back on the IIIrd Army.

Meanwhile, the other Corps of the II Army were advancing toward the Moselle further to the south. If the enemy attacked them with greater forces after they crossed the river, they could fall back on the III Army if necessary.

So much caution was not universally deemed essential; it was argued that the French seemed already committed to full retreat, they ought not to be allowed to get away without punishment, and it followed that the German Army should strike without delay. The French had, indeed, already committed themselves to a further retreat; but when in the afternoon (of the 14th) the VIIth Corps discerned their retrograde movement, a fight began on the hither side of the Moselle, which, by the voluntary intervention of the nearest bodies of troops, developed into a battle in the course of the evening.

So much caution wasn’t considered necessary by everyone; some argued that the French seemed to be already retreating, and they shouldn’t be allowed to escape without consequences, which meant the German Army should move quickly. The French had, in fact, already decided to retreat further; but when the VII Corps noticed their backward movement in the afternoon of the 14th, a battle began on this side of the Moselle, which, with the voluntary involvement of nearby troops, escalated into a full battle by evening.


Battle of Colombey–Nouilly.

(August 14th.)

The Commandant of Metz had declared his inability to hold that place for a fortnight, if left to his own resources; but the chosen and intrenched position on the Nied, taken up to cover the fortress, had been[30] found locally defective, and the French Head-quarter hoped to find a more favourable defensive position in the vicinity of Verdun.

The Commandant of Metz had stated that he couldn't hold the place for two weeks on his own; however, the selected and fortified position on the Nied, intended to protect the fortress, had proven to be lacking, and the French Headquarters hoped to find a better defensive position near Verdun.[30]

Military necessity outweighed even a politic regard for public opinion, and the Emperor, although he had transferred the command-in-chief to Marshal Bazaine, still remained with the army, for it would have been impossible for him to return to Paris in existing circumstances.

Military necessity was more important than any concerns about public opinion, and the Emperor, despite having handed over command to Marshal Bazaine, stayed with the army because it would have been impossible for him to return to Paris under the current circumstances.

Very early in the morning of the 14th August the multitudinous trains were being withdrawn through the city, and towards noon the IInd, IVth, and VIth Corps got in motion, while the IIIrd Corps remained in position behind the deep valley of the Colombey brook, to cover the retirement.

Very early in the morning on August 14th, the numerous trains were leaving the city, and by noon, the 2nd, 4th, and 6th Corps were on the move, while the 3rd Corps stayed in place behind the deep valley of the Colombey brook to cover the retreat.

When, at four in the afternoon, the break-up of the enemy was perceived, General von der Goltz (commanding 26th Infantry Brigade) with the advanced guard of the VIIth Corps struck him in the act, and wrenched from him Colombey and the Château d'Aubigny on his right flank. But, at the first cannon sound, the French columns immediately turned about, fully equipped for fighting, and eager, after their many previous disasters, to break the spell by a desperate effort. Castagny's Division threw itself in greatly superior force upon the weak German detachment in the isolated position of Colombey, which held its own only by the utmost exertion.

When, at four in the afternoon, the enemy's breakup was noticed, General von der Goltz (in charge of the 26th Infantry Brigade) and the advanced guard of the VII Corps quickly attacked and seized Colombey and the Château d'Aubigny on his right flank. However, at the first sound of cannon fire, the French columns immediately turned around, fully armed for battle, and eager to overcome their previous setbacks with a desperate effort. Castagny's Division launched a much stronger assault on the weak German detachment in the isolated position of Colombey, which managed to hold its ground only through extreme effort.

Already the advanced guard of the Ist Army Corps was approaching by both the high-roads from Saarbrücken and Saarlouis; and its batteries having pushed on ahead, at once took part in the engagement. Passing through Lauvallier, the infantry followed close, climbed the eastern slope of the plateau of Bellecroix, and farther to the right drove the enemy out of the wood east of Mey. But the presence at this point of the main body of the French IIIrd Corps gave pause to the German offensive for the time.[31]

Already, the advance team of the Ist Army Corps was coming in from both the main roads of Saarbrücken and Saarlouis. Their artillery moved ahead and immediately joined the fight. As they passed through Lauvallier, the infantry followed closely, climbed the eastern slope of the Bellecroix plateau, and pushed the enemy out of the woods east of Mey. However, the presence of the main force of the French IIIrd Corps at this location temporarily stopped the German advance.[31]

The 13th, 1st, and 2nd Divisions had meanwhile followed their respective advanced guards, the two latter having been held in full readiness by General von Manteuffel ever since his outposts had reported that the enemy was moving. General von Zastrow, too, arrived on the field, and took over the command of the left wing. Soon sixty field-pieces were in action against the enemy. General von Osten-Sacken hurried forward the 25th Brigade through the hollow of Coincy, and climbed on to the edge of the upland. The clump of fir-trees on the road to Bellecroix was taken by storm, was surrounded on three sides, was lost again in a bloody conflict, and was once more recaptured. Soon afterwards two batteries succeeded in establishing themselves above Planchette, whose fire drove the French back as far as Borny; yet still the conflict raged on both sides with the utmost fury.

The 13th, 1st, and 2nd Divisions had meanwhile followed their respective advanced guards, the latter two being kept fully ready by General von Manteuffel ever since his outposts reported that the enemy was moving. General von Zastrow also arrived on the field and took command of the left wing. Soon, sixty field guns were in action against the enemy. General von Osten-Sacken rushed the 25th Brigade through the hollow of Coincy and climbed to the edge of the upland. The group of fir trees on the road to Bellecroix was taken by storm, surrounded on three sides, lost again in a bloody conflict, and then recaptured. Shortly after, two batteries managed to set themselves up above Planchette, whose fire pushed the French back as far as Borny; yet the battle continued to rage on both sides with extreme intensity.

But now there threatened the German right the danger of being out-flanked. General Ladmirault, on learning that Grenier's Division had been driven out of Mey, immediately set out to its support with his other two Divisions, retook the village, and pressed farther forward by the Bouzonville road. General von Manteuffel had meanwhile given the necessary orders for holding, at all hazards, the deep-cut trough of the Vallières brook which covered the flank. The 1st Brigade was posted behind Noisseville as general reserve, the 4th, and part of the artillery of the Ist Corps, marched by the Bouzonville road to confront General Ladmirault near Poix, while the remaining batteries from the southern slopes to the eastward of Nouilly enfiladed his advance. On the left, Glümer's Division (13th) had all this time been holding its ground at Colombey, and now, at seven o'clock in the evening, Woyna's Brigade came to its assistance, and took possession of the copses westward of Colombey. A very welcome reinforcement now arrived from the IInd Army remaining halted on the Seille.[32]

But now the German right faced the risk of being outflanked. General Ladmirault, upon hearing that Grenier's Division had been pushed out of Mey, quickly headed out with his other two Divisions to provide support, retook the village, and continued advancing along the Bouzonville road. Meanwhile, General von Manteuffel had issued the necessary orders to defend the deep-cut trough of the Vallières brook, which was crucial for protecting the flank, at all costs. The 1st Brigade was stationed behind Noisseville as a general reserve, while the 4th Brigade and part of the artillery from the 1st Corps marched down the Bouzonville road to face General Ladmirault near Poix, with the remaining batteries on the southern slopes to the east of Nouilly targeting his advance. On the left, Glümer's Division (13th) had been holding its position at Colombey, and now, at seven o'clock in the evening, Woyna's Brigade came to help and took control of the woods west of Colombey. A much-needed reinforcement also arrived from the II Army, which had been halted on the Seille.[32]

The 18th Infantry Division, after a heavy march, had bivouacked near Buchy in the afternoon, but when General von Wrangel (its commander) was informed that fighting was audible from the locality of the Ist Army, he promptly set his Division in motion in that direction. He drove the enemy out of Peltre, and then in conjunction with Woyna's Brigade occupied Grigy, somewhat in rear of the French position in front of Borny.

The 18th Infantry Division, after a long march, set up camp near Buchy in the afternoon. However, when General von Wrangel (its commander) learned that fighting could be heard from the area of the 1st Army, he immediately moved his Division toward that direction. He pushed the enemy out of Peltre and then, along with Woyna's Brigade, took control of Grigy, which was located somewhat behind the French position in front of Borny.

On the right wing of the fighting line, the 2nd Division had also pushed on towards Mey, by way of Nouilly and through the adjacent vineyards; and, as darkness was setting in, that village and the adjoining woods were wrenched from the enemy. The French had not advanced beyond Villers L'Orme, and they now withdrew all along their line from that village to Grigy. The Prussians, as they followed up after dark, were molested only by the fire of the heavy guns of the forts, more especially Fort St. Julien.

On the right side of the battle line, the 2nd Division also advanced towards Mey, passing through Nouilly and the nearby vineyards. As night fell, they took control of the village and the surrounding woods from the enemy. The French had not moved beyond Villers L'Orme, and they now retreated all along their line from that village to Grigy. The Prussians, as they continued their pursuit after dark, were troubled only by the fire from the heavy artillery of the forts, particularly Fort St. Julien.

The engagement of August 14th cost them the heavy loss of 5000 men, inclusive of 200 officers; while the French lost only 3600 men, their IIIrd Corps being the heaviest sufferer. The vicinity of a great fortress of course prevented the reaping of the fruits of victory by an immediate pursuit. It was for the same reason that a battle on the part of the Ist Army on that day had not been included in the concerted plan of action, though the possibility of such an occurrence had been foreseen. Although it was true that but one Division of the IInd Army (the 18th) had been able to hasten to the aid of the Ist, and that after the late opening of the fight, its assault on the left[7] flank of the enemy had not failed of its effect.

The battle on August 14th resulted in a heavy loss for them, with 5,000 men killed, including 200 officers, while the French lost only 3,600 men, with the III Corps suffering the most. The presence of a major fortress nearby obviously stopped them from taking advantage of their victory through immediate pursuit. For the same reason, the I Army did not engage in battle that day as part of the planned strategy, although they had anticipated that such a situation might arise. It is true that only one division of the II Army (the 18th) managed to rush to assist the I Army, and even though the battle started late, their attack on the left flank of the enemy was effective.

The manner in which the battle originated rendered unity of direction impossible.

The way the battle started made it impossible to have a united direction.

It was but the advanced-guards of four Divisions which were the troops principally engaged; and the[33] daring attacks made on greatly superior hostile forces by small bodies unfollowed by immediate supports occasioned many critical moments, which might have been dangerous if the enemy had pushed forward more energetically in closely concentrated strength. But while, for instance, his IIIrd Corps received no support from the Imperial Guard standing close behind it, the contrast presented itself that on the Prussian side, in this as in the previous battles, there shone forth, along with their ready acceptance of personal responsibility, the eager mutual helpfulness of all the commanders within reach of the battle-field.

It was just the forward units of four divisions that were mainly involved in the fighting; and the[33] daring attacks launched against much larger enemy forces by small groups without immediate backup created many critical moments that could have been dangerous if the enemy had pressed forward more aggressively in a concentrated manner. However, for example, while the III Corps received no support from the Imperial Guard nearby, the contrast was that on the Prussian side, just like in previous battles, there was a notable eagerness for mutual support and personal accountability among all the commanders present on the battlefield.

An essential share of the success of the day must be attributed to the artillery. Hurrying along in front, leaving the responsibility of covering it to the advanced guards which reached forward before the main bodies of the Divisions had time to come up, it drove the French completely out of their positions before Metz, and back under the guns of the defences of the place.

A vital part of the day's success has to be credited to the artillery. Rushing ahead and leaving the job of securing it to the forward guards that moved in front before the main parts of the Divisions could catch up, it pushed the French completely out of their positions near Metz and back under the heavy fire of the defenses there.

The protection so afforded to the enemy rendered it impossible that the victory of Colombey-Nouilly should yield any trophies, but the supreme Command was quite content with the results obtained. The retreat of the enemy had been arrested, and a day had been gained for the crossing of the Moselle by the IInd and IIIrd Armies.

The protection given to the enemy made it impossible for the victory at Colombey-Nouilly to provide any rewards, but the top Command was very pleased with the outcomes achieved. The enemy's retreat had been stopped, and an extra day had been secured for the II and III Armies to cross the Moselle.

August 15th.—In the early morning of the 15th the cavalry had ridden forward to the outworks of Metz, but found none of the enemy on this side of the fortress. A few shells scared away the Imperial Head-quarter from Longeville on the further side of the Moselle.

August 15th.—In the early morning of the 15th, the cavalry rode ahead to the outer defenses of Metz but found no enemy forces on this side of the fortress. A few shells drove the Imperial Headquarters away from Longeville on the other side of the Moselle.

As King William was riding over to visit the Ist Army, immense clouds of dust were observed rising on the further side of the fortress; and it was no longer doubtful that the French had begun their retreat, and that the IInd Army was henceforth free to follow across the Moselle with all its Corps.[34]

As King William rode over to visit the 1st Army, large clouds of dust were seen rising on the other side of the fortress; and it was clear that the French had started their retreat, allowing the 2nd Army to move across the Moselle with all its Corps.[34]

The Ist Corps of the Ist Army was necessarily left at Courcelles, south of Metz, to protect the railway, the other two were brought up leftward towards the Seille; and they were also by-and-by to cross the Moselle higher up, so as to avoid interference from the fortress.

The Ist Corps of the Ist Army had to stay at Courcelles, south of Metz, to protect the railway, while the other two were moved to the left towards the Seille; they were also eventually going to cross the Moselle further upstream to avoid any issues from the fortress.

The French had started again on the retreat interrupted on the previous day, but proceeded little more than four miles[8] beyond Metz on August 15th. Their cavalry only went somewhat farther ahead, by both the roads to Verdun.

The French had resumed their retreat that had been interrupted the day before, but only advanced just over four miles[8] beyond Metz on August 15th. Their cavalry pushed a bit further ahead, along both routes to Verdun.

The IIIrd Corps of the German IInd Army crossed the Moselle at Novéant, by the bridge which was found intact, and by a flying pontoon bridge; its artillery, however, was forced to make a détour by Pont à Mousson.

The 3rd Corps of the German 2nd Army crossed the Moselle at Novéant, using the bridge that was found intact, along with a temporary pontoon bridge; however, its artillery had to take a detour through Pont à Mousson.

It was not until late at night that the troops were all across and in bivouac close to the left bank. One Division of the Xth Corps remained at Pont à Mousson and the other advanced to Thiaucourt. The cavalry scouted farther forward towards the Metz-Verdun road, and struck in on the French cavalry near Mars la Tour. Several small engagements took place, but when early in the afternoon twenty-four Prussian squadrons had assembled, the French retired on Vionville. The Guard Corps and the IVth Corps crossed at Dieulouard and Marbache, higher up the river.

It wasn’t until late at night that all the troops were across and set up camp near the left bank. One division of the Xth Corps stayed at Pont à Mousson while the other moved forward to Thiaucourt. The cavalry scouted further along the Metz-Verdun road, engaging with the French cavalry near Mars la Tour. Several small skirmishes occurred, but by early afternoon, when twenty-four Prussian squadrons had gathered, the French retreated to Vionville. The Guard Corps and the IVth Corps crossed at Dieulouard and Marbache, further upstream.

The IIIrd Army advanced to the line Nancy-Bayon. On this day an attempt to seize the fortress of Thionville by surprise proved a failure.

The IIIrd Army moved forward to the line between Nancy and Bayon. On this day, an attempt to capture the fortress of Thionville by surprise failed.

FOOTNOTES:

[7] Clearly should be "right."

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Clearly should be "correct."

[8] On the night of 15th, four of Bazaine's five Corps (less one Division) bivouacked at distances of from eight to ten miles westward of Metz; viz., from beyond Rezonville rearward to Gravelotte.

[8] On the night of the 15th, four of Bazaine's five Corps (minus one Division) camped a distance of eight to ten miles west of Metz, from beyond Rezonville back to Gravelotte.


Battle of Vionville—Mars-la-Tour.

(August 16th.)

In the Head-quarter of the IInd Army there was the belief that serious fighting with the French was no[35] more to be anticipated on the Moselle, and therefore two Corps, the IIIrd and the Xth, were ordered to march on August 16th, northwards toward the road to Verdun by way of Gorze and Thiaucourt, while the other Corps were directed to advance by forced marches westwards towards the Meuse.

In the headquarters of the 2nd Army, there was a belief that no serious fighting with the French was expected anymore on the Moselle. As a result, two Corps, the 3rd and the 10th, were ordered to march north on August 16th, toward the road to Verdun via Gorze and Thiaucourt, while the other Corps were directed to advance rapidly west toward the Meuse.

The French retreat from Metz was, however, not completely effected on this day. The trains blocked every road, and in the forenoon three Divisions still remained behind in the Moselle valley. The Emperor, however, escorted by two brigades of cavalry, had departed at an early hour by the road through Etain, which was still comparatively safe. As the right wing of the army could not yet follow, the prosecution of the retreat was postponed until the afternoon, and the left wing, which had already begun the march, was sent back again into its bivouacs. But so early as nine o'clock Prussian shells startled the troops from their rest.

The French retreat from Metz wasn’t fully completed on that day. The trains blocked every road, and by mid-morning, three divisions were still stuck in the Moselle valley. The Emperor, however, left early with two brigades of cavalry, taking the road through Etain, which was still relatively safe. Since the right wing of the army couldn’t follow yet, the retreat was delayed until the afternoon, and the left wing, which had already started to march, was sent back to its camps. But by nine o'clock, Prussian shells woke the troops from their rest.

Major Körber had advanced with four batteries close up to Vionville under cover of the cavalry, and the French troopers, surprised by their fire, fled in utter confusion through the camp of the infantry. The latter, however, briskly got under arms in good order, and the artillery opened a heavy fire. Destitute at first of infantry supports, the Prussian guns were withdrawn. Matters soon became serious.

Major Körber had moved forward with four batteries close to Vionville, shielded by the cavalry, and the French soldiers, caught off guard by their gunfire, ran away in total disarray through the infantry camp. The infantry, however, quickly got ready in an orderly fashion, and the artillery unleashed a heavy barrage. Initially lacking infantry support, the Prussian guns were pulled back. The situation quickly escalated.

General von Alvensleben, fearing lest he should fail to overtake the enemy, had started again with the IIIrd Corps after a short night's rest. The 6th Division marched on the left, by Onville; the 5th, on the right, followed the long forest valley on the way to Gorze. This valley so capable of defence was found unoccupied by the enemy, who indeed had taken very few precautions. The advanced-guard presently encountered Bergés' French Division on the open plateau south of Flavigny, and General von Stülpnagel (commanding 5th Infantry Division) soon discovered that he had before[36] him an enemy whom it would take all his strength to beat. At ten o'clock he began operations by sending forward the 10th Brigade (commanded by General von Schwerin); and opened fire with twenty-four guns.

General von Alvensleben, worried that he would fail to catch up with the enemy, set out again with the IIIrd Corps after a short night's rest. The 6th Division marched on the left, near Onville; the 5th marched on the right, following the long forest valley toward Gorze. This defensible valley was found to be empty; the enemy had taken very few precautions. The advance guard soon ran into Bergés' French Division on the open plateau south of Flavigny, and General von Stülpnagel (who was in charge of the 5th Infantry Division) quickly realized that he was facing an enemy that would require all his strength to defeat. At ten o'clock, he began operations by sending forward the 10th Brigade (led by General von Schwerin) and opened fire with twenty-four guns.

Both sides now assumed the offensive. The Prussians, on the right, fought their way with varying fortunes through the wood, often in hand-to-hand encounter, and, towards eleven o'clock, succeeded in reaching the spur of the wood of St. Arnould projecting in the direction of Flavigny. Their left wing, on the contrary, was repulsed; even the artillery was in danger; but the 52nd Regiment hurried forward and re-established the fight at the cost of bloody sacrifices. Its 1st Battalion lost every one of its officers, the colours passed from hand to hand as its bearers were successively shot down, and the commander of the 9th Brigade, General von Döring, fell mortally wounded. General von Stülpnagel rode up into the foremost line of fire, inspiriting the men with brave words, while General von Schwerin collected the remnants of troops bereft of their leaders, and, reinforced by a detachment of the Xth Corps from Novéant, carried the height in front of Flavigny, whence the French presently retired.

Both sides now took the offensive. The Prussians, on the right, fought their way through the woods with mixed results, often engaging in hand-to-hand combat, and by eleven o'clock, managed to reach the edge of the St. Arnould woods extending toward Flavigny. Their left flank, however, faced setbacks; even the artillery was in jeopardy. But the 52nd Regiment rushed in and turned the tide of battle at a heavy cost. Its 1st Battalion lost all of its officers, and the colors changed hands as their bearers were shot down one after the other, while the commander of the 9th Brigade, General von Döring, was mortally wounded. General von Stülpnagel rode into the front lines, motivating the troops with encouraging words, while General von Schwerin gathered the remaining soldiers who had lost their leaders. Reinforced by a detachment from the Xth Corps coming from Novéant, they captured the heights in front of Flavigny, leading to the French pulling back.

On the assumption that the French were already prosecuting the retreat, the 6th Division had been ordered forward towards Etain by way of Mars la Tour, to bar the enemy also from the northern road to Verdun. When it reached the height of Tronville, whence could be seen how things really stood, the brigades wheeled to the right in the direction of Vionville and Flavigny. The artillery going on in advance, formed a formidable line of batteries, the fire of which prepared the way for a farther advance, and by half-past eleven the 11th Brigade had taken possession of Vionville in spite of heavy losses. From thence, and from the south, in conjunction with the 10th Brigade, an attack was then directed on Flavigny, which had been set on fire by shell-fire.[37] The different detachments were hereabouts very much mixed, but by skilfully taking advantage of every fold of the ground, the individual regimental officers succeeded in getting their men steadily forward, in spite of the heavy fire of the hostile infantry and artillery. Flavigny was taken by assault, and one cannon and a number of prisoners fell into the hands of the brave Brandenburgers.

Assuming that the French were already retreating, the 6th Division was ordered to move towards Etain via Mars la Tour to block the enemy from taking the northern road to Verdun. When they reached the summit of Tronville, where they could see the actual situation, the brigades turned right toward Vionville and Flavigny. The artillery advanced ahead, forming a strong line of batteries, and their fire cleared the way for further progress. By half-past eleven, the 11th Brigade had captured Vionville despite suffering significant losses. From there, in collaboration with the 10th Brigade, they launched an attack on Flavigny, which had been set on fire by shelling.[37] The various detachments were quite mixed up in this area, but by skillfully using the terrain, the individual regimental officers managed to lead their men forward steadily, despite the intense fire from enemy infantry and artillery. Flavigny was captured in an assault, resulting in one cannon and several prisoners being taken by the brave Brandenburgers.

Vionville, Flavigny and the northern end of the forest of St. Arnould constituted the points of support of the Prussian front now facing to the east; but this front was more than four miles long, and the whole infantry and artillery were engaged up to the hilt all in one line. The second line consisted only of the 5th and 6th Cavalry Divisions and half of the 37th Brigade near Tronville.

Vionville, Flavigny, and the northern edge of the St. Arnould forest were the main points of the Prussian front now facing east; however, this front stretched over four miles, and the entire infantry and artillery were fully engaged along one line. The second line was made up of just the 5th and 6th Cavalry Divisions and half of the 37th Brigade near Tronville.

The position of the French was one of great advantage. Their left flank leaned on Metz, their right was protected by formidable batteries on the old Roman road and a strong force of cavalry; and so they could await with confidence a frontal attack on the part of a venturesome enemy.

The French had a highly advantageous position. Their left side rested against Metz, their right was protected by powerful artillery along the old Roman road and a strong cavalry force; so they could confidently wait for a direct attack from a daring enemy.

The possibility of continuing the march to Verdun on this day, under the protection of a strong covering rearguard, was, no doubt, out of the question. Supposing the Marshal earnest above everything to effect his retreat, he could do so only by fighting hard for his right of way, and by so freeing himself from the enemy blocking his path.

The chance of continuing the march to Verdun today, with the support of a strong covering rearguard, was definitely not an option. Even if the Marshal was determined to ensure his retreat, he could only manage that by fighting fiercely for his right of way and by clearing the enemy that was obstructing his path.

It is not easy to discern, from a purely military standpoint, why this course was not resorted to. There was the full certainty that only part, and probably only a small part, of the German host could as yet have reached the left side of the Moselle, and when in the course of the day the Divisions detained about Metz arrived, the French had greatly the superiority in strength. But it seems that the Marshal's chief solicitude was lest he should be forced to[38] relinquish his touch of Metz; and he gave almost his whole attention to his left wing. Constantly sending fresh reinforcements thither, he massed the whole Guard Corps and part of the VIth Corps opposite the Bois des Ognons, whence an attack was exceptionally improbable. One is tempted to assume that political reasons alone thus early actuated Bazaine in his resolve to cling to Metz.

It’s not easy to understand, from a purely military perspective, why this strategy wasn’t pursued. There was a strong certainty that only a portion, and likely just a small portion, of the German forces could have reached the left side of the Moselle. When the Divisions that were held up near Metz arrived later in the day, the French would have had a significant advantage in numbers. However, it seems that the Marshal's main concern was that he might be forced to [38] give up his hold on Metz; he focused almost all of his attention on his left flank. Continuously sending fresh reinforcements there, he concentrated the entire Guard Corps and part of the VIth Corps opposite Bois des Ognons, where an attack was highly unlikely. One might be tempted to think that political reasons alone drove Bazaine’s early decision to hold on to Metz.

Meanwhile the Prussians slowly but surely made their way beyond Flavigny and Vionville, and, assisted by a heavy fire from the artillery, compelled the right wing of the IInd French Corps to retire on Rezonville, a movement which became a flight when the French Generals Bataille and Valazé were killed.

Meanwhile, the Prussians steadily advanced past Flavigny and Vionville, and, supported by intense artillery fire, forced the right flank of the II French Corps to retreat to Rezonville. This retreat turned into a full-fledged flight when French Generals Bataille and Valazé were killed.

To regain the lost ground the French Guard Cuirassier Regiment threw itself resolutely on the pursuers. But its attack was cut short by the rapid fire of two companies of the 52nd Regiment drawn up in line, which reserved their fire till the enemy were within 250 paces. The horsemen sweeping right and left rushed into the fire of more infantry behind; 243 horses strewed the field, and only the remnants of the regiment wheeled about in swift flight, pursued by two Hussar regiments which had dashed forward from Flavigny. A French battery in front of Rezonville had hardly time to discharge a few shots before it was surrounded. For want of teams the Prussians could not, indeed, carry off the captured guns; but the Commander-in-Chief of the French army, who had himself brought them up, was for several minutes in imminent danger of being taken prisoner.

To make up for the lost ground, the French Guard Cuirassier Regiment charged boldly at the pursuers. However, their attack was quickly halted by the rapid fire of two companies from the 52nd Regiment, which held their fire until the enemy was within 250 paces. The cavalrymen charged left and right, rushing into the fire from even more infantry positioned behind; 243 horses littered the field, and only the remnants of the regiment turned around for a rapid retreat, pursued by two Hussar regiments that had surged forward from Flavigny. A French battery in front of Rezonville barely had time to fire a few shots before being surrounded. Due to a lack of teams, the Prussians couldn’t transport the captured guns; however, the Commander-in-Chief of the French army, who had personally brought them up, was at serious risk of being taken prisoner for several minutes.

The 6th Prussian Cavalry Division had also been ordered to the front. After passing through the line of artillery and deploying as well as the limited space permitted, it found itself face to face with fresh and completely formed troops. Marshal Bazaine had taken the precaution of substituting for the routed bodies of the IInd Corps the Guard Grenadier Division,[39] which he had at last prevailed on himself to bring up from his unengaged left wing, but not without filling the vacancy by a Division of the IIIrd Corps. Thus the Prussian cavalry was received with such an overwhelming musketry and artillery fire that it halted, and deliberately retired, its retreat being covered by two squadrons of Uhlans, which time after time showed a front against the enemy. The cavalry had not actually engaged, but its advance had gained time and opportunity for the artillery to move further forward in one line from the spur of the wood to Flavigny.

The 6th Prussian Cavalry Division was also ordered to the front. After moving through the artillery line and deploying as best as the limited space allowed, it encountered fresh, fully formed troops. Marshal Bazaine had wisely replaced the routed units of the II Corps with the Guard Grenadier Division,[39] which he had finally decided to bring up from his unengaged left flank, but not without filling the gap with a Division from the III Corps. As a result, the Prussian cavalry was met with such intense gunfire and artillery that it stopped and slowly retreated, while two squadrons of Uhlans covered its withdrawal, repeatedly presenting a front to the enemy. The cavalry hadn't actually engaged, but its advance allowed time and space for the artillery to reposition in a single line from the edge of the wood to Flavigny.

It was now two o'clock. So far General von Alvensleben had deceived the enemy with regard to the slenderness of his force by acting incessantly on the offensive. But the battle was now at a standstill, the battalions were visibly thinned, their strength was sapped by four hours of hard fighting, and the ammunition of the infantry was almost exhausted. Not a battalion, not a battery remained in reserve behind the fighting line standing there in the fire. It was now required to conserve the success won with so much blood by acting thenceforth on the defensive.

It was now two o'clock. So far, General von Alvensleben had misled the enemy about the size of his force by constantly being on the offensive. But the battle had reached a stalemate; the battalions were clearly reduced in number, their strength worn down after four hours of intense fighting, and the infantry's ammunition was nearly gone. Not a single battalion or battery was left in reserve behind the frontline troops enduring the combat. It was now necessary to protect the hard-won success by switching to a defensive strategy.

The left wing was in especial danger, being under the fire of the powerful artillery deployed on the Roman road. Their greatly superior numbers enabled the French to extend farther and farther to the right, threatening thus completely to envelop the Prussian flank.

The left wing was particularly at risk, facing the fire from the strong artillery positioned along the Roman road. The French, with their significantly larger numbers, were able to push further and further to the right, thereby threatening to completely surround the Prussian flank.

Marshal Canrobert, in the French centre, had discerned the right moment to press forward against Vionville with all his might. At this critical instant there was on the German side only a small detachment of the 5th Cavalry Division available to check this effort. Two brigades had necessarily been sent to strengthen the left flank, and of the 12th Brigade remaining in rear of Vionville two squadrons had been detached to the Tronville copses. The two regiments ordered to undertake the task of charging the advancing enemy—the[40] Magdeburg Cuirassiers and the Altmark Uhlans—were consequently each but three squadrons strong, in all 800 horses.

Marshal Canrobert, in the French center, recognized the right moment to launch a strong attack on Vionville. At this crucial moment, on the German side, there was only a small detachment from the 5th Cavalry Division available to counter this move. Two brigades had been sent to reinforce the left flank, and of the 12th Brigade remaining behind Vionville, two squadrons had been redirected to the Tronville woods. The two regiments assigned to charge the advancing enemy—the[40] Magdeburg Cuirassiers and the Altmark Uhlans—were therefore each only three squadrons strong, totaling 800 horses.

General von Bredow, commanding the 12th Cavalry Brigade, first traversed in column the shallow hollow sinking down from Vionville, then wheeled to the right and mounted the slope to the eastward, both his regiments on one front. Received immediately with heavy artillery and infantry fire, he threw himself on the hostile ranks. The first line is ridden over, the line of guns is broken through, gunners and teams are put to the sword. The second French line is powerless to resist this vigorous onslaught, and even the more distant batteries limbered up to drive away.

General von Bredow, in charge of the 12th Cavalry Brigade, first moved his troops in column through the shallow dip down from Vionville, then turned right and climbed the slope to the east, with both his regiments aligned. He was met immediately with intense artillery and infantry fire, but he charged into the enemy ranks. The first line was overwhelmed, the line of cannons was breached, and gunners and their teams were cut down. The second French line couldn’t withstand this fierce attack, and even the farther away batteries started to pack up to retreat.

But the rapture of victory and the impetuosity of the charge carried the handful of troopers too far, and after a gallop of 3000 paces they found themselves surrounded by the French cavalry, which attacked them from all sides. There was no scope for a second charge, and so after several encounters with the French horse the brigade was forced to cut its way back through the French infantry, whose bullets accompanied it home. Only one-half of the command returned to Flavigny, where it was reorganized into two squadrons. The devoted self-sacrifice of the two heroic regiments effected the result, that the French entirely discontinued their attack on Vionville.

But the excitement of victory and the eagerness of the charge pushed the small group of soldiers too far, and after a ride of 3000 paces, they found themselves surrounded by the French cavalry, which attacked them from all sides. There was no chance for a second charge, so after several skirmishes with the French horse, the brigade was forced to fight its way back through the French infantry, with bullets flying all around. Only half of the command made it back to Flavigny, where they were reorganized into two squadrons. The brave selflessness of the two heroic regiments led to the result that the French completely stopped their attack on Vionville.

At three o'clock four of their Divisions advanced towards the Tronville copses. Barby's cavalry brigade (11th), watching the western verge, had to retire before the enemy's fire, and the German infantry occupying the wood also had to yield to a strength so superior; the batteries which were in action between Vionville and the copses were assailed in rear from the west through the glades of the copses, and were likewise forced to retire. But not until the lapse of an hour did the French succeed in overcoming the obstinate resistance of four staunch battalions.

At three o'clock, four of their divisions moved toward the Tronville woods. Barby's cavalry brigade (11th), stationed on the western edge, had to fall back under the enemy's fire, and the German infantry in the woods also had to give way to a force that was much stronger. The batteries that were active between Vionville and the woods faced an attack from the west through the clearer areas of the woods and were similarly compelled to retreat. However, it took the French an hour to finally break through the stubborn resistance of four determined battalions.

At the subsequent roll-call near Tronville, it was[41] ascertained that the 24th Regiment had lost 1000 men and 52 officers, and that the 2nd Battalion of the 20th Regiment had lost all its officers. The 37th demi-Brigade, which of its own accord had been fighting valiantly in support since noon, took possession of the village of Tronville and prepared it for an obstinate defence.

At the next roll call near Tronville, it was[41] confirmed that the 24th Regiment had lost 1,000 men and 52 officers, and that the 2nd Battalion of the 20th Regiment had lost all its officers. The 37th demi-Brigade, which had been fighting bravely on its own since noon, took control of the village of Tronville and got it ready for a stubborn defense.

It was not till after three that the IIIrd Corps, which had been fighting for seven[9] hours almost single-handed, received effective assistance.

It wasn't until after three that the IIIrd Corps, which had been fighting almost alone for seven[9] hours, finally got some real help.

While the Xth Corps was on the march through Thiaucourt, its advanced guard heard cannon-fire from the direction of Vionville. The Corps Commander, General von Voigts-Rhetz, immediately set out for the battle-field, and having personally ascertained how matters stood, he sent back the requisite orders to his approaching troops.

While the Xth Corps was marching through Thiaucourt, its advance guard heard cannon fire coming from the direction of Vionville. The Corps Commander, General von Voigts-Rhetz, immediately headed to the battlefield, and after assessing the situation himself, he sent back the necessary orders to his arriving troops.

In this instance again it was the artillery which, hurrying on in advance, masterfully struck into the conflict. Its fire, in conjunction with that of the promptly further advancing batteries of the IIIrd Corps, checked the French rush made on both sides of the Tronville copses simultaneously. At half-past three the head of von Woyna's Brigade (39th) fell on, drove the enemy back into the wood, and finally, supported by Diringshofen's Brigade (40th), took possession of its northern outskirts.

In this case, it was the artillery that quickly moved ahead and skillfully engaged in the fight. Its fire, along with that of the rapidly advancing batteries of the III Corps, stopped the French attack on both sides of the Tronville woods at the same time. At 3:30, the lead unit of von Woyna's Brigade (39th) charged in, pushed the enemy back into the woods, and ultimately, with support from Diringshofen's Brigade (40th), took control of the northern edge.

The right wing of the IIIrd Corps had also received some reinforcement.

The right wing of the III Corps had also gotten some reinforcements.

The 32nd Brigade of the VIIIth Corps, on being called upon to assist the 5th Division, fatigued though it was by a long march, immediately advanced from the Moselle by Arry. The 11th Regiment joined it, and three batteries were sent ahead to commence operations; this force emerged at five o'clock from the forest of St. Arnould. It at once made an assault on the heights in front of Maison Blanche, but, though it[42] made three strenuous efforts in succession, failed to carry them, since Marshal Bazaine had greatly strengthened his position in front of Rezonville. Then the French, in their turn, took the offensive there; but were equally unable to establish themselves firmly on the heights, swept as they were by the well-directed fire of the Prussian artillery; and they had to withdraw from the attempt. Petty struggles for this position were renewed later on both sides, but those spurts came to nothing because of the fire of the respective artillery; and the fighting on the German right became in the main stationary.

The 32nd Brigade of the VIII Corps, despite being tired from a long march, was called to help the 5th Division and immediately moved from the Moselle by Arry. The 11th Regiment joined them, and three batteries were sent ahead to start operations. This force came out of the St. Arnould forest at five o'clock. They launched an attack on the heights in front of Maison Blanche, but despite three strong attempts, they couldn’t take them because Marshal Bazaine had significantly reinforced his position in front of Rezonville. Then the French turned to attack, but they were also unable to secure the heights due to the effective fire from the Prussian artillery, forcing them to pull back. Minor skirmishes for this position resumed later on both sides, but those efforts were ineffective due to the artillery fire, and the fighting on the German right largely remained at a standstill.

That on the German left two French Divisions had retired before a few newly-arrived battalions, and had evacuated the Tronville copses, can only be explained by a report having reached Bazaine's head-quarters that the enemy was coming in upon his right flank in the vicinity of Hannonville.

That two French Divisions on the German left had pulled back in front of a few newly arrived battalions and had left the Tronville woods can only be explained by a report reaching Bazaine's headquarters that the enemy was approaching his right flank near Hannonville.

The enemy referred to was Wedell's Brigade (38th), which, while on the march in the direction of Etain according to its original orders, had received counter-instructions while halted at St. Hilaire at noon, to hurry to the field of battle. General von Schwartzkoppen (commanding 19th Infantry Division) decided to march by the highway to Mars la Tour, in the hope of falling on the enemy either in flank or in rear. But the French meanwhile had extended their reinforced right wing to the sunken valley west of Bruville, where three Divisions of their cavalry were massed in position.

The enemy being mentioned was Wedell's Brigade (38th), which, while marching toward Etain as per its original orders, had received counter-instructions while stopped at St. Hilaire at noon, directing them to rush to the battlefield. General von Schwartzkoppen (commanding the 19th Infantry Division) decided to take the highway to Mars la Tour, hoping to attack the enemy from the side or behind. Meanwhile, the French had extended their strengthened right flank to the sunken valley west of Bruville, where three divisions of their cavalry were positioned.

Thus when General von Wedell advanced to the attack on both sides of Tronville, which the French themselves had fired, his brigade—only five battalions strong—found itself in face of the long deployed front of the 4th French Corps. The two Westphalian regiments advanced steadily under the storm of shell and mitrailleuse fire till they suddenly reached the edge of a deep ravine hitherto unseen. This, however, they soon traversed, and were climbing the farther ascent, when they were met by a murderous shower[43] of bullets from the French infantry which hemmed them in closely on every side. After almost every one of the commanders and regimental officers had fallen, the wreck of the battalions fell back into the ravine; 300 men were taken prisoners, having no strength left to ascend the steep southern rise after the fatigue of a twenty-eight miles march. The remainder rallied at Tronville under the shot-torn colours which Colonel von Cranach, the only officer who still had a horse under him, had brought back in his own hand. Seventy-two officers and 2542 men were missing out of 95 officers and 4546 men—more than half. The French followed up their success, but were checked on the right by the headlong charge of the 1st Guard Dragoons, which cost that regiment 250 horses and nearly all its officers; and on the left by the 4th squadron of the 2nd Guard Dragoons, which attacked three times its strength of Chasseurs d'Afrique.

Thus, when General von Wedell launched an attack on both sides of Tronville, which the French had themselves set on fire, his brigade—only five battalions strong—faced the long, deployed front of the 4th French Corps. The two Westphalian regiments advanced steadily through the intense bombardment of shells and machine-gun fire until they suddenly encountered the edge of a deep ravine that had previously been hidden. However, they quickly crossed it and began climbing the ascent on the other side when they were met with a deadly hail of bullets from the French infantry, who surrounded them on all sides. After almost all the commanders and regimental officers had fallen, the remnants of the battalions retreated back into the ravine; 300 men were taken prisoner, having no strength left to climb the steep southern rise after the exhaustion of a twenty-eight-mile march. The rest regrouped at Tronville under the battle-worn colors, which Colonel von Cranach, the only officer still mounted, had returned with in his own hands. Seventy-two officers and 2,542 men were missing out of 95 officers and 4,546 men—more than half. The French pursued their success but were halted on the right by the reckless charge of the 1st Guard Dragoons, which cost that regiment 250 horses and nearly all its officers; and on the left by the 4th squadron of the 2nd Guard Dragoons, which attacked three times its number of Chasseurs d'Afrique.

But there now imminently threatened the charge of a great mass of French cavalry, which disclosed itself on the open plateau of Ville sur Yron. This consisted of Legrand's Division and de France's Guard Brigade in four compact echelons, overlapping each other to the right. On the German side, all the still disposable cavalry joined Barby's brigade, and the body thus made up, consisting only of sixteen squadrons, was formed for action in two lines west of Mars la Tour. Farther in advance stood the 13th Dragoons, halted to receive the Guard-squadron on its return from its recent charge. The 13th galloped forward to meet the charge of Montaigu's Hussar Brigade, which constituted the first line of the French cavalry mass, and which broke through the (over-wide) intervals of the Prussian squadrons. But General von Barby promptly appeared with the other regiments on the upland of Ville sur Yron, where at a quarter to seven the cavalry masses came into collision.

But now there was an imminent threat from a large group of French cavalry that revealed itself on the open plateau of Ville sur Yron. This force included Legrand's Division and de France's Guard Brigade, organized in four tight formations that overlapped to the right. On the German side, the remaining cavalry joined Barby's brigade, which was made up of only sixteen squadrons and positioned for action in two lines west of Mars la Tour. Up ahead, the 13th Dragoons were stopped to receive the Guard squadron returning from its latest charge. The 13th charged forward to confront the oncoming attack from Montaigu's Hussar Brigade, the first line of the French cavalry group, which broke through the gaps that were too wide in the Prussian squadrons. But General von Barby quickly showed up with the other regiments on the upland of Ville sur Yron, where the cavalry forces collided at a quarter to seven.

A mighty cloud of dust concealed the varying phases of the hand-to-hand encounter of 5000 horsemen which[44] gradually declared itself in favour of the Prussians. General Montaigu, severely wounded, was taken prisoner, and General Legrand fell while leading his Dragoons to the assistance of the Hussars.

A huge cloud of dust hid the different stages of the close combat involving 5,000 horsemen, which[44] gradually showed a victory for the Prussians. General Montaigu, badly injured, was captured, and General Legrand was killed while trying to lead his Dragoons to help the Hussars.

De France's Brigade allowed the enemy to approach within 150 paces, and then its Lancer regiment rushed impetuously upon the Hanoverian Uhlans; but the latter outflanked it, and received unexpected assistance from the 5th squadron of the 2nd Guard Dragoons, which, returning from a reconnaissance, plunged forward over fences and ditches and fell upon the enemy in flank, while the Westphalian Cuirassiers at the same time broke his front. The Chasseurs d'Afrique strove in vain to hinder the enveloping tactics of the Hanoverian Dragoons; the clouds of dust drifted farther and farther northward, and the whole mass of French horse drew away towards the wooded slopes of Bruville, behind which there were still five regiments of Clérembault's Cavalry Division. Clérembault permitted one of his brigades to cross the valley, but the fleeing Hussars and some misunderstood signals threw it into confusion. It was borne back, and not until the French infantry confronted the Prussian pursuers in the covering valley did the latter desist from the pursuit.

De France's Brigade let the enemy get as close as 150 yards before its Lancer regiment charged at the Hanoverian Uhlans. However, the Uhlans surrounded them and unexpectedly got help from the 5th squadron of the 2nd Guard Dragoons, which was returning from a reconnaissance. They jumped over fences and ditches and attacked the enemy from the side, while the Westphalian Cuirassiers simultaneously broke through their front lines. The Chasseurs d'Afrique tried in vain to stop the encircling tactics of the Hanoverian Dragoons; clouds of dust drifted further north, and the entire group of French cavalry pulled back towards the wooded slopes of Bruville, behind which were still five regiments of Clérembault's Cavalry Division. Clérembault allowed one of his brigades to cross the valley, but the fleeing Hussars and some misinterpreted signals caused chaos. They were pushed back, and it wasn't until the French infantry faced the Prussian pursuers in the covering valley that the latter stopped chasing them.

The Prussian regiments quietly re-formed and then withdrew at a walk to Mars la Tour, followed at a great distance by part of Clérembault's Division.

The Prussian regiments quietly regrouped and then walked back to Mars la Tour, followed at a significant distance by part of Clérembault's Division.

This, the greatest cavalry combat of the war, had the effect of making the French right wing give up all further attempts to act on the offensive. The Germans mourned the loss of many superior officers, who always, at the head of their men, had set them a glorious example.

This, the biggest cavalry battle of the war, caused the French right wing to stop any further attempts to go on the offensive. The Germans grieved the loss of many high-ranking officers, who always led their men and set a great example.

Prince Frederick Charles had hastened to the field of battle. The day was nearly at an end, darkness approaching, and the battle won. The Prussians in the evening stood on the ground which in the morning had been occupied by the French. Though General von Alvensleben had in the first instance been under the[45] impression that he would have only the French rear-guard to deal with, he did not hesitate for a moment to become the assailant when he found the entire French Army before him. With his single Corps he maintained the fight till the afternoon, and drove back the enemy from Flavigny to Rezonville, a distance of more than two miles. This was one of the most brilliant achievements of all the war.

Prince Frederick Charles quickly made his way to the battlefield. The day was almost over, darkness was setting in, and victory had been secured. By evening, the Prussians stood on the ground that the French had occupied in the morning. Although General von Alvensleben had initially thought he would only face the French rear-guard, he immediately took the initiative when he encountered the entire French Army. With his one Corps, he continued the battle until the afternoon and pushed the enemy back from Flavigny to Rezonville, a distance of over two miles. This was one of the most remarkable achievements of the entire war.

Thanks to the valuable assistance of the Xth Corps it was possible to carry on the battle through the afternoon on the defensive, but only by most resolute counter-attacks by the cavalry, and by the unflinching tenacity of the artillery.

Thanks to the valuable support from the Xth Corps, we were able to continue the battle defensively through the afternoon, but only because of the determined counter-attacks by the cavalry and the unwavering persistence of the artillery.

It was clearly most unadvisable to challenge by renewed attacks an enemy who still outnumbered the Germans; which action, since no further reinforcements could be hoped for, could not but jeopardize the success so dearly bought. The troops were exhausted, most of their ammunition was spent, the horses had been under the saddle for fifteen hours without fodder; some of the batteries could only move at a walk, and the nearest Army Corps on the left bank of the Moselle, the XIIth,[10] was distant more than a day's march.

It was clearly unwise to launch renewed attacks against an enemy that still outnumbered the Germans; taking that action, especially since no further reinforcements could be expected, would only put the hard-won success at risk. The troops were exhausted, most of their ammunition was used up, and the horses had been under saddle for fifteen hours without food; some of the batteries could only move at a slow pace, and the nearest Army Corps on the left bank of the Moselle, the XIIth,[10] was more than a day's march away.

Notwithstanding all these considerations, an order from Prince Frederick Charles's Head-quarter issued at seven o'clock, commanded a renewed and general attack on the enemy's positions. The Xth Corps was quite incapable of answering this demand; and only part of the artillery went forward on the right followed by some infantry. The batteries indeed reached the much-disputed plateau south of Rezonville, but only to be exposed on two sides to the fire of infantry[46] and artillery. Fifty-four guns of the French Guard alone, in position on the farther side of the valley, were taking them in flank. The Prussian batteries were compelled to retreat to their previous position, but two brigades of the 6th Cavalry Division still pressed forward. Scarcely able to discern in the increasing darkness where lay their proper line of attack, they came under very sharp infantry fire, and withdrew with great loss.

Despite all these factors, an order from Prince Frederick Charles's headquarters issued at seven o'clock called for a renewed and general attack on the enemy's positions. The Xth Corps was unable to meet this demand, and only part of the artillery advanced on the right along with some infantry. The batteries did make it to the contested plateau south of Rezonville, but quickly found themselves exposed to enemy fire from infantry and artillery on two sides. Fifty-four guns of the French Guard alone, positioned on the opposite side of the valley, were flanking them. The Prussian batteries had to fall back to their previous position, but two brigades from the 6th Cavalry Division continued to push forward. Struggling to identify their correct line of attack in the fading light, they came under intense infantry fire and retreated with heavy losses.

Fighting did not entirely cease until ten o'clock. On either side 16,000 men had fallen. On either side pursuit was out of the question. The Germans reaped the fruits of this victory solely in its results. The troops, worn out by a twelve hours' struggle, bivouacked on the victorious but bloody field, immediately opposite the French position.

Fighting didn't completely stop until ten o'clock. On both sides, 16,000 men had fallen. Pursuing the enemy was impossible. The Germans only benefited from this victory through its outcomes. The troops, exhausted from a twelve-hour battle, set up camp on the victorious but bloody field, directly across from the French position.

Those Corps of the IInd Army which had not taken part in the battle, were on that day on march towards the Meuse. The advanced guard of the IVth Corps on the left wing was heading towards Toul. This fortress, commanding a railway-line of importance to the further progress of the German Army, was reported to be but feebly held, and it was resolved to attempt its capture by a coup de main. But the bombardment of it by field-artillery proved quite ineffective. Bastions of masonry and wide wet ditches made a storm impossible. An attempt to batter down the gates by shot and thus gain an entrance proved a failure. Finally the undertaking was given up, and not without some loss on the part of the Germans.

Those units of the II Army that hadn't participated in the battle were marching toward the Meuse that day. The advance guard of the IV Corps on the left flank was heading for Toul. This fortress, which controlled an important railway line for the German Army's further progress, was reported to be only weakly defended, so they decided to try to capture it quickly. However, the bombardment by field artillery was pretty ineffective. The masonry bastions and wide wet ditches made an assault impossible. An attempt to break down the gates with cannon fire to gain entry failed. Eventually, the mission was called off, not without some losses for the Germans.

At the Royal Head-quarter in Pont à Mousson it had become known by about noon on the 16th that the IIIrd Corps was engaged in serious conflict, and that the Xth and IXth were hastening up to its support. The far-reaching consequences of this information were recognized at once.

At the Royal Headquarters in Pont à Mousson, it became clear by around noon on the 16th that the III Corps was facing intense fighting, and that the Xth and IXth were quickly moving in to assist. The significant implications of this news were understood immediately.

The French were arrested in their withdrawal from Metz, but it was to be presumed as a certainty that[47] they would again make strenuous efforts to force open their interrupted line of retreat. The XIIth Corps was therefore ordered to set out for Mars la Tour as early as three o'clock next morning; the VIIth and VIIIth Corps to stand in readiness at Corny and Arry. The bridging operations were to be pushed with the utmost vigour during the night. The Head-quarter of the IInd Army sent from Gorze the order to the Guard Corps to make a forced march to Mars la Tour, and there take up a position on the left of the XIIth Corps. The execution of these orders was facilitated by the foresight of the Commanders, who had in the course of the day received news of the battle which was being fought. Prince George of Saxony at once placed his Division on the march to Thiaucourt, and the Prince of Würtemberg assembled the Infantry of the Guard in its cantonments farther northward in readiness for an early march.

The French were captured while trying to retreat from Metz, but it was assumed they would definitely make strong efforts to reopen their blocked escape route. Therefore, the XII Corps was ordered to set out for Mars la Tour as early as three o'clock the next morning; the VII and VIII Corps were to stand by at Corny and Arry. Bridging operations were to be carried out with the highest urgency during the night. The Headquarters of the II Army sent an order from Gorze to the Guard Corps to make a forced march to Mars la Tour and take a position on the left of the XII Corps. The execution of these orders was made easier by the foresight of the Commanders, who had received updates on the ongoing battle throughout the day. Prince George of Saxony immediately sent his Division marching to Thiaucourt, and the Prince of Württemberg gathered the Infantry of the Guard in its camps farther north in preparation for an early march.

August 17th.—On this morning, at sunrise, the French outposts were observed still occupying the sweep of front from Bruville to Rezonville. Behind them were noticed a stir and much noise of signalling, which might be the indications equally of an attack or of a retirement.

August 17th.—This morning, at sunrise, the French outposts were seen still holding the area from Bruville to Rezonville. Behind them, there was a lot of activity and noise from signaling, which could signal either an attack or a retreat.

The King arrived from Pont à Mousson at Flavigny as early as six o'clock. The reports sent in to headquarters until noon by the reconnoitring cavalry were somewhat contradictory; they left it uncertain whether the French were concentrating towards Metz, or were pursuing their retreat by the two still open roads through Etain and Briey. Preparations for the offensive were nowhere observed. By one o'clock, after a skirmish on the way, the head of the VIIth Corps had reached the northern skirt of the Bois des Ognons, over against which the French subsequently abandoned Gravelotte. The VIIIth Corps stood ready at Gorze, the IXth, IIIrd, and Xth remained in their positions, the XIIth and the Guard Corps were on the march. Seven Corps and three[48] Cavalry Divisions could be counted on for the following day; for to-day all attacks were forbidden.

The King arrived from Pont à Mousson at Flavigny as early as six o'clock. The reports sent to headquarters until noon by the scouting cavalry were a bit mixed; they left it unclear whether the French were gathering towards Metz or were retreating down the two still open roads through Etain and Briey. No preparations for an offensive were seen anywhere. By one o'clock, after a skirmish on the way, the head of the VIIth Corps had reached the northern edge of the Bois des Ognons, across from which the French later abandoned Gravelotte. The VIIIth Corps was ready at Gorze, while the IXth, IIIrd, and Xth remained in their positions, and the XIIth and the Guard Corps were on the move. Seven Corps and three[48]Cavalry Divisions were expected for the following day; for today, all attacks were prohibited.

In making the dispositions for the impending battle of August 18th, two possible contingencies were foreseen and had to be provided for. To meet both the left wing was to be sent forward in a northerly direction through Doncourt towards the nearest of the routes still open for the retreat of the French. If the enemy were already retiring, he was to be at once attacked and detained while the right wing was hurrying up in support.

In planning for the upcoming battle on August 18th, two possible scenarios were anticipated and needed to be addressed. To prepare for both, the left wing was directed to move north through Doncourt toward the closest remaining routes for the French retreat. If the enemy was already pulling back, they were to be immediately attacked and held off while the right wing rushed in to provide support.

In case the enemy should be remaining about Metz, the German left wing was to swing eastwards and out-flank his farthest north position, while the right was to hold his left closely engaged until this movement was accomplished. The battle, under these circumstances, probably could not be decided until late in the day, owing to the wide-sweeping movement of a portion of the army. A peculiar feature of the situation was that both parties had to fight with inverted front, and sacrifice for the time their respective lines of communication. The consequences of victory or defeat would thus be greatly enhanced or aggravated, but the French had the advantage of having as their base a large place of arms with its resources.

In case the enemy was still around Metz, the German left wing would move eastward to outflank its northernmost position, while the right would keep the enemy's left fully engaged until this maneuver was complete. Given these circumstances, the battle likely wouldn't be decided until late in the day because of the extensive movement of part of the army. An unusual aspect of the situation was that both sides had to fight with their fronts reversed, temporarily sacrificing their lines of communication. The stakes of victory or defeat would therefore be significantly heightened, but the French had the advantage of a large arsenal as their base, along with its resources.

A decision having been arrived at, by two o'clock orders were published at Flavigny for an advance by echelons from the left wing. The guidance of individual Corps during the battle was to turn on the reports which should be brought in. The King then returned to Pont à Mousson.

A decision was made, and by two o'clock, orders were issued at Flavigny for an advance in stages from the left wing. The direction of each Corps during the battle was to be based on the reports that came in. The King then went back to Pont à Mousson.

As early as nine o'clock in the morning the Saxon Cavalry Division had reached the Etain road to the west of Conflans, and had reported no enemy visible except a few stragglers. Still, this only proved that on the 17th the French had not yet taken up their retreat.

As early as 9 AM, the Saxon Cavalry Division reached the Etain road west of Conflans and reported no enemy in sight except for a few stragglers. However, this only indicated that on the 17th, the French had not yet begun their retreat.

In rear of its cavalry the XIIth Corps arrived[49] during the day in the vicinity of Mars la Tour and Puxieux, and left of it the Guard bivouacked in the evening at Hannonville sur Yron, in accordance with order. The IInd Corps, which ever since it left the railway had followed close on the IInd Army, reached Pont à Mousson, and was ordered to march forward by Buxières at four next morning.

In the back of its cavalry, the XII Corps arrived[49] during the day near Mars la Tour and Puxieux, and to its left, the Guard set up camp in the evening at Hannonville sur Yron, as per orders. The II Corps, which had been closely following the II Army since leaving the railway, reached Pont à Mousson and was instructed to move forward through Buxières at four the next morning.

FOOTNOTES:

[9] Five; viz. from 10 a.m. to 3 p.m.

[9] Five; specifically, from 10 a.m. to 3 p.m.

[10] The Hessian Division of the IXth Corps was on the left bank, much nearer the field than the XIIth—so near indeed that portions of it were actually engaged; and its other Division crossed the river in the night. The Staff History assigns the proximity of the IXth Corps as a leading reason for the action of Prince Frederick Charles which Moltke denounces. Both the VIIth and VIIIth Corps (the latter of which had a brigade engaged in the battle) were more immediately available than the distant XIIth.

[10] The Hessian Division of the IX Corps was located on the left bank, much closer to the battlefield than the XII Corps—so close, in fact, that some of its units were actively involved; and its other division crossed the river during the night. The Staff History states that the IX Corps's proximity was a major reason for the actions of Prince Frederick Charles, which Moltke criticizes. Both the VII and VIII Corps (the latter of which had a brigade fighting in the battle) were much more readily available than the far-off XII Corps.


Battle of Gravelotte—St. Privat.

(August 18th.)

Marshal Bazaine had not thought it advisable to prosecute the march to Verdun now that the Germans were so close on the flank of such a movement. He preferred to concentrate his forces near Metz, in a position which he rightly considered as almost impregnable.

Marshal Bazaine didn’t think it was wise to proceed with the march to Verdun now that the Germans were so close to the side of that movement. He preferred to gather his forces near Metz, in a position he correctly viewed as nearly unbeatable.

Such an one was afforded him by the range of heights stretching along the western verge of the valley of Chatel. Their face looking toward the enemy sloped away like a glacis, while the short and steep decline in the rear afforded cover for the reserves. Along the flat crown of the heights from Roncourt to Rozerieulles, a distance of about seven miles, were posted the VIth, IVth, IIIrd, and IInd Corps in succession from the north; for which distance there were available from eight to ten men to the pace (Schritt). A brigade of the Vth Corps stood near Ste. Ruffine in the valley of the Moselle; the cavalry was in rear of both flanks. In front of the IInd and IIIrd Corps shelter-trenches had been thrown up, battery emplacements and covered ways of communication constructed, and the farmsteads lying out to the front converted into little forts. To approach this (left) wing from the west it was necessary to cross the deep ravine of the Mance. The VIth Corps on the other hand was wholly without[50] an engineer park; and it is indicative of the general ill-equipment of the French that, for the transport of the wounded to the rear, in spite of the enormous trains, provision waggons had to be unloaded and their contents burnt. This Corps was therefore unable to construct fortified flank defences toward the forest of Jaumont, such as would have given to the right wing the character of formidable strength. This would undoubtedly have been the place for the Guard, but in his apprehension of an attack from the south the Marshal held that Corps in reserve at Plappeville.

One such position was provided by the series of heights along the western edge of the Chatel valley. The side facing the enemy sloped downward like a glacis, while the steep drop in the back offered cover for the reserves. Along the flat top of the heights from Roncourt to Rozerieulles, about seven miles apart, the VIth, IVth, IIIrd, and IInd Corps were lined up from north to south; for this distance, there were available eight to ten men per pace. A brigade of the Vth Corps was stationed near Ste. Ruffine in the Moselle valley, with the cavalry positioned at both flanks. In front of the IInd and IIIrd Corps, shelter trenches had been dug, battery positions established, and covered pathways built for communication, with the farmhouses in front turned into small forts. To approach this (left) wing from the west, one had to cross the deep ravine of the Mance. The VIth Corps, on the other hand, had no engineer park at all, highlighting the overall poor equipment of the French forces. For transporting the wounded to the rear, despite the large supply trains, provision wagons had to be emptied and their contents burned. Therefore, this Corps could not build fortified flank defenses toward the Jaumont forest, which would have made the right wing much stronger. This would likely have been the right place for the Guard, but due to the fear of an attack from the south, the Marshal kept that Corps in reserve at Plappeville.

The King returned to Flavigny at six o'clock on the morning of the 18th. All commanding officers were instructed to send their reports thither, and officers of the General Staff belonging to the Royal Head-quarter were besides sent out in different directions to report information as to the progress of the engagement.

The King got back to Flavigny at six in the morning on the 18th. All commanding officers were told to send their reports there, and officers from the General Staff assigned to the Royal Headquarters were also dispatched in various directions to gather updates on the progress of the battle.

The following were the initial dispositions. The VIIth Army Corps, which was to form the pivot for the eventual wheel to the right, occupied the Bois de Vaux and Bois des Ognons; the VIIIth, which the King had reserved at his own disposition, stood halted near Rezonville ready to march to the north or to the east, as might be required. The IXth Corps, on its left, advanced towards St. Marcel, while the IIIrd and Xth followed in second line. The Guard and XIIth Corps moved in a northerly direction.

The following were the initial plans. The VIIth Army Corps, which was to be the center for the eventual right turn, occupied the Bois de Vaux and Bois des Ognons; the VIIIth, which the King had kept under his own control, was paused near Rezonville, ready to move north or east as needed. The IXth Corps, on its left, advanced towards St. Marcel, while the IIIrd and Xth followed in the second line. The Guard and XIIth Corps moved northward.

In consequence of the Head-quarter of the IInd Army having ordered the XIIth Corps, although it stood on the right,[11] to form the extreme left, a serious delay occurred from the crossing of the respective lines of march. The Saxon troops had not entirely passed through Mars-la-Tour until nine o'clock, and till then the Guard Corps could not follow.

As a result of the headquarters of the 2nd Army ordering the 12th Corps, even though it was positioned on the right,[11] to take the extreme left, there was a significant delay due to the overlapping of their marching routes. The Saxon troops didn't fully clear Mars-la-Tour until nine o'clock, and until that point, the Guard Corps couldn't proceed.

Meanwhile the advanced guard of the XIIth Corps had already reached Jarny, and pursued its march as far as Briey without encountering the enemy.

Meanwhile, the advanced guard of the XII Corps had already arrived in Jarny and continued its march as far as Briey without meeting any enemy forces.

Before information to this effect came in, the conviction had been reached in the Royal Head-quarter that at all events the main forces of the enemy still remained before Metz; there was, however, a difference of opinion as to the extension of the French front, which it was assumed did not reach beyond Montigny. The Head-quarter of the IInd Army was therefore instructed not to extend further northward, but to attack the enemy's right wing with the IXth Corps, and push in the direction of Batilly with the Guard and the XIIth Corps. The Ist Army was not to begin its frontal attack until the IInd should be ready to co-operate.

Before information to this effect came in, the decision had been made at the Royal Headquarters that, in any case, the main forces of the enemy still remained in front of Metz; however, there was a disagreement about how far the French front extended, which was assumed not to go beyond Montigny. The Headquarters of the II Army was therefore instructed not to advance further north, but to attack the enemy's right wing with the IX Corps, and advance towards Batilly with the Guard and the XII Corps. The I Army was not to begin its frontal attack until the II Army was ready to cooperate.

In obedience to those instructions Prince Frederick Charles ordered the IXth Corps to march towards Verneville, and, in case the French right wing should be found there, to begin the action by promptly bringing a large force of artillery into action. The Guard was to continue its advance by way of Doncourt to support the IXth as soon as possible. The XIIth was to remain at Jarny for the present.

In following those instructions, Prince Frederick Charles ordered the IX Corps to move toward Verneville, and if the French right wing was found there, to start the fight by quickly bringing a strong artillery force into play. The Guard was to keep moving forward via Doncourt to support the IX as soon as possible. The XII was to stay at Jarny for now.

A little later fresh reports came in, which indicated that the IXth Corps, should it proceed in the manner ordered, would not strike the enemy on his flank, but full on his front. The Prince, in the discretion of his high position, therefore determined that the Corps should postpone its attack till the Guard Corps should have been brought to bear upon Amanvillers. At the same time the XIIth Corps was to push on to Ste. Marie aux Chênes.

A little later, new reports came in that showed the IX Corps, if it followed the orders given, would not hit the enemy on his flank but head-on. The Prince, being in a position to make wise decisions, decided that the Corps should delay its attack until the Guard Corps could be deployed against Amanvillers. Meanwhile, the XII Corps was to advance toward Ste. Marie aux Chênes.

But while these orders were being expedited, there was heard from Verneville at twelve o'clock the roar of the first cannon shots.

But as these orders were being processed, the sound of the first cannon shots was heard from Verneville at twelve o'clock.

The two Corps of the left wing had, moreover, of their own accord, taken an easterly direction, and the IIIrd Corps moved up in rear of the IXth to the Caulre farm.[52]

The two Corps on the left wing had also, on their own initiative, headed east, and the III Corps advanced behind the IX Corps to the Caulre farm.[52]

General von Manstein, the commander of the IXth Corps, had observed from Verneville a French camp at Amanvillers, which apparently lay in negligent repose. From his standpoint it could not be discerned that to his left about St. Privat great masses of troops were in position. Thinking that in this camp he had the enemy's right wing before him, he determined to act on his original orders and at once take the foe by surprise. Eight of his batteries at once opened fire.

General von Manstein, the commander of the IX Corps, had observed from Verneville a French camp at Amanvillers, which seemed to be resting carelessly. From his position, he couldn't see that to his left, around St. Privat, large groups of troops were in place. Believing that this camp was the enemy's right flank, he decided to follow his original orders and quickly catch the enemy off guard. Eight of his batteries immediately opened fire.

But the French troops showed great alacrity in moving up into their prepared positions. The isolated initiative of the single Corps naturally drew upon it not only the fire of the troops opposite to it, but also that of the hostile Corps to right and left.

But the French troops were quick to move into their prepared positions. The isolated advance of the single Corps naturally attracted not only the fire from the troops facing it but also from the enemy Corps on the right and left.

In the effort to find a location affording something of shelter, the Prussian batteries had taken position in a fold of the slope looking towards Amanvillers, and facing to the south-east, where, however, they were exposed from the north, on the flank and even in the rear, to the fire of the enemy's artillery, as well as to the massed fire of his infantry.

In the search for a spot that offered some shelter, the Prussian artillery had stationed themselves in a dip of the slope facing Amanvillers and aimed southeast. However, they were exposed from the north, where they faced enemy artillery fire from the side and even from behind, as well as concentrated fire from the enemy infantry.

To meet this, it was necessary to send forward the infantry battalions nearest at hand. They took possession of the eastern point of the Bois de la Cusse on the left, and on the right seized the farmhouses of L'Envie and Chantrenne, and forced their way into the Bois des Genivaux. Thus the front of the 18th Division in action extended along a distance of 4000 paces.

To accomplish this, it was necessary to deploy the closest infantry battalions. They captured the eastern point of Bois de la Cusse on the left and took over the farmhouses of L'Envie and Chantrenne on the right, pushing into Bois des Genivaux. As a result, the front line of the 18th Division in action stretched over a distance of 4000 paces.

It had to endure very heavy loss from the circumstance that the French with their long-range Chassepôt rifles could afford to keep out of the effective range of the needle-gun; the artillery suffered exceptionally severely. One of the batteries had already lost forty-five gunners when the enemy's sharpshooters swarmed forward on it. Infantry protection was not available at the moment, and two guns were lost. By two o'clock the batteries still remaining in position were almost unserviceable, and no relief arrived till the[53] Hessian Division reached Habonville, and brought up on the left of the distressed batteries, five batteries on either side of the railway, which diverted on themselves to a considerable extent the concentrated fire of the enemy. The batteries of the 18th Division, which had suffered most, could now be withdrawn in succession, but even in the act of retreat they had to drive off the pursuers by grape-shot.

It had to endure significant losses because the French, armed with their long-range Chassepôt rifles, could easily stay out of the effective range of the needle-gun; the artillery was hit particularly hard. One of the batteries had already lost forty-five gunners when the enemy's sharpshooters charged at it. There wasn’t any infantry protection available at that moment, and two guns were lost. By two o'clock, the remaining batteries in position were nearly unusable, and no assistance arrived until the[53] Hessian Division reached Habonville and deployed five batteries on either side of the railway to the left of the struggling batteries, significantly diverting the enemy's concentrated fire. The batteries of the 18th Division, which had taken the most damage, could now be withdrawn in sequence, but even while retreating, they had to fend off their pursuers with grape-shot.

The artillery of the IIIrd Corps and the Guard also came to the aid of the IXth, and those of the damaged guns of the last, which were still at all fit for service, were at once brought up again into the fighting line. Thus there was formed in front of Verneville and as far as St. Ail an artillery front of 130 pieces, whose fire now opposed the enemy's artillery with conspicuous success. Now that the IIIrd Corps was approaching Verneville and the 3rd Guard Brigade had reached Habonville, it was no longer to be apprehended that the French would succeed in piercing this line.

The artillery from the III Corps and the Guard also supported the IX Corps, and any of the IX Corps' damaged guns that were still usable were quickly brought back into the fight. This created an artillery front of 130 pieces in front of Verneville and extending to St. Ail, whose fire effectively countered the enemy's artillery. With the III Corps nearing Verneville and the 3rd Guard Brigade reaching Habonville, it was no longer a concern that the French would be able to break through this line.

The main body of the Guard Corps reached St. Ail so early as two o'clock. General von Pape (commanding Ist Guard Division) at once recognized that by wheeling to the east he would not only not strike the enemy on that right flank of his which had to be turned, but would expose his own left flank to the hostile force occupying Ste. Marie aux Chênes. This town-like village, in itself extremely strong, and also strongly flanked by the main stronghold of the enemy's right, it was necessary to gain before making any further advance; but, in obedience to superior orders, the General had to await the co-operation of the Saxon Corps.

The main body of the Guard Corps arrived at St. Ail as early as two o'clock. General von Pape (commanding 1st Guard Division) immediately realized that by turning east, he wouldn’t just miss the enemy on his right flank that needed to be turned, but he would also expose his own left flank to the enemy forces at Ste. Marie aux Chênes. This town-like village was very strong on its own and was further reinforced by the main stronghold of the enemy’s right. It was essential to take this location before making any further moves, but following higher orders, the General had to wait for the Saxon Corps to cooperate.

The foremost troops of this Corps had already reached the vicinity of Batilly, but it was still distant from Ste. Marie more than two miles, so that its batteries could not be pushed forward into position west of that place until three o'clock. But as the Guard had sent most of its own artillery to the support[54] of the IXth Corps the Saxon batteries were of essential service. Ten batteries now directed their fire upon Ste. Marie, and by the time its effect was discernible, the 47th Brigade of the XIIth Corps came up. At half-past three the Prussian and Saxon battalions hurled themselves on the town from the south, the west, and the north, with loud hurrahs and without returning the fire of the enemy. The French were driven from it with the loss of several hundred men taken prisoners.

The main troops of this Corps had already reached the area near Batilly, but it was still over two miles away from Ste. Marie, so their batteries couldn’t be moved into position west of that place until three o'clock. However, since the Guard had sent most of its artillery to support the IXth Corps, the Saxon batteries were extremely helpful. Ten batteries were now firing on Ste. Marie, and by the time the impact was noticeable, the 47th Brigade of the XIIth Corps arrived. At half-past three, the Prussian and Saxon battalions charged the town from the south, west, and north, cheering loudly and not returning fire from the enemy. The French were driven out with several hundred men captured.

The Saxons eagerly followed up, and north of Ste. Marie there ensued a lively infantry fight, which masked the fire of the artillery. The brigade having obeyed the order to retire, the batteries immediately re-opened fire, and the repeated efforts of the French to recover the lost position were frustrated.

The Saxons eagerly pressed on, and north of Ste. Marie, there was an intense infantry battle that concealed the artillery fire. After the brigade followed the order to retreat, the batteries immediately resumed firing, and the French's repeated attempts to regain the lost position were thwarted.

Soon afterwards the IXth Corps succeeded in storming and firmly holding the farm of Champenois, but all further attempts by isolated battalions or companies to force their way forward against the broad and compact front of the French were then manifestly futile. Thus, towards five o'clock, the infantry fire altogether died out, and the artillery fired only an occasional shot. The exhaustion of both sides caused for the time an almost total suspension of hostilities in this part of the field.

Soon after, the IXth Corps managed to storm and secure the Champenois farm, but any further efforts by individual battalions or companies to push forward against the solid and wide front of the French were clearly pointless. By about five o'clock, the infantry fire completely ceased, and the artillery only fired an occasional shot. The exhaustion on both sides temporarily led to an almost total halt in hostilities in this area of the battlefield.

The Royal Head-quarter had firmly maintained the resolution, that the Ist Army should not commit itself to a serious offensive until the IInd had grappled with the enemy. But when the day was half-spent and when about noon heavy firing was heard from Vionville,[12] it was to be assumed that the moment for action had arrived; still, for the present, permission was only given to the Ist Army to engage in the artillery preparation.

The Royal Headquarters had strongly decided that the 1st Army should not launch a serious offensive until the 2nd Army had engaged the enemy. However, by midday, as heavy gunfire was heard from Vionville,[12] it seemed that the time for action had come; for now, though, the 1st Army was only authorized to begin artillery preparation.

Sixteen batteries of the VIIth and VIIIth Corps accordingly drew up right and left of Gravelotte on the highway passing through that village. Their fire[55] was ineffective, because they were too far distant from the enemy; and furthermore they suffered from the fire of the French tirailleurs nestling in the opposite woods. It became necessary to drive those out, and thus there occurred here a premature infantry fight. The French were cleared out from the eastern declivity of the Mance ravine, and the artillery line, now increased to twenty batteries, was able to advance closer up to the western brink and now direct the strength of its fire against the main position of the enemy.

Sixteen batteries from the VIIth and VIIIth Corps lined up on either side of Gravelotte along the road that ran through the village. Their fire[55] was ineffective because they were too far from the enemy, and they also faced fire from the French skirmishers hiding in the woods opposite them. It became necessary to push those skirmishers out, leading to an early infantry battle. The French were cleared from the eastern slope of the Mance ravine, allowing the artillery line, now expanded to twenty batteries, to advance closer to the western edge and direct their firepower against the enemy's main position.

But the battalions of the 29th Brigade pushed the attack further. They pressed on leftward into the southern section of the Bois des Genivaux, but were unable to obtain touch of the IXth Corps in possession of the northern portion of the forest, since the French firmly held the intervening ground. On the right sundry detachments took possession of the quarries and gravel-pits near St. Hubert.

But the 29th Brigade's battalions continued the attack. They advanced to the left into the southern part of the Bois des Genivaux but couldn’t connect with the IX Corps that held the northern section of the forest because the French firmly controlled the area in between. On the right, various detachments took control of the quarries and gravel pits near St. Hubert.

The artillery meanwhile had gained the mastery over that of the enemy, several of whose batteries were silenced, and others prevented from coming into position. The French fire was in part directed on the farm-steading of St. Hubert, to the vicinity of which portions of the 30th Brigade had spurted forward. These formidable premises close under the face of the enemy's main position, and in spite of a very heavy fire therefrom, were stormed at three o'clock. The 31st Brigade also now promptly crossed the ravine, but a further advance against the farms of Moscou and Leipzig, over a bare stretch of ground encompassed by the enemy on its wooded edges, did not succeed, and resulted only in heavy loss. On the extreme right, the 26th Brigade had taken possession of Jussy, thus securing the connection of the German army towards Metz, but found it impossible to cross the deep valley of Rozerieulles.

The artillery had taken control over the enemy's forces, silencing several of their batteries and stopping others from getting into position. The French fire was partially aimed at the St. Hubert farm, where parts of the 30th Brigade had pushed forward. These significant structures were right in front of the enemy's main position and, despite facing heavy fire, were attacked at three o'clock. The 31st Brigade also quickly crossed the ravine, but their attempt to advance against the farms of Moscou and Leipzig, across an open area surrounded by enemy forces in the woods, failed and resulted in substantial losses. On the far right, the 26th Brigade secured Jussy, ensuring the German army's connection towards Metz, but found it impossible to cross the deep valley of Rozerieulles.

Everywhere the advanced positions of the French had been driven in, the farms in their front were blazing, their[56] artillery appeared to be crushed, and, as the situation was viewed from Gravelotte, there needed nothing but to follow up the success. General von Steinmetz therefore, at four o'clock, ordered a renewed attack with fresh forces.

Everywhere the French had pushed forward, the farms in front of them were on fire, their[56] artillery seemed to be destroyed, and from the perspective of Gravelotte, it was clear that all that was needed was to build on this success. So, General von Steinmetz ordered a fresh attack with new troops at four o'clock.

While the VIIth Corps occupied the border of the woodland, four batteries, backed by the 1st Cavalry Division, moved at a trot through the ravine, about 1500 paces across, which lies east of Gravelotte. But as soon as the head of the deep column came in sight of the enemy he redoubled his rifle and artillery fire, which had till now been kept under. One battery lost in a twinkling the men serving four of its guns, and it was only by an extreme effort that it was withdrawn to the border of the wood; another never succeeded in deploying. On the other hand, Hasse's battery remained in action, in spite of the loss of seventy-five horses, and Gnügge's battery stood fast near St. Hubert, regardless of the return fire from the quarries.

While the VII Corps held the border of the woods, four artillery batteries, supported by the 1st Cavalry Division, trotted through the ravine, which was about 1500 paces long, located east of Gravelotte. However, as soon as the front of the column spotted the enemy, they intensified their rifle and artillery fire, which had previously been restrained. One battery quickly lost the crew operating four of its guns, and it took a tremendous effort to pull it back to the edge of the woods; another battery was unable to deploy at all. On the other hand, Hasse's battery continued to engage, despite losing seventy-five horses, and Gnügge's battery remained positioned near St. Hubert, ignoring the return fire from the quarries.

The foremost regiment of cavalry bent to the right at a gallop on leaving the hollow way, and advanced towards Point du Jour, but the enemy, being completely under cover, offered no mark for an attack. Clearly there was no field here for the utilization of this arm, so the regiments withdrew across the Mance ravine under a heavy fire from all sides.

The leading cavalry unit turned right at a gallop as they left the narrow path and moved toward Point du Jour, but the enemy was well hidden, providing no targets for an attack. It was obvious that this wasn’t a suitable area for their use, so the regiments fell back across the Mance ravine while facing heavy fire from all directions.

The result of the ill-success of this attempt was that swarms of French tirailleurs now poured down from Point du Jour, and drove the Prussian detachments still remaining on the bare plateau backward to the skirts of the wood. Chassepôt bullets even reached the position of the Royal Commander-in-Chief and his personal staff, and Prince Adalbert's horse was shot under him.

The outcome of this failed attempt was that groups of French sharpshooters came rushing down from Point du Jour and forced the remaining Prussian units on the open plain back toward the edge of the woods. Chassepôt bullets even hit the spot where the Royal Commander-in-Chief and his personal staff were positioned, and Prince Adalbert's horse was shot from beneath him.

Fresh forces pushed forward and drove the enemy back into his main position. St. Hubert remained in German possession, though the gunners of the battery in post there were equal to the service of but one gun.[57] But all partial attempts to advance over the exposed plateau proved a failure; and here also at about five o'clock in the afternoon there occurred a lull in the fighting, during which the weary troops on both sides reorganized themselves and took breath.

Fresh troops advanced and pushed the enemy back to their main position. St. Hubert remained under German control, though the gunners at the position could only operate one gun.[57] However, all attempts to advance across the exposed plateau failed; and around five o'clock in the afternoon, there was a lull in the fighting, during which the exhausted troops on both sides regrouped and caught their breath.

About this time King William and his staff rode forward to the swell south of Malmaison. But from there nothing could be discerned of the situation of the left flank of the army, at a distance as it was of more than four miles. The French artillery had almost entirely ceased along the whole front from La Folie to Point du Jour; but to the northward the thunder of the cannon fire roared louder than ever. It was six o'clock, the day was nearly at an end, and it was imperative that the decisive result should be precipitated. The King therefore ordered the Ist Army to make a renewed advance in support of which he placed the IInd Corps, just arrived after a long march, at the disposal of General von Steinmetz.

About this time, King William and his team moved forward to the rise south of Malmaison. However, from that vantage point, they couldn’t see what was happening with the left side of the army, which was more than four miles away. The French artillery had mostly stopped firing along the entire front from La Folie to Point du Jour; but to the north, the sound of cannon fire was louder than ever. It was six o'clock, the day was almost over, and it was crucial to bring about a decisive outcome. Therefore, the King ordered the 1st Army to make another push, and he made the 2nd Corps, which had just arrived after a long march, available to General von Steinmetz.

The battalions of the VIIth Corps which were still serviceable, except five which remained in reserve, were again sent across the Mance ravine, and in support of them the battalions holding the Bois de Vaux advanced in the direction of Point du Jour and the quarries.

The battalions of the VII Corps that were still operational, except for five that stayed in reserve, were once again sent across the Mance ravine. To support them, the battalions stationed at Bois de Vaux advanced toward Point du Jour and the quarries.

The IInd Corps of the French Army thus assailed was now reinforced by the Guard Voltigeur Division. All the reserves were hurried up into the foremost line. The artillery burst into redoubled fire, and a crushing musketry fire was concentrated on the advancing enemy. Then the French themselves took the offensive with a huge swarm of tirailleurs, which hurled backward upon the wood-fringes the small leaderless bodies of German troops that had been lying in the shallow folds of the plateau.

The 2nd Corps of the French Army was now bolstered by the Guard Voltigeur Division. All the reserves rushed to the front line. The artillery opened up with even more fire, and a devastating musketry barrage targeted the advancing enemy. Then the French went on the offensive with a massive wave of skirmishers, pushing back the small, leaderless groups of German troops that had been hiding in the shallow dips of the plateau.

There, however, the sally found its limit; and there still remained at disposition a fresh Army Corps in full strength.

There, however, the attack reached its limit; and there was still a fresh Army Corps in full strength available.

The IInd Corps, the last to come up by rail into the[58] theatre of war, had hitherto followed in the wake of the army by forced marches, and had not been able to take part in any engagement. It had started from Pont à Mousson at 2 a.m. and, taking the road by Buxières and Rezonville, arrived south of Gravelotte towards evening. The Pomeranians expressed their eager desire to get at the enemy before the day should end.

The II Corps, the last to arrive by train at the[58]battlefield, had previously been following the army with forced marches and hadn’t been able to engage in any battles. It left Pont à Mousson at 2 a.m., took the route through Buxières and Rezonville, and reached the south of Gravelotte by evening. The Pomeranians were eager to confront the enemy before the day was over.

It would have been more proper if the Chief of the General Staff of the Army, who was personally on the spot at the time, had not permitted this movement at so late an hour of the evening. A body of troops, still completely intact, might have been of great value the next day; but it could hardly be expected on this evening to effect a decisive reversal of the situation.

It would have been more appropriate if the Chief of the General Staff of the Army, who was there at the time, had not allowed this movement so late in the evening. A group of troops, still fully intact, could have been really valuable the next day; but it was unlikely they could make a significant impact that evening.

Hurrying through Gravelotte, the foremost battalions of the IInd Corps pushed forward to the quarries, and up to within a few hundred paces of Point du Jour; but those following soon found themselves involved in the throng of the broken detachments remaining under fire south of St. Hubert, and the further advance towards Moscou was arrested. In the growing darkness friend became indistinguishable from foe, and the firing had to be broken off. Not, however, until ten o'clock did it entirely cease.

Hurrying through Gravelotte, the leading battalions of the IInd Corps moved towards the quarries, getting within a few hundred yards of Point du Jour. However, those behind quickly got caught up in the crowd of fragmented units still under fire south of St. Hubert, stopping any further advance towards Moscou. As darkness fell, it became impossible to tell friend from foe, and the shooting had to stop. It wasn't until ten o'clock that it completely ended.

It was, to be sure, an advantage that the fresh troops of the IInd Corps were available to hold the foremost fighting-line for the night, behind which the intermixed detachments of the VIIth and VIIIth Corps were enabled to reorganize themselves.

It was definitely an advantage that the new troops of the II Corps were available to hold the front line for the night, allowing the mixed detachments of the VII and VIII Corps to reorganize themselves.

The whole course of the struggle had conclusively proved that the French left flank, almost impregnable as it was by nature and art, could not be forced even by the most devoted bravery and the greatest sacrifices. Both sides were now facing each other in threatening proximity, and both in attitude to renew the battle on the following morning. The result of the day turned on the events evolving themselves on the opposite flank.[59]

The entire course of the struggle had clearly shown that the French left flank, nearly unbeatable due to its natural and strategic defenses, could not be breached even by the most dedicated courage and the largest sacrifices. Both sides were now facing each other closely, ready to resume the battle the next morning. The outcome of the day depended on what happened on the opposite flank.[59]

The Prince of Würtemberg,[13] then in St. Ail, had judged at a quarter-past five that the moment was come for an attack on the French right wing; but that wing extended considerably further north than the front of the Guard Corps reached; further, indeed, than the French Commander-in-Chief himself was aware. The Saxons had, indeed, participated in the seizure of Ste. Marie aux Chênes, but after that event the Crown Prince[14] deemed it necessary to assemble his Corps in front of the Bois d'Auboué, before proceeding to attack the enemy in flank. One of his brigades had to come up from Jarny, another from Ste. Marie; and, since the Corps had been delayed in getting away from Mars la Tour, its direct attack could not be expected at the earliest for an hour to come.

The Prince of Würtemberg,[13] then in St. Ail, decided at 5:15 that it was time to launch an attack on the French right flank; however, that flank stretched much further north than where the Guard Corps was positioned, and even further than the French Commander-in-Chief realized. While the Saxons had taken part in capturing Ste. Marie aux Chênes, the Crown Prince[14] felt it was essential to gather his Corps in front of the Bois d'Auboué before moving to hit the enemy on the side. One of his brigades needed to come from Jarny, while another had to come from Ste. Marie; and since the Corps had been delayed in leaving Mars la Tour, they couldn't be expected to launch a direct attack for at least another hour.

The 4th Infantry Brigade of the Guard Corps, in accordance with orders received, proceeded in the prescribed direction of Jerusalem, immediately south of St. Privat. As soon as General von Manstein observed this movement, he ordered the 3rd Guard Brigade, which had been placed at his orders, immediately to advance from Habonville direct upon Amanvillers. Between and abreast of these two brigades marched Hessian battalions. It was not till half-an-hour later that the 1st Guard Division leftward of the 2nd moved forward from Ste. Marie against St. Privat. This combined offensive movement was directed against the broad front of the French VIth and IVth Corps. Their respective strongholds of St. Privat and Amanvillers had as yet hardly felt the fire of the German batteries, which had hitherto found enough to do in combating the enemy's artillery outside the villages.

The 4th Infantry Brigade of the Guard Corps, following orders, moved toward Jerusalem, just south of St. Privat. As soon as General von Manstein noticed this movement, he commanded the 3rd Guard Brigade, which had been under his command, to advance immediately from Habonville straight to Amanvillers. Marching between and alongside these two brigades were Hessian battalions. It wasn’t until half an hour later that the 1st Guard Division, to the left of the 2nd, moved forward from Ste. Marie toward St. Privat. This coordinated offensive aimed at the wide front of the French VIth and IVth Corps. Their strongholds of St. Privat and Amanvillers had barely experienced the fire from the German artillery, which had been occupied with fighting the enemy's guns outside the villages.

In front of the French main position on the crown of the height had been prepared on the slope behind the hedges and low walls, which rose terrace-wise backward, tier on tier of shelter trenches. Behind these defences[60] towered the village named St. Privat, castle-like with its massive houses, which were garrisoned to the very roofs. The bare slope stretching in its front was thus exposed to an overwhelming storm of projectiles.

In front of the main French position at the top of the hill, there were preparations made on the slope behind the hedges and low walls, which rose in terraces, tier after tier of shelter trenches. Behind these defenses[60] loomed the village called St. Privat, looking like a fortress with its sturdy houses, which were occupied all the way to the rooftops. The bare slope in front was left vulnerable to a barrage of projectiles.

The losses of the Guard Corps marching forward to attack a front so formidable were simply enormous. In the course of half an hour five battalions lost all, the others the greater part of their officers, especially those of the higher grades. Thousands of dead and wounded marked the track of the battalions pressing valiantly forward in spite of their cruel losses. The ranks as fast as they were thinned constantly closed up again, and their cohesion was not lost even under the leadership of young lieutenants and ensigns. As they drew nearer to the enemy the needle-gun came into full utility. The French were driven from all their foremost positions, in which, for the most part, they did not await the final struggle. By a quarter-past six the battalions had advanced to within 600 to 800 paces of Amanvillers and St. Privat. The troops, weary from the strained exertion, halted under the steeper slopes offering some, though small, protection, and in the shelter trenches abandoned by the enemy. Only four battalions now remained in reserve at Ste. Marie, behind the line which now extended to a length of 4000 paces. Every charge of the French cavalry and of de Cissey's Division had been steadily repelled with the aid of twelve batteries of the Guard Corps which had hastened up; but detachments commingled under stress of untold losses, had to show a resolute front against two French Corps in close proximity for more than half-an-hour, before relief came to them.

The losses of the Guard Corps pushing forward to attack such a formidable front were absolutely staggering. In just half an hour, five battalions were wiped out, while the others lost most of their officers, particularly the higher ranks. Thousands of dead and wounded marked the path of the battalions bravely advancing despite their heavy losses. As quickly as their numbers dwindled, they consistently reformed, maintaining their cohesion even under the leadership of young lieutenants and ensigns. As they got closer to the enemy, the needle gun proved its effectiveness. The French were pushed out of their forward positions, most of which they didn’t hold for the final battle. By a quarter past six, the battalions had moved to within 600 to 800 paces of Amanvillers and St. Privat. The troops, exhausted from the strenuous effort, paused on the steeper slopes that offered some, though limited, protection, and took refuge in the trenches left behind by the enemy. Only four battalions remained in reserve at Ste. Marie, behind a line now stretched over 4000 paces. Every charge from the French cavalry and de Cissey’s Division had been consistently defended against, thanks to twelve batteries of the Guard Corps that rushed to the front; however, units mixed together under the strain of massive losses had to hold a firm front against two French Corps in close proximity for more than half an hour before help arrived.

It was nearly seven o'clock when on the left of the Guard, two brigades of Saxon infantry reached the scene of strife; the other two were still assembling in the forest of Auboué; their artillery, however, had for a considerable time been maintaining a lively fire on Roncourt.[61]

It was almost seven o'clock when, to the left of the Guard, two brigades of Saxon infantry arrived at the battlefield; the other two were still gathering in the Auboué forest. Meanwhile, their artillery had been keeping up an intense fire on Roncourt for quite some time.[61]

When Bazaine received word that the Germans were stretching out in constantly increasing extension with intent to outflank his right, he at three p.m. ordered Picard's Guard Grenadier Division posted at Plappeville, to march towards the threatened flank. Though the distance to be covered was little more than four miles, this all-important reinforcement, having diverged to rightward from the direct road through the woodland, had not yet arrived; and Marshal Canrobert, who was fending off with all his might the converging masses of Prussian assailants, decided to concentrate his troops more closely about the strong position of St. Privat. The retreat from Roncourt would be adequately covered by a small rearguard, since the border of the Bois de Jaumont was being held.

When Bazaine learned that the Germans were spreading out further with the aim of outflanking his right side, he ordered the Guard Grenadier Division led by Picard, stationed at Plappeville, to march toward the threatened flank at 3 p.m. Although the distance was just over four miles, this crucial reinforcement had taken a detour to the right through the woods and had not yet arrived. Meanwhile, Marshal Canrobert, who was doing everything he could to hold back the advancing Prussian forces, decided to gather his troops more closely around the strong position at St. Privat. A small rearguard would adequately cover the retreat from Roncourt since the edge of the Bois de Jaumont was being defended.

Thus it happened that the Saxons did not find the strong resistance at Roncourt which they had expected, and after a slight skirmish entered the village together with the companies of the extreme left of the Guard; a body of Saxon infantry had previously been diverted to the right from the road to Roncourt and marched direct on St. Privat to the support of the Guard.

Thus it happened that the Saxons did not encounter the strong resistance at Roncourt that they had anticipated, and after a brief skirmish, they entered the village along with the companies from the far left of the Guard; a group of Saxon infantry had previously been redirected to the right from the road to Roncourt and marched straight to St. Privat to support the Guard.

The fire of twenty-four batteries of the two German Corps wrought awful havoc there. Many houses were set on fire, or crumbled under the concentrated crash of the shells. But the French were determined to hold to the last extremity this point, decisive as it was of the fate of the day. The batteries of their right flank were hurried into position between St. Privat and the Bois de Jaumont, whence their fire would enfilade the further advance of the Saxons on the former place. Other batteries went southward to confront the Prussians, and the simultaneous final rush of the German battalions was met by a rattling fire from the French riflemen under cover in their lines of shelter trenches.

The fire from twenty-four batteries of the two German Corps caused terrible destruction there. Many houses caught fire or collapsed under the intense barrage of shells. However, the French were set on defending this crucial point to the very end, as it would determine the outcome of the day. The batteries on their right flank were quickly positioned between St. Privat and the Bois de Jaumont, where they could fire at the advancing Saxons toward the former location. Other batteries moved south to face the Prussians, and the coordinated final assault of the German battalions was met with a rapid fire from the French riflemen taking cover in their lines of trench shelters.

All those obstacles were gradually overcome in the course of the assault, although again with heavy loss; some detachments halting occasionally for a moment to[62] pour in a volley, others again never firing a shot. By sundown the attack had swept up to within 300 paces of St. Privat. Some detachments of the Xth Corps, which had reached St. Ail, closed up, and now the final onset was made from every side at once. The French still defended the burning houses and the church with great obstinacy, till, finding themselves completely surrounded, they surrendered at about eight o'clock. More than 2000 men were here taken prisoners, and the wounded were rescued from the burning houses.

All those obstacles were gradually overcome during the attack, though it came with significant losses; some groups paused occasionally to[62] fire a volley, while others didn't shoot at all. By sunset, the assault had advanced to within 300 paces of St. Privat. Some units of the Xth Corps, which had reached St. Ail, joined up, and then the final push came from all sides at once. The French continued to defend the burning buildings and the church fiercely until they found themselves completely surrounded and surrendered around eight o'clock. More than 2,000 men were taken prisoner, and the wounded were rescued from the burning houses.

The defeated troops of the VIth French Corps hurriedly retired into the valley of the Moselle, their retreat covered by the brigade holding the Bois de Jaumont and by the cavalry. Only then did the Guard Grenadier Division make its first appearance, and the Reserve Artillery of the French Army deployed east of Amanvillers. The German batteries at once took up the fight, which lasted till late in the night, and in the course of which Amanvillers was burned.

The defeated troops of the VIth French Corps quickly retreated into the Moselle valley, their withdrawal protected by the brigade stationed at Bois de Jaumont and by the cavalry. Only then did the Guard Grenadier Division show up for the first time, and the Reserve Artillery of the French Army set up east of Amanvillers. The German batteries immediately engaged in battle, which continued late into the night, during which Amanvillers was set on fire.

In that quarter the retirement of the IVth French Corps had also already commenced, masked, however, by repeated heavy attacks to the front. In the course of these there occurred a hand-to-hand encounter with the charging battalions of the right wing of the Guard and the left of the IXth Corps. Amanvillers, however, remained in the hands of the French for the night. Not until three o'clock on the morning of the 19th did the IIIrd French Corps evacuate its position about Moscou; and the IInd Corps held its ground until five o'clock, engaged in constant sharp frays with the outposts of the Pomeranians, who on its withdrawal took possession of the plateaus of Moscou and Point du Jour.

In that area, the withdrawal of the IVth French Corps had already started, but it was concealed by ongoing intense attacks from the front. During these attacks, there was a close-quarters clash with the charging battalions from the right wing of the Guard and the left of the IXth Corps. However, Amanvillers stayed under French control for the night. Not until three o'clock in the morning on the 19th did the IIIrd French Corps leave its position around Moscou; and the IInd Corps held its ground until five o'clock, engaged in continuous skirmishes with the outposts of the Pomeranians, who took over the plateaus of Moscou and Point du Jour after its withdrawal.

The results attained on the 18th of August had been made possible only by the battles of the 14th and 16th.

The results achieved on August 18th were only possible because of the battles on the 14th and 16th.

The French estimate their losses at 13,000 men. In October 173,000 were still in Metz, consequently it is certain that the enemy had at disposition in the battle[63] of the 18th of August more than 180,000 men. The exact strength of the seven[15] German Corps on that day amounted to 178,818 men. Thus with the forces on either side of approximately equal strength, the French had been driven out of a position of almost unrivalled natural advantage.

The French estimate their losses at 13,000 men. In October, 173,000 were still in Metz, so it's clear that the enemy had over 180,000 men available for the battle on August 18th. The exact number of the seven German Corps that day was 178,818 men. With both sides having roughly equal strength, the French were forced out of a position of almost unmatched natural advantage.

Naturally the loss of the assailants was much heavier than that of the defence; it amounted to 20,584 men, among them 899 officers.

Naturally, the attackers suffered much greater losses than the defenders; it totaled 20,584 men, including 899 officers.

Whereas by the war-establishment the average is one officer to every forty men, in this battle one officer fell to every twenty-three men; glorious testimony to the example set by their leaders to their brave men, but also a loss which could not be restored during the course of the war. Altogether the six battles fought in the first fourteen days of August had cost the German army 50,000 men.[16] It was naturally impossible immediately to call out at home a sufficient levy in substitution for the losses; but reinforcements drawn from the time-expired cadres were already bespoken.

Whereas in the military setup the average is one officer for every forty soldiers, in this battle the ratio was one officer for every twenty-three soldiers; a proud testament to the example set by their leaders for their brave troops, but also a loss that couldn’t be replaced during the course of the war. Overall, the six battles fought in the first two weeks of August had cost the German army 50,000 men.[16] It was understandably impossible to quickly call for a sufficient number of recruits at home to replace the losses, but reinforcements from those whose service time had ended were already being arranged.

First of all that same evening the earliest instalment of the trains and the Field-Hospitals had to be brought up from the right bank of the Moselle; and the ammunition had to be replenished throughout. In Rezonville, thronged as it was with the wounded, it was with difficulty that a little garret for the King and[64] shelter for his General Staff were found. Its members were engrossed throughout the night in preparing the dispositions which the new phase of the situation created by the victory rendered immediately necessary. This exertion enabled all those orders to be laid before his Majesty for approval on the morning of the 19th.

First of all, that same evening, the first group of trains and the Field Hospitals had to be brought up from the right bank of the Moselle, and the ammunition needed to be restocked. In Rezonville, packed with the wounded, it was challenging to find a small attic for the King and shelter for his General Staff. They were busy all night making the arrangements that the new phase of the situation, created by the victory, made immediately necessary. This effort allowed all those orders to be submitted to his Majesty for approval on the morning of the 19th.

FOOTNOTES:

[11] The XIIth Corps never stood on the right. It occupied its assigned position on the extreme left, and the delay arose from the Guard Corps having occupied a position other than that designed for it, and having been allowed to remain there.

[11] The XII Corps never took the right position. It held its assigned spot on the far left, and the delay happened because the Guard Corps was in a different position than it was supposed to be and was allowed to stay there.

[12] Vionville in text seems a slip of the pen for Verneville.

[12] Vionville in the text appears to be a typo for Verneville.

[13] Commanding the Guard Corps.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Leading the Guard Corps.

[14] Of Saxony, commanding XIIth Corps.

[14] Of Saxony, leading the XII Corps.

[15] These figures represent only the infantry of the eight (not seven) Corps engaged; they do not include the cavalry, 24,584; the artillery, at least as strong; nor the officerhood of the two armies, numbering several thousands. Inclusive of those items the German host "employed" in the battle of Gravelotte—St. Privat numbered, in round figures, 232,000 combatants. Accepting Moltke's own estimate of ten defenders per "Schrith" of front, there works out a total of 133,000 men, as the strength of the French army "employed" in the battle.

[15] These numbers only account for the infantry from the eight (not seven) Corps involved; they don't include the cavalry, which was 24,584, the artillery, which was at least as strong, or the officers from both armies, which amounted to several thousand. When you factor in those groups, the German forces "engaged" in the battle of Gravelotte—St. Privat totaled around 232,000 fighters. Using Moltke's own estimate of ten defenders per "Schrith" of front, it comes to a total of 133,000 men for the French army "engaged" in the battle.

[16] During the first fourteen days of August, the German troops were in conflict with the enemy on five occasions: viz. Saarbrücken, 2nd, loss 79; Weissenburg, 4th, loss 1551; Wörth, 6th, loss 10,642; Spicheren, 6th, loss 4871; Borny, 14th, loss 5000. Total losses during the fourteen days, 22,143.

[16] During the first fourteen days of August, the German troops faced the enemy in five battles: Saarbrücken on the 2nd, with a loss of 79; Weissenburg on the 4th, with a loss of 1,551; Wörth on the 6th, with a loss of 10,642; Spicheren on the 6th, with a loss of 4,871; and Borny on the 14th, with a loss of 5,000. The total losses during these fourteen days amounted to 22,143.


New Army Distribution.

The siege of Metz had formed no part of the original plan of campaign; it had been intended to do no more than merely to maintain an observation on the place when the main army should have passed it on the advance towards Paris; and a Reserve Division, consisting of eighteen battalions, sixteen squadrons, and thirty-six guns, detailed for that duty, was now near at hand.

The siege of Metz was not part of the original campaign plan; it was only meant to keep an eye on the area while the main army moved toward Paris. A Reserve Division, made up of eighteen battalions, sixteen squadrons, and thirty-six guns, assigned for that task, was now nearby.

Under the altered conditions, however, the regular investment of Metz was now necessary, and this involved a radical alteration of the existing arrangements throughout the whole army.

Under the changed circumstances, however, Metz's regular investment was now essential, and this required a complete overhaul of the current arrangements across the entire army.

A separate army under the command of Prince Frederick Charles, consisting of the Ist, VIIth, and VIIIth Corps of the former Ist Army, the IInd, IIIrd, IXth, and Xth Corps of the IInd Army, the Reserve Division and the 1st and 3rd Cavalry Divisions, in all 150,000 men, was assigned to the duty of investing Metz.

A separate army led by Prince Frederick Charles, made up of the 1st, 7th, and 8th Corps from the former 1st Army, the 2nd, 3rd, 9th, and 10th Corps from the 2nd Army, along with the Reserve Division and the 1st and 3rd Cavalry Divisions, totaling 150,000 men, was tasked with surrounding Metz.

The Guard, IVth, and XIIth Corps and the 5th and 6th Cavalry Divisions were formed into a separate army under the command of the Crown Prince of Saxony; it was styled "The Army of the Meuse" and was 138,000 strong.[17] This and the IIIrd Army, which[65] numbered 223,000 men, were directed to advance against the new French army forming at Châlons.

The Guard, IVth, and XIIth Corps along with the 5th and 6th Cavalry Divisions were organized into a separate army led by the Crown Prince of Saxony. It was called "The Army of the Meuse" and had a strength of 138,000. This army, along with the IIIrd Army, which consisted of 223,000 men, was ordered to advance against the new French army assembling at Châlons.[17] This and the IIIrd Army, which[65] numbered 223,000 men, were directed to advance against the new French army forming at Châlons.

Certainly the army investing Metz was left weaker than the blockaded enemy. It was to be expected that the latter would renew his efforts to break out to the westward. Prince Frederick Charles' main forces were therefore to remain on the left bank of the Moselle.

Certainly, the army surrounding Metz was left weaker than the besieged enemy. It was expected that the latter would try again to break out to the west. Therefore, Prince Frederick Charles' main forces were to stay on the left bank of the Moselle.

All these orders received the approval of the King, and were dispatched to the commanding officers by eleven o'clock on the morning of the 19th.

All these orders were approved by the King and sent out to the commanding officers by 11 a.m. on the 19th.

In accordance with the orders of Prince Frederick Charles, the Xth Corps occupied the woodland districts of the lower Moselle as far as St. Privat, while the IInd held the high ridge from that point to Moscou. To the right of the IInd, the VIIIth and VIIth Corps followed on, the latter positioned on both sides of the Upper Moselle. The Ist Corps occupied the Pouilly upland to left and right of the Seille, specially charged to protect the great magazines which were being established at Remilly and Pont à Mousson. The 3rd Reserve Division moved to the vicinity of Retonfay, north-east of Metz. The IXth and IIIrd Corps cantoned at St. Marie and Verneville as reserve. All the troops immediately set about the construction of earthworks, and of bridges over the Moselle above and below the fortress.

In line with the orders of Prince Frederick Charles, the Xth Corps took over the forested areas of the lower Moselle up to St. Privat, while the IInd Corps held the high ground from there to Moscou. To the right of the IInd, the VIIIth and VIIth Corps followed, with the VIIth positioned on both sides of the Upper Moselle. The Ist Corps occupied the Pouilly upland on either side of the Seille, specifically tasked with safeguarding the large supply depots being set up at Remilly and Pont à Mousson. The 3rd Reserve Division moved to the area near Retonfay, northeast of Metz. The IXth and IIIrd Corps were stationed at St. Marie and Verneville as reserves. All the troops quickly began building fortifications and bridges over the Moselle, both upstream and downstream of the fortress.

Of the Corps now belonging to the Army of the Meuse, the XIIth assembled at Conflans and the Guards at Mars la Tour; the IVth Corps, which had not been ordered to Metz, had already reached Commercy.

Of the Corps now part of the Army of the Meuse, the XIIth gathered at Conflans and the Guards at Mars la Tour; the IVth Corps, which hadn’t been sent to Metz, had already arrived in Commercy.

The IIIrd Army, after crossing the Vosges range, and having left a Bavarian brigade blockading Toul, was[66] pressing forward in three columns. Its foremost Corps had already reached the Meuse, but were obliged to halt there for two days, so as to cross the river approximately abreast of the Meuse army. Its cavalry meanwhile patrolled three marches ahead as far as Châlons and Vitry, where, for the first time since Wörth, it regained touch of the enemy. The French encountered were only guarding posts on the Marne railway-line, which retired when the traffic thereon ceased.

The IIIrd Army, after crossing the Vosges Mountains and leaving a Bavarian brigade to blockade Toul, was[66] moving forward in three columns. Its leading Corps had already reached the Meuse but had to stop there for two days to cross the river near the Meuse army. Meanwhile, its cavalry patrolled three marches ahead as far as Châlons and Vitry, where, for the first time since Wörth, it made contact with the enemy. The French they encountered were only guarding posts along the Marne railway, which retreated when the traffic there ended.

FOOTNOTE:

[17] These figures are erroneous. It is manifest that three Corps and two Cavalry Divisions, most of which had been materially weakened by casualties, could not furnish a strength of 138,000 men; nor could the IIIrd Army, originally 130,000 strong, swelled by one Corps and diminished by battle losses of 12,000, approximate a strength of 223,000. As a matter of fact, on August 22nd, the Meuse Army was 86,275 strong, and the IIIrd Army 137,622; the two armies together had a total strength, in round numbers, of 224,000 men.

[17] These numbers are incorrect. It's clear that three Corps and two Cavalry Divisions, most of which had been significantly weakened by casualties, couldn't provide a total of 138,000 men; nor could the IIIrd Army, which originally had 130,000 troops but was reduced by battle losses of 12,000 and boosted by one Corps, come close to a strength of 223,000. In reality, on August 22nd, the Meuse Army had 86,275 troops, and the IIIrd Army had 137,622; together, the two armies had a total strength of around 224,000 men.


The Châlons Army.

Meanwhile at Châlons there had been formed a French army of 166 battalions, 100 squadrons, and 380 guns, consisting of the Ist, Vth, VIIth, and XIIth Corps.

Meanwhile at Châlons, a French army was formed with 166 battalions, 100 squadrons, and 380 guns, made up of the 1st, 5th, 7th, and 12th Corps.

Of the last the Division which had been left behind on the Spanish frontier formed the nucleus, to which was added a body of very superior troops, consisting of four regiments of marines; later the two cavalry divisions also joined. General Trochu, who had been made Governor of Paris, had taken back with him thither eighteen battalions of Gardes-Mobiles, they having already given such proofs of insubordination that it was thought unsafe to confront them with the enemy.

Of the last divisions that had been left on the Spanish border, one formed the core, and it was joined by a group of highly skilled troops that included four regiments of marines; later, two cavalry divisions also arrived. General Trochu, who had been appointed Governor of Paris, took back eighteen battalions of Gardes-Mobiles, as they had already shown signs of insubordination that made it feel unsafe to put them up against the enemy.

The Emperor had arrived in Châlons and had placed Marshal MacMahon in command of the newly-formed army. In the French Head-quarter it was not unnaturally assumed that Marshal Bazaine was in retreat from Metz. By an advance of the Army of Châlons merely to Verdun the armies could form a junction with each other in the course of a few days, and so a fighting force be formed which might make head against the hitherto victorious enemy. On the other hand, MacMahon had to concern himself with the duty of[67] covering Paris, and that capital, no less than his own right flank, was threatened by the appearance of the Crown Prince of Prussia's army on the Meuse.

The Emperor had arrived in Châlons and put Marshal MacMahon in charge of the newly-formed army. At the French headquarters, it was not surprising that they believed Marshal Bazaine was retreating from Metz. With an advance of the Army of Châlons to Verdun, the two armies could join forces within a few days, creating a fighting unit that could stand up against the previously victorious enemy. However, MacMahon also had to worry about the task of[67] protecting Paris, which, just like his own right flank, was under threat from the arrival of the Crown Prince of Prussia's army on the Meuse.

For the attainment of a decision between advancing and retiring, it was beyond everything necessary to know the direction which Marshal Bazaine might have taken.

For deciding whether to move forward or back down, it was absolutely essential to know which way Marshal Bazaine might have gone.

On the 18th tidings had come from him, that he had maintained his position in a battle about Rezonville, but that his troops had to be supplied with ammunition and supplies before they could renew the march. From this it seemed only too probable that the communications of the Army of the Rhine were already threatened; and MacMahon determined to march on Rheims, whence he could either reach Paris, though by a somewhat circuitous route, or move in the direction of the other army.

On the 18th, news arrived from him that he had held his ground in a battle near Rezonville, but that his troops needed more ammunition and supplies before they could restart their march. This suggested that the communication lines for the Army of the Rhine were likely under threat, and MacMahon decided to head toward Rheims, where he could either get to Paris, albeit by a longer route, or move toward the other army.

But when it became known that the Crown Prince of Prussia's army had not even been near Metz, and that Prussian cavalry had already appeared before Vitry, the Marshal could not deceive himself as to the danger involved in the latter alternative. With sound judgment, therefore, he stood out against the order of the Empress and the Ministry to undertake that enterprise; he determined against it, and announced his resolution to march to Paris. Under its walls he could accept a battle with advantage, since the fortifications, even in the event of defeat, assured a safe retreat and precluded pursuit.

But when it became clear that the Crown Prince of Prussia's army had not even been close to Metz, and that Prussian cavalry were already appearing in front of Vitry, the Marshal could no longer fool himself about the danger of that option. With sound judgment, he resisted the Empress and the Ministry's order to undertake that mission; he decided against it and announced his plan to march to Paris. Outside its walls, he could engage in battle on favorable terms, as the fortifications would guarantee a safe retreat and prevent any pursuit, even in the event of defeat.

Further reports from Metz did not afford a clear insight into the situation there. Also on the 18th, "the army had held its position," the narrative ran—only the right wing had changed front. "The troops required two or three days' rest," but the Marshal "counted still on being able to move out in a northerly direction," and fight his way to Châlons by the Montmédy—Ste. Menehould route, if this road was not strongly held by the enemy. In that case, he would[68] march on Sedan, and even by Mézières, in order to reach Châlons.

Further reports from Metz didn't provide a clear understanding of the situation there. Also on the 18th, "the army had maintained its position," the report stated—only the right flank had shifted its front. "The troops needed two or three days’ rest," but the Marshal "still hoped to move out northward" and fight his way to Châlons via the Montmédy—Ste. Menehould route, if this road was not heavily defended by the enemy. If it was, he would march toward Sedan, and possibly by Mézières, to reach Châlons.

Bazaine might already have committed himself to the movement thus indicated, and therefore Marshal MacMahon, who was not the man to leave his fellow-soldier in the lurch, instead of marching on Paris, set forth on the 23rd in the direction of Stenay.

Bazaine might have already committed to the indicated movement, so Marshal MacMahon, who was not the type to abandon a fellow soldier, instead of heading to Paris, started out on the 23rd towards Stenay.

The suddenness of this decision caused all the preparations for the undertaking to be left unexecuted. At the end of the first day's march the troops reached the Suippe late in the evening in pouring rain. They lacked every necessary, and two Corps remained entirely without food. The Marshal was therefore forced to move his army further northward to Rethel, where large magazines of provisions had been established, and where the railway facilitated the bringing up of stores. Even on the third day's march the army had made little progress eastward. The left wing remained at Rethel, the right reached the Aisne, near Vouziers. On August 26th the main army was still standing between Attigny and Le Chêne on the Ardennes canal, while the VIIth Corps and a regiment of Hussars lay in front of Vouziers for the protection of the right flank.

The sudden decision left all preparations for the mission unfinished. By the end of the first day's march, the troops arrived at the Suippe late in the evening, amidst pouring rain. They were missing everything they needed, and two Corps were completely out of food. As a result, the Marshal had to move his army further north to Rethel, where there were large supplies of provisions and the railway made it easier to transport resources. Even by the third day's march, the army had barely made any headway eastward. The left wing stayed at Rethel, while the right reached the Aisne near Vouziers. On August 26th, the main army was still positioned between Attigny and Le Chêne on the Ardennes canal, with the VIIth Corps and a regiment of Hussars stationed in front of Vouziers to protect the right flank.

While the French army was thus marching eastward by a wide détour, the German forces, which had been put in motion at the same time, were for their part marching due westward.

While the French army was marching east by a long detour, the German forces, which had also started moving at the same time, were heading directly west.

According to orders issued from the supreme Head-quarter at Pont à Mousson, the advance on the enemy, supposed to be at Châlons, was to be effected in such manner that the IIIrd Army, marching on the left of the Army of the Meuse, should have the start by a day's march, so that the enemy, wherever he might stand halted, could be struck simultaneously in front and on his right flank, and thus forced away northward from the direction of Paris. The two armies were to converge[69] as they advanced, and to reach the line of Ste. Menehould—Vitry on the 26th.

According to orders issued from the main headquarters at Pont à Mousson, the advance on the enemy, believed to be at Châlons, was to be carried out in such a way that the III Army, moving on the left of the Army of the Meuse, would have a one-day head start. This would allow them to strike the enemy simultaneously from the front and the right flank, forcing them northward away from Paris. The two armies were set to converge as they advanced and reach the line of Ste. Menehould—Vitry on the 26th.

On the first day's march, the armies still on a front some fifty-six miles long, the Meuse was reached; on the second day, the 24th, they advanced to the line St. Dizier—Bar le Duc—Verdun. The attempts to take the latter place and Toul in the by-going proved unsuccessful.

On the first day's march, the armies still stretched across a front about fifty-six miles long, reached the Meuse; on the second day, the 24th, they moved to the line of St. Dizier—Bar le Duc—Verdun. The efforts to capture Verdun and Toul along the way were unsuccessful.

So early as on that day the 4th Cavalry Division, which had pushed far ahead, sent in important news. The Rhenish dragoons had found Châlons and the camp at Mourmelon deserted, and notwithstanding the destruction effected, there still remained in the latter considerable booty. An intercepted letter written by a French officer, which intimated that the relief of Metz was in prospect, and another which stated that Marshal MacMahon was at Rheims with 150,000 men and was fortifying his position there, were corroborated by the Paris newspapers.

So early as that day, the 4th Cavalry Division, which had advanced significantly, reported important news. The Rhenish dragoons discovered that Châlons and the camp at Mourmelon were abandoned, and despite the damage done, there was still a substantial amount of loot left at the latter. An intercepted letter from a French officer hinted that help for Metz was on the way, and another letter mentioned that Marshal MacMahon was in Rheims with 150,000 troops and was reinforcing his position there, which was confirmed by the Paris newspapers.

On the 25th the Army of the Meuse formed a line from Sommeille to Dombasle, while the heads of columns of the IIIrd Army were already executing the march prescribed for the following day, on the Ste. Menehould—Vitry road. The small fortress of Vitry, a few hours after a battalion of Mobiles had left the place, surrendered to the 4th Cavalry Division. On its march to Ste. Menehould, thence to be forwarded by train to Paris, this battalion, 1000 strong, fell into the hands of the 6th Cavalry Division as it was moving on Dampierre, and was carried away captive.

On the 25th, the Army of the Meuse set up a line from Sommeille to Dombasle, while the leading units of the IIIrd Army were already starting the march planned for the next day on the Ste. Menehould—Vitry road. The small fortress of Vitry surrendered to the 4th Cavalry Division just hours after a battalion of Mobiles had left the location. On its way to Ste. Menehould, where it was to be transported by train to Paris, this battalion of 1,000 troops was captured by the 6th Cavalry Division as it was advancing toward Dampierre.

The 5th Cavalry Division reached Ste. Menehould, and the 12th followed on the same road as far as Clermont, patrolling the country up to Varennes, within nine miles of the French outposts at Grand Pré, but without learning anything as to the whereabouts of the French army.

The 5th Cavalry Division arrived in Ste. Menehould, and the 12th continued along the same road to Clermont, patrolling the area up to Varennes, just nine miles from the French outposts at Grand Pré, but they couldn't find out anything about the location of the French army.

The scouting service to any great distance on the right of the army was hindered by the vicinity of the[70] forest of Argonnes, which it was difficult for the cavalry to penetrate without the assistance of infantry. The inhabitants of the country began to show themselves extremely hostile. The Government had provided them with arms, and organized a general rising. The Germans, who hitherto had made war on the Emperor alone, were now forced to use their arms against the population. The franctireurs, though not affecting operations on a large scale, were a source of much annoyance to the smaller undertakings, and as it naturally embittered the soldiers to realize that they were no longer safe either by day or night, the character of the war became more stern, and the sufferings of the country were increased.

The scouting service at a distance on the right side of the army was obstructed by the nearby Argonnes forest, which made it hard for the cavalry to get through without help from the infantry. The local people started to act very hostile. The government had supplied them with weapons and organized a widespread uprising. The Germans, who until now had been fighting only against the Emperor, were now forced to use their weapons against the local population. The franctireurs, although not impacting large-scale operations, caused a lot of trouble for smaller missions. This naturally made the soldiers bitter, realizing they were no longer safe day or night, which made the nature of the war harsher and increased the suffering in the area.

A Paris telegram, sent by way of London, reached this day (25th) the Royal Head-quarter at Bar le Duc. It stated that MacMahon was at Rheims, and sought to effect a junction with Bazaine.

A telegram from Paris, sent via London, arrived today (25th) at the Royal Headquarters in Bar le Duc. It said that MacMahon was in Rheims and was trying to join forces with Bazaine.

It is always a serious matter to exchange, without the most pressing necessity, a once-settled and well-devised plan for a new and unprepared scheme. It would have been unwise and unskilful hastily to alter the whole direction of the advance because of rumours and information which might later probably turn out to be unfounded. Endless difficulties must result from such a course; the arrangements for bringing up baggage and reinforcements would have to be cancelled, and aimless marches might impair the confidence of the troops in their commanders.

It’s always a big deal to change a well-thought-out plan for a new and untested idea without a very urgent reason. It would be careless and unprofessional to quickly change the entire strategy based on rumors and information that could later prove to be false. This kind of decision would lead to countless problems; logistics for transporting supplies and reinforcements would need to be scrapped, and pointless marches could shake the troops' trust in their leaders.

The orders for the following day, issued at eleven o'clock in the morning, prescribed therefore for both armies merely a slight alteration of direction; Rheims instead of Châlons was indicated as the objective. The cavalry of the right wing, however, was explicitly ordered to advance to Buzancy and Vouziers, where a thorough insight into the situation could not but be obtained.

The orders for the next day, given at eleven in the morning, specified that both armies should only slightly change their direction; Rheims was designated as the new objective instead of Châlons. However, the cavalry on the right wing was specifically instructed to move forward to Buzancy and Vouziers, where they could gain a clear understanding of the situation.

In war it is for the most part with probabilities only[71] that the strategist can reckon; and the probability, as a rule, is that the enemy will do the right thing. Such a course could not be anticipated as that the French army would uncover Paris and march along the Belgian frontier to Metz. Such a move seemed strange, and indeed somewhat venturesome; but nevertheless it was possible. The chief of the General Staff, therefore, that same day worked out a tabular detail of marches, upon which the three Corps of the Army of the Meuse, together with the two Bavarian Corps which were nearest that army, could be brought together in the vicinity of Damvillers, on the right bank of the Meuse, in three not over-severe marches.

In war, strategists mainly deal with probabilities[71], and generally, it’s assumed that the enemy will make the right decisions. It was unexpected for the French army to leave Paris and move along the Belgian border toward Metz. That plan seemed unusual and somewhat risky, but it was still possible. So, on that same day, the head of the General Staff created a detailed schedule of movements to bring the three Corps of the Army of the Meuse, along with the two nearest Bavarian Corps, together near Damvillers on the right bank of the Meuse in three relatively easy marches.

These forces, with the two Corps standing in reserve at Metz, which could be brought up, would constitute a force of 150,000 men, which might give battle in the specified vicinity, or compel the enemy to do so on the march to Longuyon. Without employing this reserve, there was every prospect that the advance of the French could be brought to a halt on this side of the Meuse, and then another Corps of the IIIrd Army could be brought up.

These forces, along with the two Corps held in reserve at Metz that could be deployed, would make up a total of 150,000 troops. This could lead to a battle in the designated area or force the enemy to engage while advancing toward Longuyon. If this reserve wasn't used, it was likely that the French advance could be stopped before reaching the Meuse, allowing another Corps of the IIIrd Army to be deployed.

This march-table was soon to be brought into service. Fresh news arrived in the course of the same afternoon. The newspapers revealed the secret by publishing vehement speeches delivered in the National Assembly to the effect "that the French general who should leave his comrade in the lurch, deserved the execration of the country." It would be a disgrace, it was protested, to the French nation if the brave Bazaine were left unsuccoured: from all this, and considering the effect of such phrases on the French, it was to be expected that military considerations would give way to political. A telegram from London, quoting the Paris Temps, stated that MacMahon had suddenly resolved to hasten to the assistance of Bazaine, though the abandonment of the road to Paris endangered the safety of France.[72]

This march-table was soon to be put into operation. Fresh news came in during the same afternoon. The newspapers exposed the secret by publishing passionate speeches made in the National Assembly, saying that "any French general who abandoned his comrade deserves the nation's disdain." It would be a shame for France if the brave Bazaine were left without support; given this and how such statements would resonate with the French people, it was likely that military priorities would take a back seat to political ones. A telegram from London, quoting the Paris Temps, reported that MacMahon had suddenly decided to rush to Bazaine's aid, even though leaving the route to Paris jeopardized the safety of France.[72]

The King, before night, approved of the march to the right, and the orders were dispatched that night direct to the respective Army Corps on the march.

The King approved the march to the right before nightfall, and the orders were sent out that night directly to the respective Army Corps on the move.

On the 26th his Majesty moved his head-quarter to Clermont. The Crown Prince of Saxony had set out for Varennes early in the morning with the XIIth Corps, and had ordered the Guards to Dombasle, the IVth Corps to Fleury.

On the 26th, his Majesty moved his headquarters to Clermont. The Crown Prince of Saxony had left for Varennes early in the morning with the XII Corps, and had assigned the Guards to Dombasle and the IV Corps to Fleury.

The cavalry, sent forward in every direction, found that the enemy had evacuated the region of the Suippe valley and had not yet entered that of the Meuse; that Buzancy and Grand Pré were in occupation of the French, and that a large encampment of their VIIth Corps had been specifically perceived on the height of Vouziers. The apparition of a few handsful of cavalry, despatched thither on observation duty, occasioned an almost unaccountable excitement. General Douay, quartered at Vouziers, received the most exaggerated reports, and must have thought that a general attack by the German army was imminent. The VIIth Corps was kept under arms the entire night in pouring rain, and the Marshal resolved to advance towards Vouziers and Buzancy with all his forces on the following morning. Thus the march to the east received a check as early as the 27th, but the untruthfulness of the reports very soon became sufficiently apparent.

The cavalry, sent out in every direction, discovered that the enemy had vacated the Suippe valley and hadn't yet moved into the Meuse area; Buzancy and Grand Pré were occupied by the French, and a large encampment of their VII Corps had been spotted on the height of Vouziers. The sighting of a few small groups of cavalry sent there for reconnaissance created an almost inexplicable excitement. General Douay, stationed at Vouziers, received highly exaggerated reports and must have believed that a general attack by the German army was about to happen. The VII Corps was kept ready for action all night in pouring rain, and the Marshal decided to advance towards Vouziers and Buzancy with all his forces the next morning. Thus, the march eastward was delayed as early as the 27th, but the inaccuracy of the reports soon became quite clear.

If the German chiefs were deeply interested in gaining an insight into the enemy's movements, so on the French side this requisite was certainly urgent in no less imperative degree. With judicious disposal of their cavalry on the right flank, a surprise like that above mentioned would have been impossible, but the 1st French Cavalry Division was placed on the left flank, where there was no danger whatever, and the 2nd was rearmost of everything. It seemed as though in the French army less attention was paid to the repulse of an attack than to the evasion of one, and to[73] the unobserved attainment of Montmédy, the point of rendezvous with the other army. When the movement of the Germans from southward could no longer be doubted, it would certainly have been best for the French to take the vigorous offensive in that direction with intent to defeat them, or at least to sweep them out of the vicinity of their own line of march. If they had failed in this they would, at any rate, have readily learnt that their undertaking was impracticable, and that its further prosecution must certainly result in a catastrophe. It must, however, be admitted that the German cavalry formed an almost impenetrable screen. The Marshal could not know that his enemy was écheloned from Vitry to Varennes, a distance of more than thirty-seven miles, and was not at all in form to attack him just then in serious earnest.

If the German leaders were really focused on understanding the enemy's movements, then the French definitely needed to do the same, and with just as much urgency. By effectively positioning their cavalry on the right flank, a surprise like the one previously mentioned would have been impossible. However, the 1st French Cavalry Division was placed on the left flank, where there was no threat at all, and the 2nd was at the back of the line. It seemed as if the French army paid more attention to avoiding an attack than to repelling one, and to the unnoticed approach to Montmédy, the meeting point with the other army. Once the movement of the Germans from the south became obvious, it would have been best for the French to aggressively launch an offense in that direction to defeat them, or at least push them away from their own path. Even if they had failed in this, they would have quickly realized that their plan was unfeasible, and that continuing would likely lead to disaster. However, it's important to acknowledge that the German cavalry created an almost impenetrable barrier. The Marshal couldn’t know that his enemy was lined up from Vitry to Varennes, a distance of over thirty-seven miles, and was not in a position to seriously attack him at that moment.

August 27th.—The Marshal had cleared up his misconception, and on the 27th he continued his march, at least with part of his troops. The VIIth and Vth Corps covered the movement at Vouziers and Buzancy, the XIIth advanced to Le Chêne, and the 1st Cavalry Division to Beaumont, probably to ascertain the whereabouts of Marshal Bazaine. The Ist Corps and the 2nd Cavalry Division remained behind on the Aisne.

August 27th.—The Marshal had clarified his misunderstanding, and on the 27th, he continued his march with some of his troops. The VIIth and Vth Corps managed the movement at Vouziers and Buzancy, the XIIth moved forward to Le Chêne, and the 1st Cavalry Division headed to Beaumont, likely to find out where Marshal Bazaine was located. The Ist Corps and the 2nd Cavalry Division stayed back along the Aisne.

The Saxon Corps, the furthest forward of the German Army, had received direct orders to march to Dun on the 27th, and secure on the right bank the passages over the Meuse, as far as Stenay. It reached Stenay at three o'clock in the afternoon, and threw forward a post on the left bank.

The Saxon Corps, the most advanced unit of the German Army, was given direct orders to march to Dun on the 27th and secure the crossings over the Meuse on the right bank, all the way to Stenay. It arrived in Stenay at three in the afternoon and set up a post on the left bank.

The cavalry clung closely to the enemy and followed his movements, often engaging in petty skirmishes. The departure of the Vth French Corps from Buzancy in the direction of Le Chêne was at once detected, as also was the march to Beaumont; and the Saxon Cavalry Division pushed forward that evening to[74] Nouart. The Bavarian Corps reached the Clermont-Verdun road, the 5th Ste. Menehould; the other Corps of the IIIrd Army were hurrying by forced marches in a northerly direction.

The cavalry stayed close to the enemy and tracked his movements, frequently getting into small skirmishes. The departure of the Vth French Corps from Buzancy towards Le Chêne was quickly noticed, as was their march to Beaumont; and that evening, the Saxon Cavalry Division advanced to[74] Nouart. The Bavarian Corps reached the Clermont-Verdun road near Ste. Menehould, while the other Corps of the IIIrd Army were rushing northward on forced marches.

The prospect now seemed certain that the enemy would be overtaken on the left bank of the Meuse. Word was sent to the blockading army before Metz that the two Corps asked for were no longer required, but they had already set out.

The outlook now appeared definite that the enemy would be caught on the left bank of the Meuse. A message was sent to the blockading army near Metz that the two Corps requested were no longer needed, but they had already begun their march.

The latest dispositions made by Marshal MacMahon clearly betokened a last effort on his part to persevere in the original direction. He was écheloned along the northernmost of the roads by which he could reach Metz, but had left a strong reserve on the Aisne on which he might fall back. When he now learnt that nothing had been seen of the Army of the Rhine at Montmédy, but that it actually was still at Metz, he resolved on retreating, and, after giving orders to that effect for the following morning, reported his intention to Paris.

The latest decisions made by Marshal MacMahon clearly indicated a final effort on his part to continue in the original direction. He was lined up along the northernmost road he could take to Metz but had left a strong reserve on the Aisne to fall back on. When he learned that the Army of the Rhine had not been spotted at Montmédy and was actually still at Metz, he decided to retreat. After issuing orders to that effect for the next morning, he informed Paris of his plans.

From thence during the night came the most strenuous remonstrances. The Minister of War telegraphed, "If you leave Bazaine in the lurch, the revolution will break out," and the Council of Ministers issued a peremptory order to relieve Metz. The troops in front of the Marshal, it was urged, were nothing more than part of the army investing Metz; he had the start of the Crown Prince of Prussia by several days' march; and General Vinoy had already left Paris for Rheims with the newly-formed XIIIth Corps as a reinforcement to him.

From then on, during the night, there were intense objections. The Minister of War sent a telegram saying, "If you abandon Bazaine, the revolution will erupt," and the Council of Ministers issued a strict order to relieve Metz. It was argued that the troops in front of the Marshal were merely part of the army surrounding Metz; he had a head start on the Crown Prince of Prussia by several days' march; and General Vinoy had already left Paris for Rheims with the newly-formed XIII Corps as reinforcements for him.

The Marshal silenced his military convictions and issued new orders. But the troops had started in advance of the promulgation of them. The change of route gave rise to much confusion; the roads were bad, and quarters for the night were not reached until darkness had long set in; the men were weary, wet to the skin, and depressed in spirits.

The Marshal put aside his military beliefs and gave new orders. However, the troops had already moved ahead before he announced them. The change in route created a lot of confusion; the roads were poor, and they didn't reach their resting place until well after dark. The men were exhausted, soaked to the skin, and feeling down.

August 28th.—Little more than nine miles' distance eastward was attained. The XIIth Corps reached La[75] Besace, the Ist was on the march to Le Chêne, the VIIth was halted at Boult aux Bois because of a false report that two Prussian Corps were occupying Buzancy, further ahead. On the strength of this report the Vth Corps moved toward that town by way of Bar, but went on to Bois des Dames in the afternoon. Neither of these movements was interfered with. The German cavalry had strict orders, while watching the French as closely as possible, not in any way to check or press them, and the Saxon cavalry evacuated Nouart on the approach of the enemy. The Germans had to await the coming up of the IIIrd Army, the rearmost Corps of which, the VIth, had only just reached Ste. Menehould.

August 28th.—We made it just over nine miles eastward. The XII Corps arrived at La[75] Besace, the First Corps was heading to Le Chêne, and the VII Corps stopped at Boult aux Bois because of a false report that two Prussian Corps were occupying Buzancy further ahead. Based on this report, the V Corps headed toward that town via Bar but went on to Bois des Dames in the afternoon. Neither of these movements was disrupted. The German cavalry had strict orders to keep a close eye on the French without hindering or pressuring them, and the Saxon cavalry pulled back from Nouart as the enemy approached. The Germans had to wait for the III Army to catch up, with the last Corps, the VI, just reaching Ste. Menehould.

August 29th.—For this day also a non-offensive attitude was prescribed, and the bringing on of decisive operations was postponed until the 30th.

August 29th.—For this day, a neutral attitude was also advised, and the initiation of major operations was delayed until the 30th.

The Marshal in his head-quarter at Stonne had been informed that the Germans occupied Dun, and that the bridges over the Meuse had been destroyed. He had no pontoon-train, and could cross the river only lower down, at Mouzon and Villers. His XIIth Corps and 1st Cavalry Division passed over to the right bank unhindered at these points; the Ist Corps and the 2nd Cavalry Division proceeded to Raucourt. The VIIth Corps, delayed on march by petty skirmishes on its right flank, did not reach its destination at La Besace, but went into bivouac at Oches. The Vth Corps was to have moved to Beaumont, but the staff officer carrying the order fell into the hands of the Prussian cavalry together with his escort. General de Failly therefore marched upon Stenay, according to his original instructions.

The Marshal at his headquarters in Stonne had learned that the Germans had taken Dun and that the bridges over the Meuse were destroyed. He didn’t have a pontoon train, so he could only cross the river further down, at Mouzon and Villers. His XII Corps and 1st Cavalry Division crossed over to the right bank without any issues at those points; the 1st Corps and 2nd Cavalry Division moved on to Raucourt. The VII Corps was delayed on its march due to minor skirmishes on its right flank and didn’t make it to its destination at La Besace, ending up camping at Oches instead. The V Corps was supposed to move to Beaumont, but the staff officer carrying that order was captured by Prussian cavalry along with his escort. General de Failly therefore marched toward Stenay, following his original instructions.

Up to this time, apart from the cavalry, the Saxon Corps alone had been in contact with the enemy, but the Guard now came up to Buzancy in parallel line, while the Saxon Corps crossed over to the left bank of the Meuse at Dun. Its advanced guard at once took possession of the wooded spur to the north-east[76] of Nouart, drove out the French cavalry, and pressed ahead to Champy, where it encountered a strong force in Lespart's Division. The purpose of the reconnaissance having been attained, the advanced guard was called in. The French Division, in consequence of fresh orders received from the Marshal, withdrew simultaneously in a northerly direction.

Up until now, besides the cavalry, only the Saxon Corps had been in contact with the enemy, but the Guard advanced to Buzancy in parallel formation, while the Saxon Corps moved to the left bank of the Meuse at Dun. Its advanced guard immediately took control of the wooded area to the northeast[76] of Nouart, driving out the French cavalry and moving forward to Champy, where it faced a strong force from Lespart's Division. Once the purpose of the reconnaissance was achieved, the advanced guard was recalled. The French Division, following new orders from the Marshal, withdrew northward at the same time.

On the German side four Corps of the IIIrd Army were now within nine miles rearward of the Army of the Meuse. The 5th Cavalry Division stood at Attigny on the enemy's line of communication; the 6th was hanging on the heels of the French columns of march, and, among other things, had taken Boncq with a dismounted party. The Royal Head-quarter was now advanced to Grand Pré, and, as the result of the various reports which had poured in, the resolution was taken to attack the enemy on the following day, before he should cross the Meuse. The Army of the Meuse was to march towards Beaumont, the IIIrd Army to move forward between that place and Le Chêne. To bring both armies to a parallel front, the right wing was not to move until ten o'clock, while the left[18] was to start before six o'clock. Only the trains absolutely requisite for the battle were to follow.

On the German side, four Corps of the III Army were now nine miles back from the Army of the Meuse. The 5th Cavalry Division was stationed at Attigny along the enemy's supply line; the 6th was closely pursuing the French marching columns and had captured Boncq with a dismounted group. The Royal Headquarters had moved to Grand Pré, and after receiving numerous reports, the decision was made to attack the enemy the next day, before they could cross the Meuse. The Army of the Meuse would march toward Beaumont, while the III Army would advance between that location and Le Chêne. To align both armies side by side, the right wing would wait until ten o'clock to move, while the left was to start before six o'clock. Only the essential supply trains for the battle were to follow.


Battle of Beaumont.

(August 30th.)

On the 30th of August, at ten o'clock, the King set out for Sommauthe by way of Buzancy. Both the Bavarian Corps were on the march thither, the Vth[77] Corps advanced in the centre towards Oches, the XIth, together with the Würtemberg Division, was heading for Le Chêne, the VIth for Vouziers. The IVth Corps on the right was advancing by Belval, the XIIth reached to the Meuse, while the Guard Corps followed in rear as a reserve.

On August 30th, at ten o'clock, the King set off for Sommauthe via Buzancy. Both Bavarian Corps were on their way there, with the Vth Corps moving in the center toward Oches, the XIth, along with the Würtemberg Division, heading for Le Chêne, and the VIth going to Vouziers. The IVth Corps on the right was advancing through Belval, the XIIth reached the Meuse, while the Guard Corps followed behind as a reserve.

Marshal MacMahon had issued orders for the attainment of the object that his entire army should on this day cross to the right bank of the Meuse; only the baggage trains and sick were to remain behind.

Marshal MacMahon had given orders for the goal that his entire army should cross to the right bank of the Meuse today; only the supply trains and the sick were to stay behind.

His Ist Corps and the 2nd Cavalry Division had left Raucourt so early as seven; they crossed the river at Remilly, light bridges having been thrown over for the infantry. The VIIth Corps at Oches had struck camp still earlier at four o'clock, but as it took with it in the march all its waggons, even the empty ones, the trains formed a column more than nine miles in length, and seven of its battalions were forced to march alongside the road in the capacity of baggage guard; so that the brigade bringing up the rear was unable to start until ten o'clock. This long procession soon came into contact with the Prussian cavalry, was fired upon by artillery, and compelled to arrest its march. Not till one o'clock could the movement on La Besace be resumed, and then, as heavy firing was heard from Beaumont, General Douay conceived it right to abandon the road to Mouzon and take that to Remilly.

His Ist Corps and the 2nd Cavalry Division left Raucourt as early as seven; they crossed the river at Remilly, where light bridges had been set up for the infantry. The VIIth Corps at Oches had broken camp even earlier at four o'clock, but since it took all its wagons on the march, even the empty ones, the convoy formed a line more than nine miles long, and seven of its battalions had to march alongside the road as baggage guards. This meant that the brigade at the back couldn’t start until ten o'clock. This long procession soon encountered the Prussian cavalry, was fired upon by artillery, and had to stop its advance. Not until one o'clock could the movement toward La Besace resume, and then, with heavy firing heard from Beaumont, General Douay decided to abandon the road to Mouzon and take the route to Remilly.

To the Vth Corps had been precautionally assigned the duty of covering the march of the other two. The troops had reached the vicinity of Beaumont only at 4 a.m., and were thoroughly exhausted by fighting and the night-march. General de Failly therefore determined to halt his Corps for cooking and rest before pursuing the march. Precautionary measures seem to have been altogether neglected, though it must have been known that the enemy was now close at hand. While at half-past one the officers and men were[78] engaged in their meal, Prussian shells suddenly burst among these heedless groups.

To the Vth Corps was assigned the responsibility of covering the march of the other two contingents. The troops arrived near Beaumont only at 4 a.m., and they were completely worn out from fighting and marching all night. General de Failly decided to stop his Corps for cooking and resting before continuing the march. It seems all precautionary measures were ignored, even though it should have been clear that the enemy was nearby. While the officers and men were having their meal at half-past one, Prussian shells suddenly exploded among these unaware groups.

The two Corps of the German right wing had to move through a wooded tract in four wholly independent columns, by ways sodden with rain. The Crown Prince of Saxony therefore ordered that no single column should attempt to enter on an attack before the neighbouring one was ready to co-operate.

The two Corps of the German right wing had to move through a wooded area in four completely separate columns, along paths soaked from the rain. The Crown Prince of Saxony, therefore, ordered that no single column should try to launch an attack before the nearby one was ready to assist.

The IVth Corps had started very early, and after a short rest had pursued its march at ten o'clock. When at noon the head of the 8th Division emerged from the forest, it discerned from its elevated position the enemy's camp about 800 paces distant, in the condition as described. General Schöler (commanding the Division) held that the opportunity of so complete a surprise was not to be let pass; the proximity of his force could not long remain undetected by the enemy. He announced it by his cannon-fire.

The IV Corps started out early and, after a quick break, continued their march at ten o'clock. By noon, the front of the 8th Division came out of the forest and, from their higher ground, spotted the enemy's camp about 800 yards away, just as described. General Schöler, who was in charge of the Division, believed that this opportunity for a complete surprise shouldn't be missed; the enemy wouldn't remain unaware of his troops for long. He signaled their presence with cannon fire.

The Division soon recognized that it had drawn upon itself an enemy of immensely superior strength. The French rapidly got under arms, and dense swarms of riflemen hurried to the front, whose long-range Chassepôts inflicted great losses, especially upon the artillerymen. The main body of the 8th Division had meanwhile come up to the assistance of its advanced guard, and ere long the 7th Division appeared on the right. The French assailed it too with great impetuosity, and could only be repulsed at the bayonet-point. Presently, however, the foremost battalions of both Divisions made their way into the French camp in front of Beaumont, into the town itself, and finally into a second camp located northward of it. Seven guns, of which the teams were missing, and which continued firing up to the last moment, a number of gunners, waggons and horses, fell into the hands of the assailants.

The Division quickly realized that it had taken on an enemy of far greater strength. The French quickly mobilized, and large groups of riflemen rushed to the front, using their long-range Chassepôts to inflict heavy casualties, particularly on the artillerymen. Meanwhile, the main part of the 8th Division had arrived to support its forward troops, and soon the 7th Division showed up on the right. The French attacked with great ferocity, and the assault could only be pushed back with bayonets. However, the leading battalions of both Divisions soon broke into the French camp in front of Beaumont, moved into the town itself, and ultimately reached a second camp located to the north. Seven guns, whose teams were missing and which kept firing until the last moment, along with several gunners, wagons, and horses, fell into the hands of the attackers.

Whilst now, about two o'clock, a pause occurred in the infantry fight, fourteen batteries of the IVth[79] Corps engaged in a contest with the French artillery deployed on the stretch of heights north of Beaumont. The German artillery mass was presently strengthened by the Saxon artillery on the right, and by the Bavarian batteries on the left. This formidable and commanding artillery line, constantly advancing in echelon, promptly squandered the mitrailleuses, and at three o'clock the remaining French batteries also were silenced.

At around two o'clock, there was a break in the infantry battle as fourteen batteries of the IV Corps engaged in a showdown with the French artillery positioned on the heights north of Beaumont. The German artillery was soon bolstered by Saxon artillery on the right and Bavarian batteries on the left. This impressive and dominant artillery line kept advancing in a staggered formation, quickly using up their machine guns, and by three o'clock, the remaining French batteries were also silenced.

The IInd Bavarian Corps, on the left of the Prussian IVth, was advancing on La Thibaudine, when it was quite unexpectedly attacked from the west by a strong force of the enemy.

The 2nd Bavarian Corps, on the left of the Prussian 4th, was moving towards La Thibaudine when it was suddenly attacked from the west by a large enemy force.

These troops were Conseil Dumesnil's Division of the VIIth French Corps, which was continuing in march to Mouzon in error, acting on its original orders. Completely surprised as it was, and attacked in front and flank, the Division gave up all hope of cutting its way through, and at about four o'clock beat a hasty retreat northwards, leaving two guns behind.

These troops were Conseil Dumesnil's Division of the VIIth French Corps, which was mistakenly marching towards Mouzon, following its original orders. Totally taken by surprise and attacked from the front and sides, the Division lost all hope of breaking through and around four o'clock made a quick retreat north, leaving behind two cannons.

The Bavarians had in the meantime taken possession of the farm of Thibaudine, and the Prussians that of Harnoterie. The wooded hills prevented a clear view of the surrounding country; the enemy had completely disappeared.

The Bavarians had meanwhile taken over the Thibaudine farm, while the Prussians had taken over Harnoterie. The wooded hills blocked a clear view of the surrounding area; the enemy had completely vanished.

General de Failly was making strenuous efforts to collect his scattered forces in front of Mouzon, under cover of a rear-guard halted at La Sartelle; and General Lebrun had left behind on the left side of the Meuse an infantry and a cavalry brigade and three batteries belonging to the XIIth Corps, to render him assistance.

General de Failly was working hard to gather his scattered troops in front of Mouzon, protected by a rear guard stationed at La Sartelle; meanwhile, General Lebrun had left behind an infantry brigade, a cavalry brigade, and three batteries from the XIIth Corps on the left side of the Meuse to provide support.

At five o'clock the 8th Division, headed by the 13th Brigade, was pushing toilsomely through the dense forest of Givodeau, on its way to operate against this new defensive position. On emerging from the wood the battalions, which had fallen into some confusion, were received by a brisk fire at short range. The repeated efforts of the riflemen to advance were unsuccessful,[80] and the dense underwood hindered the clubbed mass behind them from forming. By the time the Saxon Corps had succeeded with extreme difficulty in extricating itself from the forest and swamps of the Wamme stream, and had reached Létanne, the impracticability of further progress in the Meuse valley became apparent, since numerous French batteries, in unassailable positions on the opposite side of the river, commanded all the low ground. The Corps therefore ascended the plateau, moved in its turn through the Givodeau woods, and debouching thence swelled the strength of the forces assembled on the northern border, where, however, their development on a broader front was impossible. So about six o'clock the infantry engagement came to a stand for a time in this quarter.

At five o'clock, the 8th Division, led by the 13th Brigade, was slowly making its way through the thick Givodeau forest, heading to tackle a new defensive position. When they got out of the woods, the battalions, which were somewhat disorganized, came under heavy fire at close range. The riflemen's repeated attempts to advance didn't succeed, and the thick underbrush made it hard for the troops behind them to regroup. By the time the Saxon Corps managed to struggle out of the forest and swamps of the Wamme stream and reached Létanne, it was clear that any further progress in the Meuse valley was impossible, as numerous French batteries in strong positions on the other side of the river had a clear view of all the low ground. The Corps then moved up to the plateau, went through the Givodeau woods, and emerged to strengthen the forces gathered on the northern border, although they couldn't expand their front. So around six o'clock, the infantry fighting paused for a while in that area.

On the left the 14th Brigade had come up into line with the 13th, and this body (the 7th Division) was followed by the 8th Division in two columns.

On the left, the 14th Brigade had joined the 13th Brigade in formation, and this group (the 7th Division) was followed by the 8th Division in two columns.

The 93rd Regiment had carried the height to the north-east of Yoncq, and advanced in pursuit of the enemy as far as to the foot of Mont de Brune. Four mitrailleuses and eight guns, some of them with their entire teams, fell thus into the hands of the Anhalters.

The 93rd Regiment had taken the high ground to the northeast of Yoncq and moved forward in pursuit of the enemy all the way to the base of Mont de Brune. Four machine guns and eight artillery pieces, some along with their full crews, were captured by the Anhalters.

When, at half-past five, the artillery had come up into position, and at the same time the 27th Regiment was approaching, General Zychlinski (commanding 14th Brigade) advanced to the enveloping attack.

When the artillery took position at half-past five and the 27th Regiment was approaching, General Zychlinski (in charge of the 14th Brigade) moved forward to launch the surround attack.

The French occupied in strength the summit of the entirely isolated hill; their batteries faced to eastward against the Bois de Givodeau, whence an assault threatened; but they swiftly changed front to the south and directed a heavy fire on the 93rd and the 2nd Battalion of the 27th, as they charged up on this face while the Fusilier battalion was at the same time pressing forward from the west. Regardless of their losses, the assailants eagerly scaled the ascent, the brigade and regimental commanders at their head. Six French guns were seized while in action, in spite of a brave[81] resistance by the gunners and covering troops, and the enemy was pursued as far as the Roman road. Here four more guns, completely horsed, which had been abandoned by the artillerymen, fell into the hands of the conquerors.

The French strongly occupied the top of the completely isolated hill; their artillery faced east toward the Bois de Givodeau, where an attack was imminent. However, they quickly shifted to the south and directed heavy fire at the 93rd and the 2nd Battalion of the 27th as they charged up that side while the Fusilier battalion was simultaneously advancing from the west. Despite their casualties, the attackers eagerly climbed the hill, with the brigade and regimental commanders leading the way. Six French guns were captured while still in action, despite the brave resistance from the gunners and supporting troops, and the enemy was chased all the way to the Roman road. There, four more guns, fully equipped and left behind by the artillerymen, were taken by the victors.

The three battalions[19] hurried on towards Mouzon, without waiting for the support of the[20] 14th Brigade following in rear, but they suddenly found themselves threatened by a cavalry-charge.

The three battalions[19] rushed ahead towards Mouzon, not waiting for the backup from the[20] 14th Brigade that was trailing behind, but they were suddenly faced with a cavalry charge.

Marshal MacMahon had recognized the fact that the only thing left him now to do was to effect as orderly an evacuation as possible of the left bank of the Meuse; the reinforcements sent across from the right had already been recalled. The 5th Cuirassier Regiment alone still remained. When, a little to the north of the Faubourg de Mouzon, it was reached by the fire of the advancing Prussians, the French regiment hurled itself upon the enemy with a noble contempt for death.

Marshal MacMahon realized that the only thing left for him to do was to carry out as orderly an evacuation as possible of the left bank of the Meuse; the reinforcements sent over from the right had already been called back. Only the 5th Cuirassier Regiment remained. When it came under fire from the advancing Prussians, a little north of the Faubourg de Mouzon, the French regiment charged the enemy with a brave disregard for death.

The shock struck the 10th Company of the 27th Regiment. The soldiers, without closing their ranks, waited for the word of command of their leader, Captain Helmuth, and then fired a volley at close range, which struck down eleven officers and 100 men, the brave commander of the band of horsemen falling fifteen paces in front of his men. The survivors rushed back towards the Meuse, and, as all the bridges had been removed, they strove to gain the other side by swimming.

The shock hit the 10th Company of the 27th Regiment. The soldiers, without closing their ranks, waited for their leader, Captain Helmuth, to give the command, and then fired a volley at close range, taking down eleven officers and 100 men, with the brave commander of the horsemen falling fifteen paces in front of his troops. The survivors rushed back towards the Meuse, and, since all the bridges had been removed, they tried to get to the other side by swimming.

Considerable masses of the enemy were still in front of Mouzon, and upon these the batteries of the IVth Corps, as one after another they came into action, directed their fire. Two Bavarian batteries brought under their fire the bridge at Villers, lower down the river, and prevented it from being used. Then the suburb was carried after a fierce encounter, and here too the bridge across the Meuse was taken and held. The enemy, deprived of every way of retreat, received[82] with a hot fire the 8th Division emerging from the valley of the Yoncq, but was gradually driven back towards the river. The French troops in front of the Bois de Givodeau were also in a hopeless plight; they were assailed by the 7th Division and XIIth Corps, and were dispersed after an obstinate struggle. By nightfall the French had ceased their resistance on the hither side of the Meuse. Many lagging stragglers were taken prisoners, others hid themselves in the copses and farmhouses, or tried to escape by swimming the river.

Considerable groups of the enemy were still in front of Mouzon, and the batteries of the IV Corps, as they came into action one after another, directed their fire at them. Two Bavarian batteries targeted the bridge at Villers, further down the river, and prevented its use. Then the suburb was captured after a fierce battle, and here too the bridge across the Meuse was taken and held. The enemy, cut off from any way to retreat, faced a heavy fire as the 8th Division came out of the valley of the Yoncq, but was gradually pushed back toward the river. The French troops in front of the Bois de Givodeau were also in a dire situation; they were attacked by the 7th Division and XII Corps, and were scattered after a stubborn fight. By nightfall, the French had stopped their resistance on this side of the Meuse. Many slow-moving stragglers were taken prisoner, while others hid in the thickets and farmhouses, or tried to escape by swimming across the river.

In this battle, as in the preceding ones, the attack suffered far heavier loss than the defence. The Army of the Meuse lost 3500 combatants, the preponderating loss falling on the IVth Corps. The French estimated their loss at 1800; but in the course of the day and on the following morning, 3000 prisoners, mostly unwounded, fell into the hands of the victors, with 51 guns, 33 ammunition and many other waggons, and a military chest containing 150,000 francs. And, what was of supreme importance, by the result of this battle the French army had been driven into an extremely unfavourable position.

In this battle, as in the ones before it, the attackers faced much heavier losses than the defenders. The Army of the Meuse lost 3,500 soldiers, with the majority of the losses occurring in the IV Corps. The French estimated their losses at 1,800; however, by the end of the day and the following morning, 3,000 prisoners, mostly unharmed, were taken by the victors, along with 51 guns, 33 ammunition wagons, and many other supplies, as well as a military chest containing 150,000 francs. Most importantly, this battle pushed the French army into a very unfavorable position.

While the IVth Corps had been chiefly sustaining the day's battle, the Saxon Cavalry had pushed forward on the right bank of the Meuse, and had reconnoitred towards Mouzon and Carignan. The Guard Corps reached Beaumont, and General von der Tann with the 1st Bavarian Corps was at Raucourt, having marched by way of La Besace with some slight skirmishing on the way. The IInd Bavarian Corps was assembled at Sommauthe, the Vth Corps had reached Stonne, the XIth, La Besace. Thus seven Corps now stood in close concentration between the Meuse and the Bar.

While the IV Corps had mainly been holding up the day's battle, the Saxon Cavalry advanced on the right bank of the Meuse and scouted toward Mouzon and Carignan. The Guard Corps arrived in Beaumont, and General von der Tann with the 1st Bavarian Corps was at Raucourt, having marched via La Besace with some minor skirmishes along the way. The 2nd Bavarian Corps was gathered at Sommauthe, the V Corps had reached Stonne, and the XI Corps was at La Besace. In total, seven Corps were now closely concentrated between the Meuse and the Bar.

The King rode back to Buzancy after the battle, as all the villages in the vicinity of the battle-field were crowded with the wounded. Here, as previously at Clermont, was felt the great inconvenience of inadequate lodging for hundreds of illustrious guests and[83] their suites, when, for once in a way for military reasons, head-quarters were established in a small village, instead of in a large town. Shelter for those officers whose duty it was to prepare the necessary orders for the morrow was only found late at night, and with considerable difficulty.

The King rode back to Buzancy after the battle, as all the villages near the battlefield were packed with the wounded. Here, just like before in Clermont, the major issue of not having enough lodging for hundreds of distinguished guests and[83] their entourages was felt. For once, due to military reasons, headquarters were set up in a small village rather than a large town. Shelter for those officers responsible for preparing the necessary orders for the next day was only found late at night, and it was quite challenging to secure.

These orders instructed that on the 31st two Corps of the Army of the Meuse should cross over to the right bank of the river, to prevent the possibility of further progress of the French to Metz by way of Montmédy. Two Corps of the army besieging Metz were besides already posted in that direction about Etain and Briey. The IIIrd Army was to continue its movement in the northward direction.

These orders directed that on the 31st, two Corps of the Army of the Meuse should cross to the right bank of the river to stop any further advance of the French toward Metz via Montmédy. Two Corps of the army surrounding Metz were already positioned in that area near Etain and Briey. The IIIrd Army was to maintain its movement northward.

As the situation had now developed itself, it already seemed within sight that the Army of Châlons might be compelled to cross over into neutral territory, and the Belgian Government was therefore asked through diplomatic channels to concern itself with its disarmament in that event. The German troops had orders at once to cross the Belgian frontier, should the enemy not lay down his arms there.

As the situation had now unfolded, it seemed likely that the Army of Châlons might have to move into neutral territory. Thus, the Belgian Government was approached through diplomatic channels to discuss disarming in that scenario. The German troops were instructed to immediately cross the Belgian border if the enemy did not surrender there.

While the Vth French Corps was still fighting about Beaumont, and when the rest of the army had crossed the Meuse, General MacMahon had ordered the concentration of his army on Sedan. He did not intend to offer battle there, but it was indispensable to give his troops a short rest, and provide them with food and ammunition. He then meant to continue the retreat by way of Mézières, which General Vinoy was just then approaching with the newly-formed XIIIth Corps. The Ist Corps, which had arrived at Carignan early in the afternoon, detached two of its divisions to Douzy in the evening to check any further advance of the Germans.

While the 5th French Corps was still engaged around Beaumont, and when the rest of the army had crossed the Meuse, General MacMahon had ordered his army to concentrate in Sedan. He didn’t plan to fight there, but it was essential to give his troops a quick rest and supply them with food and ammunition. After that, he intended to continue the retreat through Mézières, which General Vinoy was just approaching with the newly-formed 13th Corps. The 1st Corps, which had arrived in Carignan early in the afternoon, sent two of its divisions to Douzy in the evening to halt any further advance of the Germans.

Though any pursuit immediately after the battle of Beaumont was prevented by the intervening river, the retreat of the French soon assumed the ominous character of a rout. The troops were utterly worn out[84] by their exertions by day and night, in continuous rain and with but scanty supplies of food. The marching to and fro, to no visible purpose, had undermined their confidence in their leaders, and a series of luckless fights had shaken their self-reliance. Thousands of fugitives, crying for bread, crowded round the waggons as they struggled forward to reach the little fortress which had so unexpectedly become the central rallying point of a great army.

Though any pursuit right after the battle of Beaumont was blocked by the river, the French retreat quickly took on the alarming look of a rout. The troops were completely exhausted[84] from their efforts day and night, enduring constant rain and with barely any food supplies. The endless marching back and forth, without any clear purpose, had eroded their trust in their leaders, and a series of unfortunate skirmishes had shaken their confidence. Thousands of refugees, crying for food, gathered around the wagons as they struggled to move forward to reach the small fortress that had unexpectedly become the main rallying point for a large army.

The Emperor Napoleon arrived at Sedan from Carignan late in the evening of the 30th; the VIIth Corps reached Floing during the night, but the XIIth Corps did not arrive at Bazeilles until the following morning. The Vth Corps mustered at the eastern suburb of Sedan in a fearfully shattered state, followed in the afternoon of the 31st by the Ist, which, after many rear-guard actions with the German cavalry, took up a position behind the Givonne valley. To pursue the march to Mézières on that day was not to be thought of. The XIIth Corps had that same evening to show a front at Bazeilles, where the thunder of their cannon already heralded the arrival of the Germans. The destruction of the bridges there and at Donchery was ordered, but the order remained unexecuted, owing to the worn-out condition of the men.

The Emperor Napoleon arrived in Sedan from Carignan late on the evening of the 30th; the VII Corps reached Floing during the night, but the XII Corps didn't get to Bazeilles until the next morning. The V Corps assembled in the eastern suburb of Sedan in a terribly damaged state, followed in the afternoon of the 31st by the I Corps, which, after several rear-guard skirmishes with the German cavalry, positioned itself behind the Givonne valley. Continuing the march to Mézières that day was out of the question. The XII Corps had to show a front at Bazeilles that same evening, where the booming of their cannons already announced the approach of the Germans. An order was given to destroy the bridges at Bazeilles and Donchery, but it went unexecuted because the troops were exhausted.

August 31st.—Of the army of the Meuse the Guard and 12th Cavalry Divisions had crossed the Meuse at Pouilly, and by a pontoon bridge at Létanne, and swept the country between the Meuse and the Chiers. Following close upon the rear of the French and harassing them in skirmishes till they reached their new position, they brought in as prisoners numbers of stragglers. The Guard Corps then crossed the Chiers at Carignan and halted at Sachy; the XIIth pushed on to about Douzy on the Meuse,[21] while its advanced guard thrust ahead on the further side (of the Chiers) as far as Francheval. The IVth Corps remained at Mouzon.

August 31st.—The army of the Meuse saw the Guard and 12th Cavalry Divisions cross the Meuse at Pouilly and via a pontoon bridge at Létanne, sweeping through the area between the Meuse and the Chiers. They closely followed the French, causing disruptions through skirmishes until the French reached their new position, capturing many stragglers. The Guard Corps then crossed the Chiers at Carignan and stopped at Sachy; the XIIth pushed on to near Douzy on the Meuse,[21] while its advanced guard moved ahead on the other side of the Chiers as far as Francheval. The IVth Corps stayed at Mouzon.

The 4th Cavalry Division of the IIIrd Army reconnoitred in the direction of Sedan, drove back the French outposts from Wadelincourt and Frénois, and, moving from the latter place, seized the railroad under the fire of hostile artillery. The 6th Cavalry Division on the left flank proceeded on the way to Mézières as far as Poix.

The 4th Cavalry Division of the III Army scouted towards Sedan, pushed back the French outposts from Wadelincourt and Frénois, and, moving from Frénois, took control of the railroad while under enemy artillery fire. The 6th Cavalry Division on the left flank continued towards Mézières, reaching as far as Poix.

When the Ist Bavarian Corps reached Remilly before noon, it came under heavy fire from the opposite side of the river, and at once brought up its batteries in position on the hither slope of the valley of the Meuse. A sharp cannonade ensued, by the end of which sixty Bavarian guns were engaged. It was only now that the French attempted to blow up the railway bridge south of Bazeilles, but the vigorous fire of the 4th Jäger Battalion drove off the enemy with his engineers, the Jägers threw the powder-barrels into the river, and at midday crossed the bridge. The battalion entered Bazeilles in the face of a storm of bullets, and occupied the northern fringe of the straggling place. Thus the XIIth French Corps was forced to move up into a position between Balan and Moncelle, where, having been reinforced by batteries belonging to the Ist Corps, it had to encounter, and that with considerable waste of power, the daring little band of Germans.

When the Ist Bavarian Corps arrived in Remilly before noon, it came under heavy fire from the other side of the river and quickly set up its artillery on the near slope of the Meuse valley. A fierce cannon battle followed, with sixty Bavarian guns involved by the end. It was only at this point that the French tried to blow up the railway bridge south of Bazeilles, but the strong fire from the 4th Jäger Battalion pushed the enemy and their engineers back, and the Jägers tossed the powder barrels into the river before crossing the bridge around midday. The battalion entered Bazeilles amid a barrage of bullets and secured the northern edge of the sprawling area. As a result, the XIIth French Corps had to reposition between Balan and Moncelle, and with reinforcement from batteries of the Ist Corps, it faced the audacious little group of Germans, albeit with considerable loss of force.

General von der Tann[22] did not however hold it advisable to commit himself on that day to a serious conflict on the further side of the Meuse with a closely compacted enemy, while his own Corps was still unconcentrated; and, since the weak detachment in Bazeilles had no hope of being reinforced, it withdrew therefrom at about half-past three without being pursued.

General von der Tann[22] didn't think it was wise to engage in a major conflict that day on the other side of the Meuse against a strong enemy, especially since his own Corps was still spread out. Since the small unit in Bazeilles had no chance of getting reinforcements, it pulled back around 3:30 without being chased.

Meanwhile two pontoon bridges had been laid at Allicourt, without molestation from the French. These and the railway bridge were barricaded for the night, while eighty-four guns further secured them from being crossed. The Ist Bavarian Corps went into bivouac at Angecourt, the IInd at Hancourt.

Meanwhile, two pontoon bridges had been set up at Allicourt without any interference from the French. These, along with the railway bridge, were barricaded for the night, while eighty-four guns provided additional security against being crossed. The 1st Bavarian Corps settled into camp at Angecourt, while the 2nd Corps camped at Hancourt.

To the left of the Bavarians the XIth Corps marched towards Donchery, followed by the Vth. The advanced guard found the place unoccupied, and extended itself on the further side of the river. By three o'clock two other bridges were completed close below Donchery, whilst the railway bridge above the place, also found unguarded, was destroyed.

To the left of the Bavarians, the 11th Corps marched toward Donchery, followed by the 5th. The advance guard found the area unoccupied and spread out on the other side of the river. By three o'clock, two more bridges were finished just below Donchery, while the railway bridge above the area, also found unguarded, was destroyed.

On the extreme left the Würtemberg and the 6th Cavalry Divisions came in contact with the XIIIth French Corps, which had just arrived at Mézières.

On the far left, the Würtemberg and the 6th Cavalry Divisions met the XIIIth French Corps, which had just arrived in Mézières.

The King removed his head-quarters to Vendresse.

The King moved his headquarters to Vendresse.

In spite of a succession of occasionally very severe marches in bad weather, and of being in regard to supplies chiefly beholden to requisitioning, the Army of the Meuse advancing on the east, and the IIIrd Army on the south, were now directly in face of the concentrated French Army. Marshal MacMahon could scarcely have realized that the only chance of safety for his army, or even for part of it, lay in the immediate prosecution of his retreat on the 1st of September. It is true that the Crown Prince of Prussia, in possession as he was of every passage over the Meuse, would have promptly taken that movement in flank in the narrow space, little more than four miles wide, which was bounded on the north by the frontier. That nevertheless the attempt was not risked was only to be explained by the actual condition of the exhausted troops; for on this day the French Army was not yet capable of undertaking a disciplined march involving fighting; it could only fight where it stood.

Despite a series of sometimes very harsh marches in bad weather, and mainly relying on requisitioning for supplies, the Army of the Meuse advancing from the east and the IIIrd Army from the south were now directly facing the concentrated French Army. Marshal MacMahon could hardly have realized that the only chance for his army, or even part of it, was to immediately continue his retreat on September 1st. It's true that the Crown Prince of Prussia, who controlled all the crossings over the Meuse, would have quickly taken advantage of that movement from the side in the narrow space, barely more than four miles wide, bounded to the north by the frontier. The fact that this attempt was not made can only be explained by the actual condition of the exhausted troops; on this day, the French Army was not yet capable of undertaking a disciplined march that involved fighting; it could only fight where it stood.

On the German side it was still expected that the Marshal would strike for Mézières. The Army of the Meuse was ordered to attack the enemy's positions with the object of detaining him in them; the IIIrd Army, leaving only one Corps on the left bank, was to press forward on the right side of the river.

On the German side, there was still an expectation that the Marshal would aim for Mézières. The Army of the Meuse was instructed to attack the enemy's positions to hold them in place; the IIIrd Army, keeping just one Corps on the left bank, was to advance on the right side of the river.

The French position about Sedan was covered to rearward by the fortress. The Meuse and the valleys of[87] the Givonne and the Floing brooks offered formidable obstructions, but it was imperative that those outmost lines should be obstinately held. The Calvary height of Illy was a very important point, strengthened as it was by the Bois de Garenne in its rear, whence a high ridge stretching to Bazeilles afforded much cover in its numerous dips and shoulders. In the event of a retreat into neutral territory in the last extremity, the road thereto lay through Illy. Bazeilles, on the other hand, locally a very strong point of support to the Givonne front, constituted an acute salient, which, after the loss of the bridges across the Meuse, was open to attack on two sides.

The French position around Sedan was protected at the back by the fortress. The Meuse River and the valleys of[87] the Givonne and Floing brooks presented significant obstacles, but it was crucial that those outer lines be held firmly. The Calvary height of Illy was a key location, fortified by the Bois de Garenne behind it, where a high ridge stretching to Bazeilles provided ample cover in its many dips and rises. If a retreat to neutral territory became necessary, the route would pass through Illy. On the other hand, Bazeilles, being a strong support point for the Givonne front, created a sharp protrusion that, following the loss of the bridges over the Meuse, was vulnerable to attacks from two sides.

FOOTNOTES:

[18] The Army of the Meuse constituted the right wing; the IIIrd Army, the left.

[18] The Army of the Meuse made up the right wing, and the IIIrd Army was on the left.

[19] Of 27th and 93rd Regiments.

[19] Of the 27th and 93rd Regiments.

[20] Read in "rest of the."

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Read in the "rest of the."

[21] Douzy is on the north bank of the Chiers.

[21] Douzy is located on the north side of the Chiers.

[22] Commanding Ist Bavarian Corps.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Leading Ist Bavarian Corps.


Battle of Sedan.

(September 1st.)

In order, in co-operation with the Army of the Meuse, to hold fast the enemy in his position, General von der Tann sent his Ist Brigade over the pontoon-bridges against Bazeilles so early as four o'clock in a thick morning mist. The troops attacked the place, but now found the streets barricaded, and were fired on from every house. The leading company pressed on as far as to the northern egress, suffering great losses, but the others, while engaged in arduous street-fighting, were driven out of the western part of Bazeilles by the arrival of the 2nd Brigade of the French XIIth Corps. They however kept possession of the buildings at the southern end, and from thence issued to repeated assaults. As fresh troops were constantly coming up on both sides, the French being reinforced to the extent even of a brigade of the Ist and one of the Vth Corps, the murderous combat long swayed to and fro; in particular the struggle for the possession of the Villa[88] Beurmann, situated in front of the exit, and commanding the main street throughout its whole length, lasted for a stricken hour. The inhabitants took an active part in the fighting, and so they inevitably drew fire upon themselves.

To work together with the Army of the Meuse and hold the enemy in position, General von der Tann sent his 1st Brigade across the pontoon bridges toward Bazeilles as early as four o'clock in a thick morning fog. The troops attacked the area but found the streets barricaded and were fired on from every house. The leading company pushed on as far as the northern exit, suffering heavy losses, while the others, engaged in tough street fighting, were driven out of the western part of Bazeilles by the arrival of the 2nd Brigade of the French XII Corps. However, they managed to hold the buildings at the southern end and launched repeated assaults from there. As fresh troops continuously arrived on both sides, with the French even receiving reinforcements of a brigade from the 1st and one from the 5th Corps, the brutal combat swung back and forth; particularly, the fight for the Villa[88] Beurmann, located at the exit and overlooking the main street the entire way, lasted for a full hour. The local inhabitants actively participated in the fighting, which inevitably drew fire upon themselves.

The fire of the strong array of guns drawn up on the left slope of the valley of the Meuse naturally could not be directed on the surging strife in Bazeilles, which was now blazing in several places, but at eight o'clock, on the arrival of the 8th Prussian Division at Remilly, General von der Tann threw his last brigades into the fight. The walled park of the château of Monvillers was stormed and an entrance won into the Villa Beurmann. The artillery crossed the bridges at about nine o'clock, and the 8th Division was requested to support the combat in which the right wing of the Bavarians was also engaged southward of Bazeilles about Moncelle.[23]

The powerful barrage from the guns positioned on the left hillside of the Meuse Valley obviously couldn’t be aimed at the intense conflict happening in Bazeilles, which was now on fire in multiple spots. However, at eight o’clock, with the arrival of the 8th Prussian Division at Remilly, General von der Tann committed his remaining brigades to the fight. They stormed the walled park of the château of Monvillers and gained entry into the Villa Beurmann. The artillery crossed the bridges around nine o'clock, and the 8th Division was asked to assist in the battle where the right flank of the Bavarians was also active south of Bazeilles near Moncelle.[23]

In this direction Prince George of Saxony[24] had so early as five o'clock despatched an advanced guard of seven battalions from Douzy. They drove the French from Moncelle, pressed ahead to Platinerie and the bridge there, and, in spite of the enemy's heavy fire, took possession of the houses bordering the further side of the Givonne brook, which they immediately occupied for defensive purposes. Communication with the Bavarians was now established, and the battery of the advanced guard moved up quickly into action on the eastern slope; but a further infantry support could not at first be afforded to this bold advance.

In this context, Prince George of Saxony[24] had sent out an advance force of seven battalions from Douzy as early as five o'clock. They pushed the French out of Moncelle, advanced to Platinerie and the bridge there, and despite the enemy's heavy fire, seized the houses on the other side of the Givonne brook, which they quickly occupied for defense. Communication with the Bavarians was established, and the battery from the advance guard quickly positioned itself for action on the eastern slope; however, additional infantry support could not initially be provided for this daring advance.

Marshal MacMahon had been struck by a splinter from a shell near Moncelle at 6 a.m. He had named General Ducrot as his successor in the chief command, passing over two senior Corps commanders. Apprized of this promotion at seven o'clock, that General issued the necessary orders for the prompt assemblage of the army at Illy, in preparation for an immediate retreat[89] on Mézières. He had already despatched Lartigue's Division of his own Corps to safeguard the crossing of the Givonne ravine at Daigny; the Divisions of Lacretelle and Bassoigne were ordered to take the offensive against the Saxons and Bavarians, to gain time for the withdrawal of the rest of the troops. The divisions forming the second line were to start immediately in a northerly direction.

Marshal MacMahon had been hit by a splinter from a shell near Moncelle at 6 a.m. He appointed General Ducrot as his successor in command, bypassing two senior Corps commanders. Informed of this promotion at seven o'clock, General Ducrot issued the necessary orders for the quick gathering of the army at Illy, in preparation for an immediate retreat to Mézières. He had already sent Lartigue's Division from his own Corps to secure the crossing of the Givonne ravine at Daigny; the Divisions of Lacretelle and Bassoigne were instructed to take the offensive against the Saxons and Bavarians, allowing time for the rest of the troops to withdraw. The divisions forming the second line were to start heading north immediately.[89]

But the Minister of War had appointed General de Wimpffen, recently returned from Algiers, to the command of the Vth Corps in room of General de Failly, and had at the same time given him a commission empowering him to assume the command of the Army in case of the disability of the Marshal.

But the Minister of War had appointed General de Wimpffen, who had just returned from Algiers, to lead the Vth Corps instead of General de Failly, and at the same time, he gave him a commission allowing him to take command of the Army if the Marshal became unable to do so.

General de Wimpffen knew the army of the Crown Prince to be in the neighbourhood of Donchery. He regarded the retreat to Mézières as utterly impracticable, and was bent on the diametrically opposite course of breaking out to Carignan, not doubting that he could drive aside the Bavarians and Saxons, and so succeed in effecting a junction with Marshal Bazaine. When he heard of the orders just issued by General Ducrot, and at the same time observed that an assault on Moncelle seemed to be taking an auspicious course, he produced—to his ruin—the authoritative commission which had been bestowed on him.

General de Wimpffen knew that the army of the Crown Prince was nearby in Donchery. He thought that retreating to Mézières was completely impossible and was determined to take the opposite approach of breaking out toward Carignan, confident that he could push aside the Bavarians and Saxons to successfully join up with Marshal Bazaine. When he learned about the orders recently given by General Ducrot and noticed that an attack on Moncelle was looking promising, he revealed—for his downfall—the official commission that had been granted to him.

General Ducrot submitted without any remonstrance; he might probably not have been averse to be relieved of so heavy a responsibility. The Divisions of the second line which were in the act of starting immediately were recalled; and the further advance of the weak Bavarian and Saxon detachments was soon hard pressed by the impact of the first stroke of the enemy rushing on to the attack.

General Ducrot accepted without any objections; he probably wouldn't have minded being freed from such a heavy responsibility. The divisions of the second line that were just about to get moving were called back; and the advance of the weak Bavarian and Saxon detachments was soon under intense pressure from the initial rush of the enemy launching their attack.

By seven in the morning, while one regiment of the Saxon advanced guard had gone in upon Moncelle, the other on its right had to concern itself with the threatening advance of Lartigue's Division. With that body it soon became engaged in a heavy fire-fight.[90] The regiment had laid down its packs on the march, and had omitted to take out the cartridges carried in them. Thus it soon ran short of ammunition, and the repeated and violent onslaughts of the Zouaves, directed principally against its unprotected right flank, had to be repulsed with the bayonet.

By seven in the morning, while one regiment of the Saxon advanced guard moved into Moncelle, the other on its right had to deal with the looming advance of Lartigue's Division. They quickly found themselves caught in a fierce firefight.[90] The regiment had dropped its packs during the march and hadn’t taken out the cartridges from them. As a result, they soon ran low on ammunition, and the repeated and intense attacks from the Zouaves, mainly targeting their unprotected right flank, had to be fought off with bayonets.

On the left in this quarter a strong artillery line had gradually been formed, which by half-past eight o'clock amounted to twelve batteries. But Lacretelle's Division was now approaching by the Givonne bottom, and dense swarms of tirailleurs forced the German batteries to retire at about nine o'clock. The guns, withdrawn into a position at a somewhat greater distance, drove back with their fire the enemy in the hollow, and presently returned to the position previously occupied.

On the left side in this section, a solid artillery line had slowly formed, which reached twelve batteries by eight-thirty. However, Lacretelle's Division was now coming up from the Givonne valley, and large groups of sharpshooters pushed the German batteries to retreat around nine o'clock. The guns, moved to a position further back, fired on the enemy in the valley and soon returned to their original position.

The 4th Bavarian Brigade had meanwhile pushed forward into Moncelle, and the 46th Saxon Brigade also came up, so that it was possible to check the trifling progress made by Bassoigne's Division.

The 4th Bavarian Brigade had meanwhile moved into Moncelle, and the 46th Saxon Brigade also arrived, so it was possible to halt the minor advances made by Bassoigne's Division.

On the right flank of the Saxons, which had been hard pressed, much-needed supports now arrived from the 24th Division, and at once took the offensive. The French were driven back upon Daigny, with the loss of five guns. Then in conjunction with the Bavarians, who were pushing on through the valley to the northward, the village of Daigny, the bridge and the farmstead of La Rapaille were carried after a bitter fight.

On the right side of the Saxons, who had been under a lot of pressure, much-needed reinforcements from the 24th Division showed up and immediately went on the attack. The French were pushed back to Daigny, losing five artillery pieces in the process. Then, alongside the Bavarians, who were advancing through the valley to the north, they took the village of Daigny, along with the bridge and the farm of La Rapaille, after a fierce battle.

About ten o'clock the Guard Corps reached the upper Givonne. Having started in the night, the Corps was marching in two columns, when cannon thunder from Bazeilles heard afar off caused the troops to quicken their pace. In order to render assistance by the shortest road, the left column would have had to traverse two deep ravines and the pathless wood of Chevallier, so it took the longer route by Villers Cernay, which place the head of the right column passed in ample time to take part with the Saxons in[91] the contest with Lartigue's Division, and to capture two of its guns.

About ten o'clock, the Guard Corps reached the upper Givonne. Having started at night, the Corps was marching in two columns when cannon fire from Bazeilles, heard from a distance, made the troops pick up their pace. To provide assistance by the shortest route, the left column would have had to go through two deep ravines and the dense woods of Chevallier, so it took the longer path via Villers Cernay. The front of the right column passed through this area in plenty of time to join the Saxons in [91] the fight against Lartigue's Division and to capture two of its guns.

The Divisions ordered back by General Ducrot had already resumed their former positions on the western slopes, and fourteen batteries of the Guard Corps now opened fire upon them from the east.

The divisions recalled by General Ducrot had already returned to their previous positions on the western slopes, and fourteen batteries of the Guard Corps now began firing at them from the east.

At the same hour (ten o'clock) the 7th Division of the IVth Corps had arrived near Lamécourt, and the 8th near Remilly, both places rearward of Bazeilles; the head of the latter had reached the Remilly railway station.

At the same hour (ten o'clock), the 7th Division of the IV Corps had arrived close to Lamécourt, and the 8th had reached Remilly, both locations behind Bazeilles; the front of the latter had reached the Remilly railway station.

The first attempt of the French to break out eastward to Carignan proved a failure, and their retreat westward to Mézières was also already cut off, for the Vth and XIth Corps of the IIIrd Army, together with the Würtemberg Division, had been detailed to move northward to the road leading to that place. These troops had started early in the night, and at six a.m. had crossed the Meuse at Donchery, and by the three pontoon bridges further down the river. The advanced patrols found the Mézières road quite clear of the enemy, and the heavy cannonade heard from the direction of Bazeilles made it appear probable that the French had accepted battle in their position at Sedan. The Crown Prince, therefore, ordered the two Corps, which already had reached the upland of Vrigne, to swing to their right and advance on St. Menges; the Würtembergers were to remain behind to watch Mézières. General von Kirchbach then indicated Fleigneux to his advanced guard as the objective of the further movement, which had for its purpose the barring of the escape of the French into Belgium, and the establishment of a junction with the right wing of the Army of the Meuse.

The first attempt by the French to break out east to Carignan failed, and their retreat west to Mézières was already blocked, as the Vth and XIth Corps of the IIIrd Army, along with the Würtemberg Division, were assigned to move north to the road leading to that area. These troops had set out early in the night, and by six a.m., they had crossed the Meuse at Donchery and at the three pontoon bridges further down the river. The advanced patrols found the Mézières road free of the enemy, and the heavy cannon fire heard from the direction of Bazeilles suggested that the French had chosen to fight in their position at Sedan. Therefore, the Crown Prince ordered the two Corps, which had already reached the upland of Vrigne, to turn right and advance on St. Menges; the Würtembergers were to stay back to keep an eye on Mézières. General von Kirchbach then pointed out Fleigneux to his advanced guard as the target for the next move, aimed at preventing the French from escaping into Belgium and establishing a junction with the right wing of the Army of the Meuse.

The narrow pass about 2000 paces long between the heights and the river traversed by the road to St. Albert, was neither held nor watched by the French. It was not till the advanced guard reached St. Menges[92] that it encountered a French detachment, which soon withdrew. The German advance then deployed against Illy. Two companies moved to the right and took possession of Floing, where they maintained themselves for the next two hours without assistance against repeated attacks.

The narrow pass about 2000 paces long between the heights and the river along the road to St. Albert wasn't occupied or monitored by the French. It wasn't until the advance guard arrived at St. Menges[92] that they ran into a French detachment, which quickly retreated. The German forces then spread out against Illy. Two companies moved to the right and took control of Floing, where they held their position for the next two hours without help against repeated assaults.

The earliest arriving Prussian batteries had to exert themselves to the utmost to maintain themselves against the much superior strength of French artillery in action about Illy. At first they had for their only escort some cavalry and a few companies of infantry, and as these bodies debouched from the defile of St. Albert, they found themselves an enticing object of attack to Margueritte's Cavalry Division halted on the aforesaid plateau of Illy. It was at nine o'clock that General Galliffet rode down to the attack at the head of three regiments of Chasseurs d'Afrique and two squadrons of Lancers formed in three lines. The first fury of the charge fell upon two companies of the 87th Regiment, which met it with a hail of bullets at sixty yards range. The first line charged some horse-lengths further forward, then wheeled outward to both flanks, and came under the fire of the supporting troops occupying the broom copses. The Prussian batteries, too, showered their shell fire into the throng of French horsemen, who finally went about in confusion, and, having suffered great losses, sought refuge in the Bois de Garenne.

The first Prussian batteries to arrive had to push themselves to the limit to hold their ground against the much stronger French artillery near Illy. Initially, they had only a few cavalry and some infantry companies for support. As these groups came out of the St. Albert pass, they became an inviting target for Margueritte's Cavalry Division, which was positioned on the plateau at Illy. At nine o'clock, General Galliffet led an attack with three regiments of Chasseurs d'Afrique and two squadrons of Lancers arranged in three lines. The initial charge hit two companies of the 87th Regiment, which responded with a barrage of bullets from sixty yards away. The first line charged a few horse-lengths further, then swung out to both sides, coming under fire from supporting troops in the nearby woods. The Prussian batteries also rained down shell fire on the mass of French cavalry, which eventually retreated in disarray after suffering heavy losses, seeking refuge in the Bois de Garenne.

At ten o'clock, the same hour at which the assaults of the French on Bazeilles and about Daigny were being repulsed, fourteen batteries of the XIth Corps were already in action on and near the ridge south-east of St. Menges; to swell which mass presently came up those of the Vth Corps. Powerful infantry columns were in march upon Fleigneux, and thus the ring surrounding Sedan was already at this hour nearly closed. The one Bavarian Corps and the artillery reserves on the left bank of the Meuse were considered strong enough to repel any attempt of the French to[93] break through in that direction; five Corps were on the right bank, ready for a concentric attack.

At ten o'clock, the same time the French attacks on Bazeilles and around Daigny were being pushed back, fourteen batteries of the XI Corps were already engaged on and near the ridge southeast of St. Menges; soon joined by those of the V Corps. Strong infantry units were marching toward Fleigneux, and by this hour, the encirclement of Sedan was nearly complete. The single Bavarian Corps and the artillery reserves on the left bank of the Meuse were deemed strong enough to fend off any attempts by the French to [93] break through in that direction; five Corps were positioned on the right bank, ready for a coordinated attack.

The Bavarians and Saxons, reinforced by the head of the IVth Corps, issued from the burning Bazeilles and from Moncelle, and, in spite of a stubborn resistance, drove the detachments of the French XIIth Corps in position eastward of Balan back upon Fond de Givonne.

The Bavarians and Saxons, backed by the commander of the IV Corps, came out of the burning Bazeilles and Moncelle, and, despite facing strong resistance, pushed the detachments of the French XII Corps, positioned east of Balan, back towards Fond de Givonne.

Once in possession of the southern spur of the ridge sloping down from Illy, and while awaiting the renewed attacks of the French, the extreme urgency was realized of reassembling the different Corps and of re-forming the troops, which had fallen into great confusion.

Once in control of the southern slope of the ridge descending from Illy, and while waiting for the French to attack again, it became clear how urgently it was needed to regroup the different Corps and to reorganize the troops, which had become very disorganized.

As soon as this was done, the 5th Bavarian Brigade advanced on Balan. The troops found but a feeble resistance in the village itself; but it was only after a hard fight that they succeeded in occupying the park of the château situated at its extreme end. From thence, soon after midday, the foremost battalion extended close up to the walls of the fortress, and exchanged shots with the garrison. There now ensued a stationary musketry fight with the enemy once again firmly posted about Fond de Givonne. At one o'clock the French, having evidently been reinforced, took the offensive, after a preparatory cannonade and mitrailleuse fire. The 5th Bavarian Brigade was driven back for some considerable distance, but presently, supported by the 6th, regained its old position after an hour's hard fighting.

As soon as this was done, the 5th Bavarian Brigade moved forward to Balan. The troops encountered only minimal resistance in the village itself, but it took a tough fight for them to take control of the park at the far end of the château. Shortly after midday, the leading battalion pushed up close to the fortress walls and started exchanging fire with the garrison. This led to a protracted firefight with the enemy, who were once again firmly positioned around Fond de Givonne. At one o'clock, the French, clearly reinforced, launched a counterattack following a preparatory artillery barrage and machine-gun fire. The 5th Bavarian Brigade was pushed back quite a distance, but soon, backed by the 6th, they regained their former position after an hour of intense combat.

Meanwhile the Saxon Corps had extended itself in the northern part of the valley against Givonne. There also the foremost detachments of the Guard Corps were already established, as well as in Haybés. The Prussian artillery forced the French batteries to change their positions more than once, and had already caused several of them to go out of action. To gain breathing space here, the French repeatedly tried to send forward large bodies of tirailleurs, and ten guns were brought[94] up into the still occupied Givonne, but these were taken before they could unlimber. The Prussian shells also fell with some effect among the French troops massed in the Bois de Garenne, though fired from a long distance.

Meanwhile, the Saxon Corps had spread out in the northern part of the valley near Givonne. There, the leading units of the Guard Corps had already set up positions, as well as in Haybés. The Prussian artillery forced the French batteries to reposition multiple times and had already taken several of them out of action. To gain some breathing room, the French tried repeatedly to send forward large groups of skirmishers, and ten guns were brought up into the still-occupied Givonne, but these were captured before they could be deployed. The Prussian shells also had a significant impact on the French troops concentrated in the Bois de Garenne, even though they were fired from a long distance.

After the Franctireurs de Paris had been driven out of Chapelle, the Guard-cavalry dashed through Givonne and up the valley, and at noon the Hussars had succeeded in establishing direct contact with the left flank of the IIIrd Army.

After the Franctireurs de Paris were pushed out of Chapelle, the Guard-cavalry raced through Givonne and up the valley, and by noon the Hussars had managed to make direct contact with the left flank of the IIIrd Army.

The 41st Brigade of that army had left Fleigneux and was descending the upper valley of the Givonne, and the retreat of the French from Illy in a southern direction had already begun. The 87th Regiment seized eight guns which were in action, and captured thirty baggage waggons with their teams, as well as hundreds of cavalry horses wandering riderless. The cavalry of the advanced guard of the Vth Corps also made prisoners of General Brahaut and his staff, besides a great number of dispersed infantrymen and 150 draught-horses, together with forty ammunition and baggage waggons.

The 41st Brigade of that army had left Fleigneux and was moving down the upper valley of the Givonne, while the French had already started retreating from Illy to the south. The 87th Regiment captured eight operational guns and took thirty baggage wagons with their teams, as well as hundreds of riderless cavalry horses wandering around. The cavalry of the advanced guard of the Vth Corps also took General Brahaut and his staff as prisoners, along with many scattered infantry soldiers and 150 draft horses, plus forty ammunition and baggage wagons.

In the direction of Floing there was also an attempt on the part of the French to break through; but the originally very weak infantry posts at that point had gradually been strengthened, and the French were driven from the locality as quickly as they had entered. And now twenty-six batteries of the Army of the Meuse[25] crossed their fire with that of the Guard batteries, in position on the eastern slope of the Givonne valley. The effect was overwhelming. The French batteries were shattered and many ammunition waggons exploded.

In the direction of Floing, the French also attempted to break through. However, the initially weak infantry posts in that area had gradually been reinforced, and the French were pushed back just as quickly as they had arrived. Now, twenty-six batteries from the Army of the Meuse[25] combined their fire with that of the Guard batteries positioned on the eastern slope of the Givonne valley. The impact was devastating. The French batteries were destroyed, and many ammunition wagons exploded.

General de Wimpffen at first took the advance of the Germans from the north for nothing more than a demonstration, but toward midday became completely[95] convinced that it was a real attack. He therefore ordered that the two Divisions of the Ist Corps halted in second line behind the Givonne front, should now return to the Illy height in support of General Douay. On rejoining the XIIth Corps he found it in full retreat on Sedan, and now urgently requested General Douay to despatch assistance in the direction of Bazeilles. Maussion's Brigade did actually go thither, followed by Dumont's Division, which latter was relieved in the foremost line by Conseil Dumesnil's Division. All this marching and counter-marching was executed in the space south of the Bois de Garenne dominated by the cross fire of the German artillery. The recoil of the cavalry heightened the confusion, and several battalions drew back into the insecure protection of the forest. General Douay, it is true, reinforced by portions of the Vth Corps, retook the Calvary (of Illy), but was forced to abandon it by two o'clock; and the forest (of Garenne) behind it was then shelled by sixty guns of the Guard artillery.

General de Wimpffen initially viewed the German advance from the north as just a show of force, but by midday, he became fully convinced that it was a real assault. He then ordered the two Divisions of the Ist Corps, which had been stationed in the second line behind the Givonne front, to return to Illy height to support General Douay. Upon rejoining the XIIth Corps, he found it in full retreat toward Sedan and urgently requested General Douay to send help toward Bazeilles. Maussion's Brigade actually went there, followed by Dumont's Division, which was then relieved in the front line by Conseil Dumesnil's Division. All this movement happened in the area south of the Bois de Garenne, under the crossfire of the German artillery. The retreat of the cavalry added to the chaos, causing several battalions to fall back into the unsafe cover of the forest. General Douay, bolstered by parts of the Vth Corps, did manage to retake the Calvary (of Illy), but had to abandon it by two o'clock; the forest (of Garenne) behind it was then bombarded by sixty guns from the Guard artillery.

Liébert's Division alone had up to now maintained its very strong position on the heights north of Casal. The amassing at Floing of a sufficient strength from the German Vth and XIth Corps could only be effected very gradually. After one o'clock, however, detachments began to climb the steep hill immediately in its front, while others went round to the south towards Gaulier and Casal, and yet others came down from Fleigneux. The complete intermixture of the troops prevented any unity of command; and a bloody contest was carried on for a long time with varying fortunes. The French Division, attacked on both flanks and also heavily shelled, at last had its power of resistance undermined; and the reserves of the VIIth Corps having already been called off to other parts of the battle-field, the French cavalry once more devotedly struck in to maintain the fight.

Liébert's Division had so far held a strong position on the heights north of Casal. Gathering enough strength from the German Vth and XIth Corps at Floing could only happen very gradually. However, after one o'clock, detachments started to climb the steep hill right in front of them, while others moved south toward Gaulier and Casal, and still others came down from Fleigneux. The complete mixing of the troops made it impossible to have a unified command, resulting in a bloody battle with shifting advantages. The French Division, attacked on both flanks and heavily shelled, ultimately saw its ability to resist weakened; with the reserves of the VIIth Corps already deployed to other areas of the battlefield, the French cavalry again stepped in bravely to continue the fight.

General Margueritte, with five regiments of light horse, and two of Lancers, charged to the rescue out of[96] the Bois de Garenne. Almost at the outset he fell severely wounded, and General Galliffet took his place. The advance was over very treacherous ground, and even before the actual charge was delivered the cohesion of the ranks was broken by the heavy flanking fire of the Prussian batteries. Still, with thinned ranks but with unflinching resolution, the individual squadrons charged on the troops of the 43rd Infantry Brigade, partly lying in cover, partly standing out on the bare slope in swarms and groups; and also on the reinforcements hurrying from Fleigneux. The first line of the former was pierced at several points, and a band of these brave troopers dashed from Casal through the intervals between eight guns blazing into them with case-shot, but the companies beyond stopped their further progress. Cuirassiers issuing from Gaulier fell on the hostile rear, but encountering the Prussian Hussars in the Meuse valley, galloped off northward. Other detachments cut their way through the infantry as far as the narrow pass of St. Albert, where they were met by the battalions debouching therefrom. Others again entered Floing only to succumb to the 5th Jägers, who had to form front back to back. These attacks were repeated by the French again and again in the shape of detached fights, and the murderous turmoil lasted for half an hour with steadily diminishing fortune for the French. The volleys of the German infantry delivered steadily at a short range strewed the whole field with dead and wounded horsemen. Many fell into the quarries or down the steep declivities, a few may have escaped by swimming the Meuse; and scarcely more than half of these brave troops returned to the protection of the forest.

General Margueritte, with five regiments of light cavalry and two of Lancers, charged to the rescue out of[96] the Bois de Garenne. Almost immediately, he was severely wounded, and General Galliffet took over. The advance was over very dangerous terrain, and even before the actual charge began, the ranks were disrupted by heavy flanking fire from the Prussian batteries. Still, with diminished numbers but unwavering determination, the individual squadrons charged at the troops of the 43rd Infantry Brigade, some in cover and others exposed on the bare slope in crowds and groups; they also targeted the reinforcements rushing from Fleigneux. The first line of the former was breached at several points, and a group of these brave soldiers dashed from Casal through the gaps between eight guns firing case-shot at them, but the companies beyond halted their advance. Cuirassiers coming from Gaulier attacked the rear of the enemy, but after encountering the Prussian Hussars in the Meuse valley, they galloped northward. Other detachments fought their way through the infantry up to the narrow pass of St. Albert, where they faced battalions pouring out from there. Others made it into Floing only to be overwhelmed by the 5th Jägers, who had to stand back to back. These attacks were repeated by the French over and over in separate skirmishes, and the deadly chaos lasted for half an hour with steadily worsening outcomes for the French. The volleys from the German infantry, fired steadily at short range, littered the entire field with dead and wounded horsemen. Many fell into the quarries or down the steep slopes, and a few may have escaped by swimming the Meuse; barely more than half of these brave troops returned to the safety of the forest.

But this magnificent sacrifice and glorious effort of the French cavalry could not change the fate of the day. The Prussian infantry had lost but little in the cut-and-thrust encounters, and at once resumed the attack against Liébert's Division. But in this onslaught they sustained heavy losses; for instance, all[97] three battalions of the 6th Regiment had to be commanded by lieutenants. But when Casal had been stormed, the French, after a spirited resistance, withdrew at about three o'clock to their last refuge in the Bois de Garenne.

But this incredible sacrifice and heroic effort of the French cavalry couldn't change the outcome of the day. The Prussian infantry had barely taken any losses in the close combat and quickly resumed their attack against Liébert's Division. However, they faced significant casualties during this assault; for example, all[97] three battalions of the 6th Regiment had to be led by lieutenants. Once Casal had been captured, the French, after a strong resistance, withdrew around three o'clock to their last stronghold in the Bois de Garenne.

When between one and two o'clock the fighting in Bazeilles had at first taken a favourable turn, General de Wimpffen reverted to his original plan of driving from the village the Bavarians, now exhausted by a long struggle, and of breaking a way through to Carignan with the Ist, Vth, and XIIth Corps; while the VIIth Corps was to cover the rear of this movement. But the orders issued to that effect in part never reached the Corps; in part did so so late that circumstances forbade their being carried out.

When the fighting in Bazeilles took a positive turn between one and two o'clock, General de Wimpffen returned to his initial plan of pushing the exhausted Bavarians out of the village and breaking through to Carignan with the 1st, 5th, and 12th Corps, while the 7th Corps was to cover the rear of this movement. However, the orders issued for this purpose either never reached the Corps or arrived so late that the situation made it impossible to carry them out.

In consequence of previously mentioned orders, besides Bassoigne's Division, the Divisions of Goze and Grandchamp were still available. Now, at about three in the afternoon, the two last-named advanced from Fond de Givonne, over the ridge to the eastward, and the 23rd Saxon Division, which was marching up the valley on the left bank of the Givonne, found itself suddenly attacked by closed battalions accompanied by batteries. With the support of the left wing of the Guard Corps and of the artillery fire from the eastern slope, it soon succeeded in repulsing the hostile masses, and indeed drove them across the valley back to Fond de Givonne. The energy of the French appeared to be by this time exhausted, for they allowed themselves to be taken prisoners by hundreds. As soon as a firm footing had been gained on the heights west of the Givonne, the German artillery established itself there, and by three o'clock an artillery line of twenty-one batteries stretching from Bazeilles to Haybés was in action.

Due to the previous orders, in addition to Bassoigne's Division, the Divisions of Goze and Grandchamp were still available. Around three in the afternoon, the latter two moved forward from Fond de Givonne, over the ridge to the east. The 23rd Saxon Division, which was moving up the valley on the left bank of the Givonne, suddenly found itself attacked by tightly packed battalions supported by artillery. With help from the left wing of the Guard Corps and artillery fire from the eastern slope, they quickly managed to push back the enemy forces and even drove them across the valley back to Fond de Givonne. The French seemed to have exhausted their energy by this point, as they allowed themselves to be captured by the hundreds. Once they gained a solid position on the heights west of the Givonne, the German artillery set up there, and by three o'clock, an artillery line of twenty-one batteries stretching from Bazeilles to Haybés was in action.

The Bois de Garenne, in which many broken bands of all Corps and of all arms were straggling in search of refuge, still remained to be gained. After a short[98] cannonade the 1st Guard-Division climbed the heights from Givonne, and were joined by Saxon battalions, the left wing of the IIIrd army at the same time coming on from Illy. A wild turmoil ensued, in which isolated bands offered violent resistance, while others surrendered by thousands; nor was it until five o'clock that the Germans had complete possession of the forest.

The Bois de Garenne, where many broken groups from all units were scattered looking for safety, was still to be taken. After a brief[98] artillery barrage, the 1st Guard-Division ascended the hills from Givonne, and Saxon battalions joined them, while the left flank of the IIIrd army was coming up from Illy at the same time. A chaotic scene followed, with some isolated groups putting up fierce resistance while thousands more surrendered; it wasn’t until five o'clock that the Germans fully controlled the forest.

Meanwhile long columns of French could be seen pouring down on Sedan from the surrounding heights. Disordered bodies of troops huddled closer and closer in and up to the fortress, and shells from the German batteries on both sides of the Meuse were constantly exploding in the midst of the chaos. Pillars of fire were soon rising from the city, and the Bavarian riflemen, who had pushed forward through Torcy, were preparing to climb the palisades at the gate when, at about half-past four, the white flags were visible on the towers.

Meanwhile, long lines of French troops could be seen moving down on Sedan from the heights around. Disorganized groups of soldiers huddled closer and closer into the fortress, while shells from the German batteries on both sides of the Meuse kept exploding amidst the chaos. Pillars of fire were soon rising from the city, and the Bavarian riflemen, who had moved forward through Torcy, were getting ready to scale the palisades at the gate when, around half-past four, white flags appeared on the towers.

The Emperor Napoleon had declined to follow General de Wimpffen in his attempt to break through the German lines; he had, on the contrary, ordered him to enter into negotiations with the enemy. In consequence of the renewal of the order to that effect the French suddenly ceased firing.

The Emperor Napoleon chose not to follow General de Wimpffen in his effort to break through the German lines; instead, he instructed him to enter negotiations with the enemy. As a result of the renewed order, the French suddenly stopped firing.

General Reille now made his appearance in the presence of the King, who had watched the action since early morning from the hill south of Frénois. He was the bearer of an autograph letter from the Emperor, whose presence in Sedan was till then unknown. He placed his sword in the hand of the King, but as this was clearly only an act of personal surrender, the answer stipulated that an officer should be commissioned with full powers to treat with General von Moltke as to the surrender of the French Army.

General Reille now appeared before the King, who had been observing the battle since early morning from the hill south of Frénois. He brought an autograph letter from the Emperor, whose presence in Sedan had not been known until then. He handed his sword to the King, but since this was obviously just a personal surrender, the response required that an officer be appointed with full authority to negotiate with General von Moltke regarding the surrender of the French Army.

This painful duty was imposed on General de Wimpffen, who was in no way responsible for the desperate straits into which the French army had been brought.[99]

This difficult task was given to General de Wimpffen, who was in no way to blame for the dire situation the French army had found itself in.[99]

The negotiations were held at Donchery in the night between the 1st and 2nd September. On the part of the Germans it had to be insisted on that they durst not forego the advantages gained over so powerful an enemy as France. Since the French had regarded the victory of German arms over other nationalities in the light of an offence to France, any untimely generosity might cause them to forget their own defeat. The only course to pursue was to insist upon the disarmament and captivity of their entire army, with the exception that the officers were to be free on parole.

The negotiations took place at Donchery during the night between September 1st and 2nd. The Germans had to stress that they couldn’t give up the advantages they had gained over such a strong enemy like France. Since the French saw the victory of German forces over other nations as an offense to France, any premature generosity might make them overlook their own defeat. The only way forward was to demand the disarmament and capture of their entire army, with the exception that the officers would be released on parole.

General de Wimpffen declared it impossible to accept conditions so hard, the negotiations were broken off, and the French officers returned to Sedan at one o'clock on the morning of the 2nd. Before their departure they were given to understand that unless the offered terms were accepted by nine o'clock that morning the artillery would reopen fire.

General de Wimpffen stated that it was impossible to accept such harsh conditions, so the negotiations ended, and the French officers went back to Sedan at 1:00 AM on the 2nd. Before they left, they were made aware that unless the proposed terms were accepted by 9:00 AM that morning, the artillery would resume firing.

The capitulation was signed by General de Wimpffen on the morning of the 2nd, further resistance being obviously impossible.

The surrender was signed by General de Wimpffen on the morning of the 2nd, as further resistance was clearly impossible.

Marshal MacMahon was very fortunate in having been disabled so early in the battle, else on him would have inevitably devolved the duty of signing the capitulation; and though he had only carried out the orders forced upon him by the Paris authorities, he could hardly have sat in judgment, as he afterwards did, on the comrade he had failed to relieve.

Marshal MacMahon was quite lucky to have been disabled early in the battle; otherwise, he would have had to sign the surrender. Even though he was just following the orders given to him by the Paris authorities, he probably couldn't have judged the comrade he was unable to save as he did later on.

It is difficult to understand why we Germans celebrate the 2nd of September—a day on which nothing memorable happened, but what was the inevitable result of the previous day's work; the day on which the army really crowned itself with glory was the 1st of September.

It’s hard to see why we Germans celebrate September 2nd—a day when nothing significant occurred, just the outcome of what was done the day before; the day when the army truly achieved greatness was September 1st.

The splendid victory of that day had cost the Germans 460 officers and 8500 men. The French losses were far greater; they amounted to 17,000 men, and were chiefly[100] wrought because of the full development of the fire of the German artillery.

The impressive victory of that day had cost the Germans 460 officers and 8,500 men. The French losses were much higher; they totaled 17,000 men, primarily because of the intense fire from the German artillery.

During the battle there were taken prisoners21,000
By the Capitulation83,000
———
A total of   104,000   sent into captivity.

The prisoners for the present were assembled on the peninsula of Iges formed by the Meuse. As supplies for them were entirely lacking, the Commandant of Mézières permitted the unrestricted transport of provisions by the railway as far as Donchery. Two Army Corps were assigned to the duty of guarding and escorting the convoys of prisoners, who were sent off in successive bodies 2000 strong by two roads, one to Etain, and the other by Clermont to Pont à Mousson, where the prisoners were taken over by the army investing Metz, and forwarded to various parts of Germany.

The prisoners were currently gathered on the Iges peninsula created by the Meuse. Since there were no supplies for them, the Commandant of Mézières allowed for unrestricted transport of provisions by train as far as Donchery. Two Army Corps were tasked with guarding and escorting the convoys of prisoners, who were sent off in groups of 2000 via two routes: one to Etain and the other through Clermont to Pont à Mousson, where the army surrounding Metz took over the prisoners and sent them to different locations in Germany.

On Belgian territory 3000 men had been disarmed.

On Belgian soil, 3,000 men had been disarmed.

The spoils of war taken at Sedan consisted of three standards, 419 field-pieces, 139 fortress guns, 66,000 rifles, over 1000 waggons, and 6000 serviceable horses.

The spoils of war captured at Sedan included three flags, 419 field guns, 139 fortress cannon, 66,000 rifles, over 1,000 wagons, and 6,000 usable horses.

With the entire nullification of this army fell the Empire in France.[101]

With the complete disbanding of this army, the Empire in France collapsed.[101]

FOOTNOTES:

[23] Moncelle is northward of Bazeilles.

[23] Moncelle is located to the north of Bazeilles.

[24] Now commanding XIIth Corps, since his elder brother's appointment to command of the Army of the Meuse.

[24] Now leading the XII Corps, after his older brother was appointed to lead the Army of the Meuse.

[25] Sense and accuracy alike indicate that "Army of the Meuse" in text should be "Third Army," vide Staff History, part I. 2nd vol. pp. 361, 367, and 370.—Clarke's authorized Trs.

[25] Both sense and accuracy suggest that "Army of the Meuse" in the text should actually be "Third Army," see Staff History, part I. 2nd vol. pp. 361, 367, and 370.—Clarke's authorized translation.


PART II.

While one half of the German Army was thus engaged in a victorious advance, the other half remained stationary before Metz.

While one half of the German Army was busy making a successful advance, the other half stayed put in front of Metz.

The foremost line of outposts of the investment embraced a circuit of more than twenty-eight miles. An attempt of the concentrated forces of the enemy to break through would have met at the beginning of the blockade with but slight opposition. It was therefore extremely urgent that the several posts should be strengthened by fortifications. These works, the clearing of the neighbouring battle-fields, the close watch kept over every movement of the enemy, the construction of a telegraph-line connecting the quarters of the several Staffs, and finally the erection of a sufficiency of shelter, kept the troops and their leaders amply occupied. Besides the care of the wounded, provision had to be made for the sick, whose number was daily increased by the unusually severe weather and lack of shelter. The provisioning of the troops was, however, facilitated by their stationary attitude, and in addition there now flowed in upon them from their homes a copious supply of love-gifts.

The main line of outposts for the investment covered a distance of over twenty-eight miles. Any attempt by the enemy's combined forces to break through would have faced only slight resistance at the start of the blockade. So, it was crucial that the various posts be reinforced with fortifications. These efforts, along with clearing the nearby battlefields, closely watching every move of the enemy, building a telegraph line to connect the different Staffs, and finally providing enough shelter, kept the troops and their leaders very busy. In addition to caring for the wounded, they had to make provisions for the sick, whose numbers were growing daily due to the unusually harsh weather and lack of shelter. However, supplying the troops was made easier by their stationary position, and they were also receiving a generous influx of love-gifts from their homes.

The first days of the investment went by without any attempts to break out on the part of the French. They too were busy reorganizing, collecting ammunition and supplies.

The first days of the investment went by without any attempts by the French to break out. They were also busy reorganizing and gathering ammunition and supplies.

On the 20th of August Marshal Bazaine had written to Châlons: "I will give due notice of my[102] march if, taking everything into consideration, I can undertake any such attempt." On the 23rd he reported to the Emperor: "If the news of the extensive reductions in the besieging army is confirmed, I shall set out on the march, and that by way of the northern fortresses, in order to risk nothing."

On August 20th, Marshal Bazaine wrote to Châlons: "I will let you know in advance about my[102] march if, after considering everything, I can take on such an endeavor." On the 23rd, he updated the Emperor: "If the reports about the significant cuts in the besieging army are confirmed, I will begin the march, using the northern fortresses, to minimize any risks."


Departure from Metz.

(August 26th.)

On the 26th of August, when the Army of Châlons was still nearly seventy miles distant from the Ardennes Canal, and its advance on Metz was as yet not generally known, Marshal Bazaine collected his main forces on the right bank of the Moselle.

On August 26th, when the Army of Châlons was still almost seventy miles away from the Ardennes Canal, and its move towards Metz wasn’t widely recognized yet, Marshal Bazaine gathered his main forces on the right bank of the Moselle.

This movement had not escaped the notice of the German posts of observation, and the field-telegraph at once disseminated the information.

This movement didn't go unnoticed by the German observation posts, and the field telegraph quickly spread the word.

To support the 3rd Reserve Division at Malroy, ten battalions of the Xth Corps crossed from the left bank of the Moselle to Argancy on the right bank. The 25th Division held itself in readiness at the bridge of Hauconcourt, and the Ist Corps closed up towards Servigny. In the event of the success of a breach towards the north, the IIIrd, IVth, and part of the IXth Corps were available to intercept the enemy's march about Thionville.

To assist the 3rd Reserve Division at Malroy, ten battalions from the Xth Corps moved from the left bank of the Moselle to Argancy on the right bank. The 25th Division was on standby at the Hauconcourt bridge, and the Ist Corps advanced toward Servigny. If a breakthrough occurred to the north, the IIIrd, IVth, and parts of the IXth Corps were ready to cut off the enemy's movement near Thionville.

The crossing from the island of Chambière by the field-bridges which had been built, seriously delayed the French advance; the IIIrd, IInd, IVth, and VIth Corps, however, by about noon stood closely concentrated between Mey and Grimont. Advanced detachments had already at several points driven in the[103] German posts south-east of Metz, but instead of now entering upon a general attack, Marshal Bazaine summoned all his Corps Commanders to a conference at Grimont. The Commandant of Metz then made it known that the artillery ammunition in hand would suffice for only one battle, that when it was exhausted the army would find itself defenceless in midst of the German hosts; the fortress, he continued, was not defensible in its present state, and could not stand a siege if the army were to be withdrawn from the place. All those things might certainly have been seen into during the stay in Metz; and much more did they behove to have been known before the army should cut loose. It was particularly enforced, "That the preservation of the Army was the best service that could be rendered to the country, more especially if negotiations for peace should be entered into." The generals present all spoke against the prosecution of the proposed movement; and the Commander-in-Chief, who had refrained from expressing any opinion in the matter, gave the order to retire at four o'clock.

The crossing from the island of Chambière via the constructed field bridges significantly delayed the French advance; however, by around noon, the IIIrd, IInd, IVth, and VIth Corps were closely gathered between Mey and Grimont. Advanced units had already pushed in the German posts southeast of Metz at several locations, but instead of launching a full attack, Marshal Bazaine called all his Corps Commanders to a meeting at Grimont. The Commander of Metz then indicated that the available artillery ammunition would only last for one battle and that once it was depleted, the army would be defenseless among the German forces; he added that the fortress was not defensible in its current condition and would not withstand a siege if the army were withdrawn. These issues should have been recognized during the time spent in Metz, and it was essential to understand them before the army moved out. It was particularly emphasized that "preserving the Army was the best service to the country, especially if peace negotiations were to begin." The generals present all opposed continuing the planned movement; and the Commander-in-Chief, who had held back his opinion on the matter, issued the order to retreat at four o'clock.

The whole affair of the 26th of August can only be regarded in the light of a parade manœuvre. Bazaine reported to the Minister of War that the scarcity of artillery ammunition made it "impossible" to break through the hostile lines, unless an offensive operation from the outside "should force the enemy to raise the investment." Information as to the "temper of the people" was earnestly requested.

The entire event on August 26th can only be seen as a show of force. Bazaine informed the Minister of War that the lack of artillery ammunition made it "impossible" to break through the enemy lines unless an external offensive "could compel the enemy to lift the siege." There was a strong request for information regarding the "mood of the people."

There is no doubt that Bazaine was influenced, not wholly by military, but also by political considerations; still it may be asked whether he could have acted differently in the prevailing confusion of France. From the correspondence referred to, and his behaviour in the battles before Metz, his reluctance to quit the place was evident. Under its walls he could maintain a considerable army in unimpaired condition till the given moment. At the head of the only French army[104] not yet shattered,[26] he might find himself in a position of greater power than any other man in the country. This army must, of course, first be freed from the bonds which now confined it. Even if it should succeed in forcibly breaking out it would be greatly weakened; and it was not inconceivable that the Marshal, as the strongest power in the land, might be able to offer a price which should induce the enemy to grant him a passage. Then when at length the time for making peace should come, the Germans would no doubt ask: "Who in France is the authority with whom we can negotiate now that the Empire is overthrown, and who is strong enough to give a guarantee that the obligations which he will have undertaken shall be performed?" That the Marshal, if his plans had come to fulfilment, would have acted otherwise than in the interest of France is neither proved nor to be assumed.

There’s no doubt that Bazaine was influenced not just by military factors but also by political ones. However, we can question whether he could have acted differently given the chaotic situation in France at the time. From the correspondence mentioned and his actions in the battles before Metz, it was clear that he was reluctant to leave the area. He could keep a large army in good shape there until the right moment. As the leader of the only French army that wasn’t completely defeated, he might have found himself in a stronger position than anyone else in the country. Of course, this army needed to break free from the constraints it was under. Even if it managed to break out by force, it would be significantly weakened. It wasn't impossible that the Marshal, as the strongest figure in the nation, could negotiate a deal with the enemy for safe passage. Then, when the time came to make peace, the Germans would likely ask, "Who in France can we negotiate with now that the Empire has fallen, and who is strong enough to ensure that the commitments they make will be honored?" It’s neither proven nor reasonable to assume that the Marshal would have acted any differently than in the interest of France if his plans had succeeded.

But presently a number of men combined in Paris, who, without consulting the nation, constituted themselves the Government of the country, and took the direction of its affairs into their own hands. In opposition to this party, Marshal Bazaine, with his army at his back, could well come forward as a rival or a foe; nay, and—this was his crime in the eyes of the Paris Government—he might restore the authority of the Emperor to whom he had sworn allegiance. Whether he might not thus have spared his country longer misery and greater sacrifices may be left undecided. But that he was subsequently charged with treason obviously arose, no doubt, from the national vanity of the French, which demanded a "Traitor" as a scapegoat for the national humiliation.

But soon a group of men in Paris came together who, without consulting the nation, declared themselves the Government of the country and took control of its affairs. In opposition to this group, Marshal Bazaine, with his army behind him, could easily present himself as a rival or an enemy; indeed, this was considered his crime by the Paris Government—he could potentially restore the authority of the Emperor to whom he had pledged loyalty. Whether he could have spared his country more misery and greater sacrifices is a matter that remains open to debate. However, the fact that he was later accused of treason clearly stemmed from the national pride of the French, who needed a "Traitor" to blame for the national humiliation.

Soon after this demonstration, for it was nothing more, of the besieged army, the investing forces were, in fact, reduced by the despatch, on the 29th, in accordance with orders from the supreme Headquarter,[105] of the IInd and IIIrd Corps to Briey and Conflans, there to remain. To be sure, from those positions it was in their power to attack either of the French Marshals, as might prove requisite; while the XIIIth Corps, newly formed of the 17th Division, hitherto retained to defend the coast, and from the Landwehr, was already within a short distance of Metz.

Soon after this demonstration, which was really just that, of the besieged army, the investing forces were actually reduced by the dispatch on the 29th, following orders from the supreme Headquarters, [105] to the II and III Corps to Briey and Conflans, where they were to stay. Of course, from those positions, they could attack either of the French Marshals if necessary; meanwhile, the XIII Corps, newly formed from the 17th Division, which had been held back to defend the coast and from the Landwehr, was already close to Metz.

Meanwhile Marshal Bazaine might have realized that he must abandon his delusion as to a release by means of negotiations; and he now firmly resolved to cut his way out by dint of force. The troops were served out with three days' provisions, and the intendance was furnished with a supply of "iron rations" from the magazines of the fortress. That the attempt should again be made on the right bank of the Moselle was only to be expected; since by far the larger portion of the enemy's forces stood entrenched on the left bank. It would have been very difficult to traverse that hilly region, intersected by deep ravines; and finally the army of the Crown Prince on the march to Paris would have had to be encountered. East of Metz, on the other hand, there afforded ample space for the full development of the French forces. By bending of the south the open country was to be reached, offering no effective intercepting position to the enemy, whose line of investment was weakest in that direction. The march to the north and along the Belgian frontier entailed more danger and greater obstacles, yet the Marshal had explicitly indicated this particular road as that by which he intended to move. The Army of Châlons was also marching in that direction; its approach was already reported; and on the 31st of August, on which day, in fact, Marshal MacMahon's forces reached Stenay[27] in such disastrous circumstances, Bazaine's army also issued from Metz.

Meanwhile, Marshal Bazaine might have realized that he needed to give up on his hope of negotiating a release; he now firmly decided to force his way out. The troops were issued three days' worth of provisions, and the supply lines were stocked with "iron rations" from the fortress's stores. It was expected that another attempt would be made on the right bank of the Moselle, as the majority of the enemy's forces were entrenched on the left bank. Moving through that hilly area, filled with deep ravines, would have been very difficult, and they would have had to face the army of the Crown Prince heading towards Paris. In contrast, the area east of Metz provided ample space for the full deployment of French forces. By heading south, they could reach open country that wouldn’t offer effective interception by the enemy, whose investment line was weakest in that direction. The march north along the Belgian frontier involved more danger and greater challenges, yet the Marshal had clearly pointed out this route as his intended path. The Army of Châlons was also moving that way; its approach was already reported. On August 31st, the day Marshal MacMahon's forces reached Stenay[27] under disastrous circumstances, Bazaine's army also left Metz.

FOOTNOTES:

[26] The Army of Châlons was still unimpaired on August 26th.

[26] The Army of Châlons was still intact on August 26th.

[27] "Stenay," probably a slip of the pen for "Sedan," where MacMahon's army was gathered on August 31st. It never reached Stenay.

[27] "Stenay," likely a typo for "Sedan," where MacMahon's army was assembled on August 31st. It never made it to Stenay.


Battle of Noisseville.

(August 31st.)

Of the French Corps then located on the right bank of the Moselle,[28] the IIIrd was to cover on the right flank the advance of the others; one Division was ordered to move early in a south-easterly direction with intent to mislead the enemy, its other three Divisions to take position threatening Noisseville. Three pontoon bridges were constructed for the crossing of the rest of the army, and accesses to the heights in front of St. Julien were prepared. The passage of the IVth and VIth Corps was to begin at six o'clock, and they were to take a position which, linking on its right with the IIIrd Corps, should extend from the village of Mey by Grimont to the Moselle; the IInd Corps and the Guard were to follow and form a second line. With the passage of the artillery reserve and the cavalry it was expected that the crossing of the Moselle should be finished by ten o'clock; the trains were halted on the Isle of Chambière. Thus it was intended that by noon five Corps should be ready for the assault of the section of the line of investment from Retonfay (on the French right) to Argancy (on the left), a distance of about seven miles, which space had for its defenders only two German Divisions.

Of the French Corps stationed on the right bank of the Moselle,[28] the IIIrd was set to secure the right flank while the others advanced. One Division was ordered to move early towards the southeast to mislead the enemy, while the other three Divisions were to position themselves threatening Noisseville. Three pontoon bridges were built for the rest of the army to cross, and routes to the heights in front of St. Julien were prepared. The IVth and VIth Corps were scheduled to begin crossing at six o'clock, positioning themselves to connect on their right with the IIIrd Corps, extending from the village of Mey through Grimont to the Moselle; the IInd Corps and the Guard would follow to form a second line. With the passage of the artillery reserve and cavalry, it was expected that the crossing of the Moselle would be completed by ten o'clock; the trains were halted on the Isle of Chambière. The plan was for five Corps to be ready to assault the section of the investment line from Retonfay (on the French right) to Argancy (on the left), a span of about seven miles, defended by only two German Divisions.

So early as seven o'clock Montaudon's Division issued from Fort Queuleu, and heading eastward drove the opposing outposts back on Aubigny. But this demonstration did not in the least deceive the Germans. The stir in the French camp had been observed quite early, and when the mist cleared off and great masses of French troops were seen in front of Fort St. Julien, an attempt to break through to the north was anticipated with certainty, and the necessary dispositions were immediately undertaken to foil the effort.

So early as seven o'clock, Montaudon's Division left Fort Queuleu and moved east, pushing the enemy outposts back toward Aubigny. However, this show of force didn't fool the Germans at all. They had noticed the activity in the French camp quite early on, and when the fog lifted and large groups of French troops appeared in front of Fort St. Julien, they fully expected an attempt to break through to the north. They quickly took the necessary steps to counter the effort.

The 28th Brigade of the VIIth Corps was dispatched to protect Courcelles, so that thus the 3rd Brigade of the Ist Corps could be brought nearer to Servigny. The troops of the Xth Corps which could be spared from their own section of the line of defence on the left bank were again set in motion to cross to the right, and the IXth Corps was held in readiness in anticipation of its having eventually to follow. The IIIrd Corps and the Ist Cavalry Division were recalled from Briey and directed to the plateau of Privat; the IInd was to stand ready to move off.

The 28th Brigade of the VII Corps was sent to protect Courcelles, allowing the 3rd Brigade of the I Corps to move closer to Servigny. Troops from the X Corps that could be spared from their own section of the defense on the left bank were mobilized to cross to the right, while the IX Corps was kept on standby in case they needed to follow. The III Corps and the I Cavalry Division were recalled from Briey and directed to the Privat plateau; the II Corps was instructed to be ready to move out.

The attempt of the French to break out proved on this day even less successful than on the 26th; the IVth and VIth Corps crossed each other at the bridges, and they only reached their rendezvous position at one o'clock, though it was little more than three miles further; they then abandoned the intention of an immediate assault, and set about cooking. A few skirmishes on the east of Aubigny and on the north towards Rupigny came to nothing. The Imperial Guard did not come up till three o'clock, the artillery and cavalry were still behind.

The French attempt to break out was even less successful today than it was on the 26th. The IV and VI Corps crossed paths at the bridges, and they only reached their meeting point at one o'clock, even though it was just a little over three miles away. They then decided to abandon the plan for an immediate attack and started cooking instead. A few skirmishes to the east of Aubigny and to the north near Rupigny didn't lead to anything. The Imperial Guard didn't arrive until three o'clock, and the artillery and cavalry were still behind.

As entire quiescence now supervened, the Germans came to the conclusion that the attack must be intended for the following day. To save the strength of the troops, part of the reinforcements ordered up had already been sent back, when, at about four o'clock, the French suddenly opened a heavy artillery fire.

As complete silence settled in, the Germans concluded that the attack must be planned for the next day. To conserve the troops' strength, some of the reinforcements that had been ordered up had already been sent back when, around four o'clock, the French suddenly launched a heavy artillery barrage.

The Marshal had again summoned his commanders to assemble at Grimont, this time to inform them of his dispositions for the attack. It was evident that the French could not advance towards the north until they had gained elbow-room by means of an offensive movement in the eastern direction, and had secured their right flank. For even if they succeeded in breaking through the Malroy-Charly line, they could get no further so long as the Germans were at Servigny and swept with their fire the plain as far as the Moselle, a[108] space not more than 5000 paces broad. The Marshal could not in any case reckon on carrying through his Artillery Reserve, which did not reach the battle-field until six o'clock, and the extrication of the baggage trains which had been left behind on the Isle of Chambière was clearly impossible. The Cavalry Corps was still defiling, and could not come up until nine o'clock in the evening.

The Marshal had once again called his commanders to gather at Grimont, this time to discuss his plans for the attack. It was clear that the French couldn't move north until they created some space by launching an offensive to the east and secured their right flank. Even if they managed to break through the Malroy-Charly line, they wouldn't get any further as long as the Germans were at Servigny, firing across the plain all the way to the Moselle, a[108] space no more than 5,000 paces wide. The Marshal couldn't rely on getting his Artillery Reserve through, which wouldn't arrive at the battlefield until six o'clock, and it was obviously impossible to free the baggage trains that had been left behind on the Isle of Chambière. The Cavalry Corps was still moving through and wouldn't arrive until nine o'clock in the evening.

This unsatisfactory aspect of affairs was in complete accord with the character of the dispositions of the French commanders.

This disappointing situation matched perfectly with the nature of the decisions made by the French commanders.

Marshal Le Bœuf received orders to advance with the IInd and IIIrd Corps on both sides of the valley of St. Barbe, and outflank from the south the 1st Prussian Division at Servigny, while the IVth Corps assailed it in front. The VIth Corps had the task of thrusting forward against the Reserve Division at Charly-Malroy. Marshal Canrobert was to command the two latter Corps, and the Guard was to be held back as reserve.

Marshal Le Bœuf received orders to move forward with the II and III Corps on both sides of the St. Barbe valley, aiming to outflank the 1st Prussian Division at Servigny from the south, while the IV Corps attacked it head-on. The VI Corps was assigned the mission of advancing against the Reserve Division at Charly-Malroy. Marshal Canrobert was set to lead the latter two Corps, and the Guard was to be kept back as a reserve.

Thus General von Manteuffel had at first to confront with a small force a greatly superior enemy. This opposition might be undertaken either in the St. Barbe position, to outflank which was by no means easy, or on the line of Servigny—Poix—Failly, which, though more exposed, afforded much greater scope for the use of artillery. The latter position was chosen on the advice of General von Bergmann commanding the artillery, and the Landwehr Brigade was ordered into it from Antilly, where its place was taken by the 25th Division. Ten batteries were advanced to a distance of 1000 paces in front of the line of villages held by the infantry. Their fire proved so superior to that of the enemy, that the hostile batteries were soon silenced. The attack on Rupigny by the French IVth Corps, supported on the flank though it was by three batteries, remained stationary for a considerable time, and as the Prussians had not yet been driven back on St. Barbe, the VIth French Corps meanwhile could not enter upon any[109] serious attack on the Reserve Division at Malroy-Charly. For the same reason Marshal Canrobert received the order for the present only to send a detachment of his force to the attack of the village of Failly, the northern point of support of the Servigny position.

Thus, General von Manteuffel initially had to face a much larger enemy with a small force. This opposition could either be met in the St. Barbe position, which was difficult to outflank, or along the line of Servigny—Poix—Failly. Though the latter was more exposed, it allowed for greater use of artillery. This position was chosen based on the advice of General von Bergmann, who commanded the artillery, and the Landwehr Brigade was ordered to it from Antilly, where its place was taken by the 25th Division. Ten batteries were moved to a distance of 1,000 paces in front of the line of villages held by the infantry. Their fire was so much stronger than that of the enemy that the opposing batteries were soon silenced. The French IVth Corps’ attack on Rupigny, even with support from three batteries on the flank, remained stalled for a considerable time. Since the Prussians had not yet been pushed back to St. Barbe, the VIth French Corps could not launch any serious attack on the Reserve Division at Malroy-Charly. For the same reason, Marshal Canrobert was ordered to just send a detachment of his forces to attack the village of Failly, the northern support point of the Servigny position.

Tixier's Division therefore moved out at 7.30 in the evening from Villers L'Orme, but met with a most obstinate resistance at Failly. Though attacked on two sides, pelted by a storm of projectiles, and, as regarded a part of them, engaged in hand-to-hand fighting, the East Prussians stoutly held possession of their ground till the Landwehr Brigade came to their assistance from Vremy.

Tixier's Division set out at 7:30 PM from Villers L'Orme but faced very stubborn resistance at Failly. Although they were attacked from two sides, bombarded with a rain of projectiles, and engaged in close combat, the East Prussians firmly held their ground until the Landwehr Brigade arrived to help them from Vremy.

Up till now the situation southward of Servigny had worn a more favourable aspect for the French than in this northern re-entering angle between two hostile positions; their IInd and IIIrd Corps in the former quarter had only the 3rd Brigade of the Ist Prussian Corps to deal with in front of Retonfay. Montaudon's and Metman's Divisions moved down by way of Nouilly into the valley of the Vallières brook; Clinchant's Brigade stormed the brewery in the face of strong resistance, and by seven o'clock the defenders of Noisseville were forced to evacuate the place. Montoy and Flanville were also taken possession of by the French, and further south the outposts of the German 4th Brigade were thrown back through Coincy and Château Aubigny. The batteries of the 1st Division, after enduring for a long time the fire of strong swarms of tirailleurs from the deep hollow south of them, were forced about seven o'clock to retire in echelon to the infantry position on the Poix—Servigny line, fending off for a time the pursuing enemy with case-shot.

Up to now, the situation south of Servigny looked more favorable for the French compared to this northern re-entrant angle between two enemy positions. Their 2nd and 3rd Corps in the former area were only facing the 3rd Brigade of the 1st Prussian Corps in front of Retonfay. Montaudon's and Metman's Divisions moved through Nouilly into the Vallières brook valley; Clinchant's Brigade attacked the brewery despite strong resistance, and by seven o'clock, the defenders of Noisseville had to evacuate the area. The French also took control of Montoy and Flanville, and further south, the outposts of the German 4th Brigade were pushed back through Coincy and Château Aubigny. The batteries of the 1st Division, after enduring heavy fire from large groups of skirmishers in the deep hollow to the south, were forced to fall back around seven o'clock to the infantry position on the Poix—Servigny line, temporarily holding off the pursuing enemy with case-shot.

But to this position the Prussians now held on staunchly, although completely out-flanked on their left. Potier's Brigade ascended the northern slope of the Vallières valley, but found it impossible to reach[110] Servigny. A moment later Cissey's Brigade rushed forward from the west, and seized the graveyard outside the village. The French IVth Corps struck at the centre of the Prussian position, but without success. Its effort to penetrate between Poix and Servigny was frustrated by the offensive stroke delivered by the battalions of the 2nd Brigade constituting the last reserve—a counter attack in which all the troops at hand at once joined. With drums beating they hurled themselves on the French, swept them out of the graveyard, and drove them back down the slope.

But the Prussians held their ground strongly, even though they were completely outflanked on their left. Potier's Brigade climbed up the northern slope of the Vallières valley but found it impossible to reach[110] Servigny. Moments later, Cissey's Brigade charged in from the west and took control of the graveyard outside the village. The French IV Corps attacked the center of the Prussian position, but it was unsuccessful. Their attempt to break through between Poix and Servigny was blocked by a counterattack from the battalions of the 2nd Brigade, which was the last reserve—a counterattack that all nearby troops joined. With drums beating, they launched themselves at the French, drove them out of the graveyard, and pushed them back down the slope.

In support of the fierce fight here, the 3rd Brigade about half-past eight marched on Noisseville, whence it promptly expelled the small detachment found in possession, but subsequently yielded to superior numbers, and withdrew to St. Marais.

In support of the intense battle here, the 3rd Brigade marched on Noisseville around eight-thirty, quickly forcing out the small unit that was there. However, they eventually faced larger forces and retreated to St. Marais.

The din of strife had now fallen silent at all points, and the fight seemed to be ended. The infantry of the 1st Division were moving into the villages, and the artillery was going into bivouac, when suddenly at nine o'clock a great mass of French infantry advanced in the darkness to an attack on Servigny. This proved to be Aymard's Division; it entered the village without firing a shot, surprised the garrison, and drove it out after a fierce hand-to-hand fight. This episode remained unnoticed for a long time, even by the nearest troops; but these then rushed to arms, and pouring in from all sides, drove the French back beyond the graveyard, which thenceforth remained in German possession.

The noise of battle had now quieted down everywhere, and it seemed like the fighting was over. The infantry of the 1st Division were moving into the villages, and the artillery was setting up camp, when suddenly at nine o'clock, a large group of French infantry launched a surprise attack on Servigny. This was Aymard's Division; they entered the village without firing a shot, caught the garrison off guard, and drove them out after a fierce close-quarters fight. This event went unnoticed for a long time, even by the nearby troops; but they quickly grabbed their weapons and surged in from all directions, pushing the French back beyond the graveyard, which then remained under German control.

It was now ten o'clock at night. The 1st Division had kept its ground against an enemy of superior strength; but the French had penetrated into the unoccupied gap between the 3rd and 4th Brigades, and were a standing menace to the German flank at Servigny from their position at Noisseville.

It was now 10 PM. The 1st Division had held its position against a stronger enemy; however, the French had moved into the unguarded space between the 3rd and 4th Brigades, posing a constant threat to the German flank at Servigny from their location at Noisseville.

September 1st.—The 18th Division, by a night-march, crossed from the left to the right bank of the Moselle at[111] four o'clock in the morning, and reinforced with a brigade both flanks of the line Malroy—Charly—Bois de Failly. The 25th Division was now able to fall back from Antilly to St. Barbe, where, with the 6th Landwehr Brigade, it formed a reserve for the Poix—Servigny position.

September 1st.—The 18th Division, after a night march, moved from the left to the right bank of the Moselle at[111] four in the morning and strengthened both sides of the line Malroy—Charly—Bois de Failly with an additional brigade. The 25th Division could now retreat from Antilly to St. Barbe, where, along with the 6th Landwehr Brigade, it created a reserve for the Poix—Servigny position.

On the morning of the 1st of September a thick mist still shrouded the plain when all the troops stood to arms.

On the morning of September 1st, a thick fog still covered the plain as all the troops stood ready for action.

Marshal Bazaine now again indicated to his generals the seizure of St. Barbe as the prime objective, since that alone could render possible the march to the north; and he added, "In the event of failure, we shall maintain our positions." This expression could only indicate the intention, in the event specified, of remaining under shelter of the cannon of Metz, and evinced but little confidence in the success of the enterprise now engaged in.[29]

Marshal Bazaine pointed out to his generals again that capturing St. Barbe was the main goal, as that was the only way to make the march to the north possible. He also said, "If we fail, we’ll hold our positions." This comment clearly suggested that if things didn’t go as planned, they would stay protected under the cannons of Metz, showing a lack of confidence in the success of the mission they were currently undertaking.[29]

So early as five o'clock the 3rd Brigade had deployed on the Saarlouis road to prevent the further progress of the enemy on the left flank of the 1st Division. It swept the slopes in the direction of Montoy with the fire of twenty guns, and when Noisseville had been well plied for a considerable time by the fire of the artillery of the 2nd Brigade, about seven o'clock the 43rd Regiment carried the village by storm. A fierce fight ensued in and about the houses: two French brigades struck into the combat, and after a long whirl of fighting the German regiment was driven out again. Battalions of the 3rd Brigade came up just as the fight was over, but the attack was not renewed.

By five o'clock, the 3rd Brigade had set up along the Saarlouis road to stop the enemy's advance on the left side of the 1st Division. They bombarded the slopes toward Montoy with twenty guns, and after the 2nd Brigade's artillery had heavily shelled Noisseville for a significant amount of time, around seven o'clock, the 43rd Regiment took the village by storm. A fierce battle broke out in and around the houses: two French brigades joined the fight, and after a prolonged struggle, the German regiment was pushed out again. Battalions from the 3rd Brigade arrived just as the fighting ended, but they did not launch another attack.

Now that the direction of the French effort to break out was no longer doubtful, the 28th Brigade had started from Courcelles at six in the morning to reinforce[112] the Ist Corps. Its two batteries silenced those of the French at Montoy, and then directed their fire on Flanville. The enemy soon began to abandon the burning village, which, at nine o'clock, the Rhinelanders entered from the south and the East Prussians from the north. Marshal Le Bœuf again sent forward Bastoul's Division on Montoy, but the extremely effective fire of the Prussian artillery compelled it to turn back.

Now that it was clear where the French were trying to break through, the 28th Brigade left Courcelles at six in the morning to support[112] the 1st Corps. Its two batteries silenced the French guns at Montoy and then shifted their fire to Flanville. The enemy quickly started to flee the burning village, which the Rhinelanders entered from the south and the East Prussians from the north at nine o'clock. Marshal Le Bœuf again sent Bastoul's Division towards Montoy, but the highly effective Prussian artillery fire forced it to retreat.

The 3rd Brigade had meanwhile taken up a position on the upland of Retonfay, where it was now joined by the 28th. The 3rd Cavalry Division was reinforced by the Hessian Horse Brigade, and these troops with the artillery mass made up presently to 114 guns, formed a rampart against any further progress of the IInd and IIIrd French Corps.

The 3rd Brigade had meanwhile established a position on the high ground of Retonfay, where it was joined by the 28th. The 3rd Cavalry Division received reinforcements from the Hessian Horse Brigade, and together with the artillery, they currently had 114 guns, creating a barrier against any further advance of the II and III French Corps.

The fighting had now died out on the right wing of the French army; but the IVth Corps had been enjoined to await the direct advance of the troops of that wing before renewing its attack on the artillery-front and village entrenchments of the line from Servigny to Poix, whose strength had been proved on the previous day. But towards eleven o'clock, after Noisseville had been heavily bombarded, the 3rd Prussian Brigade, supported by the Landwehr, advanced southward of the position, pushed its attack against that point, and compelled the French to withdraw from the burning village.

The fighting had now calmed down on the right side of the French army; however, the IV Corps had been ordered to wait for the troops from that side to move forward before renewing their attack on the artillery front and the village defenses from Servigny to Poix, which had proven strong the day before. But around eleven o'clock, after Noisseville had been heavily shelled, the 3rd Prussian Brigade, supported by the Landwehr, advanced south of the position, intensified its attack at that point, and forced the French to retreat from the burning village.

Marshal Canrobert, on the northern front of the sortie, had brought up his batteries at Chieulles by half-past eight, and their fire, seconded by that of the artillery of the fortress, caused a temporary evacuation of Rupigny; but the village was soon reoccupied. Tixier's Division had made two fruitless attempts to seize Failly, and now, on the other hand, the 36th Brigade of the 18th Division came up, and taking the offensive in conjunction with the Reserve Division, at ten o'clock drove the French back over the Chieulles[113] stream. They made still another onslaught on Failly, but the flanking fire made this also a failure.

Marshal Canrobert, on the northern front of the sortie, had moved his artillery into position at Chieulles by 8:30, and their fire, supported by the fortress's artillery, forced a temporary evacuation of Rupigny; however, the village was quickly retaken. Tixier's Division made two unsuccessful attempts to capture Failly, and at the same time, the 36th Brigade of the 18th Division arrived, and working together with the Reserve Division, pushed the French back over the Chieulles[113] stream at ten o'clock. They launched another attack on Failly, but the flanking fire led to another failure.

Marshal Le Bœuf, though he still had more than two Divisions to oppose it, held himself obliged to retreat on account of the approach of the Prussian 3rd Brigade on his right flank; and in consequence of the receipt of this intelligence, Marshal Bazaine at mid-day ordered the fighting to be broken off at all other points.

Marshal Le Bœuf, even though he still had more than two divisions to counter it, felt he had to retreat because the Prussian 3rd Brigade was advancing on his right flank; as a result of receiving this information, Marshal Bazaine ordered the fighting to be halted at all other locations by midday.

The Army of the Rhine which issued from Metz on August 31st, with a strength of 137,000 men,[30] had been successfully opposed by no more than 36,000 Prussians. In this battle for the first time in the war the French were the assailants, the Germans had the rôle of the defence. That the Germans lost 3400 men against the loss of 3000 by the French, must be attributed to the higher properties of the infantry weapon of the latter. But the superiority of the Prussian artillery was decisively proved, and this it was which rendered possible General von Manteuffel's unshaken resistance.

The Army of the Rhine, which left Metz on August 31st with a strength of 137,000 men,[30] was successfully confronted by only 36,000 Prussians. In this battle, for the first time in the war, the French took the offensive while the Germans were on the defensive. The Germans lost 3,400 men compared to the French loss of 3,000, which can be attributed to the superior features of the French infantry weapons. However, the superiority of the Prussian artillery was clearly demonstrated, which allowed General von Manteuffel to maintain a strong defense.

The VIIth Corps remained on the right bank of the Norelle, where the line of investment was now further strengthened by the arrival of the XIIIth Corps under the command of the Grand Duke of Mecklenburg. On the left bank the IInd and IIIrd Corps were now able to return to their respective previous positions. On the same day and at about the same hour when the destruction of one French army was completed at Sedan, the other was returning to an apparently more and more hopeless detention in Metz. Thus the issue of the war was already beyond doubt after a campaign of but two months' duration; though the war itself was far from being ended.

The VII Corps stayed on the right bank of the Norelle, where the line of investment was further reinforced by the arrival of the XIII Corps led by the Grand Duke of Mecklenburg. On the left bank, the II and III Corps were able to go back to their previous positions. On the same day and around the same time that one French army was defeated at Sedan, the other was increasingly trapped in Metz. So, the outcome of the war was already clear after just two months of campaigning, but the war itself was far from over.

FOOTNOTES:

[28] The IInd and IIIrd Army.

The 2nd and 3rd Army.

[29] The wording of Bazaine's order dispenses with any speculation on this point. He wrote, "In the event of failure, we shall maintain our positions, strengthen ourselves therein, and retire in the evening under Forts St. Julien and Queuleu."

[29] Bazaine's order makes it clear, with no room for speculation. He stated, "If we fail, we will hold our positions, fortify ourselves there, and retreat in the evening to Forts St. Julien and Queuleu."

[30] The estimate of the total strength of the Army of the Rhine on the 22nd August is given at 137,728 men in the German Staff History. It deducts for garrison and normal outpost duty details amounting to over 17,000 men; and reckons the marching out strength for the battle of 31st August—1st September at "about 120,000 men."

[30] The total strength of the Army of the Rhine on August 22 is estimated at 137,728 soldiers in the German Staff History. This figure accounts for the garrison and regular outpost duties, which add up to over 17,000 soldiers, and it estimates the number of troops ready to march for the battle on August 31 to September 1 at "about 120,000 soldiers."


New Government in Paris.

When, in the night of the 4th of September, the news of the disaster of Sedan and the Emperor's surrender became known in Paris, the Legislative Body met in a rapidly successive series of sittings for the purpose of selecting an Administrative Committee. The mob cut those deliberations short by forcing its way into the Chamber and proclaiming the Republic there and at the Hôtel de Ville, amidst the acclamations of the people. Though the troops were under arms in their barracks, the Government till now in power offered no resistance; the Empress left Paris; General Trochu and several members of the Minority in the Chamber combined to form a Government, which they styled "The Government of National Defence and War." "War to the bitter end" was its motto, and the entire nation was to be called to arms. Not an inch of territory, not a stone of the fortresses was to be yielded up to the enemy.

When, on the night of September 4th, news of the defeat at Sedan and the Emperor's surrender spread in Paris, the Legislative Body quickly convened in a series of sessions to choose an Administrative Committee. The mob interrupted those discussions by storming into the Chamber and declaring the Republic there and at the Hôtel de Ville, to the cheers of the crowd. Although the troops were armed and stationed in their barracks, the current Government put up no resistance; the Empress left Paris. General Trochu and a few members of the Minority in the Chamber joined forces to create a Government, which they called "The Government of National Defence and War." Its motto was "War to the bitter end," and the whole nation was to be mobilized. Not a single inch of land, not a stone from the fortresses, would be given up to the enemy.

Such a Government, devoid of any legitimate foundation, necessarily thirsted for results, and could be little disposed to allow the war to end in peace.

Such a government, lacking any legitimate basis, inevitably craved outcomes and was unlikely to let the war end in peace.

Notwithstanding all the early reverses of the war, France was too rich in resources to find herself as yet by any means defenceless. General Vinoy was still in the field. All the scattered Corps, the Marine troops and the Gendarmerie could gather to him. There was, too, the "Territorial Militia," numbering 468,000 men, an institution which the country owed to Marshal Niel, whose far-seeing work of reorganization had been cut short only too soon. Further, there was available to be called up the falling-due contingent of 100,000 conscripts, as well as the National Guard. It followed that France was thus able to put into the field a million of men, without reckoning Franctireurs and Volunteer Corps. The reserve store of 2000 guns and 400,000 Chassepôts assured the means of armament,[115] and the workshops of neutral England were ready and willing to fulfil commissions. Such resources for war, backed by the active patriotism of the nation, could maintain a prolonged resistance if a master will should inspire it with energy.

Despite all the early setbacks of the war, France was too rich in resources to find herself defenseless. General Vinoy was still active on the field. All the scattered Corps, the Marine troops, and the Gendarmerie could assemble under his command. There was also the "Territorial Militia," comprising 468,000 men, an institution that the country owed to Marshal Niel, whose visionary work of reorganization had been abruptly cut short. Additionally, there was the available contingent of 100,000 conscripts ready to be called up, along with the National Guard. This meant that France could muster about a million men, not including the Franctireurs and Volunteer Corps. The reserve stock of 2,000 guns and 400,000 Chassepôts guaranteed the means of arming them, and the workshops of neutral England were prepared and eager to fulfill orders. Such resources for war, supported by the active patriotism of the nation, could sustain a prolonged resistance if a strong will was injected with energy.

And such a will was disclosed in the person of Gambetta.

And this determination was revealed in the person of Gambetta.

Minister of War, he had at the same time, by the French system of government, the direction of military operations, and certainly he was not the man to loosen his grasp of the chief command. For in a Republic, a victorious general at the head of the Army would at once have become Dictator in his stead. M. de Freycinet, another civilian, served under Gambetta as a sort of Chief of the General Staff, and the energetic, but dilettante, commandership exercised by these gentlemen cost France very dear. Gambetta's rare energy and unrelenting determination availed, indeed, to induce the entire population to take up arms, but not to direct these hasty levies with comprehensive unity of purpose. Without giving them time to be trained into fitness for the field, with ruthless severity he despatched them into the field in utter inefficiency as they were called out, to attempt the execution of ill-digested plans against an enemy on whose firm solidity all their courage and devotion was inevitably wrecked. He prolonged the struggle at the cost of heavy sacrifices on both sides, without turning the balance in favour of France.

Minister of War, he also had control over military operations according to the French government system, and he certainly wasn't the type to loosen his grip on the top command. In a Republic, a successful general leading the Army could easily become a Dictator in his place. M. de Freycinet, another civilian, worked under Gambetta as a sort of Chief of the General Staff, and the energetic yet amateurish leadership from these men ended up costing France dearly. Gambetta’s rare energy and relentless determination did manage to motivate the entire population to enlist, but he couldn't lead these hasty recruits with a cohesive strategy. Without giving them adequate time to train for battle, he ruthlessly sent them into the field in their unprepared state, trying to execute poorly thought-out plans against an enemy whose solid defenses crushed all their courage and commitment. He dragged out the conflict at a heavy cost to both sides without shifting the odds in favor of France.

In any event the German chiefs had still great difficulties to overcome.

In any case, the German leaders still had many challenges to face.

The battles already won had cost heavy losses; in officers especially the losses were irreparable. Half the army was detained before Metz and Strasburg. The transport and guarding of already more than 200,000 prisoners required the services of a large part of the new levies being formed at home. The numerous fortresses had not indeed hindered the invasion of the[116] German army, but they had to be invested or kept under observation to secure the rearward communications, and to safeguard the forwarding and victualling of troops; and each further advance into the enemy's country involved increased drafts of armed men. After the battle of Sedan only 150,000 men were available for further operations in the field. There could be no doubt that the new objective must be Paris, as the seat of the new Government and the centre of gravity, so to speak, of the whole country. On the very day of the capitulation of Sedan, all the dispositions were made for the renewal of the advance.

The battles already fought had resulted in heavy losses; particularly among the officers, the losses were irreparable. Half the army was tied up around Metz and Strasburg. Transporting and guarding over 200,000 prisoners required a significant portion of the new troops being formed at home. The many fortresses hadn't actually stopped the invasion of the[116] German army, but they needed to be besieged or monitored to secure communication lines and to ensure the supply and feeding of troops; and each further advance into enemy territory required even more armed forces. After the battle of Sedan, only 150,000 men were available for further field operations. There was no doubt that the new target had to be Paris, as it was the seat of the new Government and the center of gravity, so to speak, for the entire country. On the same day the capitulation of Sedan occurred, all plans were set in motion for a renewed advance.

To spare the troops, the movement was to be carried out on a very broad front, which involved no risk, for of the French Corps, the XIIIth alone could possibly cause any detention. And, indeed, only Blanchard's Division of that Corps was now at Mézières; its other two Divisions had but just begun their march when they received orders to halt preparatory to returning (to Paris).

To protect the troops, the operation was planned to cover a wide front, which posed no risk, since only the XIIIth French Corps could potentially cause any delays. In fact, only Blanchard's Division from that Corps was currently at Mézières; the other two Divisions had just started their march when they were ordered to stop and prepare to return to Paris.


General Vinoy's retreat.

General Vinoy's most urgent anxiety was—very rightly—to reach Paris with the least possible loss. This was not very easy to accomplish, since the VIth Prussian Corps, which had taken no part in the battle of Sedan, was at Attigny in such a position that as a matter of distance, as far as to Laon, it could reach any point of any line of the enemy's retreat before, or as soon as the latter. General von Tümpling, commanding that Corps, had already taken possession of Rethel with the 12th Division by the evening of September 1st, thus closing the high-road to Paris. Only extraordinary forced marching and a succession of fortunate[117] circumstances could save from destruction Blanchard's Division, which had already wasted its ammunition in small conflicts.

General Vinoy's biggest worry was—rightfully so—to get to Paris with minimal losses. This wasn't easy to achieve, since the VIth Prussian Corps, which hadn't participated in the battle of Sedan, was stationed at Attigny in such a way that it could reach any point along the enemy's retreat, up to Laon, before or at the same time as they could. General von Tümpling, who commanded that Corps, had already taken over Rethel with the 12th Division by the evening of September 1st, effectively blocking the main road to Paris. Only extraordinary forced marches and a series of lucky circumstances could save Blanchard's Division from being destroyed, as they had already spent their ammunition in minor skirmishes.

General Vinoy supplied the troops with several days' rations, enjoined the strictest discipline on the march, and during the night between 1st and 2nd September set out on the road to Rethel, where he expected to find Exéa's Division; which, however, availing itself of the section of railway still undestroyed, had already gone back to Soissons.

General Vinoy provided the troops with several days' worth of food, insisted on strict discipline during the march, and set out on the road to Rethel during the night of September 1st to 2nd, where he expected to find Exéa's Division; however, they had already returned to Soissons using the section of railway that was still intact.

It was still early morning (of 2nd) when the French column of march came in contact with the 5th and presently with the 6th Prussian Cavalry Divisions, without, however, being seriously attacked. It was not till about ten o'clock, and within about seven miles of Rethel, that the French general learnt that place was in hostile possession, whereupon he decided on turning westward to Novion Porcien. He sent his rear-guard against the enemy's horse-artillery, but seeing hardly anything but cavalry in its front, it soon resumed the march. At about four in the afternoon the Division reached Novion, where it went into bivouac.

It was still early morning on the 2nd when the French marching column encountered the 5th and soon after the 6th Prussian Cavalry Divisions, without facing a serious attack. It wasn't until around ten o'clock, about seven miles from Rethel, that the French general found out that the town was under enemy control, prompting him to decide to head west toward Novion Porcien. He sent his rear-guard to engage the enemy's horse artillery, but after realizing they were mostly facing cavalry, they quickly continued their march. By around four in the afternoon, the Division arrived in Novion and set up camp for the night.

General von Hoffmann (commanding the 12th Prussian Division) had taken up a position at Rethel, and was awaiting the enemy, of whose approach he had been warned. Having ridden out in person, he became aware of Vinoy's deviation from the Rethel road, and at four in the afternoon marched to Ecly, where he arrived late in the evening. Part of his troops scouted forward toward Château Porcien.

General von Hoffmann (in charge of the 12th Prussian Division) had set up camp at Rethel, waiting for the enemy, of whose arrival he had been notified. After personally riding out, he noticed Vinoy's turn away from the Rethel road, and at 4 PM, he marched to Ecly, arriving late in the evening. Some of his troops advanced toward Château Porcien.

General Vinoy, on learning that this road, too, was closed to him, quited his bivouac again at half-past one on the morning (of 3rd), leaving his fires burning, and set out on a second night-march in pouring rain and total darkness.

General Vinoy, upon realizing that this road was also closed to him, broke up his camp again at 1:30 AM on the 3rd, leaving his fires burning, and began a second night march in heavy rain and complete darkness.

At first he took a northerly direction, to reach Laon at worst by the byways. By tracks fathomless in mud, and with frequent alarms, but without being reached[118] by the enemy, he trudged into Château Porcien at half-past seven on the morning of the 3rd, and there halted for a couple of hours. The trend of the roads now compelled him again to take a southerly direction, and when the head of his column reached Séraincourt, the sound of firing told him that his rear had been attacked by the Germans.

At first, he headed north, trying to get to Laon at worst by the back roads. He followed paths that were deep in mud and faced many close calls, but he wasn't caught by the enemy[118]. He dragged into Château Porcien at 7:30 in the morning on the 3rd and stayed there for a couple of hours. The direction of the roads forced him to go south again, and when the front of his group arrived at Séraincourt, the sound of gunfire warned him that his rear had been attacked by the Germans.

The Prussian cavalry had, early the same morning, discovered the French departure, but this important information found General von Hoffmann no longer in Ecly. He had already started thence to search for the enemy at Novion-Porcien, where he might well be expected to be after his first night-march, but at half-past nine the Prussian general found the place empty. Thus, that morning, the German and French Divisions had marched past each other in different directions at a distance apart of little more than four miles. The thick weather had prevented them seeing each other. General Vinoy this day reached Montcornet, in what plight may be imagined. The 12th Division continued its pursuit in the westerly direction, but came up only with the rear stragglers of the fast-retreating enemy, and took up alarm-quarters in Chaumont Porcien.

The Prussian cavalry had, early that morning, discovered the French were gone, but General von Hoffmann was no longer in Ecly when he received this crucial information. He had already left to search for the enemy at Novion-Porcien, where he would likely find them after their first night march. However, by half-past nine, the Prussian general arrived to find the place empty. That morning, the German and French Divisions had moved past each other in different directions, just a little over four miles apart. The thick weather had kept them from seeing one another. General Vinoy arrived at Montcornet that day in what one can only imagine was a rough state. The 12th Division continued its pursuit westward but only managed to catch up with the straggling rear of the rapidly retreating enemy, setting up alarm quarters in Chaumont Porcien.

This march of the enemy ought not indeed to have remained unobserved and unchecked under the eye of two Cavalry Divisions, but it has to be said that these were called off at an unfortunate moment.

This advance of the enemy shouldn't have gone unnoticed and unopposed, especially with two Cavalry Divisions watching, but it's worth noting that they were pulled back at a really bad time.

It was, in fact, in consequence of a report that the French forces were assembled at Rheims, that the Headquarter of the IIIrd Army had ordered the immediate return of the VIth Corps and the two Divisions of cavalry. These at once relinquished the pursuit, and General von Tümpling ordered his two Infantry Divisions to march at once on Rheims. The 11th, which had been holding Rethel, set out forthwith. General von Hoffmann, on the contrary, followed up the French, on his own responsibility, as far as was possible[119] without cavalry to overtake them. Not till the following day did the 12th Division reach the Suippe.

It was actually due to a report that the French forces were gathered at Rheims that the headquarters of the IIIrd Army ordered the immediate return of the VIth Corps and the two cavalry divisions. They immediately stopped their pursuit, and General von Tümpling instructed his two Infantry Divisions to march straight to Rheims. The 11th Division, which had been stationed at Rethel, set off right away. General von Hoffmann, on the other hand, continued to chase the French on his own accord as far as he could[119] without cavalry to catch up to them. It was only the next day that the 12th Division reached the Suippe.

September 4th.—General Vinoy made his way northward again, by way of Marle, where he received the news of the Emperor's surrender and of the outbreak of the revolution in Paris. His presence there was now of the greatest importance, and on the 13th he reached the French capital with the two other divisions of his Corps from Laon and Soissons.

September 4th.—General Vinoy traveled north again, passing through Marle, where he learned about the Emperor's surrender and the start of the revolution in Paris. His presence there was now critical, and on the 13th he arrived in the French capital with the two other divisions of his Corps from Laon and Soissons.


THE MARCH ON PARIS
of the Third Army and the Army of the Meuse.

During these occurrences the German armies, on the 4th September, had begun their advance on Paris. The first thing to be done was to disentangle the mass of troops assembled in the cramped space around Sedan. The IIIrd Army, of which the XIth and the Ist Bavarian Corps were still remaining there, had to make two long marches forward in order that the Army of the Meuse should regain its line of supply (Etappen-line).

During these events, the German armies started advancing on Paris on September 4th. The first task was to untangle the large gathering of troops in the confined area around Sedan. The III Army, which still had the XI and I Bavarian Corps there, needed to make two long marches forward to ensure the Army of the Meuse could secure its supply line.

The news of a great assemblage of French troops at Rheims soon proved to be unfounded. Early on the 4th, detachments of Prussian horse entered the hostile and excited city, the 11th Division arrived that afternoon, and on the following day the German King's head-quarters were established in the old city where the French Kings had been wont to be crowned.

The news of a large gathering of French troops at Rheims turned out to be false. Early on the 4th, groups of Prussian cavalry entered the tense and agitated city, the 11th Division arrived that afternoon, and the next day the German King's headquarters were set up in the historic city where the French kings used to be crowned.

On the 10th of September the IIIrd Army had reached the line Dormans—Sezanne, and the VIth Corps had pushed forward to Château Thierry. The Army of the Meuse, after the failure of a coup-de-main on Montmédy, was advancing between Rheims and Laon.[120] Cavalry sent far in advance covered this march executed on a front so exceptionally broad. The scouts everywhere found the inhabitants in a very hostile temper; the franctireurs attacked with great recklessness, and had to be driven out of several villages by dismounted troopers. The roads were in many places wrecked by the tearing up of the stone pavement, and the bridges were blown up.

On September 10th, the III Army had reached the line between Dormans and Sezanne, and the VI Corps had pushed forward to Château Thierry. The Army of the Meuse, after a failed surprise attack on Montmédy, was advancing between Rheims and Laon.[120] Cavalry units sent far ahead secured this advance across such a wide front. Scouts found that the locals were very hostile; the franctireurs attacked recklessly and had to be driven out of several villages by dismounted soldiers. Many roads were damaged due to the removal of the stone pavement, and bridges were blown up.

On the approach of the 6th Cavalry Division Laon had capitulated. Small detachments of troops of the line were taken prisoners, 25 guns, 100 stores of arms and ammunition were seized as prizes, and 2000 Gardes-Mobiles were dismissed to their homes on parole to take no further part in the war. While friends and foes were assembled in large numbers in the courtyard of the citadel, the powder-magazine blew up, having probably been intentionally fired, and did great damage both there and in the town. The Prussians had fifteen officers and ninety-nine men killed and wounded; among the wounded were the Division-Commander and his general-staff officer. The French lost 300 men; the commandant of the fortress was mortally wounded.

As the 6th Cavalry Division approached, Laon surrendered. Small groups of regular troops were taken prisoner, 25 cannons and 100 stockpiles of arms and ammunition were captured, and 2000 Gardes-Mobiles were sent home on parole, agreeing not to take further part in the conflict. While friends and enemies gathered in large numbers in the citadel courtyard, the powder magazine exploded, likely set off on purpose, causing significant damage both there and in the town. The Prussians suffered fifteen officers and ninety-nine men killed or wounded; among the injured were the Division Commander and his general-staff officer. The French lost 300 men, and the commander of the fortress was mortally wounded.

On the 16th the Army of the Meuse was between Nanteuil and Lizy-on-Ourcq; the 5th Cavalry Division had advanced to Dammartin; the 6th to beyond Beaumont, sending patrols up to before St. Denis. The IIIrd Army was spread over the area from Meaux to Compte Robert. Strong military bridges had been thrown over the Marne at Trilport and Lagny to replace the permanent ones which had been blown up, and on the 17th the Vth Corps reached the Upper Seine.

On the 16th, the Army of the Meuse was positioned between Nanteuil and Lizy-on-Ourcq; the 5th Cavalry Division had moved forward to Dammartin, while the 6th advanced beyond Beaumont, sending patrols up to the outskirts of St. Denis. The IIIrd Army was spread across the area from Meaux to Compte Robert. Strong military bridges had been built over the Marne at Trilport and Lagny to replace the permanent ones that had been destroyed, and on the 17th, the Vth Corps reached the Upper Seine.

To secure the draw-bridges at Villeneuve St. Georges, the 17th Brigade pushed on down the right bank of the Seine towards Paris, and at Mont Mesly it encountered Exéa's Division, which had been sent out by General Vinoy to bring in or destroy stores of supplies. The[121] fight which ensued ended in the French being driven back under shelter of Fort Charenton.

To secure the drawbridges at Villeneuve St. Georges, the 17th Brigade advanced down the right bank of the Seine towards Paris, and at Mont Mesly, it encountered Exéa's Division, which had been dispatched by General Vinoy to recover or destroy stockpiles of supplies. The[121] conflict that followed resulted in the French being pushed back to the safety of Fort Charenton.

The IInd Bavarian Corps also reached the Seine on this day and bridged the river at Corbeil. The 2nd Cavalry Division was in observation in front of Saclay, towards Paris. The Royal head-quarter moved to Meaux by way of Château Thierry. The complete investment of the French capital was now imminent.

The 2nd Bavarian Corps also arrived at the Seine today and built a bridge at Corbeil. The 2nd Cavalry Division was stationed in front of Saclay, directing their attention towards Paris. The Royal headquarters relocated to Meaux via Château Thierry. The total encirclement of the French capital was now on the horizon.

The works constructed under Louis Philippe effectually protected the city from being taken by storm. The artillery armament of the place consisted of over 2627 pieces, including 200 of the largest calibres of naval ordnance. There were 500 rounds for each gun, and in addition a reserve of three million kilogrammes of powder. As concerned the active strength of the garrison, besides the XIIIth Corps which had returned from Mézières, a new Corps, the XIVth, had been raised in Paris itself. These 50,000 troops of the line, 14,000 highly efficient and staunch marines and sailors, and about 8000 gensd'armes, customs officers, and forest-guards, formed the core of the defence. There were besides 115,000 Gardes-Mobiles, who had been drawn in from outside at an earlier date. The National Guard was formed into 130 battalions, which, however, being defective in equipment and poorly disciplined, could be employed only in the defence of the inner circle of fortifications. The volunteers, though numerous, proved for the most part useless.

The structures built during Louis Philippe effectively safeguarded the city from being taken by assault. The city's artillery included over 2,627 pieces, with 200 of the largest caliber naval guns. There were 500 rounds for each gun, along with a reserve of three million kilograms of powder. Regarding the active strength of the garrison, apart from the XIII Corps that had returned from Mézières, a new XIV Corps was raised in Paris itself. This included 50,000 regular troops, 14,000 skilled and dedicated marines and sailors, and around 8,000 gendarmes, customs officers, and forest guards, making up the core of the defense. Additionally, there were 115,000 Gardes-Mobiles, who had previously been brought in from other areas. The National Guard was organized into 130 battalions; however, due to poor equipment and discipline, they could only defend the inner circle of fortifications. While numerous, the volunteers were mostly ineffective.

In all the besieged force was over 300,000 strong, thus it was far more than double the strength of the besiegers as yet on the spot, of whom there were at the outside only about 60,000 men available, with 5000 cavalry and 124 field-batteries. On the Seine the defence had five floating batteries and nine section-built gunboats originally intended for the Rhine; on the railways were some guns mounted on armour-plated trucks.

In total, the besieged force was over 300,000 strong, which was more than double the number of besiegers present, who had only about 60,000 men available, along with 5,000 cavalry and 124 field batteries. On the Seine, the defense had five floating batteries and nine gunboats that were originally designed for the Rhine. There were also some guns mounted on armored trucks on the railways.

Great difficulties necessarily attended the victualling[122] of two million human beings for a long period; however, the authorities had succeeded in gathering into Paris 3000 oxen, 6000 swine, and 180,000 sheep, with considerable stores of other provisions, so that perfect confidence was justifiable, that Paris could hold out for six weeks at least.

Great challenges came with supplying[122] two million people for a long time; however, the authorities managed to bring together in Paris 3,000 oxen, 6,000 pigs, and 180,000 sheep, along with significant amounts of other food supplies, so there was good reason to believe that Paris could endure for at least six weeks.

Orders issued from the head-quarter at Meaux charged the Army of the Meuse with the investment of the capital on the right bank of the Seine and Marne,[31] and the IIIrd Army with the section on the left bank of both rivers. As a general rule the troops were to remain beyond range of the fire of the fortress, but, short of that, were to keep as close as possible so as to curtail the circuit of environment. The close connection of the two armies was to be secured above Paris by several bridges across both the rivers, and below the city, by the cavalry occupying Poissy. To the IIIrd Army was to belong the duty of reconnoitring in the direction of Orleans. In case of any attempt to relieve the capital it was to allow the relieving force to approach within a short distance, and then, leaving the investment to be maintained by weak details, to strike the enemy with its main body.

Orders issued from headquarter at Meaux tasked the Army of the Meuse with surrounding the capital on the right bank of the Seine and Marne,[31] while the IIIrd Army was responsible for the section on the left bank of both rivers. Generally, the troops were to stay out of range of the fortress's fire, but as close as possible to limit the area they needed to cover. The two armies were to maintain close connection above Paris through several bridges across both rivers, and below the city, by having cavalry occupy Poissy. The IIIrd Army was assigned the responsibility of scouting towards Orleans. If there was any attempt to relieve the capital, it was to let the relieving force approach within a short distance and then, leaving a small force to maintain the siege, hit the enemy with its main force.

Without relief from outside, a close passive blockade must inevitably result in the capitulation of Paris, though probably not for some weeks or even months. As an ultimate compulsory measure there remained recourse to a bombardment.

Without outside relief, a tight passive blockade will eventually lead to Paris's surrender, though it might take a few weeks or even months. As a last resort, there was still the option of a bombardment.

At the time when Paris was fortified it was not foreseen that improvements in the artillery arm would double or treble the range of fire. The exterior forts, especially on the south, were at so short a distance from the enceinte that the city could easily be reached by the fire of heavy batteries.

At the time Paris was fortified, it wasn't anticipated that advancements in artillery would double or triple the range of fire. The outer forts, particularly to the south, were so close to the city walls that heavy batteries could easily hit the city.

The Germans have been blamed for not having had recourse at an earlier date to this expedient of bombardment;[123] but this criticism indicates an inadequate appreciation of the difficulties which stood in the way of its earlier execution.

The Germans have been criticized for not using this bombing tactic sooner; [123] but this criticism shows a lack of understanding of the challenges that prevented them from doing it earlier.

It may safely be accepted that the attack of a large fortified place in the heart of an enemy's country is simply impossible so long as the invader is not master of the railways or waterways leading to it, by which may be brought up in full quantity the requisite material. The conveyance of this by the ordinary highways, even for a short distance, is in itself a herculean undertaking. Up to this time the German army had the control of only one railway in French territory, and this was fully occupied in the maintenance of supplies for the armies in the field: in bringing up reinforcements and equipment; in conveying rearward wounded, sick and prisoners. But even this much of railway service ended at Toul; and the attempt to turn that fortress by laying a temporary section of line found insurmountable difficulties in the nature of the ground. Further forward there interposed itself a scarcely inferior obstacle in the complete destruction of the Nanteuil tunnel, to repair which would probably require weeks.

It can be confidently stated that attacking a large fortified position deep within enemy territory is simply impossible unless the invader controls the railways or waterways leading to it, which are essential for transporting the necessary resources. Using regular roads, even for a short distance, is a monumental task. Until this point, the German army had control of only one railway in French territory, which was completely occupied in supporting the armies in the field: bringing in reinforcements and supplies, and transporting wounded, sick soldiers, and prisoners back. However, even this railway service stopped at Toul, and attempts to bypass that fortress by laying a temporary track faced insurmountable challenges due to the terrain. Additionally, there was another significant obstacle in the complete destruction of the Nanteuil tunnel, repairs for which would likely take weeks.

Even then, for the further transport from Nanteuil up to the Paris front of 300 heavy guns with 500 rounds for each gun, there were requisite 4500 four-wheeled waggons, such as were not in use in the country, and 10,000 horses. Thus a bombardment was, in the earlier period, not to be thought of, and in any case the object of it would not be to destroy Paris, but merely to exert a final pressure on the inhabitants; and this influence would be more effectual when a long blockade had shaken the resolution of the besieged than it was likely to be at the beginning of the investment.

Even then, to transport 300 heavy guns and 500 rounds for each gun from Nanteuil to the Paris front, we would need 4,500 four-wheeled wagons, which were not available in the country, along with 10,000 horses. So, a bombardment during that early stage wasn’t really an option, and the goal wouldn’t be to destroy Paris but to apply final pressure on the residents. This pressure would be more effective after a long blockade had weakened the resolve of the besieged than it would be at the start of the siege.

September 18th.—Corresponding directions communicated to the respective army commands, ordered the resumption of the march on the enemy's capital.

September 18th.—Instructions were sent to the respective army commands to resume the march toward the enemy's capital.

On the 18th the Army of the Meuse, swinging leftward, had the XIIth Corps at Claye, the Guard Corps[124] at Mitry, and the IVth Corps at Dammartin, one march from Paris.

On the 18th, the Army of the Meuse, moving to the left, had the XII Corps positioned at Claye, the Guard Corps[124] at Mitry, and the IV Corps at Dammartin, just one march away from Paris.

All the villages in front of St. Denis were occupied by the French. It seemed as if the investment on the north front of Paris would be resisted, and the Crown Prince of Saxony took measures for next day to follow up and support the IVth Corps, which led the advance. The 5th and 6th Cavalry Divisions, hastening on to Pontoise, were given two companies of Jägers and a pontoon train, and after a bridge had been laid they crossed the Oise.

All the villages in front of St. Denis were taken over by the French. It looked like the attack on the north front of Paris would be resisted, so the Crown Prince of Saxony planned to support the IV Corps, which was leading the advance, the next day. The 5th and 6th Cavalry Divisions rushed to Pontoise and were provided with two companies of Jägers and a pontoon train. After a bridge was set up, they crossed the Oise.

The Vth Corps of the IIIrd Army passed over the Seine at Villeneuve-St.-Georges and advanced to Palaiseau and the Upper Bièvre. The advanced guard came into collision with Bernis' French Cavalry Brigade. The 47th Regiment at once proceeded to the attack, and stormed the walled farmsteads of Dame Rose and Trivaux. But on the southern skirt of the forest of Meudon the whole of the French XIVth Corps was drawn up; on its left stood a Division of the XIIIth Corps. The regiment retired on Petit Bicêtre without being followed, and there took up a defensive position.

The Vth Corps of the IIIrd Army crossed the Seine at Villeneuve-St.-Georges and moved towards Palaiseau and the Upper Bièvre. The advance guard clashed with Bernis' French Cavalry Brigade. The 47th Regiment immediately attacked and captured the fortified farmhouses of Dame Rose and Trivaux. However, on the southern edge of the Meudon forest, the entire French XIVth Corps was assembled; on its left was a Division from the XIIIth Corps. The regiment then fell back to Petit Bicêtre without being pursued, and established a defensive position there.

The IInd Bavarian Corps marched from Corbeil by Longjumeau on a parallel front with the Vth Corps, and on the right the VIth occupied both banks of the Seine. These Corps, too, had several brushes with the enemy.

The 2nd Bavarian Corps marched from Corbeil via Longjumeau alongside the 5th Corps, while the 6th occupied both sides of the Seine. These corps also had several encounters with the enemy.

The Würtemberg Division at Lagny and Gournay was to cross the Marne forthwith, and so establish communication between the two armies.

The Würtemberg Division at Lagny and Gournay was to cross the Marne immediately, thus establishing communication between the two armies.

FOOTNOTE:

[31] Viz., from the Marne above Paris in a wide half-circle to the Seine below it. The rayon of the Army of the Meuse subsequently extended to the right bank of the Seine above Paris.

[31] That is, from the Marne River above Paris in a broad half-circle to the Seine River below it. The area of the Army of the Meuse later reached the right bank of the Seine River above Paris.


Paris Investment.

(September 19th.)

On the 19th September the IVth Corps met with no opposition in its advance to St. Brice; it drove detachments[125] of the enemy from the neighbouring villages back under cover of the heavy guns of St. Denis, and pushed forward towards the Lower Seine. The Guard Corps followed it as far as Dugny, and lined the Morée brook, which was dammed up at its mouth, and afforded useful cover for the line of investment along a considerable distance. Further to the left the XIIth Corps took up a position extending to the Marne, and on the left bank of that river the Würtemberg Division advanced to Champigny.

On September 19th, the IV Corps faced no resistance as it moved towards St. Brice; it pushed enemy detachments from nearby villages back under the protection of the heavy artillery in St. Denis and advanced toward the Lower Seine. The Guard Corps followed as far as Dugny and lined the Morée brook, which was dammed at its mouth, offering useful cover for the investment line over a considerable distance. Further to the left, the XII Corps positioned itself extending to the Marne, and on the left bank of that river, the Württemberg Division advanced to Champigny.

On this day the Vth Corps of the IIIrd Army marched on Versailles in two columns. The 47th Regiment had again the duty of covering the march along the hostile front. The French evidently were anxious to remain masters of the important heights in front of the fortifications of Paris, and in the early morning two divisions of their XIVth Corps marched out of the neighbouring forest of Meudon against Petit Bicêtre and Villacoublay. Supported by a numerous artillery, which set on fire the farm-buildings of Petit Bicêtre, they drove back the German outposts; but reinforcements from the Vth Corps presently came up to Villacoublay, and to Abbaye aux Bois from the IInd Bavarian Corps.

On this day, the 5th Corps of the 3rd Army marched on Versailles in two columns. The 47th Regiment again had the responsibility of covering the march along the enemy front. The French clearly wanted to keep control of the important heights in front of the Paris fortifications, and early in the morning, two divisions of their 14th Corps marched out of the nearby Meudon forest toward Petit Bicêtre and Villacoublay. Backed by a large artillery force that set fire to the farm buildings in Petit Bicêtre, they pushed back the German outposts; however, reinforcements from the 5th Corps soon arrived at Villacoublay, along with support from the 2nd Bavarian Corps at Abbaye aux Bois.

The left brigade of the latter had crossed the columns marching on Versailles in the valley of the Bièvre; but the sound of fighting from the field of strife induced General von Dietl[32] to advance with his detachments as they came up singly, on both sides of the high-road to Bicêtre. A conjunct assault with the Prussians still fighting in the Bois de Garenne, was successful in repulsing the French at Pavé blanc. Meanwhile the enemy by half-past eight had formed an artillery front of fifty guns, and three regiments of march advanced to renew the attack on Petit Bicêtre and the Bois de Garenne. They were received with a destructive musketry fire, and not even General[126] Ducrot's personal influence could persuade the troops, who were young recruits, to go forward. The Zouaves posted about the farm of Trivaux were finally thrown into such confusion by some shells falling among them that they hurried back to Paris in headlong flight.

The left brigade of the latter had crossed the columns marching on Versailles in the Bièvre valley; however, the sounds of fighting from the battlefield prompted General von Dietl[32] to move forward with his detachments as they arrived one by one, on both sides of the main road to Bicêtre. A coordinated attack with the Prussians still engaged in the Bois de Garenne succeeded in pushing the French back at Pavé blanc. Meanwhile, by half-past eight, the enemy had set up an artillery line of fifty guns, and three marching regiments moved to renew the assault on Petit Bicêtre and the Bois de Garenne. They were met with a devastating musket fire, and not even General[126] Ducrot's personal influence could convince the young recruits to advance. The Zouaves stationed around the Trivaux farm were ultimately thrown into such chaos by shells falling among them that they ran back to Paris in a panic.

General Ducrot had to abandon his attempt. His Divisions retired in evident disorder on Clamart and Fontenay, under cover of the artillery and of the cavalry, which had resolutely endured the hostile fire; pursued at their heels by the German troops. The Bavarians stormed Pavé blanc under a heavy cannon fire; the Prussians retook Dame Rose after a trivial skirmish, and pushed on past the farm of Trivaux into the forest of Meudon. The French still held the heights of Plessis-Piquet, which were to them of vast importance and very easy of defence, as well as the redoubt at Moulin de la Tour, where nine field-batteries at once came into action, the fire from which commanded the whole of the western field of operations.

General Ducrot had to give up his attempt. His divisions retreated in clear disorder toward Clamart and Fontenay, protected by the artillery and cavalry, who bravely held off the enemy fire; chased closely by the German troops. The Bavarians attacked Pavé blanc under intense cannon fire; the Prussians regained control of Dame Rose after a minor skirmish and moved past the farm of Trivaux into the Meudon forest. The French still held the heights of Plessis-Piquet, which were extremely important to them and easy to defend, as well as the redoubt at Moulin de la Tour, where nine field batteries were put into action, their fire covering the entire western field of operations.

The main body of the Bavarian Corps had meanwhile moved southward, and during its advance on Fontenay aux Roses, about nine o'clock, it came under a hot fire from the height, as well as a flanking fire from a redoubt near Hautes Bruyères. Being informed of the situation at the scene of conflict on the plateau of Bicêtre, General von Hartmann (the Corps Commander) at once sent thither an artillery reinforcement, and ordered the 5th Brigade to attempt a junction to his left by way of Malabry. As soon as this brigade had deployed under a hot Chassepôt and artillery fire between Pavé blanc and Malabry, General von Walther (commanding 3rd Bavarian Division) passed to the attack of Plessis-Piquet. The artillery advanced to a short distance on the hither side of the park wall, and then the infantry broke out from the wood of Verrières, and, after a brief but sharp struggle, took possession of the mill lying to the southward. After half an hour's artillery preparation, the Bavarians advanced on Hachette[127] by rushes, and broke into the park of Plessis. The French kept up a hot fire from the redoubt of Moulin de la Tour on the localities wrenched from them, by which the Bavarian field batteries suffered severely; but they still effectively supported the further advance of the infantry, who now got close in under the earthworks. However, the defenders were already on the point of retiring, and when about three o'clock one Bavarian company entered, it found the place deserted and the guns left in position.

The main part of the Bavarian Corps had moved south and, while advancing on Fontenay aux Roses around nine o'clock, it came under heavy fire from the heights, as well as flanking fire from a redoubt near Hautes Bruyères. After being informed about the situation at the conflict on the plateau of Bicêtre, General von Hartmann, the Corps Commander, quickly sent artillery reinforcements and ordered the 5th Brigade to try and join him on the left via Malabry. Once this brigade had deployed under intense Chassepôt and artillery fire between Pavé blanc and Malabry, General von Walther, who was in command of the 3rd Bavarian Division, launched an attack on Plessis-Piquet. The artillery moved forward a short distance just inside the park wall, then the infantry charged out from the woods of Verrières, and after a brief but intense struggle, took control of the mill to the south. After thirty minutes of artillery preparation, the Bavarians rushed towards Hachette[127] and broke into the park at Plessis. The French continued to fire intensely from the redoubt of Moulin de la Tour at the areas they had lost, which caused heavy damage to the Bavarian field batteries; however, they still effectively supported the infantry's further advance, who got close to the earthworks. The defenders were already about to retreat, and when around three o'clock one Bavarian company entered, they found the place empty and the guns still in position.

Caussade's Division had left Clamart and was on the way to Paris; Maussion's had abandoned the heights of Bagneux on the pretence of having received mistaken orders, and Hughes' Division was with difficulty brought to a halt under cover of Fort Montrouge.

Caussade's Division had left Clamart and was heading to Paris; Maussion's had given up the heights of Bagneux, claiming they had received wrong orders, and Hughes' Division was barely stopped for cover at Fort Montrouge.

The Bavarian Corps now took up the position it had won on the plateau of Bicêtre to the right of the Vth Corps. The fight had cost the former 265 men and the latter 178; the French lost 661 killed and above 300 prisoners.

The Bavarian Corps now occupied the position it had secured on the plateau of Bicêtre to the right of the Vth Corps. The former suffered 265 men, while the latter lost 178; the French experienced 661 killed and over 300 prisoners.

The condition in which the French XIVth Corps returned to Paris caused such dismay that General Trochu found himself obliged to withdraw a Division of the XIIIth from Vincennes for the defence of the enceinte.

The situation in which the French XIVth Corps returned to Paris caused such shock that General Trochu felt he had to pull a Division of the XIIIth from Vincennes to defend the walls.

It was subsequently argued that it would have been possible to capture one of the forts on this day by forcing an entrance along with the fugitive enemy, with the result of materially shortening the siege. But the forts did not need to open their gates to shelter fugitives, to whom those of the capital stood open. The escalade of masonry escarpments eighteen feet high can never be successful without much preparation. Ventures of this character are rarely ordered by superior authority; but can be attempted only in a propitious moment by those on the spot. In this case probable failure would have endangered the important success of the day.[128]

It was later argued that it could have been possible to take one of the forts that day by breaking in along with the fleeing enemy, which would have significantly shortened the siege. However, the forts didn't need to open their gates to protect fugitives, as the gates of the capital were already open to them. Scaling walls that are eighteen feet high is rarely successful without a lot of preparation. Attempts like this are seldom ordered by those in charge; they can usually only be made at a favorable moment by those present. In this situation, likely failure could have jeopardized the crucial success of the day.[128]

The Vth Corps had meanwhile proceeded on its march to Versailles; a few National Guards, who had collected at the entrance to the town, were driven off or disarmed by the German Hussars. The 9th Division held the eastern exits of the town, the 10th encamped at Rocquencourt, and strong outposts were pushed out on the Bougival—Sèvres line. The 18th Brigade, which remained at Villacoubay to support the Bavarians in case of need, did not reach Versailles until the evening.

The 5th Corps had meanwhile continued its march to Versailles; a few National Guards who had gathered at the entrance to the town were chased off or disarmed by the German Hussars. The 9th Division secured the eastern exits of the town, the 10th set up camp at Rocquencourt, and strong outposts were established along the Bougival-Sèvres line. The 18th Brigade, which stayed at Villacoubay to support the Bavarians if needed, didn't arrive in Versailles until the evening.

The 3rd Bavarian Division remained on the heights in front of Plessis Piquet, its outposts confronting the forest of Meudon, where the French were still in possession of the château; and the pioneers at once altered the redoubt of La Tour du Moulin so as to front north. The 12th Division was encamped at Fontenay and rearward as far as Châtenay.

The 3rd Bavarian Division stayed on the heights in front of Plessis Piquet, with its outposts facing the Meudon forest, where the French still held the château. The pioneers immediately changed the La Tour du Moulin redoubt to face north. The 12th Division was camped at Fontenay and extended back to Châtenay.

The main body of the VIth Corps had taken position at Orly, its outposts extending from Choisy le Roi past Thiais to Chevilly. Maud'huy's Division attempted to drive in the outpost line at the last-named village, but without success. A brigade of the same Corps at Limeil, on the right bank of the Seine, was engaged in skirmishing with the French at Créteil. Within touch, further to the right, the Würtemberg Division held the (left) bank of the Marne from Ormesson to Noisy le Grand, behind which latter place the pontoon bridge near Gournay assured communication with the Saxon Corps.

The main part of the VIth Corps was positioned at Orly, with its outposts stretching from Choisy le Roi past Thiais to Chevilly. Maud'huy's Division tried to push back the outpost line at Chevilly, but it didn't succeed. A brigade from the same Corps in Limeil, on the right bank of the Seine, was skirmishing with the French at Créteil. Just to the right, the Würtemberg Division held the left bank of the Marne from Ormesson to Noisy le Grand, where the pontoon bridge near Gournay ensured communication with the Saxon Corps.

Thus on the 19th of September the investment of Paris was complete on all sides. Six Army Corps stood in a deployment some fifty miles in circumference immediately in front of the enemy's capital, in some places actually within range of his guns, its rear guarded by a large force of cavalry.[129]

Thus, on September 19th, the encirclement of Paris was complete on all sides. Six Army Corps were positioned in a deployment about fifty miles around, right in front of the enemy's capital, and in some areas, they were even within range of the enemy's artillery, with a large cavalry force guarding their rear.[129]

FOOTNOTE:

[32] Commanding 1st Bavarian Infantry Brigade.

[32] Leading the 1st Bavarian Infantry Brigade.


First Peace Talks.

In full expectation of a battle to the north of Paris, the King had ridden out to join the Guard Corps, and in the evening his head-quarters were moved to Ferrières.

In full expectation of a battle north of Paris, the King had ridden out to join the Guard Corps, and in the evening, his headquarters were moved to Ferrières.

Here thus early Monsieur Jules Favre made his appearance to negotiate for peace on the basis of "not one foot of soil." He believed that after all their victories and losses, the Germans would come to terms on payment of a sum of money. It was self-evident that such a proposal could not be taken into consideration, and only the eventuality of granting an armistice was seriously discussed.

Here early on, Monsieur Jules Favre showed up to negotiate for peace based on the idea of "not one foot of land." He thought that after all their wins and losses, the Germans would agree to settle for a payment. It was clear that such a proposal couldn't be taken seriously, and only the possibility of granting a ceasefire was actually discussed.

It was in the political interest of Germany as well, to afford the French nation the possibility of establishing by its own free and regular election a government which should have full right to conclude a peace creditable to the people; for the self-constituted de facto Government ruling in Paris was the offspring of a revolution, and might at any moment be removed by a counter-revolution.

It was also in Germany's political interest to give the French people the chance to establish a government through their own free and fair elections, one that would have the legitimacy to negotiate a peace that respected the people; because the self-appointed de facto government in Paris was born from a revolution and could be overthrown at any time by a counter-revolution.

From a military point of view it was true that any pause in the active operations was a disadvantage. It would afford the enemy time to push forward his preparations, and by raising for a time the investment of Paris would give the capital the opportunity to reprovision itself at discretion.

From a military perspective, it was accurate that any break in active operations was a drawback. It would give the enemy time to advance their preparations, and by temporarily lifting the siege of Paris, it would allow the capital to restock its supplies as needed.

The armistice could, therefore, only be granted in consideration of a corresponding equivalent.

The truce could only be granted in exchange for a fair equivalent.

To secure the subsistence of the respective German armies, Strasburg and Toul, which now intercepted the railway communication, must be given over. The siege of Metz was to be maintained; but with regard to Paris, either the blockade was to continue; or, if it were raised, one of the forts commanding the capital was to be occupied by the Germans. The Chamber of Deputies[130] was to be allowed to meet at Tours in full freedom.

To ensure the survival of the German armies, Strasbourg and Toul, which now disrupted the railway connections, must be surrendered. The siege of Metz was to be upheld; concerning Paris, either the blockade would continue or, if it were lifted, one of the forts overseeing the city was to be occupied by the Germans. The Chamber of Deputies[130] would be permitted to gather in Tours without restrictions.

These conditions, especially the surrender of the fortified places, were absolutely rejected on the French side, and the negotiations were broken off. Eight days later Toul and Strasburg were in the hands of the Germans.

These conditions, especially the handing over of the fortified locations, were completely rejected by the French, and the negotiations fell apart. Eight days later, Toul and Strasbourg were under German control.


Toul reduction.

(September 23rd.)

As soon as the German coast seemed no longer threatened by the danger of a landing of French troops, the 17th Division, which had been left behind there, was ordered to join the army in France. It arrived before Toul on September 12th.

As soon as the German coast no longer seemed at risk of a French troop landing, the 17th Division, which had been left behind, was ordered to join the army in France. It arrived near Toul on September 12th.

This place, in itself exempt from capture by storm but commanded by neighbouring heights, had till now been invested by Etappen troops of the IIIrd Army, and shelled by the guns taken at Marsal and with field-guns, but without any particular effect. The infantry on the other hand had established a footing behind the railway embankment and in the suburbs close up to the foot of the glacis, so that sorties by the garrison were rendered almost impossible. In view of these circumstances half the Division was presently sent to Châlons, where sixteen battalions and fifteen squadrons barely sufficed to deal with the extremely hostile attitude of the people, hold the Etappen-lines and safeguard the communication with Germany. Thus only seven battalions, four squadrons, and four field-batteries remained before Toul.

This place, while safe from being taken by a storm, was overshadowed by nearby heights. It had been surrounded by support troops from the IIIrd Army and bombarded by cannons captured at Marsal and by field guns, but with little effect. On the other hand, the infantry had gained a foothold behind the railway embankment and in the suburbs right next to the base of the glacis, making it nearly impossible for the garrison to launch sorties. Given these conditions, half of the Division was sent to Châlons, where sixteen battalions and fifteen squadrons were barely enough to handle the extremely hostile attitude of the locals, maintain the supply lines, and secure the communication with Germany. As a result, only seven battalions, four squadrons, and four field batteries remained in front of Toul.

On the 18th there arrived from Nancy by railway ten 15 cm. and sixteen 12 cm. siege guns. The intention[131] was to attack the western face, which was enfiladed from Mont St. Michel, and then to breach the south-west bastion; but first an (unsuccessful) attempt was made to reduce the place by the shorter process of subjecting it to a bombardment with field artillery.

On the 18th, ten 15 cm and sixteen 12 cm siege guns arrived by train from Nancy. The plan[131] was to target the western front, which was flanked from Mont St. Michel, and then to break through the south-west bastion. However, an (unsuccessful) attempt was first made to weaken the position with a bombardment using field artillery.

On the night of the 22nd battery-emplacements for the siege artillery were constructed by the infantry; three on Mont St. Michel, seven on the heights on the left bank of the Moselle, and one on the right bank. Next morning sixty-two guns opened fire, and at half-past three in the afternoon the white flag was hoisted on the Cathedral.

On the night of the 22nd, the infantry set up battery positions for the siege artillery: three on Mont St. Michel, seven on the heights on the left bank of the Moselle, and one on the right bank. The next morning, sixty-two guns fired, and at 3:30 in the afternoon, the white flag was raised at the Cathedral.

The handing over of the place followed the same day (23rd), on the conditions as had been granted at Sedan. A hundred and nine officers were released on parole, 2240 rank and file were taken prisoners. Six companies took possession the same evening of the city, which on the whole had suffered little.

The handover of the place happened on the same day (23rd), under the same conditions that had been agreed upon at Sedan. A hundred and nine officers were released on parole, and 2,240 soldiers were taken as prisoners. That evening, six companies took control of the city, which overall had not been heavily damaged.

Twenty-one heavy guns, about 3000 stand of arms, and large stores of provisions and forage were the prizes of success.

Twenty-one heavy cannons, around 3000 weapons, and large supplies of food and fodder were the rewards of victory.


Reduction of Strasbourg.

(September 28th.)

Immediately after the victory of Wörth, the reduction of Strasburg became a primary object. This strong fortified position, bridge-head as it was commanding the Rhine, was a standing menace to Southern Germany.

Immediately after the victory at Wörth, reducing Strasburg became a main goal. This heavily fortified position, serving as a bridgehead over the Rhine, was a constant threat to Southern Germany.

When Marshal MacMahon evacuated Alsace, only three battalions of the line were left with the commandant of Strasburg. But with stragglers from the various regiments engaged at Wörth, with sundry[132] fourth battalions and reserve detachments, and finally with Mobiles and National Guards, the strength of the garrison had increased to 23,000 men. There was a complete absence of engineer troops, but 130 marines formed an excellent nucleus; the armament of the fortress was also ample.

When Marshal MacMahon pulled out of Alsace, only three line battalions remained with the commandant of Strasbourg. However, the garrison strength grew to 23,000 men with stragglers from various regiments engaged at Wörth, along with some fourth battalions, reserve detachments, and finally the Mobiles and National Guards. There were no engineer troops available, but 130 marines provided a solid core; the fortress was also well-armed.

So early as on the 11th August the Baden Division had been detailed to observe Strasburg. Notwithstanding the smallness of its force the Division had advanced unchecked by the enemy on the Ruprechtsau as far as the Rhine-and-Ill Canal; had occupied the village of Schiltigheim, almost within rifle-shot of the fortifications: and, having promptly prepared it for defence, pushed forward into the suburb of Königshofen.

So early as August 11, the Baden Division had been designated to monitor Strasburg. Despite its small size, the Division advanced without being hindered by the enemy to Ruprechtsau as far as the Rhine-and-Ill Canal; occupied the village of Schiltigheim, almost within rifle range of the fortifications; and, having quickly set it up for defense, moved into the suburb of Königshofen.

In the course of eight days there arrived, under the command of General von Werder, the Guard Landwehr and 1st Reserve Divisions, and one cavalry brigade, in all 46 battalions, 24 squadrons, and 18 field-batteries; as well as a siege-train of 200 rifled cannon and 88 mortars, with 6000 foot artillerymen and ten companies of fortress-pioneers; a total strength of 40,000 men.

In just eight days, under General von Werder's command, the Guard Landwehr and 1st Reserve Divisions arrived, along with one cavalry brigade, totaling 46 battalions, 24 squadrons, and 18 field batteries; they also brought a siege train with 200 rifled cannons and 88 mortars, along with 6,000 foot artillerymen and ten companies of fortress pioneers; making a total of 40,000 personnel.

The unloading of the guns brought from Magdeburg, Coblentz, and Wesel was begun on August 18th at the railway station of Vendenheim, by a detachment of the Railway Battalion.

The unloading of the guns brought in from Magdeburg, Coblentz, and Wesel started on August 18th at the Vendenheim railway station, carried out by a team from the Railway Battalion.

The engineer-depôt was established at Hausberge, a wagon-park at Lampertsheim, and provision made for permanent magazines. A complete blockade was established, and the field-telegraph kept up communication between all the posts.

The engineer depot was set up at Hausberge, a train yard at Lampertsheim, and arrangements were made for permanent storage facilities. A complete blockade was put in place, and the field telegraph maintained communication between all the posts.

To attain the desired end with the least possible delay, an attempt was made, contrary to the advice of General of Engineers Schultz, though with the sanction of the supreme Head-quarter, to force the town to surrender by stress of a bombardment. The request that the women and children should be allowed to withdraw was necessarily refused.[133]

To achieve the goal with minimal delay, an effort was made, despite the warnings from General of Engineers Schultz and with the approval of the top command, to pressure the town into surrendering through bombardment. The plea for the women and children to be allowed to leave was inevitably turned down.[133]

The erection of the batteries for the bombardment in the dark, wet nights was attended with great difficulties. Meanwhile only the field-guns could fire on the city; but the batteries whose armament of heavy guns was complete opened fire on the night of the 24th—25th; and soon a great fire was raging. Kehl, on the right bank of the river, was also set on fire by the shell-fire.

The setup of the artillery for the bombardment during the dark, rainy nights was really challenging. In the meantime, only the field guns could shoot at the city; however, the batteries with their heavy guns ready opened fire on the night of the 24th to 25th, and soon a massive fire was blazing. Kehl, on the right bank of the river, was also ignited by the shelling.

The Bishop of Strasburg came out to the outposts at Schiltigheim to entreat forbearance for the citizens. Much as damage to this German city was to be regretted, since the Prelate was not empowered to negotiate the bombardment was continued through the night of the 25th, when it reached its height. But the headquarter staff at Mundolsheim became convinced that this mode of attack would not accomplish the desired object, and that the more deliberate course of a regular siege would have to be resorted to. General von Mertens was placed in charge of the engineer operations, General Decker was given the direction of the artillery.

The Bishop of Strasbourg went out to the outposts at Schiltigheim to ask for patience on behalf of the citizens. While the destruction of this German city was unfortunate, the Prelate didn't have the authority to negotiate, so the bombardment continued through the night of the 25th, reaching its peak. However, the headquarters staff at Mundolsheim became convinced that this type of attack wouldn't achieve the intended goals, and that a more methodical approach involving a regular siege was necessary. General von Mertens was put in charge of the engineering operations, and General Decker was tasked with overseeing the artillery.

During the night of the 29th—30th August the first parallel was opened very close to the glacis, and soon was prolonged from the Rhine and Marne canal, through the churchyard of St. Helena, to the Jewish cemetery at Königshofen.

During the night of August 29th-30th, the first trench was dug right next to the fortifications, and it was quickly extended from the Rhine and Marne canal, through the St. Helena churchyard, to the Jewish cemetery in Königshofen.

The number of batteries on the left bank of the Rhine was soon increased to 21, on the right bank to 4; so that 124 guns of the heaviest calibre were ready in protected positions to begin the contest with the guns of the fortress. The further offensive operations were directed against bastions Nos. 11 and 12 on the north-west salient of the fortress. In the night of September 1st—2nd the second parallel was completed, but not without opposition. A strong sortie of fourteen companies of the garrison made at daybreak (of 2nd) upon the island of Waken, and in front of Kronenburg and Königshofen, was repulsed.[134]

The number of batteries on the left bank of the Rhine was quickly raised to 21, while on the right bank it reached 4; this meant that 124 heavy artillery pieces were set up in fortified positions, ready to engage the fortress's guns. The next offensive operations targeted bastions Nos. 11 and 12 on the north-west corner of the fortress. During the night of September 1st–2nd, the second trench was finished, but not without pushback. A strong counterattack from fourteen companies of the garrison took place at dawn on the 2nd against the island of Waken, as well as in front of Kronenburg and Königshofen, but it was pushed back.[134]

The fortress then opened a heavy fire, pouring such a storm of projectiles on the siege-works that they had to be abandoned, till at about nine o'clock the artillery of the attack had silenced the guns of the fortress. A second sortie followed on the 3rd September, which was not repulsed before it had reached the second parallel.

The fortress then launched a heavy barrage, unleashing such a storm of projectiles on the siege works that they had to be abandoned. It wasn't until around nine o'clock that the attack's artillery had silenced the fortress's guns. A second assault took place on September 3rd, which wasn't stopped until it reached the second parallel.

A short truce was granted at the request of the commandant, to allow of the burial of the dead lying in front of the works. And on this day a grand salvo announced to the besieged the victory of Sedan.

A brief ceasefire was agreed upon at the commandant's request to allow for the burial of the dead lying in front of the fortifications. On that day, a grand salute informed those under siege of the victory at Sedan.

Incessant rain had filled the trenches of the second parallel, 2400 paces in length, ankle-deep with water, and it was not till the 9th that they were completely repaired. Five batteries were moved forward from the first parallel, as special batteries were required to crush the fire of lunette No. 44, which took in flank all the approaches. These soon silenced its guns, and the lunette was abandoned by the garrison.

Incessant rain had filled the trenches of the second parallel, 2400 paces long, with water up to the ankles, and it wasn't until the 9th that they were fully repaired. Five batteries were moved forward from the first parallel since special batteries were needed to take out the fire from lunette No. 44, which was targeting all the approaches from the side. They quickly silenced its guns, and the garrison abandoned the lunette.

There were now 96 rifled cannon pieces and 38 mortars in full fire at very short range. Each gun was authorized to fire twenty rounds a day and ten shrapnel each night. The large Finkmatt Barracks were destroyed by fire, and the Stone Gate was so much injured that it had to be buttressed with sandbags. The garrison withdrew the guns behind the parapet, and only fired their mortars. However, in order to push forward the siege-works, sap-rollers had to be brought into use.

There were now 96 rifled cannons and 38 mortars firing at very close range. Each gun was allowed to fire twenty rounds a day and ten shrapnel shells each night. The large Finkmatt Barracks were destroyed in a fire, and the Stone Gate was so damaged that it had to be supported with sandbags. The garrison moved the guns behind the protective wall and only fired their mortars. However, to advance the siege operations, sap rollers had to be put to use.

When it was discovered that mining galleries were being driven in front of lunette No. 53, Captain Ledebour let himself down by a rope into the ditches, and with the help of his pioneers removed the charges of powder.

When it was found that mining tunnels were being created in front of lunette No. 53, Captain Ledebour lowered himself by a rope into the ditches, and with the help of his team, removed the explosive charges.

During the night of the 13th—14th, the crest of the glacis in front of both the lunettes Nos. 52 and 53 was reached. The crowning was then begun by means of the double traverse sap, and was finished in four days.[135]

During the night of the 13th to 14th, the top of the slope in front of both lunettes Nos. 52 and 53 was reached. The final work then started using the double traverse sap and was completed in four days.[135]

The attack henceforth was exclusively directed against bastion No. 11.

The attack was now solely focused on bastion No. 11.

To run off the water from the ditches of the fortress it was necessary to destroy the sluices by the Jews' Gate. These were invisible from any part of the field of attack, and the desired result could only be very incompletely obtained by artillery fire at a distance of more than a mile. Detachments of the 34th Fusilier Regiment, therefore, on the 15th, marched on the sluices under a heavy rifle fire from the besieged, and destroyed the dam.

To drain the water from the ditches of the fortress, it was essential to take out the sluices by the Jews' Gate. These were hidden from any part of the attack zone, and the intended outcome could only be partially achieved by artillery fire from over a mile away. Therefore, on the 15th, detachments of the 34th Fusilier Regiment marched toward the sluices under intense gunfire from the defenders and destroyed the dam.

The island of Sporen was at this time taken possession of by the Baden corps.

The island of Sporen was at this time occupied by the Baden corps.

When the mortar-batteries had for the most part been moved up into the second parallel, the gun-batteries were also advanced nearer, and the wall-piece detachments did such execution by their accurate practice that the defenders never more dared to show themselves by day.

When the mortar batteries were mostly moved up to the second line, the gun batteries were also brought closer, and the wall-piece teams did such effective work with their precise aim that the defenders no longer dared to appear during the day.

The retaining wall of lunette No. 53 could only be reached by indirect fire; but 1000 shells made a breach, and on the 19th September two mines were fired, which blew up the counterscarp and brought it down to the level of the water of the ditch. The pioneers immediately set about laying a dam of fascines across the ditch. A party sent over in a boat found the work abandoned. The gorge was closed under heavy rifle fire from the ramparts of the main fortress, and the parapet reversed so as to face the place.

The retaining wall of lunette No. 53 could only be accessed by indirect fire, but after firing 1000 shells, a breach was created. On September 19th, two mines were detonated, which destroyed the counterscarp and brought it down to the water level of the ditch. The pioneers quickly started building a dam of fascines across the ditch. A team sent over in a boat discovered the area was abandoned. The gorge was blocked off under intense rifle fire from the main fortress's ramparts, and the parapet was redesigned to face the location.

The next lunette to the left, No. 52, was merely an earthwork, and the attack had already been pushed forward as far as the edge of the ditch, but earth screens had first to be thrown up and covered in with railway iron, as a protection against the heavy fire of shell from bastion No. 12. The construction of a dam of fascines or earth, more than sixty paces across, and with the ditch full of water almost fathom deep, would have taken a long time; so it was decided to[136] make a cask bridge of beer-barrels, of which a quantity had been found in Schiltigheim. This work was begun at dusk on the 21st, under no better protection than a screen of boards to prevent observation, and it was finished by ten o'clock. Here again the defenders had not waited for the escalade, and this lunette, too, was immediately prepared for being held. Both lunettes were now furnished with batteries of mortars and guns to silence the fire from the ravelines and counter-guards of the front of attack, against which five dismounted and counter-batteries were also directed.

The next lunette to the left, No. 52, was just an earthwork, and the attack had already moved forward to the edge of the ditch, but earth screens needed to be built and covered with railway iron for protection against the heavy shell fire from bastion No. 12. Building a dam of fascines or earth, over sixty paces wide, with the ditch filled with water nearly deep enough to measure in fathoms, would have taken a long time; so it was decided to[136] create a cask bridge using beer barrels, which had been found in Schiltigheim. This work started at dusk on the 21st, with no better protection than a screen of boards to block observation, and it was completed by ten o'clock. Once again, the defenders didn’t wait for the assault, and this lunette was quickly prepared to be held. Both lunettes were now equipped with mortar and gun batteries to suppress the fire from the ravelins and counter-guards in front of the attack, against which five dismounted and counter-batteries were also aimed.

During the night of the 22nd—23rd the Germans advanced from lunette No. 52, partly by flying sap and partly by the deep sap, and there followed the crowning of the glacis in the front of counter-guard No. 51. A breaching fire was immediately opened against the east face of bastion No. 11, and the west face of bastion No. 12. The splinters of stone compelled the defenders to abandon the counter-guards. The scarp of bastion No. 11 fell on the 24th, after a shell-fire of 600 rounds. The bringing down of the earthwork angle which remained standing, was postponed till the beginning of the assault.

During the night of the 22nd to the 23rd, the Germans moved forward from lunette No. 52, using both a flying sap and the deep sap. This was followed by the crowning of the glacis in front of counter-guard No. 51. They immediately began breaching fire against the east face of bastion No. 11 and the west face of bastion No. 12. The flying debris forced the defenders to leave the counter-guards. The scarp of bastion No. 11 collapsed on the 24th after enduring 600 rounds of shell fire. The demolition of the standing earthwork angle was postponed until the beginning of the assault.

It was more difficult to breach bastion No. 12, because of the limited opportunity for observing the effect of the fire. It was not till the 26th that a breach thirty-six feet wide was made, after firing 467 long shells. And even then, for the actual assault to succeed, the deep wet ditch at the foot of the bastion had to be crossed.

It was harder to break into bastion No. 12 because there was little chance to see the impact of the fire. It wasn't until the 26th that a breach thirty-six feet wide was created after firing 467 long shells. And even then, for the actual attack to succeed, they had to cross the deep, wet ditch at the bottom of the bastion.

News of the fall of the Empire had indeed reached Strasburg, but General Uhrich would not listen to the prayers of the citizens that he would put an end to their sufferings. The Republic was proclaimed.

News of the Empire's fall had indeed reached Strasburg, but General Uhrich refused to listen to the citizens' pleas to end their suffering. The Republic was declared.

The siege had lasted thirty days, but the place was still well supplied with food and stores; the garrison was not materially weakened by the loss of 2500 men,[137] but its heterogeneous elements prevented its effective employment in large bodies outside the walls. From the first the small blockading force had been allowed to approach close to the works; and the moment when the artillery of a fortress always has the advantage over the attack had been little utilized.

The siege had gone on for thirty days, but the place still had plenty of food and supplies. The garrison wasn't significantly weakened by losing 2,500 men,[137] but its mixed composition made it difficult to use effectively in large groups outside the walls. From the beginning, the small blockading force had been permitted to get close to the defenses; and the moment when a fortress's artillery usually holds the advantage over attackers was hardly taken advantage of.

The German artillery had proved much the stronger, both as regards material and in its advantageous employment. Under its powerful protection the work of the pioneers and infantry was carried on with equal courage and caution, never swerving from the object in view. The storming of the main walls was now to be imminently expected, and no relief from outside could be hoped for.

The German artillery had proven to be much stronger, both in terms of equipment and its effective use. With its powerful support, the work of the pioneers and infantry continued with determination and care, never losing sight of their goal. The assault on the main walls was now imminent, and there was no hope for assistance from outside.

On the afternoon of September 27th, the white flag was seen flying from the Cathedral tower; firing ceased and the sapper-works were stopped.

On the afternoon of September 27th, the white flag was spotted waving from the Cathedral tower; the shooting stopped and the construction work was halted.

In Königshofen at two in the following morning the capitulation was settled, on the Sedan conditions. Five hundred officers and 17,000 men were made prisoners, but the former were free to go on their parole. The National Guards and franctireurs were dismissed to their homes, after laying down their arms and pledging themselves to fight no more. All the cash remaining in the state bank, 1200 guns, 200,000 small arms and considerable stores proved a valuable prize of war.

In Königshofen at 2 AM the next morning, the surrender was finalized, following the Sedan terms. Five hundred officers and 17,000 soldiers became prisoners, but the officers were allowed to leave on their word of honor. The National Guards and franc-tireurs were sent home after they laid down their weapons and promised to stop fighting. All the cash left in the state bank, 1,200 guns, 200,000 small arms, and a large supply of resources ended up being a significant prize of war.

At eight o'clock in the morning of the 28th, companies of Prussian and Baden troops took over the National, Fischer, and Austerlitz gates. The French garrison marched out at the National Gate, General Uhrich at their head. At first the march was conducted in good order, but before long numbers of drunken men broke the ranks and refused to obey, or threw down their arms. The prisoners were taken in the first instance to Rastatt, under the escort of two battalions and two squadrons.

At 8:00 AM on the 28th, units of Prussian and Baden troops took control of the National, Fischer, and Austerlitz gates. The French garrison left through the National Gate, led by General Uhrich. Initially, the march was orderly, but soon many drunk soldiers broke ranks and refused to follow orders, or they discarded their weapons. The prisoners were first taken to Rastatt, escorted by two battalions and two squadrons.

The old city of the German Reich, which had been seized by France in time of peace nearly two centuries[138] earlier, was now restored by German valour to the German fatherland.

The old city of the German Empire, which had been taken by France in peacetime nearly two centuries[138] earlier, was now reclaimed by German bravery for the German homeland.

The siege had cost the Germans 39 officers and 894 men. The city unhappily could not have been spared great suffering. Four hundred and fifty houses were utterly destroyed, 10,000 inhabitants were roofless, nearly 2000 were killed or wounded. The museum and picture gallery, the town hall and theatre, the new church, the gymnasium, the Commandant's residence, and alas! the public library of 200,000 volumes had fallen a prey to the flames.

The siege had cost the Germans 39 officers and 894 soldiers. Unfortunately, the city suffered greatly. Four hundred and fifty houses were completely destroyed, 10,000 residents were left without roofs over their heads, and nearly 2,000 were killed or injured. The museum and art gallery, the town hall and theater, the new church, the gym, the Commandant's residence, and sadly, the public library of 200,000 volumes had all been consumed by the flames.

The noble Cathedral showed many marks of shot, and the citadel was a heap of ruins. Under the wreck of the assailed works in the western front lay buried burst cannon.

The grand Cathedral had numerous bullet marks, and the fortress was in ruins. Beneath the debris of the attacked structures on the western front were buried broken cannons.

The fall of Toul and of Strasburg produced a not unimportant change in the military situation. Considerable forces were now free for other services, and the railway transport could be brought up nearer to the armies. The material no longer required at Strasburg could not indeed be at once employed for the artillery offensive against Paris; it needed considerable re-equipment, and was to do duty meanwhile in the reduction of several smaller places. The newly-opened railway line was made use of to bring up the Guard Landwehr Division to the army investing Paris. A new Army Corps, the XIVth, was created of the Baden Division, a combined brigade consisting of the 30th and 34th Prussian regiments, and one cavalry brigade; which, under the command of General von Werder, marched on the Upper Seine. The 1st Reserve Division remained behind as the garrison of Strasburg.

The fall of Toul and Strasburg led to a significant shift in the military situation. Large forces were now available for other missions, and the railway transport could be moved closer to the armies. The equipment that was no longer needed at Strasburg couldn’t be immediately used for the artillery offensive against Paris; it required significant re-equipping and would meanwhile be used for the capture of several smaller locations. The newly opened railway line was utilized to transport the Guard Landwehr Division to the army surrounding Paris. A new Army Corps, the XIVth, was formed from the Baden Division, which was a combined brigade made up of the 30th and 34th Prussian regiments and one cavalry brigade; this corps, under General von Werder’s command, marched toward the Upper Seine. The 1st Reserve Division stayed behind as the garrison for Strasburg.


Operations around Paris until October 15th.

The Government in the now closely-blockaded capital, could not make its behests heard and obeyed throughout France. It therefore decided on sending a delegation of two of its members out into the provinces, their seat of direction to be at Tours. They could quit Paris only in a balloon. One of these delegates was Gambetta, whose restless energy soon made itself conspicuously felt, and lasted during the continuance of the war. Monsieur Thiers, meanwhile, had been visiting the European courts on the errand of inducing them to interpose their good offices in favour of France.

The government, now under a tight blockade in the capital, couldn't get its orders heard and followed across France. So, it decided to send a delegation of two members out to the provinces, with their main base in Tours. They could only leave Paris in a balloon. One of these delegates was Gambetta, whose restless energy quickly became noticeable and persisted throughout the war. Meanwhile, Monsieur Thiers had been visiting European courts to urge them to offer their support for France.

After the mishap of September 19th the feeling in Paris was against any great offensive demonstrations for the present; but the troops of the line still remained outside the walls under protection of the outlying forts. The Divisions of the XIIIth Corps were encamped on the south front and on the plateau of Vincennes; the XIVth was at Boulogne, Neuilly and Clichy behind the loops of the Seine, with Mont Valérien in its front, which was held by two line-battalions, after the flight, on the 20th, of the Gardes-Mobiles from that impregnable stronghold, in great disorder back into Paris. The defence of the northern front of the city remained entrusted to the Gardes-Mobiles.

After the incident on September 19th, the mood in Paris was against any large-scale military actions for the time being; however, the regular troops still stayed outside the walls, protected by the surrounding forts. The XIII Corps divisions were camped on the southern front and the Vincennes plateau; the XIV Corps was positioned in Boulogne, Neuilly, and Clichy behind the bends of the Seine, with Mont Valérien in front, which was held by two regular battalions following the retreat of the Gardes-Mobiles from that supposedly secure fortress back into Paris in a chaotic manner on the 20th. The defense of the northern front of the city continued to be managed by the Gardes-Mobiles.

On the German side the positions of the Army of the Meuse, which were to be occupied and defended to the uttermost, extended from Chatou along the Seine to the heights of Montmorency, and onward along the Morée and the skirts of the forest of Bondy as far as the Marne. In close touch with the flank of the Army of the Meuse at the Marne, the lines of the Würtemberg Division carried on the investment from Noisy le Grand across the Joinville peninsula to Ormesson. The XIth Corps arriving from Sedan on the 23rd filled up the interval from Ormesson to Villeneuve[140] St. Georges, and the 1st Bavarian Corps occupied Longjumeau as a protection against attempts from the direction of Orleans. The VIth Corps could now be entirely transferred to the left bank of the Seine, where the line of defence extended along the wooded heights south of Paris to Bougival.

On the German side, the positions of the Army of the Meuse, which needed to be occupied and defended at all costs, stretched from Chatou along the Seine to the heights of Montmorency, and continued along the Morée and the edges of the forest of Bondy all the way to the Marne. In close contact with the flank of the Army of the Meuse at the Marne, the lines of the Würtemberg Division carried out the siege from Noisy le Grand across the Joinville peninsula to Ormesson. The XIth Corps, arriving from Sedan on the 23rd, filled the gap from Ormesson to Villeneuve[140] St. Georges, and the 1st Bavarian Corps occupied Longjumeau to protect against attacks from the direction of Orleans. The VIth Corps could now be completely moved to the left bank of the Seine, where the defense line extended along the wooded heights south of Paris to Bougival.

The Head-quarter of the King and that of the IIIrd Army were at Versailles, that of the Army of the Meuse was transferred to Vert-Galant. Numerous bridges facilitated the inter-communication of the various portions of the forces, telegraphs and signal-lights insured their rapid concentration, and every movement of the French was watched from eligible posts of observation.

The headquarters of the King and the III Army were at Versailles, while the headquarters of the Army of the Meuse was moved to Vert-Galant. Numerous bridges made it easy for different parts of the forces to communicate, and telegraphs and signal lights ensured quick concentration. Every movement of the French was monitored from strategic observation points.

There was no lack of accommodation for the troops, for every village was deserted; but this made the difficulty of obtaining supplies all the greater. The fugitive inhabitants had driven off their cattle and destroyed their stores; there remained only the apparently inexhaustible wine-cellars. For the first few days all the food needed had to be drawn from the Commissariat trains, but ere long the cavalry succeeded in obtaining considerable supplies. High prices and good discipline secured a market. Only the troops in advanced positions had to bivouac or build huts, many within range of the hostile artillery, some even within rifle-shot of the enemy. Near St. Cloud, for instance, no one could show himself without becoming a mark for the chassepôts from behind the shutters of the houses opposite. The outposts here could only be relieved at night, and sometimes had to remain on duty two or three days at a time. The advanced positions of the Bavarians at Moulin la Tour were also much exposed, and the visits of superior officers to them always drew a sharp cannonade. Le Bourget, standing as it did in advance of the line of inundation, was especially liable to a surprise. That village had been seized on 20th (Sept.) by a battalion of the Guard Corps, at whose approach[141] 400 Gardes-Mobiles had fled, leaving their baggage. Only one company occupied this post, on account of the heavy fire of the adjacent forts.

There was no shortage of places for the troops to stay since every village was empty, but this made it even harder to get supplies. The fleeing residents had taken their cattle and destroyed their supplies; only the seemingly endless wine-cellars remained. For the first few days, all the necessary food came from the supply trains, but soon the cavalry managed to gather a significant amount of supplies. High prices and good discipline created a market. Only the troops in forward positions had to camp out or build huts, many of which were within range of enemy artillery, some even within rifle shot of the enemy. Near St. Cloud, for example, anyone who showed themselves became a target for the chassepôts from behind the doors of the houses across the street. The outposts here could only be replaced at night and sometimes had to stay on duty for two or three days straight. The Bavarian outposts at Moulin la Tour were also very exposed, and visits from higher-ranking officers always attracted heavy cannon fire. Le Bourget, being ahead of the flood line, was particularly vulnerable to surprise attacks. That village had been taken on the 20th (Sept.) by a battalion of the Guard Corps, who found that 400 Gardes-Mobiles had fled at their approach, leaving their luggage behind. Only one company occupied this post due to the intense fire from the nearby forts.

Some petty sorties from St. Denis met with no success; but an attempt by detachments of the VIth Corps to occupy the village of Villejuif and the redoubt of Hautes Bruyères proved unsuccessful. They forced their way in several times, but always had to retire under the fire of the neighbouring forts of Bicêtre and Ivry, and because of the superior strength of Maud'huy's Division. The French afterwards armed the redoubts with heavy guns.

Some small raids from St. Denis didn’t achieve anything; however, an attempt by units of the VIth Corps to take control of the village of Villejuif and the redoubt of Hautes Bruyères was unsuccessful. They managed to enter several times but always had to pull back under the fire from the nearby forts of Bicêtre and Ivry, as well as the greater strength of Maud'huy's Division. The French later equipped the redoubts with heavy artillery.

September 30th.—Early on this day a cannonade of an hour and a half's duration from the southern forts and batteries announced a sortie in that direction. By six o'clock two brigades of the XIIIth French Corps deployed against Thiais and Choisy le Roi. Strong swarms of tirailleurs drove in the outposts of the VIth Corps, and forced the field-guns in position between those two villages to retire; but then the fire of the infantry garrisons checked any further attack on the part of the French. Further to the west a third brigade got into Chevilly and seized a factory on the road to Belle Epine; but its determined attack failed to obtain possession of the whole village. The 11th Division was alarmed in its rearward quarters, and hurried forward to the support of the 12th. The factory was recovered from the French, and the Prussian batteries now opened fire, and worked such havoc among the enemy as he retired on Saussaye, that, shunning the attack of the infantry, he fled in great disorder to Hautes Bruyères and Villejuif. A brigade which had forced its way into L'Hay was in the same way driven back, leaving 120 prisoners for the most part unwounded. In the farmstead at the north entrance of Chevilly, however, the French still held their ground with great obstinacy. Not till they were completely surrounded, and had made an ineffectual[142] attempt to force a passage, did surrender those brave defenders, who numbered about 100.

September 30th.—Early this day, a cannon barrage lasting an hour and a half from the southern forts and batteries signaled an attack in that direction. By six o’clock, two brigades of the XIIIth French Corps moved against Thiais and Choisy le Roi. Large groups of skirmishers pushed back the outposts of the VIth Corps and forced the field guns positioned between the two villages to retreat; however, the fire from the infantry garrisons stopped any further French assaults. Further west, a third brigade entered Chevilly and took control of a factory on the road to Belle Epine, but their determined attack did not secure the entire village. The 11th Division, alarmed in its rear positions, rushed to support the 12th. The factory was regained from the French, and the Prussian batteries opened fire, causing significant damage to the enemy as they retreated toward Saussaye, leading them to flee in chaos to Hautes Bruyères and Villejuif. A brigade that had managed to get into L'Hay was similarly driven back, leaving around 120 mostly unharmed prisoners. However, the French still held their position stubbornly at the farmstead at the north entrance of Chevilly. It wasn't until they were completely surrounded and made an unsuccessful attempt to break through that the brave defenders, numbering about 100, surrendered.

The whole series of attacks was entirely defeated by about nine o'clock, and General Vinoy vainly endeavoured to incite the diminished battalions at Hautes Bruyères to renew the struggle.

The entire series of attacks was completely repelled by around nine o'clock, and General Vinoy unsuccessfully tried to motivate the reduced battalions at Hautes Bruyères to resume the fight.

These few morning hours had cost the VIth Corps 28 officers and 413 men; and the French many more.

These few morning hours had cost the VIth Corps 28 officers and 413 men, and the French many more.

Two simultaneous feint-attacks on Sèvres and on Mesly on the right bank of the Seine, came to nothing. The German outposts, at first driven in, re-occupied their ground by about nine o'clock.

Two simultaneous feint attacks on Sèvres and Mesly on the right bank of the Seine amounted to nothing. The German outposts, initially pushed back, regained their position by around nine o'clock.

After thus failing to gain space towards the southward by this sortie, the besieged proceeded to assure themselves of the ground already in their possession by the construction of entrenchments. They fortified Villejuif and extended their lines from Hautes Bruyères past Arcueil to the Mill of Pichon, so that there the Bavarian outposts had to be drawn in nearer to Bourg-la-Reine.

After failing to gain ground to the south with this attack, the besieged focused on securing the territory they already controlled by building fortifications. They strengthened Villejuif and stretched their lines from Hautes Bruyères past Arcueil to the Mill of Pichon, forcing the Bavarian outposts to move closer to Bourg-la-Reine.

Otherwise, throughout the first half of the month of October the garrison of Paris restricted itself for the most part to daily cannonades. Guns of the heaviest calibre were directed on the most petty objects. It was sheer waste of ammunition, just as though the aim was to get rid of the stores on hand. If one of the gigantic long shells happened to fall on an outpost, the destruction was of course terrible; but on the whole they did little execution.

Otherwise, during the first half of October, the garrison in Paris primarily focused on daily cannon fire. The heaviest artillery was aimed at trivial targets. It was a complete waste of ammunition, almost as if the goal was to deplete their supplies. If one of the massive long shells hit an outpost, the damage was undoubtedly severe; however, overall, they caused minimal destruction.

Apart from the noise of the cannonade to which one soon became accustomed, in Versailles, whence none of the residents had fled, it might have been thought a time of profound peace. The admirable discipline of the German troops allowed the townsfolk to pursue their business undisturbed; the hosts were well paid for the billeting imposed on them, and the country people could cultivate their fields and gardens in peace. At St. Cloud every room was kept in the same order[143] as when the Imperial family had left it, till the shells from Mont Valérien reduced that delightful palace with all its treasures of art to a heap of charred ruins. It was the French fire, too, which wrecked the Château of Meudon, the porcelain factory of Sèvres, and whole villages in the nearer environs. And it was also the French themselves who, without any necessity, felled half the Bois de Boulogne.

Aside from the noise from the cannon fire that people quickly got used to, in Versailles, where none of the residents had evacuated, it could have seemed like a time of deep peace. The impressive discipline of the German troops allowed the locals to go about their business without interruptions; the hosts were well compensated for the accommodations they provided, and the farmers could tend to their fields and gardens peacefully. At St. Cloud, every room was kept just as it was when the Imperial family had left, until the shells from Mont Valérien turned that beautiful palace, along with all its art treasures, into a pile of burnt ruins. It was also the French fire that destroyed the Château of Meudon, the Sèvres porcelain factory, and entire villages in the nearby areas. Additionally, it was the French themselves who, without any reason, cut down half of the Bois de Boulogne.

The investment line was considerably strengthened on the 10th and 16th of October, when the 17th Division arriving from Toul relieved the 21st at Bonneuil, and the latter took up a position between the Bavarians and the Vth Corps, in the Meudon—Sèvres tract; and when the Guard Landwehr Division came up and occupied St. Germain.

The investment line was significantly reinforced on October 10th and 16th, when the 17th Division arrived from Toul to relieve the 21st at Bonneuil. The 21st then positioned itself between the Bavarians and the Vth Corps in the Meudon-Sèvres area, while the Guard Landwehr Division arrived and took over St. Germain.

These movements were observed from Paris, and to clear up the situation, General Vinoy advanced at nine o'clock on 13th October with about 26,000 men and 80 guns, against the position held by the IInd Bavarian Corps.

These movements were observed from Paris, and to clarify the situation, General Vinoy advanced at 9 a.m. on October 13th with about 26,000 troops and 80 cannons, toward the position held by the 2nd Bavarian Corps.

Four battalions of Gardes-Mobiles, protected by the fire of the nearest forts and of field batteries, advanced to the attack of Bagneux, and forced their way over the entrenchments wrecked by artillery fire, into the heart of the place, whence the defenders retired to Fontenay, when at eleven o'clock the French 10th Regiment of the line had also come up. Reinforced by a fresh battalion, and supported by an effective flanking fire from Châtillon, the Bavarians now made so firm a stand that the enemy could make no further progress, but began to put Bagneux in a state of defence. Meanwhile the 4th Bavarian Division had stood to arms, and by about 1.30 General von Bothmer (its commander) moved it up from Sceaux and from Fontenay, and proceeded to surround Bagneux. The barricades erected by the enemy were carried, who however still offered an obstinate resistance in the northern part of the village.[144]

Four battalions of Gardes-Mobiles, supported by the fire from the nearest forts and field batteries, launched an attack on Bagneux, breaking through the fortifications damaged by artillery and pushing into the heart of the area. The defenders retreated to Fontenay as the French 10th Regiment of the line arrived at eleven o'clock. Now reinforced with an additional battalion and bolstered by effective flanking fire from Châtillon, the Bavarians made a solid stand, preventing any further advance from the enemy, who began to fortify Bagneux. Meanwhile, the 4th Bavarian Division stood ready, and around 1:30 PM, General von Bothmer (its commander) moved it up from Sceaux and Fontenay to encircle Bagneux. They took the barricades set up by the enemy, who nevertheless continued to fight back fiercely in the northern part of the village.[144]

A French battalion had also made its way into Châtillon, but the Bavarian battalion in occupation there held its own until assistance came, and the enemy was driven out of the place after a sharp conflict.

A French battalion had also entered Châtillon, but the Bavarian battalion stationed there held strong until reinforcements arrived, and the enemy was forced out of the area after a fierce battle.

A third brigade seized Clamart, which at that time was not yet included in the German intrenched lines; but it failed to climb the ascent to Moulin de la Tour, although the defenders on the plateau above were exposed to the fire of the forts.

A third brigade took over Clamart, which at that time wasn’t part of the German fortifications; however, it couldn’t make it up the hill to Moulin de la Tour, even though the defenders on the plateau above were vulnerable to the fire from the forts.

General Vinoy had convinced himself that forces which were a match for him confronted him at every point, and at three o'clock he decided to break off the fight. The French bodies of troops gradually disappeared behind the forts, and had all vanished by dusk. The Bavarians returned to their former fore-post positions, and the garrison of Bagneux was increased to two battalions.

General Vinoy had convinced himself that he was facing equal forces at every turn, and at three o'clock he decided to end the battle. The French troops gradually disappeared behind the forts and were all gone by dusk. The Bavarians returned to their previous forward positions, and the garrison of Bagneux was strengthened to two battalions.

All France had meanwhile been arming with eager haste. Armies of considerable strength were being massed at Rouen and Evreux, at Besançon, and especially behind the Loire, of very various composition no doubt, and above all lacking in professional officers to drill and discipline them. Great battles were therefore in the first instance to be avoided; the enemy was to be constantly harassed by small engagements. Thus, towards the end of September, General Delarue advanced from Evreux with his "Eclaireurs de la Seine" up to the vicinity of St. Germain. But the 5th Cavalry Division, supported by two Bavarian battalions, drove these bands back to Dreux behind the Eure. The woods in front of the 6th Cavalry Division were also full of hostile parties, who were, however, swept out without much difficulty beyond Rambouillet to Epernon.

All of France had been quickly gearing up for war. Strong armies were being gathered at Rouen and Evreux, at Besançon, and especially behind the Loire, made up of various groups, but notably lacking in trained officers to drill and discipline them. Therefore, major battles were to be avoided at first; the goal was to keep the enemy on edge with smaller skirmishes. By the end of September, General Delarue moved from Evreux with his "Eclaireurs de la Seine" near St. Germain. However, the 5th Cavalry Division, backed by two Bavarian battalions, pushed these troops back to Dreux behind the Eure. The woods in front of the 6th Cavalry Division were also filled with enemy forces, but they were easily cleared beyond Rambouillet to Epernon.

Matters looked more serious to the south of Paris, in front of the 4th Cavalry Division, which was in observation towards the Loire.[145]

Matters looked more serious south of Paris, in front of the 4th Cavalry Division, which was observing towards the Loire.[145]

The newly-formed French XVth Corps had assembled at Orleans in three Divisions with a strength of 60,000 men, and it occupied the whole forest-belt on the right bank of the river. To counteract the danger threatening the investment from that direction, the 1st Bavarian Corps and the 22nd Division of the XIth had been put in march on Arpajon and Montcléry as soon as they were freed from duty at Sedan; and on the 6th of October they were placed, with the 2nd Cavalry Division, under the command of General von der Tann.

The newly-formed French 15th Corps had gathered in Orleans in three divisions with a total of 60,000 soldiers, and it covered the entire forest area on the right bank of the river. To address the threat posed by the investment from that direction, the 1st Bavarian Corps and the 22nd Division of the 11th Corps were ordered to move toward Arpajon and Montcléry as soon as they completed their duties at Sedan; and on October 6th, they were put under the command of General von der Tann, along with the 2nd Cavalry Division.


Action in Artenay.

(October 10th.)

When General von der Tann received instructions to take the offensive against Orleans, he marched on the 9th of October to the vicinity of St. Péravy without meeting any serious opposition, and on the 10th advanced on Artenay. The 4th Cavalry Division covered the right flank; the 2nd remained near Pithiviers, where the enemy had collected in great force.

When General von der Tann got the orders to go on the offensive against Orleans, he marched on October 9th to the area around St. Péravy without facing any major resistance, and on the 10th, he moved toward Artenay. The 4th Cavalry Division protected the right flank, while the 2nd stayed close to Pithiviers, where the enemy had gathered in significant numbers.

General La Motterouge on the same day also moved out on Artenay with the XVth French Corps, having the wood in his rear occupied by Gardes-Mobiles; and so the advanced guards of both sides met at a short distance to the north of the common objective.

General La Motterouge, on the same day, advanced on Artenay with the XVth French Corps, while the Gardes-Mobiles secured the woods behind him. As a result, the forward units of both sides encountered each other at a short distance north of their shared objective.

While the Bavarian light horse on the right were driving the French cavalry before them, the infantry deployed across the road near to Dambron. The 22nd Division marched forward on Dambron with both Cavalry Divisions on its flanks. Under the fire of the Bavarian batteries, the French had gone[146] about to Artenay, where the Germans were ready to receive them. Attacked in front and threatened by bodies of horse, at about two o'clock, leaving their tents standing, they began a retreat which soon degenerated into flight. The cavalry seized four field-guns and took above 250 prisoners. Six hundred more, who had reached Croix Briquet, surrendered there to the Bavarian infantry on the arrival of the latter.

While the Bavarian light cavalry on the right were pushing the French cavalry back, the infantry spread out across the road near Dambron. The 22nd Division advanced on Dambron with both Cavalry Divisions on its sides. Under the fire from the Bavarian artillery, the French had moved toward Artenay, where the Germans were ready to confront them. Attacked from the front and threatened by cavalry units, around two o'clock, leaving their tents behind, they began a retreat that quickly turned into a rout. The cavalry captured four field guns and took over 250 prisoners. Another 600, who made it to Croix Briquet, surrendered there to the Bavarian infantry upon their arrival.

The German troops had made a long march; General von der Tann therefore allowed them rest for the day in and around Artenay, and only the advanced guard went on to Chevilly, to pursue the march to Orleans next day.

The German troops had marched a long way; General von der Tann allowed them to rest for the day in and around Artenay, and only the vanguard moved on to Chevilly to continue the march to Orleans the next day.


Engagement in Orleans.

(October 11th.)

On this day, the 22nd Division, for the time only 6000 strong, moved to the right flank of the advance, and drove the French out of several villages partly prepared for defence; it was not till about ten o'clock that it met with serious opposition from an intrenched position at Ormes.

On this day, the 22nd Division, now only 6,000 strong, moved to the right flank of the advance and pushed the French out of several villages that were somewhat prepared for defense; it wasn't until around ten o'clock that it encountered serious opposition from a well-fortified position at Ormes.

The French Commander after the disaster at Artenay had decided on a retreat behind the Loire, to cover which he had halted about 15,000 men on the right bank of the river, in a position which possessed many essentials towards a good defence.

The French Commander, following the disaster at Artenay, decided to pull back behind the Loire. To support this move, he stationed about 15,000 troops on the right bank of the river, in a position that had many important features for a strong defense.

General von Wittich (commanding 22nd Division) first sent the 44th Brigade against this position at Ormes, and opened fire from seven batteries. The troops of his left wing, supported by the Bavarian right, made their way but slowly over the plain east of the enemy's position, and various enclosures and buildings[147] had to be stormed and taken as they advanced. This threatening attitude of the German right, however, shook the firmness of the defence, and, after some hours' hard fighting, the French began to retreat. No sooner was this observed by the Germans than two batteries were brought up to within 800 paces, and the 83rd Regiment stormed the entrenchments at two in the afternoon, but with heavy loss. Detachments of the 43rd Brigade had meanwhile reached the road in rear of Ormes, and took 800 prisoners. But the villages, gardens and vineyards which line the road to Orleans for more than four miles on either side, were serious obstacles to the advance of the Germans in close formation, and the Division did not arrive at Petit St. Jean till three o'clock, of which the nearest buildings were forcibly taken possession of.

General von Wittich (commanding the 22nd Division) first sent the 44th Brigade against the position at Ormes and opened fire from seven batteries. The troops on his left flank, supported by the Bavarian right, moved slowly across the plain east of the enemy's position, facing several enclosures and buildings[147] that had to be taken by assault as they advanced. This aggressive stance by the German right shook the defense's resolve, and after several hours of intense fighting, the French began to retreat. As soon as the Germans noticed this, they moved two batteries up to within 800 paces, and the 83rd Regiment charged the defenses at two in the afternoon, suffering heavy losses. Meanwhile, detachments from the 43rd Brigade reached the road behind Ormes and captured 800 prisoners. However, the villages, gardens, and vineyards that line the road to Orleans for over four miles on each side posed significant obstacles for the Germans advancing in close formation, and the Division didn't reach Petit St. Jean until three o'clock, after which they forcibly took possession of the nearest buildings.

The Bavarian Corps, which had also met with a stout resistance at Saran, pushed forward to Bel Air, but with great loss, especially in the artillery. Here the nature of the ground did not allow of the deployment of the guns, a further attack came to a standstill, and at half-past four the French were still stoutly holding their own at Les Aides, till the advance of the 4th Bavarian Brigade to Murlins threatened their line of retreat. They made a renewed stand behind the railway embankment, 1000 paces in front of the town, and the railway-station and gas-works had also to be taken by assault.

The Bavarian Corps, which also faced strong resistance at Saran, moved forward to Bel Air, but suffered significant losses, particularly in artillery. The terrain did not allow for the effective use of their guns, causing another attack to stall. By 4:30, the French were still holding their ground at Les Aides until the advance of the 4th Bavarian Brigade toward Murlins threatened their escape route. They made another stand behind the railway embankment, 1,000 paces in front of the town, and the railway station and gasworks also had to be taken by force.

It was already five o'clock when General von der Tann led his reserve, the 1st Bavarian Brigade, to the decisive assault of Grand Ormes. The 32nd Prussian Regiment crossed the embankment on the left flank of the French, who now retired into the suburb of St. Jean. The 1st Bavarian Regiment, hurrying in their rear, was received with a hot fire at the gate of the city; but with its officers marching at its head it reached the market-place about seven o'clock.

It was already five o'clock when General von der Tann led his reserve, the 1st Bavarian Brigade, for the crucial attack on Grand Ormes. The 32nd Prussian Regiment crossed the embankment on the left side of the French, who had now retreated into the suburb of St. Jean. The 1st Bavarian Regiment, rushing in behind them, was met with fierce gunfire at the city gate; however, with its officers at the front, it made it to the marketplace by around seven o'clock.

The French hurried across the bridge over the Loire,[148] while the 43rd Prussian and 1st Bavarian Brigades seized the principal buildings and the passages across the river; but as darkness fell they desisted from further advance and bivouacked on the open places of the city.

The French rushed across the bridge over the Loire,[148] while the 43rd Prussian and 1st Bavarian Brigades took control of the main buildings and the routes across the river; but as night came, they stopped their advance and set up camp in the open areas of the city.

The day had cost the Germans a loss of 900 men, the 3rd Bavarian Brigade having suffered most severely. But their hard-won victory promptly dispelled the disquietude of the investing armies caused by the threatening attitude of the French; and 5000 rifles, ten locomotives and sixty railway-carriages were welcome prizes.

The day had cost the Germans a loss of 900 men, with the 3rd Bavarian Brigade suffering the most. But their hard-won victory quickly eased the concerns of the surrounding armies due to the intimidating stance of the French; and 5000 rifles, ten locomotives, and sixty railway carriages were welcomed as valuable prizes.

The French rear-guard had lost in detached combats and retreats alone 1800 prisoners; but it had covered the retreat of the main body of the Army of the South for a whole day against superior forces, with praiseworthy determination. In the open field, where skilful handling of masses is possible, it would soon have been defeated; but in street-fighting unflinching personal courage is all that is needed in the defender, and the latest recruits of the newly created French levies did not lack that attribute.

The French rear guard had lost 1,800 prisoners in separate battles and retreats alone; however, it successfully covered the withdrawal of the main body of the Army of the South for an entire day against larger forces, showing commendable determination. In open combat, where effective deployment of troops is possible, they would have quickly been defeated; but in urban fighting, unwavering personal bravery is all that's required from the defenders, and the newest recruits of the recently formed French forces certainly had that quality.

On the following day the 1st Bavarian Division took possession of the suburb of St. Marceau, on the further side of the Loire, and advanced to the Loiret. The 2nd Cavalry Division scouted through the Sologne, the 4th on the right bank ranged to the westward.

On the next day, the 1st Bavarian Division took control of the St. Marceau suburb, located on the other side of the Loire, and moved forward to the Loiret. The 2nd Cavalry Division explored the Sologne, while the 4th on the right bank advanced to the west.

The French XVth Corps had continued its retreat to Salbris and Pierrefitte, behind the Sauldre.

The French 15th Corps had continued its retreat to Salbris and Pierrefitte, behind the Sauldre.

It was certainly to be wished that its pursuit could have been followed up to Vierzon and Tours, so that the vast arsenals at the first-named town might have been destroyed, and the Government Delegation driven away from the other. But it must not be forgotten that though the French forces had been discomfited at Artenay, favoured by the nature of the locality they had escaped utter defeat by retreat. General von der Tann was disproportionately weak in the infantry arm,[149] and hostile masses were disclosing themselves on all sides. A new French Army Corps, the XVIth, appeared at Blois, below Orleans, and at Gien, above that city; the German cavalry met with resistance in the forest of Marchénoir and before Châteaudun; and everywhere the inhabitants and volunteers appeared so full of confidence that the proximity of reinforcements was to be presumed.

It would have been ideal if the pursuit could have continued to Vierzon and Tours, allowing the enormous arsenals in the first city to be destroyed and forcing the Government Delegation out of the other. However, it should be noted that, despite the French forces facing setbacks at Artenay, they managed to avoid total defeat thanks to the terrain, retreating instead. General von der Tann was significantly outnumbered in infantry,[149] and enemy forces were emerging all around. A new French Army Corps, the XVIth, showed up in Blois, south of Orleans, and Gien, north of that city; the German cavalry faced resistance in the Marchénoir forest and at Châteaudun; and everywhere, locals and volunteers were so confident that it was reasonable to assume reinforcements were nearby.

So it behoved the Germans to restrict themselves to the occupation of Orleans and the line of the Loire; and for this purpose the Bavarian Corps, with the 2nd Cavalry Division, seemed a sufficient force. The 22nd Infantry and 4th Cavalry Divisions were recalled to the IIIrd Army; on their return march they were charged to disperse the volunteers who had made their appearance at Châteaudun and Chartres.

So the Germans needed to limit their operations to Orleans and the Loire River; for this, the Bavarian Corps, along with the 2nd Cavalry Division, appeared to be a strong enough force. The 22nd Infantry and 4th Cavalry Divisions were sent back to the III Army; on their way back, they were tasked with dispersing the volunteers who had shown up at Châteaudun and Chartres.

General von der Tann had the bridges over the Loiret and the Loire prepared for destruction, an Etappen-line was established to Longjumeau, and the Bavarian Railway Detachment set to work to restore the line to Villeneuve.

General von der Tann had the bridges over the Loiret and the Loire readied for demolition, an Etappen line was set up to Longjumeau, and the Bavarian Railway Detachment started working on restoring the line to Villeneuve.


Soissons siege.

(October 15th.)

Soissons still hindered the further utilization of the railway, which had been re-opened at the time of the fall of Toul as far as Rheims. This fortress had been bombarded by field artillery without success when the Army of the Meuse passed by it on the march to Paris, and since then it had only been kept under observation until on October 6th eight Landwehr battalions, four squadrons, two batteries, two companies of pioneers, and four of fortress artillery made good the investment.[150]

Soissons still blocked further use of the railway, which had been reopened at the time of the fall of Toul up to Rheims. This fortress had been unsuccessfully bombarded by field artillery when the Army of the Meuse marched past it on their way to Paris. Since then, it had only been monitored until, on October 6th, eight Landwehr battalions, four squadrons, two batteries, two companies of pioneers, and four of fortress artillery successfully completed the investment.[150]

Soissons, with its walls about 26 feet high, had complete immunity from escalade, and the damming of the Crise brook made it unassailable on the south. The south-west front, on the other hand, had only a dry ditch, with no counterscarp of masonry; here, too, the town was commanded by Mont Marion, rising to a height of 300 feet at a distance of little more than a mile. Against this face of the fortress, therefore, the artillery attack was directed at short range, when on the 11th October there arrived from Toul 26 Prussian siege-guns with 170 rounds for each, and 10 French mortars. The Grand Duke of Mecklenburg took over the command.

Soissons, with its walls about 26 feet high, was completely safe from scaling, and the damming of the Crise brook made it impossible to attack from the south. However, the southwest front only had a dry ditch, lacking a masonry counterscarp; here, the town was also vulnerable to Mont Marion, which rose to a height of 300 feet just over a mile away. As a result, artillery fire was directed at this side of the fortress at close range. On October 11th, 26 Prussian siege guns arrived from Toul, each with 170 rounds, along with 10 French mortars. The Grand Duke of Mecklenburg took command.

In a clear moonlight night the artillery with the help of the infantry was brought up on to the heights of Ste. Geneviève; the construction of the batteries about Belleu and in Mont Marion was completed and the arming of them effected. At six in the morning of 12th October they opened fire simultaneously.

In the bright moonlight, the artillery, assisted by the infantry, was moved up to the heights of Ste. Geneviève. The construction of the batteries near Belleu and Mont Marion was finished, and they were armed. At six in the morning on October 12th, they opened fire at the same time.

The besieged answered with great spirit but with small results, and the accurate fire of the Prussian artillery soon subdued that of the enemy in the particular front.

The defenders responded valiantly but with little impact, and the precise fire from the Prussian artillery quickly overpowered the enemy's in that specific area.

A narrow breach was visible by next day, and the fire from the fortress was evidently much enfeebled; but the commandant decidedly rejected the demand that he should capitulate. On the 14th he increased the number of guns on his south front, so that the batteries on Ste. Geneviève had an arduous struggle. The French also laboured hard along the front of the attack to restore the severely damaged works, brought more guns up to the ramparts, and closed the breach by retrenchment.

A narrow gap was visible the next day, and the fire from the fortress was clearly much weaker; however, the commandant firmly refused the demand to surrender. On the 14th, he increased the number of cannons on his southern front, making the batteries at Ste. Geneviève face a tough challenge. The French also worked hard along the front of the attack to repair the heavily damaged defenses, brought more cannons up to the ramparts, and filled in the gap by reinforcing the area.

But on the 15th these repairs were soon demolished again by the artillery of the attack, and a breach was made 40 paces wide and amply spread with earth. As the fortress still kept up a brisk fire, it was determined to bring up the field-batteries within 900 paces. But[151] at eight in the evening, when this operation was just begun, the commandant opened negotiations and surrendered the place on the Sedan terms. The garrison marched out next morning, for the most part drunk. A thousand Gardes-Mobiles were dismissed on parole, 3800 regulars were made prisoners.

But on the 15th, these repairs were quickly destroyed again by the artillery from the attack, creating a breach 40 paces wide, heavily covered with dirt. Since the fortress continued to fire strongly, it was decided to bring the field batteries forward to within 900 paces. But[151] at eight in the evening, just as this operation was starting, the commander opened negotiations and surrendered the position under the Sedan terms. The garrison marched out the next morning, mostly intoxicated. A thousand Gardes-Mobiles were released on parole, while 3,800 regulars were taken prisoner.

The attack had cost 120 men; 128 guns and 8000 small arms became prize of war, besides vast stores of provisions.

The attack had cost 120 men; 128 guns and 8,000 small arms were captured as spoils of war, along with large supplies of provisions.


Châteaudun Storming.

(October 18th.)

In obedience to instructions, General von Wittich marched on Châteaudun with the 22nd Division on the afternoon of the 18th. The French troops of the line had already been ordered to retire on Blois, but about 1800 National Guards and volunteers still remained, prepared under cover of barricades and walls to receive the enemy. The infantry attack was also made more difficult by the nature of the ground, and four batteries had to keep up a hot fire for a long time.

In accordance with orders, General von Wittich marched towards Châteaudun with the 22nd Division on the afternoon of the 18th. The French frontline troops had already been instructed to retreat to Blois, but around 1800 National Guards and volunteers still stayed behind, ready to face the enemy from behind barricades and walls. The infantry assault was further complicated by the terrain, and four batteries had to maintain intense fire for an extended period.

It was not till dusk that a general assault was had recourse to. Inside the town the enemy made a desperate resistance. House after house had to be won, the fighting lasted until late into the night, and a large part of the place was set on fire. The volunteers finally escaped, leaving 150 prisoners and abandoning the inhabitants to their fate; and these, though they had taken part in the struggle, were let off with a fine.

It wasn't until dusk that a full assault was launched. Inside the town, the enemy put up a fierce fight. One house after another had to be taken, the fighting went on late into the night, and much of the area was set ablaze. The volunteers eventually withdrew, leaving behind 150 prisoners and abandoning the locals to their fate; even though they had fought, the locals were only fined.

At noon on the 21st the Division arrived in front of Chartres, where 10,000 French were said to have assembled. The marine infantry and Gardes-Mobiles advanced to the attack, but were repulsed by the fire[152] of seven batteries. The General commanding the Division had deployed both his brigades southward of the city, and with the assistance of his cavalry, which had been joined by the 6th (Cavalry) Division, completely surrounded it. The fate of Châteaudun had been a warning to the municipal authorities, and at three o'clock an agreement was come to by which the troops were to be withdrawn, the National Guards to lay down their arms, and the gates to be thrown open.

At noon on the 21st, the Division reached Chartres, where it was reported that 10,000 French had gathered. The marine infantry and Gardes-Mobiles moved in to attack but were pushed back by the fire[152] from seven artillery batteries. The General in charge of the Division had positioned both of his brigades to the south of the city, and with help from his cavalry, which had been joined by the 6th (Cavalry) Division, completely encircled it. The outcome at Châteaudun served as a warning to the city officials, and by three o'clock, an agreement was reached for the troops to withdraw, the National Guards to surrender their weapons, and the gates to be opened.

General Wittich's orders were to remain at Chartres for the present, while the 6th Cavalry Division was to occupy Maintenon, and so cover the investing army to the west.

General Wittich's orders were to stay in Chartres for now, while the 6th Cavalry Division was to take over Maintenon, thus protecting the encircling army to the west.

Not less fervid was the rush to arms in the north, in Picardy and Normandy. The Saxon Cavalry Division, supported by detachments of the Army of the Meuse, had in the early part of October driven the franctireurs and Gardes-Mobiles beyond the Oise and the Epte on Amiens, taking some hundreds of prisoners. But fresh swarms were constantly coming on, and had to be attacked at Breteuil, Montdidier, and Etrêpagny, so that no less than eleven battalions, twenty-four squadrons, and four batteries, were by degrees employed in this direction for the protection of the besieging force. But by the end of the month the French forces were so systematically organized and in so great strength, that for the time the Germans had to confine themselves to holding on the defensive the line of the Epte.

The rush to arms was just as intense in the north, in Picardy and Normandy. The Saxon Cavalry Division, backed by units from the Army of the Meuse, had pushed the franctireurs and Gardes-Mobiles beyond the Oise and the Epte towards Amiens in early October, capturing several hundred prisoners. However, new groups kept arriving, which needed to be confronted at Breteuil, Montdidier, and Etrêpagny. As a result, a total of eleven battalions, twenty-four squadrons, and four batteries were gradually deployed to protect the besieging force. But by the end of the month, the French forces were so well-organized and strong that the Germans had to settle for maintaining a defensive position along the line of the Epte.

To the south-east also, in the forest-land of Fontainebleau, hostilities were prosecuted by the volunteers, particularly against requisition-parties of cavalry; and from Nangis obstruction was threatened to the transport of the siege-guns. A small force of Würtemberg troops seized Montereau, which, though barricaded, was not defended; the inhabitants gave up their arms, and the detachment marched on Nogent. This town was held by a large body of Gardes-Mobiles. After breaching[153] the walls of the churchyard, the Würtembergers, in the face of a hot fire, made their way into the place. The French still offered a stout resistance in its interior, but finally retired on Troyes, leaving 600 dead and wounded. The small flying column rejoined its Division, having traversed over 126 miles in six days.

To the southeast, in the forested area of Fontainebleau, volunteers continued fighting, especially against cavalry units sent to secure resources. From Nangis, there was a threat to the transport of siege guns. A small group of Württemberg troops took Montereau, which, although barricaded, was not defended; the locals surrendered their weapons, and the detachment moved on to Nogent. This town was occupied by a large group of Gardes-Mobiles. After breaching the churchyard walls, the Württemberg soldiers, despite facing heavy fire, got inside the town. The French put up strong resistance within, but ultimately retreated to Troyes, leaving behind 600 dead and wounded. The small mobile unit rejoined its Division after covering over 126 miles in six days.


Sortie Against Malmaison.

(October 21st.)

The French capital had now been invested for more than four weeks, and it seemed not impossible, because of the long continuance of inactivity, that it might be brought to surrender by famine. All the sorties hitherto attempted had only had for their object to drive the enemy from the closest vicinity; a new effort was to aim at greater results. The project was to cross the Seine below Paris at Bezons and Carrières, and to make a simultaneous attack on the positions of the IVth Prussian Corps on the heights of Argenteuil from the south, and from St.-Denis from the east. A march on Rouen by Pontoise was to follow, into a district not yet altogether exhausted of resources. The Army of the Loire was also to proceed thither by railway by way of Le Mans, and so there would be massed in that region an army of 250,000 men.

The French capital had now been surrounded for over four weeks, and it seemed possible, due to the prolonged inactivity, that it might be forced to surrender because of starvation. All the attempts to break out so far had only aimed to push the enemy back from the immediate area; a new effort was intended to achieve more significant outcomes. The plan was to cross the Seine below Paris at Bezons and Carrières and launch a simultaneous attack on the positions of the IVth Prussian Corps on the heights of Argenteuil from the south and from St.-Denis from the east. A march on Rouen via Pontoise would follow, into a region that still had some resources left. The Army of the Loire would also head there by train through Le Mans, resulting in the gathering of an army of 250,000 men in that area.

The Prussian Vth Corps, it was true, stood right on the flank of such an advance across the Seine; its outposts had several times been seen in Rueil. As a preliminary step, General Ducrot undertook to force back this body with 10,000 men and 120 field-guns. Then an intrenched line from Valérien to Carrières would close the peninsula against interference from the southward.[154]

The Prussian Vth Corps was indeed positioned right on the side of any advance across the Seine; their scouts had been spotted in Rueil several times. As a first move, General Ducrot decided to push this group back with 10,000 troops and 120 field guns. Then, a fortified line from Valérien to Carrières would secure the peninsula against any interference from the south.[154]

Perhaps, in the face of much-dreaded "public opinion" and the growing restlessness of political parties in Paris, it was more the urgency to be doing something than any serious hope of success which gave rise to such far-reaching schemes. Considerable difficulties had to be met in attacking the enemy's lines, and greater must inevitably arise if the attack should succeed. It was vain to think of bringing through the miles-long trains which are indispensable for victualling an army. Serious embarrassment would ensue when the troops had consumed the three days' rations they would carry with them. To live on the country the army must disperse itself; but with the enemy at its heels close concentration was indispensable. And, in any case, it is hard to see what would have been gained by withdrawing from Paris the forces which had been assembled for the defence of the capital. Success could only have been hoped for if an army from without had been so near as to be able immediately to give the hand to the troops marching out.

Perhaps, given the feared "public opinion" and the growing impatience of political parties in Paris, it was more about the urgency to do something than any real hope of success that led to such ambitious plans. There were significant challenges to face in attacking the enemy's positions, and even greater challenges would inevitably arise if the attack succeeded. It was unrealistic to think the long supply trains essential for feeding an army could get through. Serious problems would occur once the troops ran out of the three days' rations they carried with them. To live off the land, the army would need to spread out, but with the enemy close behind, tight concentration was essential. Plus, it's hard to see what would have been gained by pulling the forces assembled to defend the capital out of Paris. Success could only have been hoped for if an external army had been close enough to support the troops marching out immediately.

However, on the 21st of October, after Mont Valérien had all the morning kept up a seemingly ineffective fire, General Ducrot advanced at about one o'clock to attack the position of the Prussian 19th Brigade whose supports held the line Bougival—Jonchère—Fohlenkoppel. Fourteen French field-batteries deployed on either side of Rueil and about the southern base of Valérien; the infantry advanced in five columns behind this artillery front.

However, on October 21st, after Mont Valérien had been firing all morning without much effect, General Ducrot moved forward around one o'clock to attack the position of the Prussian 19th Brigade, which was supported along the line from Bougival to Jonchère to Fohlenkoppel. Fourteen French field batteries were set up on either side of Rueil and along the southern base of Valérien; the infantry advanced in five columns behind this line of artillery.

On the German side only two batteries could at first engage in the unequal duel, and one of these near the Villa Metternich had very soon to retire. The French guns advanced rightward to within 1400 paces of Bougival, and at three o'clock four companies of Zouaves rushed out of Rueil. Being received with a hot fire, they wheeled into the park of Malmaison, and without opposition seized the Château of Buzanval and the eastern slope of the deep-cut ravine of Cucufa. And[155] here one of their batteries was brought up into the fighting-line to support them.

On the German side, only two batteries were able to initially engage in the uneven fight, and one of these near Villa Metternich had to pull back very quickly. The French guns moved rightward to just 1400 yards from Bougival, and at three o'clock, four companies of Zouaves charged out of Rueil. They were met with heavy fire, so they turned into the park of Malmaison, and without facing any opposition, took control of the Château of Buzanval and the eastern slope of the steep ravine of Cucufa. And[155] here, one of their batteries was brought up to the front lines to support them.

While the main body of the 9th Division advanced from Versailles on Vaucresson, the 10th deployed against the ravine and at Villa Metternich. The infantry fire lasted for a full hour, and wrought the French much loss. When at about four o'clock they seemed sufficiently shaken, and a reinforcement of the Guard Landwehr had come up from St. Germain on the left, the German left wing advanced from Bougival and over the height of Jonchère, forced its way into Malmaison in spite of violent opposition, and followed the retreating Zouaves as far as Rueil. The right wing at the same time having turned the head of the Cucufa ravine, charged against its eastern slope, drove out the enemy, seized the battery of two guns, and occupied the Château of Buzanval.

While the main force of the 9th Division moved from Versailles toward Vaucresson, the 10th set up against the ravine and at Villa Metternich. The infantry fire lasted a whole hour, causing significant losses for the French. Around four o'clock, when the French appeared sufficiently shaken and a reinforcement of the Guard Landwehr had arrived from St. Germain on the left, the German left wing advanced from Bougival and, despite strong opposition, pushed into Malmaison and pursued the retreating Zouaves all the way to Rueil. At the same time, the right wing had maneuvered around the Cucufa ravine, charged up its eastern slope, forced the enemy out, captured a battery of two guns, and took control of the Château of Buzanval.

The French now retired on all sides, firing ceased by six o'clock, and the 10th Division, which had repulsed the enemy's assaults single-handed, re-established its previous fore-post line.

The French troops pulled back on all sides, and firing stopped by six o'clock. The 10th Division, which had successfully held off the enemy's attacks on its own, re-established its earlier forward position.

The struggle had cost the Germans 400 men. The French, on the other hand, had in this luckless enterprise left 500 dead and wounded, and 120 prisoners.

The struggle had cost the Germans 400 men. The French, on the other hand, had in this unfortunate endeavor left 500 dead and wounded, and 120 prisoners.

Soon after this affair the French began to throw up entrenchments within 800 paces of the line of the Guard Corps; and in the early morning of the 28th, General Bellemare, under cover of the darkness, advanced on Le Bourget with a force of several battalions.

Soon after this situation, the French started building fortifications within 800 paces of the Guard Corps line; and early in the morning on the 28th, General Bellemare, taking advantage of the darkness, moved towards Le Bourget with a force of several battalions.

The German company in occupation there, taken completely by surprise, could only retire before such overwhelming numbers, to Pont Iblon and Blanc Mesnil. The French promptly barricaded themselves in the place and prepared it for an obstinate defence. A German battalion made a vain attempt that evening to drive them out; it was repulsed with heavy loss. Equally unsuccessful next day was the fire of thirty[156] field-guns directed against the place from Pont Iblon. Then, however, the Crown Prince of Saxony issued imperative orders to the Guard Corps to recapture Le Bourget without delay.

The German company stationed there, completely caught off guard, could only retreat in the face of such overwhelming numbers to Pont Iblon and Blanc Mesnil. The French quickly barricaded themselves in the area and got it ready for a stubborn defense. That evening, a German battalion made a futile attempt to drive them out; it was pushed back with heavy casualties. The next day, the fire from thirty[156] field guns directed at the position from Pont Iblon was also unsuccessful. However, the Crown Prince of Saxony then gave urgent orders to the Guard Corps to retake Le Bourget without delay.


Storming Le Bourget.

(October 30th.)

Accordingly on October 30th, nine battalions of the 2nd Guard-Division and five batteries, under the command of Lieutenant-General von Budritzki,[33] were assembled at Dugny, Pont Iblon and Blanc Mesnil for a concentric attack on Le Bourget. The artillery in action along the bank of the Morée inundation opened the attack at about eight in the morning, and then the infantry went forward. The terrain was perfectly open, and the advance was under fire, not merely from Le Bourget, but also from the heavy guns of the forts. Nevertheless the Grenadier Battalion of the Queen Elizabeth Regiment, at the head of the central column, at nine o'clock made a successful assault, charging over the barricade at the northern end of the village, and entering it through a breach in the wall promptly made by the pioneers. The Emperor Francis Grenadier Regiment advanced against its western face and took possession of the park. A fierce street-fight ensued on a further advance into the village, in the course of which there fell the commanders of both regiments, Colonels von Zaluskowski and Count Waldersee. The walled farmsteads left of the main street, were stormed one after another in spite of a determined defence; the windows of the church, high up in the walls as they were, were broken in and scaled, and a hand-to-hand fight raged furiously inside the sacred building. The Guard Rifle-Battalion forced its way into the glass-works.

Accordingly, on October 30th, nine battalions of the 2nd Guard Division and five batteries, led by Lieutenant-General von Budritzki, were gathered at Dugny, Pont Iblon, and Blanc Mesnil for a coordinated attack on Le Bourget. The artillery along the bank of the Morée inundation opened fire around eight in the morning, and then the infantry advanced. The terrain was completely open, and the advance came under fire, not just from Le Bourget, but also from the heavy guns of the forts. Despite this, the Grenadier Battalion of the Queen Elizabeth Regiment, leading the central column, successfully launched an assault at nine o'clock, charging over the barricade at the north end of the village and entering through a gap in the wall that the pioneers quickly created. The Emperor Francis Grenadier Regiment moved against the western face and took control of the park. A fierce street fight broke out as they pushed further into the village, during which the commanders of both regiments, Colonels von Zaluskowski and Count Waldersee, were killed. The fortified farmhouses along the main street were captured one by one despite strong resistance; the high windows of the church were smashed and scaled, and a brutal hand-to-hand battle erupted inside the sacred building. The Guard Rifle Battalion forced its way into the glassworks.

At half-past nine the French attempted to bring up into Le Bourget reinforcements from Aubervillers and Drancy; but the left German column had meanwhile seized the railway-embankment, placed a detachment of the Emperor Alexander Regiment to hold it, and was forcing its way into the southern quarter of the village. Two batteries had taken up position on the Mollette brook, and their fire drove back the enemy and even compelled him to evacuate Drancy.

At 9:30, the French tried to bring in reinforcements from Aubervilliers and Drancy to Le Bourget; however, the left German column had already taken control of the railway embankment, stationed a unit of the Emperor Alexander Regiment there to defend it, and was pushing into the southern part of the village. Two artillery batteries had positioned themselves by the Mollette brook, and their fire pushed back the enemy and even forced them to leave Drancy.

At ten o'clock the French still held the buildings on the north side of the Mollette. These were now assailed from the south. The 4th Company of the Emperor Alexander Regiment crossed the stream and forced its way through a breach made by the sappers into the farmstead in which the enemy's main force was gathered. The defenders had to be quelled with the bayonet and with clubbed arms, and here the French Colonel de Baroche met his death.

At ten o'clock, the French still occupied the buildings on the north side of the Mollette. They were now being attacked from the south. The 4th Company of the Emperor Alexander Regiment crossed the stream and forced their way through a breach made by the sappers into the farm where the enemy's main force was gathered. The defenders had to be subdued with bayonets and blunt weapons, and it was here that French Colonel de Baroche lost his life.

Although by this time—eleven o'clock—all the three attacking columns had struck hands in the heart of Le Bourget, the enemy continued the struggle in detached houses and gardens with embittered desperation till the afternoon, while all the forts on the north front of Paris overwhelmed the place with shell-fire. It was not till half-past one that the troops of the attack could withdraw by companies to their respective quarters. Two battalions remained to garrison Le Bourget.

Although by this time—eleven o'clock—all three attacking units had joined forces in the center of Le Bourget, the enemy continued to fight fiercely in the scattered houses and gardens until the afternoon, while all the forts on the northern front of Paris bombarded the area with shell-fire. It wasn't until half-past one that the attacking troops could withdraw in groups to their designated quarters. Two battalions stayed behind to garrison Le Bourget.

The desperate resistance of the French showed how important they considered their retention of this post. Its success had cost the 2nd (Guard) Division 500 men. The enemy's loss is not known, but 1200 prisoners were taken. This new disaster added to the dissatisfaction of the inhabitants of Paris. The revolutionary factions, which at all times lurk in the French capital, came ominously to the front.

The French fought hard to hold this position, showing just how crucial it was to them. The 2nd (Guard) Division lost 500 men to succeed here. We don't know the enemy's exact losses, but 1200 prisoners were captured. This latest setback increased the frustration of the people in Paris. The revolutionary groups, which are always lurking in the French capital, emerged more prominently.

Highly-coloured reports could no longer conceal utter lack of results; the authority of the Government was steadily on the wane. It was accused of incapacity,[158] nay, of treason. Noisy mobs clamoured for arms, and even a part of the National Guard took part in the tumult. The Hôtel de Ville was surrounded by a throng shouting "Vive la Commune!" and though other troops dispersed these gatherings, the ringleaders, though well known, went unpunished.

Highly colored reports could no longer hide the complete lack of results; the Government's authority was steadily declining. It was accused of incompetence, even treason. Noisy mobs demanded weapons, and even some members of the National Guard joined in the chaos. The City Hall was surrounded by a crowd shouting "Long live the Commune!" and although other troops broke up these gatherings, the ringleaders, despite being well known, faced no consequences.

On the 31st of October uproarious masses again paraded the streets. As General Trochu had forbidden the sentries at the Hôtel de Ville to use their arms, the rebels forced their way in. The Ministers were their prisoners till the evening, when some battalions which remained staunch liberated them.

On October 31st, large crowds again filled the streets. Since General Trochu had instructed the guards at the Hôtel de Ville not to use their weapons, the rebels managed to break in. The Ministers were held captive until the evening when some loyal battalions came in to free them.

Monsieur Thiers, who had returned from his fruitless tour among the European Courts, thought the time had come for re-opening negotiations with Versailles. On the part of the Germans there was still the readiness to grant an armistice, but it was naturally impossible to accede to the condition demanded by the French, that the city should be re-provisioned, and so hostilities had to take their course.

Monsieur Thiers, who had come back from his unproductive trip to European capitals, believed it was time to restart discussions with Versailles. The Germans were still willing to agree to a ceasefire, but it was obviously impossible to accept the condition demanded by the French that the city be resupplied, so fighting had to continue.

At this time, towards the end of October, the situation on the Moselle had assumed an aspect which essentially modified that of the whole war.

At this point, near the end of October, the situation on the Moselle had taken on a form that significantly changed the entire war.


By the exchange of German prisoners for French who had fought at Sedan, details of the disaster which had befallen France in that battle were currently known in Metz. But Marshal Bazaine declared that the Army of the Rhine would continue to defend the country against the invaders, and maintain public order against the evil passions of disloyal men—a resolution which certainly could be interpreted in more ways than one. It would have been eminently satisfactory to the Germans, politically speaking, if there had been in France an available[159] power, apart from the pretentious but feeble Government in Paris, with which to come to an understanding as regarded the termination of the war. Permission was therefore given for the admission to Metz of a person representing himself to have a commission from the exiled Imperial family. As he was unable to authenticate himself in this capacity to the satisfaction of Marshal Bazaine, General Bourbaki was allowed to pass through the German lines that he might betake himself to London, where, however, the Empress Eugénie declined all intervention in the already so disastrous affairs of France. The General then placed his services at the disposal of the National Defence Government at Tours.

By exchanging German prisoners for French ones who had fought at Sedan, the details of the disaster that had struck France during that battle were widely known in Metz. However, Marshal Bazaine stated that the Army of the Rhine would keep defending the country against the invaders and maintain public order against the harmful urges of disloyal individuals—a stance that could certainly be understood in multiple ways. Politically speaking, it would have been extremely convenient for the Germans if there had been a viable power in France, apart from the self-important but weak Government in Paris, to negotiate an end to the war. Therefore, permission was granted for someone claiming to have a commission from the exiled Imperial family to enter Metz. Since he couldn't prove his identity to Marshal Bazaine’s satisfaction, General Bourbaki was allowed to pass through the German lines to go to London, where, however, Empress Eugénie rejected any intervention in France's already disastrous situation. The General then offered his services to the National Defence Government in Tours.

Meanwhile the army which had been beleaguered in Metz since the day of Noisseville maintained a waiting attitude. The necessary supplies for 70,000 inhabitants, including the country-folk who had taken refuge in the city, had originally been enough to last three months and a half, those for the regular garrison were calculated for about five months; but for the Army of the Rhine there was sustenance in store for only forty-one days, and there was forage for only twenty-five.

Meanwhile, the army that had been surrounded in Metz since the day of Noisseville was taking a wait-and-see approach. The supplies needed for 70,000 people, including the locals who had sought shelter in the city, were originally sufficient to last three and a half months, while those for the regular garrison were estimated for about five months; however, the Army of the Rhine only had enough food for forty-one days, and there was forage for just twenty-five.

Certainly it was possible to supplement the supplies for the troops by purchase from the abundant stores of the citizens; but ere long smaller rations of bread were served out and horses were being slaughtered to furnish animal food, so that most of the cavalry regiments were reduced to two squadrons.

Certainly, it was possible to supplement the supplies for the troops by buying from the plentiful resources of the citizens; but soon smaller bread rations were given out and horses were being slaughtered to provide meat, so that most of the cavalry regiments were cut down to two squadrons.

On the German side, the service of supplying 197,326 men and 33,136 horses was one of great difficulty. The outbreak of cattle-plague in Germany restricted the importation of live beasts to those purchased in Holland and Belgium. The meat rations had to be supplemented by tinned provisions; and increased rations of oats had to take the place of hay and straw.

On the German side, supplying 197,326 men and 33,136 horses was quite a challenge. The outbreak of cattle plague in Germany limited the import of live animals to those bought in Holland and Belgium. The meat rations had to be supplemented with canned goods, and larger portions of oats replaced hay and straw.

The losses of the army had hitherto been made good from the reserves, but the transport of the prisoners from[160] Sedan alone required the services of fourteen battalions of the force blockading Metz. Thus it had not yet been possible to provide sufficient shelter for the troops near the wide extension of the entrenched line. Raw, rainy weather had come on early in the season, and a fourth part of the men were still roofless; so that by degrees the sick in hospital reached the alarming number of 40,000.

The army's losses had so far been compensated by the reserves, but transporting the prisoners from [160] Sedan alone required the help of fourteen battalions from the force surrounding Metz. As a result, it hadn't been possible to provide enough shelter for the troops near the large stretch of the fortified line. The cold, rainy weather had arrived early in the season, and a quarter of the men still had no roofs over their heads, which gradually led to the number of sick in the hospital rising to an alarming 40,000.

Although fifty heavy guns had been brought up from Germany, they were useless for the bombardment of Metz, since in consequence of the superior calibre of the fortress artillery they could only be fired at night, and with frequent change of position. There was nothing for it but to hope for the best, and have patience.

Although fifty heavy guns had been brought up from Germany, they were ineffective for the bombardment of Metz, since due to the superior caliber of the fortress artillery, they could only be fired at night and with frequent changes of position. There was nothing to do but hope for the best and be patient.

For four weeks already had the besieged been consuming their stores. To replenish those in some degree, and at the same time to revive the spirit of the troops by active measures, the Marshal decided on fetching in all the provisions to be found in the villages inside the line of the German investment, under cover of a sortie.

For four weeks, the people under siege had been eating up their supplies. To restock them a bit and lift the morale of the troops through active efforts, the Marshal decided to gather all the provisions from the villages within the line of the German blockade, using a diversion.

At noon on September 22nd Fort St. Julien opened a heavy fire on the outposts of the Ist Corps. Strong bodies of infantry then advanced on the villages to the eastward, drove in the picquets of the enemy, and returned to Metz with the stores which had been seized. But a similar attempt made next afternoon on the villages to the north was less successful. Most of the waggons had to return empty, under the fire of the Prussian batteries quickly brought up into position. Finally, on the 27th, a sortie for the same purpose was made to the southward, which led to a series of small conflicts and the capture in Peltre of a German company, which was surrounded by a much stronger force. A simultaneous sally on the left bank of the Moselle was baffled by the fire of the alert artillery of the besieging force.[161]

At noon on September 22nd, Fort St. Julien opened heavy fire on the outposts of the Ist Corps. Large groups of infantry then moved forward towards the villages to the east, pushed back the enemy's pickets, and returned to Metz with the supplies that had been captured. However, a similar attempt made the next afternoon on the villages to the north was less effective. Most of the wagons had to come back empty, under the fire of Prussian artillery that was quickly positioned. Finally, on the 27th, a sortie for the same purpose was made to the south, resulting in a series of small skirmishes and the capture of a German company in Peltre, which was surrounded by a much stronger force. A simultaneous attack on the left bank of the Moselle was thwarted by the artillery fire from the besieging forces.[161]

Thionville, on the north of Metz, had hitherto only been kept under observation by a small force, which could not hinder the garrison from scouring the country as far as the neighbouring frontier, taking many prisoners, seizing fifty waggon-loads of supplies, and even diverting into the fortress a whole train of provision-trucks while passing by the now restored railway from Luxemburg.

Thionville, north of Metz, had only been monitored by a small force that couldn't stop the garrison from raiding the surrounding areas all the way to the nearby border, capturing many prisoners, seizing fifty wagon-loads of supplies, and even rerouting an entire convoy of supply trucks into the fortress while passing by the now repaired railway from Luxembourg.

In point of fact, the Army of the Rhine would have found in Thionville an important rallying-point at the end of its first day's march, if the blockade of Metz could have been broken through. Prince Frederick Charles, realizing this, took care to strengthen the investing lines to the north, on the right bank of the Moselle. On October 1st the Xth Corps took up the position hitherto held by the Reserve Division Kummer, which was transferred to the left bank of the river. The Ist, VIIth, and VIIIth Corps closed up to the right, and the IInd occupied the space between the Seille and the Moselle; the troops before Thionville were also reinforced.

In fact, the Army of the Rhine would have found Thionville to be a crucial gathering point at the end of its first day’s march if they could have broken through the blockade of Metz. Prince Frederick Charles recognized this and made sure to strengthen the lines surrounding the area to the north, on the right bank of the Moselle. On October 1st, the Xth Corps took over the position previously held by the Reserve Division Kummer, which was moved to the left bank of the river. The Ist, VIIth, and VIIIth Corps moved up to the right, and the IInd occupied the area between the Seille and the Moselle; the troops in front of Thionville were also reinforced.

The Marshal had really once more determined to break out to the northward, and that on both banks of the river. New bridges were constructed behind St. Julien and from the island of Chambière, the nearest German outposts on the north and west of Metz were pushed back by a series of daily skirmishes. Under cover of the fire of the forts the French established themselves firmly in Lessy and Ladonchamps. The troops to be left in Metz were expressly selected; the others tested as to their marching powers. Light-signals were arranged with Thionville, and all preparations made for a sortie on the 7th.

The Marshal had really decided once again to break out to the north, on both sides of the river. New bridges were built behind St. Julien and from the island of Chambière, while the closest German outposts to the north and west of Metz were pushed back through a series of daily skirmishes. Taking advantage of the forts' fire, the French firmly established themselves in Lessy and Ladonchamps. The troops that would stay in Metz were specifically chosen; the others were tested for their marching capabilities. Light signals were set up with Thionville, and all preparations were made for a breakout on the 7th.

Then the French commander suddenly changed his mind, and the proposed enterprise collapsed into a foraging expedition.

Then the French commander suddenly had a change of heart, and the planned mission turned into a foraging trip.

For this, indeed, large forces were set in motion; the Guard Voltigeur Division, the VIth Corps, and[162] the IVth in the forest of Woippy. The movement was also to be supported by the IIIrd Corps on the right bank of the river.

For this, really large forces were mobilized; the Guard Voltigeur Division, the VIth Corps, and[162] the IVth in the Woippy forest. The movement was also going to be backed by the IIIrd Corps on the right bank of the river.

Four hundred waggons were in readiness to carry off the stores from the large farms lying north of Ladonchamps.

Four hundred wagons were ready to transport the supplies from the large farms located north of Ladonchamps.

FOOTNOTES:

[33] Commanding 2nd Guard-Division.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Leading 2nd Guard-Division.

[34] In text there is at this point no Section-Headline, although the subject changes; but the succeeding pages till commencement of new Section are headed: "Die Lage vor Metz im October." This heading is followed in translation.

[34] In the text, there is currently no section heading, even though the topic shifts. However, the following pages until the start of the new section are titled: "The Situation Near Metz in October." This title is translated below.


Mission from Metz to Bellevue.

(October 7th.)

Although the start from Woippy planned for eleven o'clock, was not effected till one, the Landwehr companies on outpost duty were driven in by superior numbers, and as they defended their positions till their ammunition was exhausted, they also lost a considerable number of prisoners. But the artillery of the Landwehr Division prevented the removal of the stores; the 5th Division advancing from Norroy struck the left flank of the French attack and drove the enemy back on Bellevue, where a stationary fight developed itself.

Although the departure from Woippy, scheduled for eleven o'clock, didn't happen until one, the Landwehr companies on outpost duty were forced to retreat by larger numbers. They held their positions until they ran out of ammunition, resulting in a significant number of prisoners taken. However, the artillery of the Landwehr Division prevented the enemy from taking the supplies. The 5th Division, advancing from Norroy, struck the left flank of the French attack and pushed the enemy back to Bellevue, leading to a standoff.

The French IIIrd Corps advanced on the right bank of the Moselle against Malroy and Noisseville. Here, too, the outpost line fell back; but behind it stood the Xth and Ist Corps, ready for action. The respective Corps commanders at once perceived that this attack was only a feint. Although threatened himself, General von Voigts-Rhetz sent his 38th Brigade across the Moselle at Argancy by half-past two to assist the Landwehr Division, and when General von Manteuffel forwarded him supports to Charly, the 37th Brigade followed.

The French III Corps moved forward on the right bank of the Moselle against Malroy and Noisseville. Here, the outpost line also retreated; but behind it stood the X and I Corps, ready for action. The respective Corps commanders quickly understood that this attack was just a feint. Despite being under threat himself, General von Voigts-Rhetz sent his 38th Brigade across the Moselle at Argancy by 2:30 PM to help the Landwehr Division, and when General von Manteuffel sent him reinforcements to Charly, the 37th Brigade followed.

No sooner had the first reinforcements arrived than General von Kummer on his side took the offensive,[163] recaptured the farmsteads from the enemy after a sharp struggle just as the latter were about to retire, and then, supported on the right by part of the 5th Division, moved on Bellevue at about six in the evening. Ladonchamps, however, still remained in the hands of the French. Late in the evening the 19th and Reserve Divisions advanced on this place. The premises of the château, which were surrounded by a moat, were carefully intrenched and strongly defended by infantry and guns. The darkness precluded effective artillery action, and the attack failed; but all the other points previously held by the Germans were re-occupied.

As soon as the first reinforcements arrived, General von Kummer took the offensive, recapturing the farms from the enemy after a fierce fight just as the enemy was about to withdraw. Supported on the right by part of the 5th Division, he moved towards Bellevue around six in the evening. However, Ladonchamps remained under French control. Later in the evening, the 19th and Reserve Divisions advanced on this location. The château, which was surrounded by a moat, was well fortified and strongly defended by infantry and artillery. The darkness hindered effective artillery action, and the attack did not succeed; however, all the other positions previously held by the Germans were regained.

The day had cost the Prussians 1700 killed and wounded, besides 500 reported missing. The French loss was given out to be no more than 1193.

The day had cost the Prussians 1,700 killed and wounded, along with 500 reported missing. The French losses were reported to be no more than 1,193.

This attempt on the part of the French might be regarded as tentative, and preliminary only to a real effort to break through; perhaps it was so intended. The German troops therefore remained in the positions they had occupied at the close of the fighting, in expectation of renewed hostilities on the morrow.

This attempt by the French could be seen as a trial run, just a warm-up before a serious effort to break through; maybe that was the plan all along. As a result, the German troops stayed in the positions they held at the end of the fighting, anticipating renewed hostilities the next day.

The forts in fact opened a heavy fire on the farm-buildings early on the 8th, while the German batteries directed their fire on Ladonchamps. Strong columns also advanced along the right bank of the Moselle, but nowhere attempted a serious attack. The Prussian troops therefore presently retired to their quarters.

The forts actually started firing heavily on the farm buildings early on the 8th, while the German batteries targeted Ladonchamps. Strong units also moved along the right bank of the Moselle, but didn’t make any serious attempts to attack. As a result, the Prussian troops soon withdrew to their quarters.

The artillery duel was carried on for the next few days, but with diminished energy. Constant rain made all field operations very difficult, and increased the sufferings of the men on both sides. In Metz the lack of victuals was becoming very painfully felt. So early as on the 8th the commandant had announced that his stores would not last longer than for twelve days. A council of war, held on the 10th, was, however, of opinion that the greatest service the Army of the Rhine could do to France was to hold out as[164] long as possible, since it thus continued to detain a hostile army under the walls of Metz.

The artillery battle went on for the next few days, but with less intensity. Constant rain made all field operations really tough and added to the hardships faced by the soldiers on both sides. In Metz, the shortage of food was becoming seriously challenging. As early as the 8th, the commander had announced that his supplies wouldn’t last more than twelve days. However, a council of war held on the 10th believed that the best thing the Army of the Rhine could do for France was to hold out as[164] long as possible, since this continued to keep a hostile army under the walls of Metz.

The Marshal now sent General Boyer to negotiate at Versailles, but his instructions were to demand a free exit for the army and explicitly to refuse the terms of the Sedan capitulation.

The Marshal now sent General Boyer to negotiate at Versailles, but his instructions were to demand a free exit for the army and clearly reject the terms of the Sedan surrender.

The state of affairs in Metz was perfectly well known to the Germans. The number of men who were taken willing prisoners while digging potatoes increased every day. They reported that disturbances had broken out in the city, in which even part of the soldiers had taken part, and that the commander-in-chief had been compelled to proclaim the Republic. And since the Empress had declared that she would never give her consent to any diminution of French territory, no further political negotiations were possible with the chiefs of the Army of the Rhine.

The situation in Metz was well understood by the Germans. The number of men who were captured as willing prisoners while digging for potatoes grew every day. They reported that riots had erupted in the city, and even some soldiers had gotten involved, leading the commander-in-chief to declare the Republic. Since the Empress had stated she would never agree to any reduction of French territory, no further political negotiations were possible with the leaders of the Army of the Rhine.

On the 20th the distribution of stores came to an end within the fortress, and the troops thenceforth for the most part subsisted on horseflesh. The original stock of 20,000 horses was reduced by a thousand a day. The want of bread and salt was severely felt, and the soaked, deep ground made living in camp almost unendurable.

On the 20th, the supply of food inside the fortress ran out, and from then on, the troops mostly survived on horse meat. The initial stock of 20,000 horses was decreasing by a thousand each day. The lack of bread and salt was keenly felt, and the soaked, muddy ground made camping nearly unbearable.

After the failure of the negotiations at Versailles, the imperative necessity of entering into negotiations with the Headquarter of the besieging army was recognized by a council of war held on the 24th.

After the failed negotiations at Versailles, the urgent need to start talks with the headquarters of the besieging army was acknowledged by a council of war held on the 24th.

The first interview had no result, as the Marshal still stipulated for free egress on condition of withdrawing to Algiers, or the alternative of an armistice with the reprovisioning of Metz. On the German side the surrender of the fortress and the march out of the garrison as prisoners of war were insisted on, and on these conditions the capitulation was signed on the evening of the 27th of October.

The first interview didn't produce any results, as the Marshal insisted on allowing free passage on the condition that they withdraw to Algiers, or alternatively, an armistice that included resupplying Metz. On the German side, they demanded the surrender of the fortress and the exit of the garrison as prisoners of war. Based on these conditions, the capitulation was signed on the evening of October 27th.


Surrender of Metz.

(October 27th.)[35]

On the morning of the 29th[35] Prussian flags were hoisted on the great outworks of Metz. At one o'clock the French garrison marched out by six roads in perfect silence and correct military formation.[36] At each specified position a Prussian Army Corps stood to receive the prisoners, who were immediately placed in bivouacs previously prepared, and supplied with food. The officers were allowed to keep their swords and to return to Metz; provisions were immediately sent in.

On the morning of the 29th[35] Prussian flags were raised on the major fortifications of Metz. At one o'clock, the French garrison marched out along six routes in complete silence and precise military formation.[36] At each designated spot, a Prussian Army Corps was ready to take in the prisoners, who were quickly taken to prepared camps and given food. The officers were permitted to keep their swords and return to Metz; supplies were sent in right away.

Marshal Bazaine set out for Cassel.

Marshal Bazaine went to Cassel.

In the course of the day the 26th Brigade occupied Metz. The city had suffered no injury, but the state of the camps showed what the troops had suffered during the siege of seventy-two days.

During the day, the 26th Brigade took control of Metz. The city had remained unharmed, but the condition of the camps reflected the hardships the troops endured during the seventy-two-day siege.

The Germans during that time had lost 240 officers and 5500 men in killed and wounded.

The Germans at that time had lost 240 officers and 5,500 men killed and wounded.

Six thousand French officers and 167,000 men were taken prisoners, beside 20,000 sick who could not be at once removed, about 200,000 in all.[37] Fifty-six Imperial eagles, 622 field and 876 fortress guns, 72 mitrailleuses and 260,000 rifles fell into the hands of the Germans.

Six thousand French officers and 167,000 soldiers were captured, along with 20,000 sick individuals who couldn't be moved right away, totaling about 200,000.[37] Fifty-six Imperial eagles, 622 field guns, and 876 fortress guns, 72 machine guns, and 260,000 rifles were taken by the Germans.

The prisoners were transported by way of Trèves and Saarbrücken, escorted by Landwehr battalions, and as these would have also to guard them when in Germany, their return to field service was not to be reckoned on.

The prisoners were transported through Trèves and Saarbrücken, escorted by Landwehr battalions, and since they would also need to guard them while in Germany, their return to active duty was not to be expected.

FOOTNOTES:

[35] The Protocol embodying the terms of capitulation was signed on the evening of the 27th; its provisions came into effect at and after 10 a.m. of the 29th.

[35] The agreement outlining the terms of surrender was signed on the evening of the 27th; its terms took effect at and after 10 a.m. on the 29th.

[36] On the contrary, there were much drunkenness and disorder.

[36] In fact, there was a lot of drinking and chaos.

[37] The 20,000 sick were included in the total of 173,000 officers and men surrendered.

[37] The 20,000 sick were part of the total of 173,000 officers and soldiers who surrendered.


New Army Distribution.

The capitulation of Metz, which Prince Frederick Charles had brought about under such serious difficulties, materially improved the prospects of the war for Germany.

The surrender of Metz, which Prince Frederick Charles achieved under such difficult circumstances, significantly improved Germany's war outlook.

At the Royal Headquarter at Versailles, even before the catastrophe but in confident anticipation of it, decisions had been arrived at as to the respective destinations of the forces it would release for service, and communicated in advance to the superior Commanders.

At the Royal Headquarters at Versailles, even before the disaster but with a confident expectation of it, decisions had been made about where to send the forces it would deploy for service, and this was communicated in advance to the top commanders.

The Ist, VIIth and VIIIth Corps, with the 3rd Cavalry Division, were thenceforth to constitute the Ist Army, under the command of General von Manteuffel. Its orders were to advance into the Compiègne region and cover the investment of Paris on the north. But apart from these orders it had various other duties to fulfil; it was to occupy Metz and lay siege to Thionville and Montmédy.

The 1st, 7th, and 8th Corps, along with the 3rd Cavalry Division, were to form the 1st Army, led by General von Manteuffel. Their orders were to move into the Compiègne area and secure the northern perimeter around Paris. Additionally, they had other responsibilities; they were to take control of Metz and lay siege to Thionville and Montmédy.

The IInd, IIIrd, IXth and Xth Corps, with the 1st Cavalry Division, were to constitute the IInd Army under the command of Prince Frederick Charles, which was ordered to advance on the Middle Loire.

The 2nd, 3rd, 9th, and 10th Corps, along with the 1st Cavalry Division, were to make up the 2nd Army under the command of Prince Frederick Charles, which was directed to move towards the Middle Loire.


Operations of the 14th Corps in the Southeast.

(October.)

Since the fall of Strasburg the newly-formed XIVth Corps had been employed in safe-guarding the communications between the German armies standing fast respectively before Metz and before Paris. General von Werder had no great battle to look[167] forward to, but a succession of small engagements. To prepare his four infantry brigades for independent action under such circumstances, he detailed artillery and cavalry to each. In this formation the Corps crossed the Vosges by the two roads through Schirmeck and Barr, driving swarms of hostile Franctireurs out of the narrow passes without material delay. But on emerging from the mountains it at once met with serious opposition.

Since the fall of Strasburg, the newly-formed XIV Corps had been tasked with securing the communications between the German armies positioned respectively before Metz and Paris. General von Werder wasn't looking forward to a major battle, but rather a series of small skirmishes. To get his four infantry brigades ready for independent action in these conditions, he assigned artillery and cavalry to each. With this setup, the Corps crossed the Vosges using the two roads through Schirmeck and Barr, driving away groups of hostile Franctireurs from the narrow passes without much delay. However, upon coming out of the mountains, they immediately faced serious opposition.

The French General Cambriels had been at Epinal with about 30,000 men ever since the beginning of October, and under cover of this force numerous battalions of National Guards and Gardes-Mobiles had been formed in the south of France.

The French General Cambriels had been in Epinal with about 30,000 troops since the start of October, and because of this force, many battalions of National Guards and Gardes-Mobiles had been established in southern France.

On the 6th, General von Degenfeld[38] with the advanced guard of the Baden force approached St. Dié, marching on both banks of the Meurthe. The weak column was beset on all sides by far superior forces, yet after repeated attacks it succeeded in taking the villages which the enemy had been holding.

On the 6th, General von Degenfeld[38] with the advance party of the Baden force reached St. Dié, marching on both sides of the Meurthe. The small group faced overwhelming odds from much stronger forces, but after several attacks, it managed to capture the villages that the enemy had been holding.

The struggle, which lasted seven hours, ended with the eccentric retreat of the enemy to Rambervillers and Bruyères. It had cost the Germans 400 and the French 1400 men. The Baden force bivouacked on the field, and presently found that the French had evacuated St. Dié. General Cambriels had, in fact, collected all his available forces in intrenched positions about Bruyères. The Baden Brigade advanced on these on the 11th, drove the Gardes-Mobiles and volunteers from the outlying villages, climbed the heights on both sides of the town, and forced its way into it with inconsiderable loss. The enemy retired to the southward on Remiremont.

The battle lasted seven hours and ended with the enemy’s unusual retreat to Rambervillers and Bruyères. The Germans suffered 400 casualties, while the French lost 1,400 men. The Baden force camped on the battlefield and soon discovered that the French had evacuated St. Dié. General Cambriels had actually gathered all his available troops in fortified positions around Bruyères. The Baden Brigade advanced towards these positions on the 11th, pushed the Gardes-Mobiles and volunteers out of the nearby villages, climbed the hills on both sides of the town, and broke into it with minimal losses. The enemy retreated south towards Remiremont.

From the small resistance hitherto made by the French, though so far superior in numbers, General von Werder assumed that they would hardly make a stand before reaching Besançon, so he immediately[168] countermanded further pursuit, though somewhat early in the day, and concentrated his forces on Epinal, which place was taken possession of by the Germans after insignificant fighting. From thence an etappen-route and telegraph-line were opened to Lunéville and Nancy, magazines were formed, and the trains, which were following the Corps from Saverne by Blamont to Baccarat, were brought up. The railway along the Moselle remained, however, useless for a long time, in consequence of injury done to it by the enemy.

From the little resistance the French had shown so far, despite being much larger in numbers, General von Werder figured they wouldn’t put up much of a fight before reaching Besançon. So, he quickly[168]called off the chase, even though it was still relatively early in the day, and focused his forces on Epinal, which the Germans took with minimal fighting. From there, a supply route and telegraph line were set up to Lunéville and Nancy, supply depots were established, and the trains following the Corps from Saverne via Blamont to Baccarat were brought in. However, the railway along the Moselle remained unusable for a long time due to damage inflicted by the enemy.

General von Werder was now anxious, in accordance with his instructions of September 30th, to march on the Upper Seine by Neufchâteau, but a telegram from the supreme Headquarter directed him in the first instance to complete the rout of the enemy in his vicinity under General Cambriels.

General von Werder was now eager, following his instructions from September 30th, to advance toward the Upper Seine by way of Neufchâteau. However, a telegram from the supreme Headquarter ordered him first to finish off the enemy nearby under General Cambriels.

The Corps accordingly put itself in motion forthwith through Conflans and Luxeuil on Vesoul, and information was received that the enemy had in fact halted at the Ognon, taken up quarters there, and received reinforcements. General von Werder determined to attack at once. He ordered that the passages over the river should be secured on the 22nd; further decisions were postponed till reports should be brought in. The 1st Baden Brigade came up on the right by nine o'clock, reaching Marnay and Pin without having encountered the French; it secured the bridges there, and then halted to await further orders. On the left flank the franctireurs were driven out of the woods by the 3rd Brigade, which also stormed Perrouse, and at about half-past two seized the bridge over the Ognon at Voray. In the centre the head of the advanced guard of the 2nd Brigade entered Etuz after a slight skirmish, but had to withdraw at eleven o'clock to the northern bank, before the enemy's flank attack from out the woods. Afterwards, when the main force came up and the artillery opened fire, the place was taken for the second time at one o'clock.[169] But a prolonged fire-fight ensued, the French making an obstinate stand in front of the passage over the river at Cussey. Orders had already been sent to the 1st Brigade to move up on the southern bank from Pin on the enemy's flank and rear. But it could not reach the ground until six o'clock, when the battle was over. When two batteries had made good the possession of the bridge over the Ognon under a heavy fire, the enemy hastily retired, pursued by the Badeners; he was again driven out of his rearward positions, but when night fell he still remained in possession of several points in front of Besançon.

The Corps immediately moved through Conflans and Luxeuil toward Vesoul, and it was reported that the enemy had indeed stopped at the Ognon, settled there, and received reinforcements. General von Werder decided to attack right away. He ordered that the crossings over the river be secured on the 22nd; further decisions were postponed until more reports came in. The 1st Baden Brigade arrived on the right by nine o'clock, reaching Marnay and Pin without encountering the French; it secured the bridges there and then paused to wait for further orders. On the left flank, the franctireurs were driven out of the woods by the 3rd Brigade, which also stormed Perrouse, and around half-past two seized the bridge over the Ognon at Voray. In the center, the lead of the advanced guard of the 2nd Brigade entered Etuz after a brief skirmish but had to pull back to the northern bank at eleven o'clock due to an enemy flank attack from the woods. Later, when the main force arrived and the artillery began firing, the area was captured a second time at one o'clock.[169] However, a prolonged firefight broke out, with the French putting up a stubborn defense in front of the river crossing at Cussey. Orders had already been sent for the 1st Brigade to move up from Pin on the southern bank to flank and attack the enemy's rear. But it couldn't reach the area until six o'clock, after the battle was over. After two batteries secured the bridge over the Ognon under heavy fire, the enemy quickly retreated, pursued by the Badeners; they were again driven out of their rear positions, but when night fell, they still held several positions in front of Besançon.

The Germans had lost 120 men, the French 150 and 200 prisoners. In opposition to Gambetta, who was himself in Besançon, General Cambriels obstinately resisted every order to renew the advance, and would only consent to maintain his strong position under the walls of the fortress.

The Germans had lost 120 men, the French 150, and 200 prisoners. Against Gambetta, who was in Besançon, General Cambriels stubbornly refused every order to continue the advance and would only agree to hold his strong position by the fortress walls.

Parties sent out to reconnoitre on the right reported the presence of French forces at Dôle and Auxonne, the advance-guard probably of an "Army of the Vosges" under Garibaldi, which was assembling on the Doubs. General von Werder disregarded it, and on the 26th moved his Corps to Dampierre and Gray. Beyond the Saône all the roads were broken up, the woods choked with abatis, and the whole population in arms. But the franctireurs and Gardes-Mobiles were dispersed without difficulty, and a column marching without any precautions was driven back on the Vingeanne brook, where 15 officers and 430 men laid down their arms.

Parties sent out to scout on the right reported the presence of French forces at Dôle and Auxonne, likely the advance guard of an "Army of the Vosges" under Garibaldi, which was gathering on the Doubs. General von Werder ignored this information and on the 26th moved his Corps to Dampierre and Gray. Beyond the Saône, all the roads were damaged, the woods filled with barriers, and the entire population was armed. However, the franctireurs and Gardes-Mobiles were easily dispersed, and a column that marched without taking any precautions was pushed back to the Vingeanne brook, where 15 officers and 430 men surrendered.

From further reports and the information of the prisoners it was known that Dijon was strongly garrisoned. In expectation, therefore, of an attack from that side, the XIVth Corps was assembled behind the Vingeanne, whence early on October 30th General von Beyer[39] marched on Dijon with the 1st and 3rd Brigades.[170] Filled with apprehension by recent events, the National Guards in Dijon had already laid down their arms, the Gardes-Mobiles and the line troops of the garrison had retreated southwards; but the inhabitants were assured that the forces would be brought back to defend them. About 8000 men were available, but they insisted on their commander pledging himself to fight only outside the city.

From additional reports and information from the prisoners, it was clear that Dijon was heavily defended. Anticipating an attack from that direction, the XIV Corps was gathered behind the Vingeanne, and early on October 30th, General von Beyer marched on Dijon with the 1st and 3rd Brigades. Concerned by recent events, the National Guards in Dijon had already surrendered their weapons, while the Gardes-Mobiles and the regular troops of the garrison had retreated southward; however, the residents were assured that the forces would be returned to protect them. Approximately 8000 troops were available, but they insisted that their commander commit to fighting only outside the city.

The advanced posts on the Tille were driven in by the Baden advanced guard; the village of St. Apollinaire and the neighbouring heights were taken with a rush at noon, in spite of a hot fire. Meanwhile the main body had come up, and at three o'clock six German batteries opened fire. The vineyards and numerous farmsteads in the neighbourhood of Dijon, and especially the strongly barricaded park south of the city, gave the defence a great advantage. Nevertheless, the Baden infantry continued its steady advance and closed in on the northern and eastern suburbs by a wide encircling movement.

The advanced positions on the Tille were taken by the Baden advance team; the village of St. Apollinaire and the nearby hills were captured quickly at noon, despite heavy fire. Meanwhile, the main force had arrived, and at three o'clock, six German artillery units began firing. The vineyards and numerous farms around Dijon, especially the heavily fortified park south of the city, provided a significant advantage for the defense. Nevertheless, the Baden infantry kept pushing forward and surrounded the northern and eastern suburbs with a broad encircling movement.

Here a fierce combat ensued, in which the inhabitants took part. House after house had to be stormed, but the attack came to a stand at the deep-cut bed of the Suzon brook, which borders the city on the east. It was four o'clock, and the impending struggle could not be ended before dark. General von Beyer therefore broke off the fight; the battalions were withdrawn and retired to quarters in the adjacent villages; only the artillery still kept up its fire.

Here, a fierce battle erupted, involving the local residents. House after house had to be attacked, but the advance stalled at the deep-cut bed of the Suzon brook, which runs along the eastern edge of the city. It was four o'clock, and the ongoing fight couldn't be resolved before nightfall. General von Beyer decided to halt the combat; the battalions were pulled back and retreated to their quarters in nearby villages; only the artillery continued to fire.

The Germans had lost about 150 and the French 100 men; but of the latter 200 were taken prisoners.

The Germans had lost around 150 men, while the French lost 100; however, 200 of the French were captured.

In the course of the night a deputation came out to beg that the town might be spared; its members undertook to furnish supplies for 20,000 men, and to guarantee the good behaviour of the inhabitants. The Baden troops took possession of Dijon on the 31st.

During the night, a delegation came out to plead for the town's safety; its members promised to provide supplies for 20,000 men and to ensure the residents would behave well. The Baden troops occupied Dijon on the 31st.

Meanwhile fresh instructions had reached General von Werder. They prescribed that he was to protect[171] the left flank of the IInd Army advancing to the Loire and at the same time to cover Alsace and the troops besieging Belfort, where two reserve Divisions had now arrived. It was intended that the XIVth Corps, while retaining its hold on Dijon, should also move to Vesoul and hold in check from there the gathering of hostile troops round Besançon and at Langres. Some offensive movement on Châlons[40] and Dôle was also insisted on.

Meanwhile, new orders had come through for General von Werder. He was instructed to protect the left flank of the II Army moving toward the Loire while also guarding Alsace and the troops surrounding Belfort, where two reserve divisions had now arrived. The plan was for the XIV Corps, while keeping its position in Dijon, to move to Vesoul and monitor the buildup of enemy troops around Besançon and Langres. Additionally, some offensive action near Châlons[40] and Dôle was also requested.

General von Werder's position was more difficult than was recognized at Versailles. At Besançon alone there were 45,000 French troops, under the command of a new leader, General Crouzat. Garibaldi had collected 12,000 between Dôle and Auxonne; lower down the Saône valley a new Corps was being formed of 18,000 men, and 12,000 National Guards and Gardes-Mobiles threatened from Langres the flank of the isolated German Corps. But the French, instead of attacking this slender force with overwhelming numbers—spread out as it was over a distance of fifty-six miles from Lure to Dijon and Gray—were haunted by the apprehension that the Germans, reinforced from Metz, might be intending an attack on Lyons. General Crouzat, leaving a strong garrison in Besançon, consequently marched to Chagny, where up to November 12th he was reinforced from the south to a strength of 50,000 men. The Garibaldian volunteers moved up to Autun to protect Bourges.

General von Werder's situation was more challenging than people realized at Versailles. In Besançon alone, there were 45,000 French troops led by a new commander, General Crouzat. Garibaldi had gathered 12,000 troops between Dôle and Auxonne; further down the Saône valley, a new corps was being formed with 18,000 men, and 12,000 National Guards and Gardes-Mobiles were threatening the flank of the isolated German corps from Langres. However, instead of attacking this thinly spread force—which was stretched over fifty-six miles from Lure to Dijon and Gray—with overwhelming numbers, the French were troubled by the fear that the Germans, reinforced from Metz, might launch an attack on Lyons. Consequently, General Crouzat, after leaving a strong garrison in Besançon, marched to Chagny, where he was reinforced from the south to a total of 50,000 men by November 12th. The Garibaldian volunteers moved up to Autun to protect Bourges.

General von Werder meanwhile had occupied Vesoul, and had the south face of the city put in a state of defence.

General von Werder had taken control of Vesoul and had fortified the southern side of the city.

The only event of importance during the course of October which remains to be mentioned was the action taken against the French forts lying rearward of the German armies.

The only significant event in October that’s worth mentioning was the action taken against the French forts positioned behind the German armies.

At the beginning of the month the newly constituted 4th Reserve Division, of fifteen battalions, eight squadrons,[172] thirty-six guns, and a company of fortress-pioneers, had assembled in Baden, and crossed the Rhine at Neuenburg. The vicinity was first cleared of franctireurs, Mülhausen was occupied, and, by the express desire of its municipal authorities, the excited artisan inhabitants were disarmed. General von Schmeling (commanding the Division) was instructed to besiege Neu-Breisach and Schlettstadt, and at once set about the investment of each of these places with a brigade. On October 7th the East Prussian Landwehr invested Breisach, and the field-batteries shelled the place, but without effect. The other brigade, having been forced to detach considerably, reached Schlettstadt very weak, but was reinforced by Etappen troops to such extent that the place was invested with 8 battalions, 2 squadrons, and 2 batteries. At the same time 12 companies of fortress-artillery and 4 companies of pioneers arrived from Strasburg with the necessary siege material, and an artillery park of fifty-six heavy guns was established at St. Pilt; the engineer park was located at Kinzheim.

At the start of the month, the newly formed 4th Reserve Division, consisting of fifteen battalions, eight squadrons,[172] thirty-six guns, and a company of fortress pioneers, gathered in Baden and crossed the Rhine at Neuenburg. The area was first cleared of sharpshooters, Mülhausen was occupied, and, at the request of its local authorities, the agitated worker residents were disarmed. General von Schmeling, who commanded the Division, was ordered to lay siege to Neu-Breisach and Schlettstadt, and immediately began surrounding each of these locations with a brigade. On October 7th, the East Prussian Landwehr surrounded Breisach, and the field artillery shelled the area, though without any results. The other brigade, having had to detach significantly, arrived at Schlettstadt in a weakened state but was bolstered by supply troops to the point where the location was surrounded by 8 battalions, 2 squadrons, and 2 batteries. Simultaneously, 12 companies of fortress artillery and 4 companies of pioneers arrived from Strasburg with the necessary siege equipment, and an artillery park with fifty-six heavy guns was set up at St. Pilt; the engineer park was established at Kinzheim.

FOOTNOTES:

[38] Commanding 2nd Baden Brigade.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Leading 2nd Baden Brigade.

[39] Commanding Baden Division.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Commanding Baden Division.

[40] Châlons-sur-Saône.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Châlons-sur-Saône.


Reduction of Schlettstadt.

(October 24th.)

At the beginning of the blockade, inundations and marsh-land rendered Schlettstadt, a fortified town of 10,000 inhabitants, unapproachable on the east and south, and partly on the north. The place itself, perfectly safe from storm, with high walls and a wet ditch, was armed with 120 guns, but garrisoned with only 2000 men, for the most part Gardes-Mobiles. There was a deficiency of safe casemates, and on the west[173] front vineyards and hedgerows favoured the near approach of assaults, while the railway embankment was a ready-made protecting wall for the construction of the first parallel. To divert the attention of the besieged from this front of attack, a battery was constructed on the 20th at the Kappel Mill on the south-east, from which fire was opened on the barracks and magazine in the town, and on the sluice which maintained the inundation. By the evening of the 21st, the infantry posts had advanced to within 400 paces of the glacis, and the construction of the first parallel was proceeded with that night, immediately behind the railway, as well as of emplacements for six batteries within 1230 feet from the ramparts. The garrison fired in the dark on the entire field of attack, but almost without effect. By the morning the trenches were two feet wide and three and a half feet deep, and 20 heavy guns and 8 mortars were ready to open fire. A hot artillery duel now began with the fortress, which replied very steadily. The battery at the mill subjected the west front to a telling reverse fire, and several guns and embrasures were severely damaged. The town was fired at several points, and the defenders' fire gradually ceased. During the night, which was very stormy, the batteries of the attack kept up their fire, the parallel was widened and two new batteries were begun.

At the start of the blockade, floods and swamps made Schlettstadt, a fortified town with 10,000 residents, hard to reach from the east and south, and partly from the north. The town itself was safe from storms, with tall walls and a wet ditch, armed with 120 guns, but only had a garrison of 2,000 men, mostly Gardes-Mobiles. There weren't enough safe casemates, and to the west, vineyards and hedgerows made it easier for attacks to get close, while the railway embankment served as a ready-made protective wall for building the first parallel. To distract the besieged from this point of attack, a battery was set up on the 20th at Kappel Mill in the southeast, which opened fire on the barracks and storehouse in the town, as well as the sluice that kept the floodwaters in place. By the evening of the 21st, the infantry posts had moved to within 400 paces of the glacis, and the construction of the first parallel continued that night, just behind the railway, along with placements for six batteries within 1,230 feet of the ramparts. The garrison fired in the dark across the whole battlefield, but with little effect. By morning, the trenches were two feet wide and three and a half feet deep, and 20 heavy guns and 8 mortars were ready to fire. A fierce artillery duel started with the fortress, which responded very steadily. The battery at the mill targeted the west front with effective counterfire, badly damaging several guns and embrasures. The town was hit at multiple points, and the defenders' fire gradually died down. During the stormy night, the attacking batteries continued firing, the parallel was widened, and two new batteries were started.

At daybreak of the 24th the white flag was seen flying, and a capitulation was forthwith signed, by which Schlettstadt surrendered with its garrison and war-material. The commandant begged the Germans to take possession at once, as the greatest disorder reigned within the town. The public buildings were being plundered by the mob and the drunken soldiery, and a powder-magazine was actually on fire. The German battalions promptly restored order, extinguished the flames, and took away the prisoners. Seven thousand stand of arms fell into German hands,[174] besides the fortress artillery and a large quantity of stores. The siege had cost the victors only twenty men. Schlettstadt was occupied by Etappen troops, and the battalions released from duty there marched into southern Alsace, three of them going to strengthen the siege of Breisach, which was now being proceeded with.

At dawn on the 24th, a white flag was spotted flying, and a surrender was quickly signed, resulting in Schlettstadt giving up with its garrison and military supplies. The commander asked the Germans to take control immediately, as chaos was rampant in the town. Public buildings were being looted by the mob and drunk soldiers, and a powder magazine was actually on fire. The German troops quickly restored order, put out the flames, and took the prisoners away. Seven thousand weapons were captured by the Germans, along with the fortress artillery and a large amount of supplies. The siege had only cost the victors twenty men. Schlettstadt was occupied by support troops, and the battalions released from duty there marched into southern Alsace, with three of them going to reinforce the ongoing siege of Breisach.


Reduction of Breisach.

(November 10th.)

This fortress, lying in the plain and of very symmetrical shape, was proof against a coup-de-main because of its ditches, which were dry indeed, but faced with solid masonry. The garrison of over 5000 men had well-protected quarters in the bomb-proof casemates of the ravelins. Fort Mortier, standing near the Rhine, and constructed for independent defence, effectually commanded the ground over which the intended attack must be made on the north-west front of the fortress. Therefore 12 heavy guns were brought up from Rastatt to Alt Breisach, where the right bank of the Rhine commands the fort at effective range.

This fortress, located in the plain and very symmetrical in shape, was resistant to a surprise attack due to its ditches, which, although dry, were faced with solid masonry. The garrison of over 5,000 men had well-protected living quarters in the bomb-proof casemates of the ravelins. Fort Mortier, positioned near the Rhine and built for independent defense, effectively controlled the area through which the planned attack would occur on the northwest front of the fortress. Consequently, 12 heavy guns were transported from Rastatt to Alt Breisach, where the right bank of the Rhine could effectively target the fort.

It was not till near the end of October that the siege-guns arrived before New Breisach from Schlettstadt, and when the infantry had closed up and all preparations were complete, fire from 24 heavy guns was opened on the fortress on November 2nd from Wolfgantzen, Biesheim and Alt Breisach.

It wasn't until late October that the siege guns arrived at New Breisach from Schlettstadt, and once the infantry was in position and all preparations were finished, fire from 24 heavy guns began on the fortress on November 2nd from Wolfgantzen, Biesheim, and Alt Breisach.

By three o'clock a large part of the town was on fire, and detachments of infantry were skirmishing with the French posts at the foot of the glacis. Fort Mortier had suffered exceptionally severely. Nevertheless,[175] an attempt to storm it was repulsed, but at six o'clock it capitulated, an utter ruin. Only one gun remained in serviceable condition. Two new mortar batteries were erected to shell the main fortress, the defence became perceptibly more feeble, and on November 10th Breisach surrendered on the same terms as Schlettstadt, but the garrison was allowed to march out with the honours of war. The fortifications were almost uninjured, but the town was for the most part burnt down or severely damaged. The success had cost the Germans only 70 men; 108 guns, 6000 small arms and large quantities of stores fell into their hands.

By three o'clock, a big part of the town was on fire, and groups of infantry were skirmishing with the French positions at the base of the glacis. Fort Mortier had taken significant damage. Still, an attempt to storm it was repelled, but by six o'clock, it surrendered, completely ruined. Only one gun was left in working condition. Two new mortar batteries were set up to bombard the main fortress. The defense became noticeably weaker, and on November 10th, Breisach surrendered under the same terms as Schlettstadt, but the garrison was allowed to leave with honors. The fortifications were mostly intact, but the town was largely burned down or heavily damaged. The victory cost the Germans only 70 men; they captured 108 guns, 6000 small arms, and a large amount of supplies.

While these strongholds in Alsace-Lorraine were thus being reduced, Verdun still intercepted the line of railway which formed the shortest line of communication with Germany.

While these fortresses in Alsace-Lorraine were being taken down, Verdun still blocked the railway line that created the quickest route for communication with Germany.


Taking of Verdun.

(November 9th.)

This place, too, was made quite storm-free by high walls and deep wet ditches; but, on the other hand, it was surrounded by a ring of heights whence it could be seen into, and at the foot of these heights villages and vineyards favoured an approach to within a short distance of the outworks.

This place was also protected from storms by tall walls and deep, wet ditches; however, it was surrounded by a ring of hills that allowed for a view inside, and at the base of these hills, villages and vineyards made it easy to get close to the defenses.

The fortress was armed with 140 guns and abundantly victualled, and the garrison, which had been supplemented by escaped prisoners, was 6000 strong. A bombardment by field-artillery had already proved perfectly ineffectual. For a long time Verdun was only under observation, at first by cavalry, and afterwards[176] by a small mixed force. At the end of September the 65th Regiment and twelve companies of Landwehr assembled under General von Gayl before the east face of the place. It was not till October 9th that two companies of fortress-artillery brought up some French heavy guns from Toul and Sedan. The infantry now advanced to within a few hundred paces of the west and north fronts and there established itself. Under this cover the construction of the batteries was begun on the evening of October 12th.

The fortress was equipped with 140 cannons and had plenty of supplies, while the garrison, which had grown with escaped prisoners, numbered 6,000. A bombardment by field artillery had already proven completely ineffective. For a long time, Verdun was only being monitored, first by cavalry and later by a small mixed force. By the end of September, the 65th Regiment and twelve companies of Landwehr gathered under General von Gayl in front of the eastern side of the fortress. It wasn't until October 9th that two companies of fortress artillery brought in some French heavy guns from Toul and Sedan. The infantry then moved within a few hundred yards of the west and north sides and set up camp there. Under this cover, they began building the batteries on the evening of October 12th.

The heavy ground after the rain, and the rocky subsoil very thinly covered, made the work uncommonly difficult, yet by next morning fifty-two guns were able to open fire. But the fortress replied with such effect that before noon two batteries on the Côte de Hayvaux on the westward were reduced to inaction.

The wet ground after the rain, and the rocky subsoil barely covered, made the work unusually challenging, yet by the next morning fifty-two guns were ready to fire. However, the fortress responded so effectively that by noon, two batteries on the Côte de Hayvaux to the west were rendered inactive.

In the course of this three days' artillery engagement, 15 German guns were placed out of action, the artillery lost 60 men and the infantry 40. The disabled guns on the walls of the enemy were constantly replaced by fresh ones.

During this three-day artillery battle, 15 German guns were taken out of action, the artillery lost 60 men, and the infantry lost 40. The disabled guns on the enemy's walls were continually replaced by new ones.

The garrison, which was far stronger than the besiegers, now assumed the offensive. During the stormy night of the 19th—20th, the picquets on the Hayvaux were overpowered, and the guns in the battery there were spiked. On the 28th a sortie in greater force was made. The French climbed up Mont St. Michel, lying northward of Verdun, and destroyed the breast-works and bomb-proofs of the batteries, from which, however, the guns had been withdrawn. Another body pushed up the Hayvaux, and as the soaked state of the ground prevented the guns from being withdrawn, they were totally disabled. The villages in the neighbourhood were also occupied by the French.

The garrison, which was much stronger than the besiegers, decided to go on the offensive. During the stormy night of the 19th to the 20th, the guards at Hayvaux were overpowered, and the guns in the battery there were rendered useless. On the 28th, a larger attack was launched. The French advanced up Mont St. Michel, located north of Verdun, and destroyed the fortifications and bomb shelters of the batteries, from which the guns had already been removed. Another group moved up the Hayvaux, and because the ground was too muddy to pull back the guns, they were completely disabled. The nearby villages were also taken over by the French.

It was now evident that the means hitherto brought to bear on the reduction of Verdun were quite inadequate.[177] But after the fall of Metz the Ist Army was able to send up reinforcements. At the end of the month 5 battalions and 2 companies of pioneers and several of artillery arrived, and also a quantity of German material.

It was now clear that the methods used until now to reduce Verdun were completely insufficient.[177] But after Metz fell, the 1st Army was able to send reinforcements. By the end of the month, 5 battalions, 2 companies of engineers, several artillery units, and a lot of German equipment arrived.

The siege park now numbered 102 guns with abundant ammunition, and preparations were at once made for a regular attack.

The siege park now had 102 guns with plenty of ammunition, and preparations were immediately underway for a formal attack.

But for this the garrison did not wait. After an armistice had been granted, the place capitulated on November 8th, in virtue of which the garrison, with exception of the local National Guards, became prisoners of war. The officers were dismissed on parole with their swords and personal property, and it was agreed that the war-material in store should be given back on the conclusion of peace.

But the garrison didn't wait for this. After a ceasefire was granted, the place surrendered on November 8th, leading to the garrison, except for the local National Guards, becoming prisoners of war. The officers were released on parole with their swords and personal belongings, and it was agreed that the war materials in storage would be returned upon the conclusion of peace.


Progress of the Ist and IInd Armies until mid-November.

The Ist Army having in addition undertaken the siege of Mézières, the 1st Infantry Division moved on that place, and the 3rd Brigade, sent forward by railway to Soissons, on November 15th set about the siege of the small fortress of La Fère. The rest of the Ist Corps reached Rethel on the same day, the VIIIth Rheims, and the 3rd Cavalry Division Tagnon, between the two places named. The VIIth Corps was still fully engaged in guarding the prisoners and in besieging Thionville and Montmédy.

The Ist Army, having also taken on the siege of Mézières, moved the 1st Infantry Division towards that location, and on November 15th, the 3rd Brigade was sent by train to Soissons to begin the siege of the small fortress of La Fère. The rest of the Ist Corps arrived in Rethel on the same day, with the VIIIth Rheims and the 3rd Cavalry Division stationed in Tagnon, between the two mentioned places. Meanwhile, the VIIth Corps was still actively involved in guarding the prisoners and in the sieges of Thionville and Montmédy.

Of the IInd Army the IXth Corps and 1st Cavalry Division reached Troyes on the 10th, the IIIrd Vendeuvre, the Xth Neufchâteau and Chaumont. The important railway connections there and at Bologne[178] were occupied, and the injury done to the line to Blesme was repaired, so as to open up a new line of communication. The health of the German forces had been materially improved by short marches along good roads and by abundant supplies; but a telegram from Versailles now ordered an accelerated advance.

Of the II Army, the IX Corps and 1st Cavalry Division arrived in Troyes on the 10th, along with the III Vendeuvre, X Neufchâteau, and Chaumont. The important railway connections there and in Bologne[178] were secured, and the damage to the line to Blesme was repaired to establish a new communication route. The health of the German forces had significantly improved due to short marches along good roads and plenty of supplies; however, a telegram from Versailles now ordered a faster advance.

The Government in Paris being powerless, the Delegation at Tours was displaying increased activity. Gambetta, as Minister both of War and of the Interior, was exercising the power almost of a Dictator, and the fiery energy of this remarkable man had achieved the feat of placing 600,000 armed men and 1400 guns in the field in the course of a few weeks.

The government in Paris was ineffective, so the delegation in Tours was becoming more active. Gambetta, serving as both the Minister of War and the Interior, was wielding nearly dictatorial power, and the passionate drive of this exceptional man had managed to rally 600,000 armed troops and 1,400 cannons in just a few weeks.

In the Arrondissements the National Guards were formed into companies and battalions; then in each Department these were consolidated into brigades; and finally the brigades were incorporated along with the nearest troops of the line and Gardes-Mobiles into the larger Army-Corps.

In the districts, the National Guards were organized into companies and battalions; then in each department, these were combined into brigades; and finally, the brigades were merged with the nearest regular troops and Gardes-Mobiles into larger Army Corps.

Thus, in the course of October, under cover of the troops of General d'Aurelle de Paladines which had re-crossed the Loire, a new XVIIth Corps was made up at Blois, another, the XVIIIth, at Gien, and a third, under Admiral Jaurès, at Nogent le Rotrou. A large force was in Picardy under General Bourbaki, another at Rouen under Briand, and a third on the left bank of the Seine under Fiéreck.

Thus, in October, with the support of General d'Aurelle de Paladines' troops who had crossed back over the Loire, a new XVII Corps was formed at Blois, another, the XVIII Corps, at Gien, and a third, led by Admiral Jaurès, at Nogent le Rotrou. A large force was positioned in Picardy under General Bourbaki, another was at Rouen under Briand, and a third was on the left bank of the Seine under Fiéreck.

The detachments of the army investing Paris, which were pushed forward to the south, west, and north, already met in all directions strong forces of the enemy, which they indeed repulsed in many small encounters, but could not follow up to the places of their origin. For such purposes the arrival of the army released from the siege of Metz was needed, and this was not to be looked for before some time in November, while now in October there was threatened a general advance of the French forces on Paris.

The army units surrounding Paris that had moved south, west, and north were already encountering strong enemy forces from all directions. They managed to push back the enemy in several small skirmishes, but they couldn’t pursue them to their bases. To achieve that, they needed the arrival of the army freed from the siege of Metz, which wouldn’t happen until sometime in November. Meanwhile, in October, there was a looming threat of a general French attack on Paris.

Having regard to the inferior strength of General[179] von Tann's Division holding Orleans, at a French council of war held at Tours it was decided to recover that important place. The attack was to be delivered chiefly from the west. The French XVth Corps—two Infantry Divisions and one of Cavalry—therefore assembled at Mer on the northern bank of the Lower Loire, and the main body of the XVIth behind the forest of Marchénoir. The remaining portions of both Corps were to co-operate on the Upper Loire by way of Gien. Any further advance was not projected, at any rate for the present; on the contrary, General d'Aurelle's instructions were to form an intrenched camp about Orleans for 200,000 men.

Considering the weaker strength of General[179] von Tann's Division in Orleans, a meeting of French military leaders held in Tours decided to take back that key location. The plan was to launch the attack mainly from the west. The French XV Corps—two infantry divisions and one cavalry division—gathered at Mer on the northern bank of the Lower Loire, while the main body of the XVI Corps positioned itself behind the Marchénoir forest. The remaining parts of both corps were set to assist on the Upper Loire via Gien. No further advances were planned at this time; instead, General d'Aurelle was instructed to establish a fortified camp around Orleans for 200,000 troops.

General von Tann's reconnoitring parties to the westward everywhere met hostile detachments, which were indeed driven back by restraining skirmishes into the forest of Marchénoir without much difficulty, but which betrayed the vicinity of large forces of the enemy. On the whole an attack from the south-west on the investing army before Paris seemed the likeliest event, since this would threaten both the German Head-quarter in Versailles and the siege-park at Villacoublay; while the German reinforcements from the eastward would have the furthest distance to reach the quarter indicated.

General von Tann's scouting parties to the west continuously encountered enemy detachments, which were indeed pushed back by minor skirmishes into the Marchénoir forest without much trouble, but this indicated the presence of large enemy forces nearby. Overall, an attack from the southwest on the army surrounding Paris seemed the most likely scenario, as it would threaten both the German headquarters in Versailles and the siege artillery park at Villacoublay; meanwhile, the German reinforcements coming from the east would have the longest distance to cover to reach that area.

The French forces to the west of Orleans were already extended over a wide stretch of country from Beaugency to Châteaudun. The volunteers grew bolder every day, and the people more hostile.

The French forces to the west of Orleans were already spread out over a large area from Beaugency to Châteaudun. The volunteers became bolder every day, and the people grew more hostile.

At last, in quest of some more accurate information, Count Stolberg (commanding 2nd Cavalry Division) on November 7th made a reconnaissance in force. Three regiments of the 2nd Cavalry Division, two batteries, and some companies of Bavarian Infantry advanced by Ouzouer and drove the enemy out of Marolles, but they found the skirts of the forest strongly held.

At last, looking for more accurate information, Count Stolberg (in command of the 2nd Cavalry Division) conducted a reconnaissance in force on November 7th. Three regiments from the 2nd Cavalry Division, two artillery batteries, and some companies of Bavarian Infantry moved through Ouzouer and pushed the enemy out of Marolles, but they discovered that the edges of the forest were heavily defended.

General Chanzy had brought up all his immediately available troops to St. Laurent des Bois. A sharp fire-fight[180] ensued, lasting about half an hour, which caused severe losses in the Bavarian infantry; and then, as the great superiority of the French was evident, the engagement was broken off.

General Chanzy had brought in all his available troops to St. Laurent des Bois. A fierce firefight[180] followed, lasting about thirty minutes, which resulted in heavy losses for the Bavarian infantry; and then, as the French's clear advantage became obvious, the clash ended.

As a matter of fact, both the French Corps were already in full march on Orleans. Reaching the forest on the 8th, they occupied it firmly, their right wing at Messas and Meung, their left at Ouzouer. The XVth Corps was next to move to the right to the Mauve and the XVIth to the left on Coulmiers. The heads of those Corps showed themselves at Bardon and Charsonville respectively. Both the French Cavalry Divisions were directed northward on Prénouvellon to turn the right wing of the Bavarians with a force of ten regiments, six batteries, and numerous volunteer bands, and thus to cut off their retreat on Paris.

Actually, both French Corps were already on their way to Orleans. They reached the forest on the 8th and took control of it, with their right wing stationed at Messas and Meung, and their left wing at Ouzouer. The XV Corps was set to move to the right towards Mauve, while the XVI Corps would go left towards Coulmiers. The front lines of those Corps were positioned at Bardon and Charsonville, respectively. Both French Cavalry Divisions were directed north toward Prénouvellon to outflank the right wing of the Bavarians, bringing a combined force of ten regiments, six batteries, and various volunteer groups, aiming to block their escape to Paris.

To counteract this attempt the Bavarian Cuirassier Brigade started for St. Péravy, the 2nd Cavalry Division for Baccon, and, further south, the 2nd Bavarian Infantry Division advancing from Orleans held the country about Huisseau and St. Ay.

To counter this move, the Bavarian Cuirassier Brigade headed for St. Péravy, the 2nd Cavalry Division went to Baccon, and further south, the 2nd Bavarian Infantry Division advancing from Orleans secured the area around Huisseau and St. Ay.

But an attack was also threatening the German rear from the considerable force at Gien. General von der Tann realized that it was now the last moment when he could hope to extricate himself from so hazardous a position; and that same evening he issued the necessary orders. However desirable it was to keep possession of Orleans, he could not accept battle in so thickly wooded country, where the action of his relatively strong artillery and cavalry would be seriously impeded, and where indeed he might be entirely hemmed in. The General, however, determined to strike at the most immediately threatening hostile force in the open country about Coulmiers, where he would at the same time be nearer to the 22nd Division at Chartres, on which he could call for support.

But an attack was also threatening the German rear from the large force at Gien. General von der Tann realized that this was the last moment he could hope to get out of such a dangerous position; that same evening, he gave the necessary orders. While it was important to hold onto Orleans, he couldn’t engage in battle in such heavily wooded terrain, where his relatively strong artillery and cavalry would face serious limitations, and where he could get completely surrounded. Nevertheless, the General decided to target the most immediate hostile force in the open area around Coulmiers, where he would also be closer to the 22nd Division at Chartres, which he could call for support.

General von Wittich had already asked and obtained permission to fall back on Orleans, but on the 9th[181] he had only reached Voves, with his cavalry at Orgères; thus he could not take any direct part in that day's fighting.

General von Wittich had already asked for and received permission to retreat to Orleans, but on the 9th[181] he had only made it to Voves, with his cavalry at Orgères; therefore, he could not participate directly in the fighting that day.

The IInd Army was in full march from Metz, but on this day its head had but just arrived at Troyes.

The 2nd Army was fully marching from Metz, but on this day its lead had just arrived in Troyes.


Engagement at Coulmiers.

(November 9th.)

Left thus to its own resources, the Ist Bavarian Corps moved out in the night, and on the morning of the 9th stood concentrated on the skirts of the forest between Château Montpipeau and Rosières, with the village of Coulmiers in its front. The Bavarian Cuirassiers on the right wing protected the line of retreat by St. Sigismond; the 2nd Cavalry Division was distributed by brigades along the whole front, with detachments well in advance and infantry posts ready in support. Only a small detachment remained in Orleans after the bridge over the Loiret had been destroyed, to protect the numerous sick and wounded in the field hospitals, and occupy the city at any rate till the result of the fight was decided.

Left to its own devices, the Ist Bavarian Corps moved out at night, and by the morning of the 9th, it was concentrated on the edge of the forest between Château Montpipeau and Rosières, with the village of Coulmiers in front. The Bavarian Cuirassiers on the right wing secured the retreat route by St. Sigismond; the 2nd Cavalry Division was positioned in brigades along the entire front, with detachments well ahead and infantry posts on standby for support. Only a small group stayed in Orleans after the bridge over the Loiret was destroyed, to protect the many sick and wounded in the field hospitals and occupy the city until the outcome of the battle was determined.

The first reports brought in that morning were of the advance of a strong hostile column from Cravant on Fontaines and Le Bardon. This was Rébillard's Brigade, which, as it seemed, aimed at turning the Bavarian left flank and marching direct on Orleans. To oppose it on the bank of the Mauve, General von der Tann at about nine o'clock sent the 3rd Brigade in a southerly direction to Préfort, a little over two miles distant, and as at the same time a sharp contest had now begun at the outposts near Baccon, the 1st Brigade[182] marched to La Renardière. The remainder of the Corps remained in and behind Coulmiers. The General's intention was to assume the offensive from this point against the enemy's left flank, if, as seemed probable, the latter should attempt to push his chief attack across the Mauve. In furtherance of this intention the cavalry of the right flank was ordered to close in to Coulmiers.

The first reports that came in that morning were about a strong enemy force advancing from Cravant towards Fontaines and Le Bardon. This was Rébillard's Brigade, which seemed to be trying to flank the Bavarians on the left and march directly on Orleans. To counter this on the bank of the Mauve, General von der Tann sent the 3rd Brigade south to Préfort, a little over two miles away, around nine o'clock. At the same time, a fierce battle had started at the outposts near Baccon, prompting the 1st Brigade to march to La Renardière. The rest of the Corps stayed in and behind Coulmiers. The General planned to go on the offensive from this point against the enemy's left flank, assuming, as seemed likely, that they would try to push their main attack across the Mauve. To support this plan, the cavalry on the right flank was ordered to converge on Coulmiers.

But the superior strength of the French allowed of their fetching a much wider compass to the left. While General d'Aurelle with the XVth Corps detained the Bavarians southward of the road from Ouzouer to Orleans, General Chanzy advanced with Barry's Division against their centre and directed Jauréguiberry's Division northward against their right; and finally the strong force of French cavalry under General Reyau moved in the direction of Patay, thus threatening the German communication with Paris.

But the stronger French forces allowed them to expand their reach further to the left. While General d'Aurelle with the XV Corps held the Bavarians south of the road from Ouzouer to Orleans, General Chanzy advanced with Barry's Division against their center and sent Jauréguiberry's Division north against their right; finally, the large force of French cavalry under General Reyau moved toward Patay, threatening the German communication with Paris.

This movement of the French XVIth Corps compelled General von Tann, at the very beginning of the engagement, to despatch the 2nd Brigade, which had constituted his reserve, to prolong his right wing northwards towards Champs, and thus obtain touch with the 4th Cavalry Brigade. The Bavarian Cuirassiers, retiring according to orders from St. Péravy to the southward, about eleven o'clock encountered Reyau's cavalry, which, however, restricted itself to a mere cannonade.

This movement of the French 16th Corps forced General von Tann, right at the start of the fight, to send out the 2nd Brigade, which had been his reserve, to extend his right wing north toward Champs and make contact with the 4th Cavalry Brigade. The Bavarian Cuirassiers, falling back as ordered from St. Péravy to the south around eleven o'clock, ran into Reyau's cavalry, which, however, limited itself to just cannon fire.

Meanwhile, after a stout resistance, the advanced posts of the Bavarians had been driven in by the enemy's superior strength. The 1st Rifle Battalion, after having retarded the advance of the French horse-batteries through Champdry for a long time, retreated from Baccon to La Rivière,[41] where it expected to be received by the 2nd (Rifle Battalion). But the situation[183] of the latter soon became very critical. Peytavin's Division closely followed up through Baccon, beset La Rivière with five batteries, and then attacked the burning village from three sides at once. After energetic reprisals the Riflemen retired in good order on the 1st Brigade in Renardière, where General Dietl had taken up a position for defence.

Meanwhile, after a strong resistance, the Bavarians' forward positions were overrun by the enemy's greater numbers. The 1st Rifle Battalion, after slowing down the advance of the French horse artillery through Champdry for quite a while, fell back from Baccon to La Rivière,[41] where they expected to be supported by the 2nd (Rifle Battalion). However, the situation for the latter soon became very serious. Peytavin's Division closely pursued them through Baccon, surrounded La Rivière with five artillery batteries, and then attacked the burning village from three sides simultaneously. After fierce counterattacks, the Riflemen withdrew in good order to the 1st Brigade in Renardière, where General Dietl had positioned himself for defense.

After the evacuation of Baccon by the Bavarians, Barry's Division had continued its advance through Champdry, and its batteries deployed opposite Coulmiers and in front of Saintry, in preparation for an assault by strong lines of tirailleurs.

After the Bavarians left Baccon, Barry's Division kept pushing forward through Champdry, setting up its artillery across from Coulmiers and in front of Saintry, getting ready for an assault by strong lines of skirmishers.

The 4th Bavarian Brigade occupied the park extending to the west; the quarries further in front were occupied by two battalions, two others were sent to the right to the farmsteads of Ormeteau and Vaurichard, so as to keep up some sort of communication with the 2nd Brigade. One battery to the south and four batteries to the north of Coulmiers were supported by the 5th Cavalry Brigade.

The 4th Bavarian Brigade took over the park to the west; two battalions occupied the quarries further ahead, while two others were sent to the right to the farms of Ormeteau and Vaurichard to maintain some communication with the 2nd Brigade. One battery was positioned to the south and four batteries to the north of Coulmiers, supported by the 5th Cavalry Brigade.

Thus at noon the Bavarian Corps, with only three brigades, held the ground from Renardière to the front of Gémigny, its front disproportionately extended to a length of more than four miles. But the French right wing remained quite inactive, so that the 3rd Brigade which had been sent to Préfort was recalled to Renardière.

Thus at noon, the Bavarian Corps, with just three brigades, held the ground from Renardière to the front of Gémigny, stretching its line over four miles. However, the French right wing stayed completely inactive, so the 3rd Brigade that had been sent to Préfort was recalled to Renardière.

When the French Corps had made good its foothold opposite the thin Bavarian line, it attacked in earnest at about one o'clock.

When the French Corps had secured its position opposite the thin Bavarian line, it launched a serious attack at around one o'clock.

The Riflemen in Renardière had indeed repulsed the enemy's first rush, but this position was no longer tenable with only four battalions against the whole of Peytavin's Division. At about one o'clock General Dietl retired unmolested, under cover of an intermediate position, on the wood of Montpipeau, and occupied its border. Here he was joined by the 3rd Brigade, which on its retirement from Préfort had[184] found Renardière already evacuated. The French had followed up from thence but hesitatingly, came under the fire of six batteries between the points of the forests at La Planche and Coulmiers, and made no further advance with their right wing.

The riflemen in Renardière had managed to fend off the enemy's first attack, but they couldn't hold the position any longer with just four battalions against all of Peytavin's Division. Around one o'clock, General Dietl withdrew safely, using an intermediate position as cover, and moved to the edge of the Montpipeau woods. Here, he was joined by the 3rd Brigade, which had found Renardière already abandoned after pulling back from Préfort. The French followed but did so hesitantly, coming under fire from six batteries located between the La Planche and Coulmiers forests, and they did not push any further with their right wing.

In the centre Barry's Division about one o'clock had driven the Bavarian Riflemen out of the stone-quarries in front of Coulmiers. Not till three o'clock did it advance to a renewed general attack on the 4th Brigade, which was repulsed by the fire of the German guns and the repeated charges of the 5th Cavalry Brigade.

In the center, Barry's Division had pushed the Bavarian Riflemen out of the stone quarries in front of Coulmiers around one o'clock. They didn’t advance to launch another general attack on the 4th Brigade until three o'clock, which was driven back by the fire from the German guns and the repeated charges from the 5th Cavalry Brigade.

Meanwhile, d'Aries' Brigade of the XVth French Corps, after leaving Renardière, arrived southward of Coulmiers, and its batteries strengthened the fire which was being directed on that village. The Bavarian guns were compelled before the rush of the French tirailleurs to take ground further in rear, where they resumed their activity, while the infantry drove the French out of the park at the point of the bayonet.

Meanwhile, d'Aries' Brigade of the 15th French Corps, after leaving Renardière, moved south of Coulmiers, and its artillery intensified the attack on that village. The Bavarian artillery was forced to retreat further back in response to the advance of the French marksmen, where they resumed their fire, while the infantry pushed the French out of the park at bayonet point.

But after four hours' fighting the resistance of this single brigade against three French brigades had become extremely arduous. Of the whole Corps only two battalions remained intact as a reserve at Bonneville, no reinforcement was to be looked for from anywhere, and on the right flank the French threatened the communications with Chartres as well as with Paris. At four in the afternoon General von der Tann gave orders to break off the fight and to retire by brigades from the left wing on Artenay.

But after four hours of fighting, the resistance of this single brigade against three French brigades had become very difficult. Of the entire Corps, only two battalions were still intact as a reserve at Bonneville, and no reinforcements were expected from anywhere. On the right flank, the French were threatening the communication lines with Chartres as well as with Paris. At four in the afternoon, General von der Tann ordered a withdrawal and to retreat by brigades from the left wing to Artenay.

Fresh troops of the enemy at this moment forced their way into the park of Coulmiers. Colonel Count von Ysenburg held the eastern outlets of the village, and withdrew his troops by alternate echelons through Gémigmy in good order.

Fresh enemy troops are currently pushing into the park of Coulmiers. Colonel Count von Ysenburg is holding the eastern exits of the village and is retreating his troops in an organized manner through Gémigmy in alternate groups.

It now proved of the greatest importance that the 2nd Brigade should have been able to maintain its[185] position in front of this village, thus covering the further retreat.

It was critically important that the 2nd Brigade was able to hold its[185]position in front of this village, ensuring the safe retreat.

At noon, General von Orff (in command of the Brigade), on approaching Champs and Cheminiers, had found these villages occupied by Deplanque's French Brigade. First he silenced its artillery, then he deployed his four battalions for action, with the 4th Cavalry Brigade on the right flank.

At noon, General von Orff (in charge of the Brigade), when he reached Champs and Cheminiers, discovered that these villages were occupied by Deplanque's French Brigade. First, he took out their artillery, then he arranged his four battalions for battle, with the 4th Cavalry Brigade on the right flank.

Reyau's Cavalry ere long came up between these two villages, after it had given up its two hours' cannonade against the Bavarian Cuirassiers and had been driven out of St. Sigismond by dismounted hussars. But this body of horse soon got out from under the fire of the Bavarian guns and moved off to the westward, it was said because it mistook Lipkowski's volunteers, skirmishing further to the north, for German reinforcements advancing. And when the Bavarian horse-batteries opened fire on Champs from the north-east, the French abandoned the place at about two o'clock, in great disorder.

Reyau's Cavalry soon arrived between the two villages, after having spent two hours bombarding the Bavarian Cuirassiers and being driven out of St. Sigismond by dismounted hussars. However, this cavalry unit quickly moved out of the range of the Bavarian guns and headed west, reportedly because they mistook Lipkowski's volunteers, who were skirmishing further north, for German reinforcements on the way. When the Bavarian horse batteries began firing on Champs from the northeast, the French abandoned the area around two o'clock, in complete disarray.

General von Orff now brought the artillery up to within 500 paces of Cheminiers, and marched the infantry up through the intervals.

General von Orff now moved the artillery to within 500 paces of Cheminiers and marched the infantry through the gaps.

Admiral Jauréguiberry, however, arriving in person, succeeded in rallying the wavering troops, and this attack failed. The French batteries soon compelled the Bavarian horse-batteries to retire.

Admiral Jauréguiberry, however, arrived in person and managed to rally the uncertain troops, causing the attack to fail. The French batteries quickly forced the Bavarian horse-batteries to retreat.

When, at about three o'clock, Bourdillon's Brigade and the reserve artillery of the XVIth French Corps also arrived at Champs, and news was brought of the state of the fighting at Coulmiers, General von Orff determined to refrain from all further attack, and confined himself to maintaining his position in front of Gémigny to the last extremity. Unshaken by the fire of the numerous hostile batteries, the weak brigade repulsed the repeated attacks of the enemy.

When, around three o'clock, Bourdillon's Brigade and the reserve artillery of the 16th French Corps arrived at Champs, and news came in about the fighting at Coulmiers, General von Orff decided to stop any further attacks and focused on holding his position in front of Gémigny at all costs. Despite the fire from multiple enemy batteries, the outnumbered brigade pushed back the repeated assaults from the enemy.

Thus the 4th Brigade was enabled unmolested to retire from Coulmiers by Gémigny and St. Péravy,[186] and the 1st, from Montpipeau further eastward, on Coinces. The 2nd Brigade followed to Coinces, and finally the 3rd formed the rear-guard as far as St. Sigismond, where it halted and bivouacked. The cavalry covered the retreat on all sides.

Thus, the 4th Brigade was able to retreat safely from Coulmiers via Gémigny and St. Péravy,[186] while the 1st Brigade moved from Montpipeau further east toward Coinces. The 2nd Brigade followed to Coinces, and finally, the 3rd Brigade served as the rear guard all the way to St. Sigismond, where it stopped and set up camp. The cavalry protected the retreat on all sides.

After a short rest the retreat of the main body was continued during the night, by very bad roads. Artenay was reached by the morning. Orleans was evacuated, and the garrison which had been left there rejoined its Corps. The stores were conveyed by railway back to Toury; but one ammunition column, 150 prisoners, and the sick who could not be moved, fell into the hands of the French.

After a short break, the main group continued to retreat at night over poorly maintained roads. They reached Artenay by morning. Orleans was abandoned, and the garrison that had stayed there rejoined its Corps. The supplies were transported by train back to Toury; however, one ammunition column, 150 prisoners, and the sick who couldn’t be moved were captured by the French.

This contest of 20,000 Germans against 70,000 French cost the former about 800 in killed and wounded; the enemy's loss was nearly double.

This battle of 20,000 Germans against 70,000 French resulted in about 800 Germans being killed or wounded; the French casualties were almost double that number.

From Artenay, on November 10th, the 2nd Brigade undertook the duty of covering the further march on Toury, where close quarters were available. Thither, too, came the 22nd Division from Chartres, and took up a position at Janville close to the Bavarians. General von der Tann had extricated himself from a difficult position with much skill and good fortune. The enemy did not attempt a pursuit. General d'Aurelle restricted himself to awaiting further reinforcements in a strong position before Orleans. The French preparations were, however, in greater activity on the Upper Loir and the Eure.

From Artenay, on November 10th, the 2nd Brigade took on the task of covering the advance toward Toury, where close quarters were available. The 22nd Division also arrived from Chartres and positioned themselves at Janville near the Bavarians. General von der Tann skillfully and fortunately got out of a tough situation. The enemy did not pursue. General d'Aurelle chose to wait for more reinforcements in a strong position before Orleans. However, the French preparations were more active around the Upper Loir and the Eure.

On the German side the IInd Army Corps arrived before Paris on the 5th of November; the 3rd Division was included in the investing line between the Seine and Marne; the 4th moved on to Longjumeau.

On the German side, the 2nd Army Corps reached Paris on November 5th; the 3rd Division was part of the encircling line between the Seine and Marne; the 4th moved on to Longjumeau.

When the Guard Landwehr took possession of the peninsula of Argenteuil, a brigade of the IVth Corps became available for service on the north side of the capital. On the south side, the 17th Division at Rambouillet, the 22nd at Chartres, and the Bavarian Corps, which had moved to Ablis, with the 4th and 6th[187] Cavalry Divisions, were ultimately formed into a separate Army-Detachment of the IIIrd Army, under the command of the Grand Duke of Mecklenburg, and it was ordered to betake itself in the first instance to Dreux.

When the Guard Landwehr took control of the peninsula of Argenteuil, a brigade from the IV Corps became available for duty on the north side of the capital. On the south side, the 17th Division at Rambouillet, the 22nd at Chartres, and the Bavarian Corps, which had moved to Ablis, along with the 4th and 6th[187] Cavalry Divisions, were eventually organized into a separate Army Detachment of the III Army, led by the Grand Duke of Mecklenburg, and it was instructed to head to Dreux first.

FOOTNOTE:

[41] According to the Staff History, on La Renardière and La Grande Motte.

[41] According to the Staff History, about La Renardière and La Grande Motte.


Operations of the Grand Duke of Mecklenburg.

On the 17th of November the 17th Division advanced by Maintenon. On the left, a French detachment was driven back across the Blaise; and when a few companies of marines, who attempted to block the high-road, had been disposed of, General von Tresckow (commanding the Division) marched into Dreux that evening. The combat had cost the Germans 50 men, the French 150 and 50 prisoners.

On November 17th, the 17th Division advanced through Maintenon. On the left, a French unit was pushed back across the Blaise, and once a few companies of marines who tried to block the main road were dealt with, General von Tresckow (in charge of the Division) marched into Dreux that evening. The fighting resulted in 50 German casualties, while the French lost 150 men and had 50 taken prisoner.

Prince Frederick Charles, whose forces were now at length assembled before Orleans in face of the enemy, expressed the wish that the (Grand Duke's) Detachment should advance on Tours by way of Le Mans. The Grand Duke accordingly marched on Nogent le Rotrou, which place, being the central rendezvous of the French levies, promised to be the scene of an obstinate resistance.

Prince Frederick Charles, whose troops were finally gathered in front of Orleans facing the enemy, expressed the desire for the (Grand Duke's) Detachment to move toward Tours via Le Mans. The Grand Duke then marched on Nogent le Rotrou, which, being the central meeting point of the French forces, was expected to see intense resistance.

After several skirmishes the Detachment approached the place, but when on the 22nd preparations were being made to storm it from three sides, it was found that the enemy had already evacuated it. At the same time orders arrived from the supreme Headquarter, instructing the Grand Duke to fall back at once on Beaugency to join the right wing of the IInd Army, which it was necessary should immediately be reinforced in view of the superior strength of the enemy. "The force now massing before Orleans is to postpone all hostilities until the arrival of the Detachment. The slight opposition offered by the French[188] on the Eure and Huisne sufficiently shows that no serious danger threatens on that side; the enemy in that quarter need only be kept under observation by cavalry." The Detachment was not to be permitted even a single rest day, and its march was to be conducted with the utmost speed.

After several skirmishes, the Detachment got closer to the location, but on the 22nd, when preparations were underway to attack from three sides, it was discovered that the enemy had already pulled out. At the same time, orders arrived from the supreme Headquarters, directing the Grand Duke to immediately retreat to Beaugency to join the right wing of the II Army, which needed to be reinforced right away due to the enemy's greater numbers. "The force currently gathering near Orleans must hold off on any hostilities until the Detachment arrives. The minimal resistance posed by the French[188] on the Eure and Huisne clearly indicates that there’s no serious threat from that direction; the enemy there just needs to be monitored by cavalry." The Detachment was not allowed a single rest day, and its march was to be conducted with the utmost speed.

On the 23rd, the Divisions had closed up on their respective heads, and the Grand Duke on the 24th moved on Châteaudun and Vendôme; but the Bavarian Corps only got as far as Vibraye, while the two Prussian Divisions withdrew from the difficult country of the Perche, and the cavalry found the whole line of the Loir held by the enemy.

On the 23rd, the Divisions had gathered at their respective locations, and the Grand Duke moved toward Châteaudun and Vendôme on the 24th. However, the Bavarian Corps only made it to Vibraye, while the two Prussian Divisions pulled back from the challenging terrain of the Perche, and the cavalry discovered that the entire line of the Loir was controlled by the enemy.

In fact, the French had sent a brigade of the troops massed behind the forest of Marchénoir by railway to Vendôme, expressly to protect the Government at Tours, while General de Sonis had advanced with the rest of the XVIIth Corps on Brou. Here on the 25th his advance met an ammunition column and bridge-train of the Bavarian Corps. At first only the 10th Cavalry Brigade could engage the enemy, but when presently two companies and eight guns had occupied the bridge over the Loir at Yèvres, the waggons were got through Brou in safety, and the enemy could not enter that place till the cavalry had continued its march.

In fact, the French had sent a group of troops gathered behind the forest of Marchénoir by train to Vendôme, specifically to protect the Government in Tours, while General de Sonis had moved the rest of the XVIIth Corps toward Brou. There, on the 25th, his advance encountered an ammunition column and bridge-train from the Bavarian Corps. Initially, only the 10th Cavalry Brigade could engage the enemy, but when two companies and eight guns took control of the bridge over the Loir at Yèvres, the wagons were safely sent through Brou, and the enemy couldn’t enter that location until the cavalry had continued their march.

The Bavarian Corps was meanwhile advancing on Mondoubleau and St. Calais, not certainly the shortest route to Beaugency, but, on the contrary, on the direct road to Tours. The two Divisions only reached the vicinity of Vibraye and Authon.

The Bavarian Corps was moving toward Mondoubleau and St. Calais, which wasn’t really the shortest way to Beaugency, but rather the direct road to Tours. The two divisions only got to the area around Vibraye and Authon.

The appearance of a hostile force at Brou was deemed of sufficient importance to justify a détour by that place, postponing for the moment the prescribed march on the Loire. But when the 22nd Division approached Brou on the 26th, it found that the enemy had already retired during the night. The Government at Tours had ordered the whole of the XVIIth[189] Corps to concentrate at Vendôme for their protection. But when the German cavalry made its appearance at Cloyes and Fréteval, General Sonis considered that he could not pursue his march further along the Loir, and made a détour by Marchénoir. But two night-marches so shattered the levies for the first time collected in mass that whole swarms of stragglers wandered about the neighbourhood all day and could only with difficulty be re-assembled at Beaugency.

The arrival of a hostile force at Brou was considered significant enough to warrant a detour through that area, delaying the planned march on the Loire for now. However, when the 22nd Division got close to Brou on the 26th, they discovered that the enemy had already retreated during the night. The government in Tours had ordered the entire XVIIth[189] Corps to gather in Vendôme for their protection. But when the German cavalry showed up at Cloyes and Fréteval, General Sonis felt he couldn't continue his march along the Loir and chose to take a detour via Marchénoir. Unfortunately, two night marches exhausted the troops who had just begun to gather en masse, leading to many stragglers wandering around the area all day, and they could only be gathered back together with great difficulty at Beaugency.

To imbue the operations with unity of command, the Grand Duke was now, by instruction from the supreme Head-quarter, placed under Prince Frederick Charles's orders, and General von Stosch[42] was despatched to undertake the duties of Chief of the Staff to the Detachment. That force by the Prince's orders was to come in with all speed to Janville, whither troops of the IXth Corps would be sent to meet it by way of Orgères.

To ensure unified command in the operations, the Grand Duke was now, following orders from the supreme headquarters, placed under Prince Frederick Charles's authority, and General von Stosch[42] was sent to take on the role of Chief of Staff for the Detachment. By the Prince's orders, that force was to quickly move to Janville, where troops from the IXth Corps would be sent to meet it via Orgères.

The Grand Duke therefore marched, on the 27th, with both his (Prussian) Divisions (17th and 22nd) to Bonneval, where there was already a squadron of the 2nd Cavalry Division. The Bavarian Corps, which, after finding Brou abandoned, had been directed on Courtalin, marched to Châteaudun. Having thus accomplished a junction with the IInd Army, the sorely fatigued troops of the Detachment were allowed a day's rest on the 28th, in quarters on the Loir.

The Grand Duke marched on the 27th with both his Prussian Divisions (17th and 22nd) to Bonneval, where there was already a squadron from the 2nd Cavalry Division. The Bavarian Corps, having found Brou abandoned, was directed to Courtalin and marched to Châteaudun. After joining the 2nd Army, the tired troops of the Detachment were given a day's rest on the 28th, staying in quarters by the Loir.

FOOTNOTE:

[42] Until then Commissary-General. He succeeded Colonel von Krenski as the Grand Duke's Chief of Staff.

[42] Until then Commissary-General. He took over from Colonel von Krenski as the Grand Duke's Chief of Staff.


IInd Army situation.

(Second half of November.)

Prince Frederick Charles had hastened the advance of his army as much as possible, but it had met[190] with many hindrances. The roads were broken up, National Guards and franctireurs stood watchful for mischief, and even the country people had taken up arms. However, by November 14th the IXth Corps with the 1st Cavalry Division reached Fontainebleau, whence it pursued its march to Angerville. The IIIrd Corps was following on Pithiviers. Of the Xth Corps the 40th Brigade was left at Chaumont, to make connection with the XIVth Corps; the 36th reached Montargis and Beaune la Rolande on the 21st.[43] The two brigades following in rear (37th and 39th) had a sharp encounter on the 24th at Ladon and Maizières. In this combat 170 French prisoners were taken, who belonged to a corps which, as General von Werder had already reported, was proceeding under General Crouzat's command from Chagny to Gien by railway. The order of battle was found on an officer who was among the prisoners.

Prince Frederick Charles had pushed his army forward as quickly as possible, but they faced many obstacles. The roads were damaged, National Guards and partisans were on alert for trouble, and even local residents had taken up arms. Still, by November 14th, the IX Corps along with the 1st Cavalry Division reached Fontainebleau, from where they continued their march to Angerville. The III Corps was following towards Pithiviers. For the X Corps, the 40th Brigade was left at Chaumont to connect with the XIV Corps; the 36th Brigade reached Montargis and Beaune la Rolande on the 21st.[43] The two brigades behind (the 37th and 39th) had a fierce clash on the 24th at Ladon and Maizières. In this fight, 170 French prisoners were captured, who were part of a corps that, as General von Werder had already reported, was moving under General Crouzat's command from Chagny to Gien by train. The order of battle was found on one of the officers among the prisoners.

That while the Grand Duke's Detachment was marching to join it, the IInd Army, only now fully concentrated, was in very close proximity to considerable forces of the enemy, was ascertained beyond doubt by several reconnoissances.

That while the Grand Duke's Detachment was marching to meet up with it, the II Army, now fully assembled, was very near substantial enemy forces, as confirmed by several reconnaissance missions.

On the 24th troops of the IXth Corps advanced along the great high-road. A few shells caused the enemy to evacuate Artenay, pursued by the cavalry as far as Croix Briquet. Early in the same day a mixed detachment of all arms from the IIIrd Corps reached Neuville aux Bois. Two detachments of the 38th Brigade marched on Bois Commun and Bellegarde, but everywhere those inquisitive reconnaissances were met by very superior numbers of the enemy.

On the 24th, troops from the IXth Corps moved forward along the main road. A few shells prompted the enemy to retreat from Artenay, with the cavalry chasing them all the way to Croix Briquet. Earlier that day, a mixed unit from the IIIrd Corps arrived at Neuville aux Bois. Two units from the 38th Brigade marched towards Bois Commun and Bellegarde, but in each location, their probing attempts were met with much larger enemy forces.

It was ascertained that the position of the French[191] before Orleans extended for about 37 miles from the Conie to Loing; and the massing of troops, especially on their (right) flank, made it highly probable that they proposed advancing by Fontainebleau on the rear of the besieging army. Still, this intention was not so evident as to justify Prince Frederick Charles in leaving the great highways from Orleans to Paris unguarded. However, to enable him to lend his left wing timely support in case of need, he moved the 5th Infantry Division of the IIIrd Corps and the 1st Cavalry Division to Boynes, nearer to the Xth Corps which was weak, and the 6th Division occupied Pithiviers in their stead. The quarters at Bazoches vacated by the 6th Division, were assigned to the IXth Corps. Finally, the Grand Duke received orders to reach Toury with his heads of columns by the 29th at latest. These dispositions were all carried out in due course.

It was confirmed that the French[191] position before Orleans stretched for about 37 miles from the Conie to Loing, and the concentration of troops, especially on their right flank, suggested they intended to advance via Fontainebleau to attack the besieging army from the rear. However, this plan wasn’t clear enough to warrant Prince Frederick Charles leaving the main routes from Orleans to Paris unguarded. To ensure his left wing could provide timely support if needed, he moved the 5th Infantry Division of the III Corps and the 1st Cavalry Division to Boynes, closer to the weaker X Corps, while the 6th Division took over Pithiviers. The accommodations at Bazoches, which had been vacated by the 6th Division, were given to the IX Corps. Finally, the Grand Duke was ordered to have his front columns reach Toury by the 29th at the latest. All these arrangements were executed as planned.

Immediately after its success at Coulmiers the French Army of the Loire seemed for the moment only to have thought of securing itself against a counter-blow. It retired on Orleans, threw up extensive entrenchments, for which marine artillery was even brought up from Cherbourg, and awaited the arrival of further reinforcements. The XXth Corps, already mentioned, 40,000 strong, joined the XVth, XVIth, and XVIIth at Gien, in addition to one Division of the XVIIIth newly assembled at Nevers, and finally the volunteer bands under Cathelineau and Lipowski.

Immediately after its success at Coulmiers, the French Army of the Loire seemed, for the moment, only focused on protecting itself against a counterattack. It withdrew to Orleans, built extensive fortifications, even bringing in naval artillery from Cherbourg, and waited for more reinforcements to arrive. The XXth Corps, previously mentioned, which numbered 40,000, joined the XVth, XVIth, and XVIIth Corps at Gien, along with one Division of the newly assembled XVIIIth Corps at Nevers, and finally the volunteer groups led by Cathelineau and Lipowski.

Thus the French Army round Orleans numbered 200,000; the German infantry opposed to this host for the time reached a strength of not more than 45,000 men.

Thus the French Army around Orleans numbered 200,000; the German infantry opposing this force at the time reached a strength of no more than 45,000 men.

Gambetta soon became urgent for renewed offensive operations. As General d'Aurelle raised objections to an advance by Pithiviers and Malesherbes, the Dictator himself took in hand the dispositions. In the night of the 22nd—23rd he telegraphed orders from Tours that[192] the XVth Corps was at once to assemble at Chilleurs aux Bois and reach Pithiviers on the 24th; the XXth to march to Beaune la Rolande; and that then both Corps were to advance by way of Fontainebleau on Paris. The General pointed out that, according to his reckoning, 80,000 Germans must be encountered in an open country, and that it would be more advisable to await their attack in an intrenched position. Further, that this movement could be of no service in affording succour to the distressed capital, and that meanwhile there would remain unperformed the strengthening of the right wing, where on the 24th the unsteadiness of the XVIIIth and XXth Corps had caused the loss of the already mentioned fight at Ladon and Maizières.

Gambetta quickly pushed for renewed offensive operations. When General d'Aurelle raised concerns about an advance by Pithiviers and Malesherbes, the Dictator took charge of the plans himself. On the night of the 22nd to 23rd, he sent orders from Tours that[192] the XV Corps should immediately assemble at Chilleurs aux Bois and reach Pithiviers on the 24th; the XX Corps was to march to Beaune la Rolande; and then both Corps were to advance through Fontainebleau toward Paris. The General pointed out that, by his calculations, they would face 80,000 Germans in open country, and it would be wiser to wait for their attack from an entrenched position. He also noted that this movement wouldn’t help relieve the besieged capital, and that the right wing still needed strengthening, especially since the instability of the XVIII and XX Corps had led to the loss in the earlier battle at Ladon and Maizières on the 24th.

In accordance with instructions received from Tours on the 26th, General Crouzat ordered the advance for the 28th of the two Corps he commanded—the XVIIIth by the right through Juranville, the XXth by the left through Bois Commun—for an encompassing attack on Beaune la Rolande. The XVth Corps in addition was moved up to Chambon in support, and Cathelineau's volunteers went forward to Courcelles.

In line with the orders received from Tours on the 26th, General Crouzat scheduled the advance for the 28th of the two Corps he led—the XVIII Corp on the right through Juranville, and the XX Corp on the left through Bois Commun—for a coordinated attack on Beaune la Rolande. The XV Corps was also positioned at Chambon to provide support, and Cathelineau's volunteers moved forward to Courcelles.

As we have seen, on this same day the Grand Duke's Detachment had come up on the extreme right of the IInd German Army. On the left stood the Xth Corps with the 38th Brigade at Beaune, the 39th at Les Côtelles; the 37th, with the Corps artillery, had advanced to Marcilly between these two places.

As we have seen, on this same day the Grand Duke's Detachment had arrived on the far right of the 2nd German Army. On the left was the 10th Corps with the 38th Brigade at Beaune and the 39th at Les Côtelles; the 37th, along with the Corps artillery, had moved forward to Marcilly between these two locations.

FOOTNOTE:

[43] There seems some confusion here. The 36th Brigade belonged, not to the Xth, but to the IXth Corps. The 38th Brigade is stated in the Staff History to have reached Beaune la Rolande on 23rd, the rest of the Corps (exclusive of the 40th Brigade) still behind at Montargis.

[43] There seems to be some confusion here. The 36th Brigade belonged, not to the Xth, but to the IXth Corps. The 38th Brigade is noted in the Staff History as having reached Beaune la Rolande on the 23rd, while the rest of the Corps (excluding the 40th Brigade) remained at Montargis.


Battle of Beaune-la-Rolande.

(November 28th.)

The French attack on November 28th failed because of the miscarriage of the projected combination, the[193] two separate attempts exerting little reciprocal influence. On the right, the head of the XVIIIth Corps struck the outposts of the 39th Brigade at an early hour, in front of Juranville and Lorcy. Not until after a stout resistance were these driven in by about nine o'clock on Les Côtelles and behind the railway-embankment at Corbeilles, where they took possession of the park.

The French attack on November 28th failed due to the unsuccessful coordination of the planned operation, with the[193] two separate attempts having minimal impact on each other. On the right, the leader of the XVIII Corps engaged the outposts of the 39th Brigade early in the morning near Juranville and Lorcy. It wasn't until around nine o'clock, after a strong resistance, that they were pushed back on Les Côtelles and behind the railway embankment at Corbeilles, where they took control of the park.

The French could now deploy in the open country in front of Juranville, and following up with strong lines of tirailleurs preceding them, they forced their way into Corbeilles and drove the garrison out to the north and west. But meanwhile, on the other side, a reinforcement from the reserve at Marcilly reached Les Côtelles, and now Colonel von Valentini passed to the attack of Juranville with the 56th Regiment. The artillery could afford no co-operation, the enemy made an obstinate resistance, and not till noon did he begin to retreat, while bitter fighting still continued round some detached houses. But when strong columns came up from Maizières and Corbeilles, the Germans were compelled to abandon the conquered village, carrying off with them 300 prisoners.

The French were now able to move into the open area in front of Juranville, and by sending out strong lines of skirmishers ahead of them, they pushed into Corbeilles and forced the garrison to retreat to the north and west. Meanwhile, on the other side, reinforcements from the reserve at Marcilly arrived at Les Côtelles, and Colonel von Valentini launched an attack on Juranville with the 56th Regiment. The artillery couldn’t provide any support, and the enemy put up a stubborn fight. It wasn't until noon that they began to pull back, while fierce clashes continued around several isolated houses. But when strong units arrived from Maizières and Corbeilles, the Germans had no choice but to leave the captured village, taking 300 prisoners with them.

About two o'clock the greater portion of the French Corps deployed near Juranville for an attack on the position at Long Cour, into which the 39th Brigade had retired. But since the attack had not been prepared by artillery, it came to nothing under the fire of five Prussian batteries.

About two o'clock, most of the French Corps moved near Juranville to launch an attack on the position at Long Cour, where the 39th Brigade had taken refuge. However, since the attack wasn’t backed up by artillery, it failed under the fire of five Prussian batteries.

The first attack on Les Côtelles was also repulsed, but when it was repeated an hour later, the Germans had to abandon the place with the loss of fifty men taken prisoners. A gun, seven of the gunners of which had fallen, sank so deep in the soft ground that the few men left could not drag it out.

The first attack on Les Côtelles was also pushed back, but when it happened again an hour later, the Germans had to leave the area, losing fifty men who were taken prisoner. A gun, with seven of its gunners down, got sunk so deep in the soft ground that the few men remaining couldn’t pull it out.

The XVIIIth French Corps, however, made no further way, but, as dusk came on, contented itself with an ineffective cannonade, and finally the 39th Brigade was able to maintain its position abreast of Beaune.[194]

The 18th French Corps, however, made no further progress and, as dusk fell, settled for an ineffective barrage, allowing the 39th Brigade to hold its position alongside Beaune.[194]

On the left wing of the French line of battle the attack had also from the first been of an encompassing tendency, the 2nd Division of the XXth Corps having advanced on Beaune, and the 1st on Batilly. But it was near noon before the arrival of part of its 3rd Division, which had remained in reserve, enabled the enemy to drive in the German advanced posts from Bois de la Leu to the cross-roads north-west of Beaune. And here also the 38th Brigade soon found itself under the artillery and infantry fire from Pierre Percée, the enemy continually gaining ground from the northward. The retreat had to be continued along the Cæsar road, whereon a gun, of which the men and horses had for the most part perished, fell into the enemy's hands. About the same time the 2nd French Division ascended the heights to the east of Beaune, and Colonel von Cranach was first enabled to rally the 57th Regiment further rearward, near La Rue Boussier, whereby the withdrawal of the batteries hurrying away from Marcilly was covered, and the further advance of the enemy was then arrested. Any such effort on his part entirely ceased when he was suddenly threatened on his own flank by the 1st Prussian Cavalry Division advancing from Boynes, and came under fire of its horse-batteries.

On the left side of the French battle line, the attack had always aimed to surround the enemy. The 2nd Division of the XXth Corps moved towards Beaune, while the 1st Division targeted Batilly. However, it wasn't until noon that part of its 3rd Division, which had been kept in reserve, arrived, allowing the enemy to push back the German forward positions from Bois de la Leu to the crossroads northwest of Beaune. Here, the 38th Brigade soon came under artillery and infantry fire from Pierre Percée, with the enemy steadily gaining ground from the north. The retreat had to continue along the Cæsar road, where a gun, mostly abandoned by its crew and horses, fell into enemy hands. Around the same time, the 2nd French Division climbed the heights east of Beaune, enabling Colonel von Cranach to regroup the 57th Regiment further back, near La Rue Boussier. This action helped cover the withdrawal of batteries fleeing from Marcilly and stopped the enemy's advance. However, any efforts on his part came to a halt when the 1st Prussian Cavalry Division advanced from Boynes and threatened his flank, forcing him to face fire from their horse artillery.

Meanwhile the 16th Regiment found itself completely isolated in Beaune, and surrounded on three sides by the enemy.

Meanwhile, the 16th Regiment found itself completely trapped in Beaune, surrounded on three sides by the enemy.

The town, which was surrounded by the remains of a high wall, and the churchyard were as far as possible prepared for defence. The enemy, after his first onset by strong swarms of riflemen had been driven back, set about bombarding the town. His shells burst through the walls of the churchyard and set a few buildings on fire, but every attempt at an assault was steadfastly repulsed.

The town, which was enclosed by the remnants of a tall wall, and the churchyard were as ready for defense as possible. After the enemy's initial attack by large groups of riflemen was pushed back, they began bombarding the town. Their shells exploded through the churchyard walls and ignited a few buildings, but every attempt to storm the place was firmly pushed back.

In the meantime, General von Woyna had replenished the ammunition of his batteries, and while occupying Romainville on the right, he also took up a position[195] opposite the copses of Pierre Percée, so that by three o'clock he was able to bring up seven companies on the east side of Beaune.

In the meantime, General von Woyna had restocked his artillery ammunition, and while securing Romainville on the right, he also positioned himself[195] across from the woods of Pierre Percée, allowing him to deploy seven companies on the east side of Beaune by three o'clock.

About this time assistance came with the arrival of the IIIrd Army Corps. While the 6th Division was still pressing on towards Pithiviers, the 5th had already that morning stood to arms in front of that place. The first news from Beaune had sounded so far from alarming, that the Corps-artillery retired to its quarters. Nevertheless, in consequence of the increasing cannon thunder and later information of a serious encounter, General von Alvensleben gave the word for the Corps to advance, with the 5th Division of which General von Stülpnagel had already set out of his own initiative. The 6th followed, and detached a battalion to observe towards Courcelles; wherein, however, Cathelineau's volunteers remained inactive.

Around this time, help arrived with the III Army Corps. While the 6th Division was still moving towards Pithiviers, the 5th Division had already taken up position in front of that location earlier that morning. The first reports from Beaune were not alarming enough to prevent the Corps artillery from retreating to their quarters. However, due to the increasing sounds of cannon fire and later reports of a serious clash, General von Alvensleben ordered the Corps to advance, with the 5th Division, which General von Stülpnagel had already set out on his own initiative. The 6th Division followed and sent a battalion to observe towards Courcelles; however, Cathelineau's volunteers remained inactive.

Part of the 52nd Regiment, which was marching at the head of the column, turned off to the right, and, supported by artillery, began a fire-fight about 4.30 against Arconville and Batilly. Another part penetrated into the Bois de la Leu and the copses near La Pierre Percée, where it recaptured the gun which had been lost there earlier. Four batteries in position on the road from Pithiviers, behind Fosse des Prés, directed their fire on the enemy still holding his ground on the west side of Beaune, from which he was finally driven by the 12th Regiment, and pursued as far as Mont Barrois.

Part of the 52nd Regiment, which was leading the column, turned to the right and, with artillery support, started a fire-fight around 4:30 against Arconville and Batilly. Another contingent moved into the Bois de la Leu and the woods near La Pierre Percée, where they retook the gun that had been lost earlier. Four batteries positioned on the road from Pithiviers, behind Fosse des Prés, targeted the enemy still holding their ground on the west side of Beaune, from which they were eventually pushed back by the 12th Regiment and chased all the way to Mont Barrois.

After dark the Xth Corps encamped about Long Cour, Beaune and Batilly, and the 5th Division in its rear; the 6th remained at Boynes, where the 1st Division of Cavalry also found accommodation.

After dark, the Xth Corps camped around Long Cour, Beaune, and Batilly, with the 5th Division behind them; the 6th stayed at Boynes, where the 1st Cavalry Division also found lodging.

In the battle of Beaune la Rolande General von Voigts-Rhetz had to hold his ground against the enemy with 11,000 men against 60,000, with three brigades against six Divisions, until help reached him towards evening. This action cost the Germans 900 and the[196] French 1300 men in killed and wounded; and 1800 unwounded prisoners fell into the hands of the Germans.

In the battle of Beaune la Rolande, General von Voigts-Rhetz had to stand his ground against the enemy with 11,000 men facing 60,000, with three brigades against six divisions, until help arrived in the evening. This fight cost the Germans 900 and the[196] French 1,300 men in killed and wounded, and 1,800 unwounded prisoners were captured by the Germans.

In the evening the French XXth Corps had retreated as far as Bois Commun and Bellegarde; the XVIIIth, on the contrary, had taken up its position near Vernouille and Juranville, in fact, directly in front of the Xth German Corps, on the ground which the former had won. The expectation was therefore not unnatural that the fighting would recommence on the morrow.

In the evening, the French XX Corps had pulled back to Bois Commun and Bellegarde. The XVIII Corps, on the other hand, had moved into position near Vernouille and Juranville, right in front of the X German Corps, on the land that the former had captured. So, it was reasonable to assume that the fighting would start up again the next day.

Prince Frederick Charles, therefore, directed the Xth and IIIrd Corps to assemble on the 29th in full preparedness. The IXth received orders to advance with two brigades towards Boynes and Bazoches, and the remaining troops were to follow as soon as the Grand Duke's Detachment should have reached the main road to Paris. Of it in the course of the day the heads arrived, the 4th Cavalry Division at Toury, the infantry at Allaines and Orgères. The 6th Cavalry Division, which was marching on the right flank, met first with opposition at Tournoisis.

Prince Frederick Charles directed the 10th and 3rd Corps to gather on the 29th and be fully prepared. The 9th Corps was ordered to move forward with two brigades towards Boynes and Bazoches, while the remaining troops would follow as soon as the Grand Duke's Detachment reached the main road to Paris. During the course of the day, the vanguard arrived, with the 4th Cavalry Division at Toury and the infantry at Allaines and Orgères. The 6th Cavalry Division, which was advancing on the right flank, encountered opposition first at Tournoisis.

Meanwhile General Crouzat had been instructed from Tours by a message which reached him on the evening of the 28th, to desist for the present from further offensive attack, and the French right wing was thereupon drawn further back. On the 30th both Corps moved leftward, in order to be again nearer to the XVth. For the purpose of disguising this lateral movement, detachments were sent in a northerly direction and met reconnoitring parties of the German Xth and IIIrd Corps, with which skirmishes took place at Maizières, St. Loup and Mont Barrois; and the movement of the French was soon detected, in the first instance on their left flank.

Meanwhile, General Crouzat received orders from Tours via a message that got to him on the evening of the 28th, telling him to hold off on further offensive attacks for now, so the French right wing was pulled back. On the 30th, both Corps moved to the left to get closer to the XVth. To cover up this sideways movement, some detachments were sent north, encountering scouting parties from the German Xth and IIIrd Corps, leading to skirmishes at Maizières, St. Loup, and Mont Barrois; and the French movement was soon spotted, starting with their left flank.

The Government at Tours had received news from Paris that General Ducrot would attempt on the 29th to break through the German investing lines with 100,000 men and 400 guns, and endeavour to connect[197] with the Army of the Loire in a southerly direction. The balloon which carried this despatch had descended in Norway, whence the message had been forwarded. It was concluded from this that the General was already vigorously engaged, and that help must be no longer delayed. Commissioned by Gambetta, M. Freycinet submitted to a council of war called by General d'Aurelle, a scheme for the advance of the whole army on Pithiviers. In the event of a refusal by the Commander-in-Chief to accept the same, M. Freycinet carried an order for his supersession.

The government in Tours had received news from Paris that General Ducrot would try on the 29th to break through the German siege lines with 100,000 troops and 400 artillery pieces, aiming to connect[197] with the Army of the Loire in a southern direction. The balloon that carried this message had landed in Norway, from where the message was sent on. It was concluded that the General was already actively engaged, and help could not be delayed any longer. Commissioned by Gambetta, M. Freycinet presented a plan for the entire army’s advance on Pithiviers to a war council called by General d'Aurelle. If the Commander-in-Chief refused to accept it, M. Freycinet carried an order for his replacement.

It was decided in the first place to execute a wheel to the right with the left wing, Chilleurs aux Bois forming the pivot of the movement. While a front was thus being formed against Pithiviers, the Corps of the right wing on a parallel front were to await the order to move until this was accomplished. The XXIst Corps was to be sent to Vendôme to cover the left flank.

It was initially decided to make a right wheel with the left wing, using Chilleurs aux Bois as the pivot for the movement. While a front was being established against Pithiviers, the Corps on the right wing was to hold in a parallel position and wait for the order to advance until this was done. The XXIst Corps was to be dispatched to Vendôme to protect the left flank.


The March of the Army of the Loire to Help Paris.

As the result of those dispositions, on the 1st of December the XVIth Corps moved on Orgères, in the direction of the railway; the XVIIth followed to Patay and St. Péravy.

As a result of those decisions, on December 1st, the XVI Corps moved towards Orgères, heading in the direction of the railway; the XVII followed to Patay and St. Péravy.

Opposite to these forces, on the right wing of the IInd German Army the 17th Division of the Grand Duke's Detachment had arrived at Bazoches, the 22nd at Toury, and the Bavarian Corps reached the vicinity of Orgères. Thus the hostile shock fell first on the last body. Attacked in front by a far superior force, and threatened in flank by Michel's Cavalry Division, the 1st Bavarian Brigade was forced to retreat at three[198] o'clock to Villepion. The 2nd Brigade approaching from Orgères, halted to the west of Nonneville, and the 4th marched up to between Villepion and Faverolles, which position the Bavarians, in spite of heavy losses, succeeded in holding for a long time. On their right wing Prince Leopold of Bavaria, with the four guns of his battery still serviceable, arrested the enemy's advance on Nonneville, but under the personal leadership of Admiral Jauréguiberry the French forced their way into Villepion. As night drew on, and the want of ammunition was becoming serious, the 1st Bavarian Brigade went to Loigny; the 2nd, however, did not retreat until five o'clock to Orgères, where also the 3rd arrived in the evening, whilst the 4th joined the 1st at Loigny.

Opposite these forces, on the right wing of the 2nd German Army, the 17th Division of the Grand Duke's Detachment had arrived at Bazoches, the 22nd at Toury, and the Bavarian Corps reached the area near Orgères. Thus, the first impact hit the last group. Attacked frontally by a much stronger force and threatened on the side by Michel's Cavalry Division, the 1st Bavarian Brigade was forced to retreat to Villepion at three o'clock. The 2nd Brigade, coming from Orgères, stopped to the west of Nonneville, and the 4th moved up between Villepion and Faverolles, a position the Bavarians managed to hold for a long time despite heavy losses. On their right wing, Prince Leopold of Bavaria, with four operational guns from his battery, halted the enemy's advance on Nonneville, but under Admiral Jauréguiberry's direct command, the French pushed their way into Villepion. As night approached and ammunition shortages became critical, the 1st Bavarian Brigade moved to Loigny; however, the 2nd didn't retreat until five o'clock to Orgères, where the 3rd Brigade also arrived in the evening, while the 4th reunited with the 1st at Loigny.

The engagement cost both sides about 1000 men, and only the foremost Bavarian detachments were forced back for a short distance.

The battle cost both sides around 1000 men, and only the leading Bavarian units were pushed back a short distance.

This measure of success, and the news from Paris, rekindled in Tours ardent hopes of victory. As will be seen further on, a sortie from Paris on 30th November had certainly so far succeeded that the village of Epinay on the northern section of the line of investment was occupied for a short time. Thereupon it was summarily concluded that this was the village of the same name which lay to the south near Longjumeau, and that there was now scarcely any obstacle to the junction of the Army of Orleans with that of Paris. Cathelineau's volunteer Corps was directed at once to occupy the forest of Fontainebleau, and the imminent annihilation of the Germans was announced to the country.

This measure of success, along with the news from Paris, reignited strong hopes of victory in Tours. As will be discussed later, a mission from Paris on November 30th had definitely succeeded to the point that the village of Epinay in the northern part of the investment line was briefly occupied. It was then quickly concluded that this was the same village located to the south near Longjumeau, and that there were now hardly any obstacles to connecting the Army of Orleans with that of Paris. Cathelineau's volunteer Corps was immediately ordered to occupy the forest of Fontainebleau, and the imminent defeat of the Germans was declared to the nation.

The head of the Army of Orleans, nevertheless, had barely made half a day's march in the direction of Paris, and the right wheel of the left wing remained to be accomplished. The XVIth Corps was to attempt to reach the line Allaines-Toury by the 2nd of December; the XVIIth was to follow, and the XVth, marching from[199] Chilleurs through Artenay, was to close to the right. The Grand Duke, on the report of the great force in which the enemy was approaching, determined to march to meet him with the whole strength of the Detachment. The requisite orders were issued at eight o'clock in the morning to the Divisions, which were already standing prepared on their respective assembling-grounds. The Bavarian Corps was directed to take up a position opposite Loigny with its left wing at Château-Goury; the 17th Division to march immediately from Santilly to Lumeau, and the 22nd from Tivernon to Baigneaux. The cavalry was to undertake the protection of both wings.

The leader of the Army of Orleans had only made it halfway through the day’s march toward Paris, and the right flank of the left wing still needed to be completed. The XVI Corps was set to reach the Allaines-Toury line by December 2nd; the XVII Corps would follow, and the XV Corps, coming from Chilleurs through Artenay, would close in on the right. The Grand Duke, upon receiving reports of the large forces advancing from the enemy, decided to meet them head-on with the full strength of the Detachment. The necessary orders were given at eight in the morning to the Divisions, which were already positioned at their respective assembly points. The Bavarian Corps was instructed to position itself opposite Loigny, with its left wing at Château-Goury; the 17th Division was to march right away from Santilly to Lumeau, and the 22nd Division was to move from Tivernon to Baigneaux. The cavalry was tasked with protecting both flanks.


Battle of Loigny—Poupry.

(December 2nd.)

The Bavarian Corps was still engaged in the advance from Maladerie when the French ascended the heights to the west of Loigny. The 1st Division, therefore, marched towards Villeprévost, and the 2nd held the line Beauvilliers-Goury.

The Bavarian Corps was still moving forward from Maladerie when the French climbed the heights to the west of Loigny. The 1st Division, therefore, headed towards Villeprévost, and the 2nd maintained the line Beauvilliers-Goury.

At 8 a.m. General Chanzy set out with his 2nd and 3rd Divisions from Terminiers, for Loigny and Lumeau. The 1st followed in reserve, and Michel's Cavalry Division covered the left flank. In spite of the strong fire of the defenders, the 2nd Division by nine o'clock advanced close upon Beauvilliers, but then it had to give way before the onset of the Bavarians, who now on their side attacked Loigny. When, however, at 10.30 the whole French Corps advanced, deployed on a broad front from Nonneville to Neuvilliers, they had to fall back with great losses. They, however, found a rallying point at Beauvilliers, where the fire of the Corps artillery gave pause to the advance of the enemy.[200]

At 8 a.m., General Chanzy set out with his 2nd and 3rd Divisions from Terminiers, heading for Loigny and Lumeau. The 1st Division followed in reserve, while Michel's Cavalry Division covered the left flank. Despite the heavy fire from the defenders, the 2nd Division approached Beauvilliers by nine o'clock, but then had to give way to the Bavarians, who in turn attacked Loigny. However, at 10:30, when the entire French Corps advanced and spread out on a broad front from Nonneville to Neuvilliers, they were forced to retreat with significant losses. They managed to regroup at Beauvilliers, where the Corps artillery helped to slow the enemy's advance.[200]

The combat surged backwards and forwards until, at 11.30, the 2nd Bavarian Brigade joined in the fray. The 4th Cavalry Division charged the left flank of the enemy; and Michel's Division fell back on the XVIIth Corps, numerous prisoners thus falling into the hands of the German troopers. In the meantime the Bavarian infantry had marched to Ferme Morâle with intent to renew the attack, but there found itself under fire so destructive that it was forced to turn back. Thereupon the horse-batteries on the flank enfiladed the enemy's wing with such effect, that the farm was set on fire and General von Orff found himself able to take possession of it.

The fighting moved back and forth until, at 11:30, the 2nd Bavarian Brigade joined the battle. The 4th Cavalry Division charged the enemy's left flank, and Michel's Division retreated to the XVII Corps, resulting in many prisoners being taken by the German troops. Meanwhile, the Bavarian infantry marched to Ferme Morâle to launch another attack, but they were met with such heavy fire that they had to pull back. As a result, the horse batteries on the flank targeted the enemy's side so effectively that the farm was set ablaze, allowing General von Orff to take control of it.

At Beauvilliers, meanwhile, the 2nd Division had only with great difficulty resisted the vigorous onslaughts of the French, whose rifle-swarms were already so close that the batteries were compelled to retire to positions further back. But the success of the right wing soon extended to the left. Breaking out from Beauvilliers, as well as from Château Goury, the Bavarians drove Jauréguiberry's Division back to Loigny.

At Beauvilliers, the 2nd Division struggled to hold back the intense attacks from the French, whose rifle squads were already so close that the artillery had to pull back to safer positions. However, the success on the right side quickly spread to the left. Emerging from Beauvilliers and Château Goury, the Bavarians pushed Jauréguiberry's Division back to Loigny.

Shortly after noon the firing of the French became again remarkably energetic, especially against Château Goury. The battalions of the Bavarian left wing were forced back upon the park.

Shortly after noon, the French started firing again with impressive energy, especially targeting Château Goury. The battalions on the Bavarian left wing were pushed back against the park.

During these events the two Prussian Divisions had continued their advance. The artillery of the 17th pressed on in order to engage the enemy, while the head of the infantry reached Lumeau in time to prevent its occupation by the opposing forces. Strong swarms of French riflemen fought their way up quite close to the place, but they were finally driven back by a well-directed fire of musketry and shell; whereupon the Division assailed the right flank of the French attack.

During these events, the two Prussian Divisions kept moving forward. The artillery of the 17th pushed on to engage the enemy, while the front line of the infantry arrived at Lumeau just in time to stop the opposing forces from taking it over. Large groups of French riflemen fought their way close to the location, but they were eventually pushed back by accurate musket and artillery fire; after that, the Division attacked the right flank of the French assault.

The 22nd Division also marched through Baigneaux to Anneux, and joined in the pursuit of the retreating enemy. A number of prisoners and a battery were captured, and the enemy, after a vain attempt to[201] make another stand near Neuvilliers, at last fled towards Terminiers in utter disorder.

The 22nd Division also marched through Baigneaux to Anneux and took part in chasing the retreating enemy. They captured several prisoners and a battery, and after an unsuccessful attempt to make another stand near Neuvilliers, the enemy eventually fled toward Terminiers in complete disarray.

After this result of the fighting about Lumeau, General von Tresckow was able to go to the assistance of the hard-pressed left wing of the Bavarians. Under cover of the fire of eight batteries the 33rd Brigade moved against the flank of the French masses which were now making a fierce attack on Château Goury. Taken by surprise, these retired upon Loigny. But there, too, the Mecklenburg battalions forced in, shoulder to shoulder with the Bavarians, and it was only in the churchyard on high ground at the west end of the village, that an obstinate resistance was made for some time longer. The French, as they retired on Villepion, suffered from a destructive fire from eighty guns massed near Loigny.

After the fighting around Lumeau, General von Tresckow was able to assist the overwhelmed left wing of the Bavarians. Using cover from eight batteries, the 33rd Brigade advanced on the flank of the French troops, who were currently launching a fierce attack on Château Goury. Caught off guard, they withdrew toward Loigny. However, the Mecklenburg battalions pushed in alongside the Bavarians, and it was only in the churchyard on elevated ground at the west end of the village that they put up stubborn resistance for a while longer. As the French fell back toward Villepion, they faced heavy fire from eighty guns concentrated near Loigny.

At 2.30 General von der Tann caused the whole of his 1st Division, after the replenishment of its ammunition, to advance once more; this movement, however, was arrested by the fire of the enemy.

At 2:30, General von der Tann ordered his entire 1st Division to advance again after restocking their ammunition; however, this movement was halted by enemy fire.

Michel's Division moved up to oppose the advance of the German cavalry on the right flank, but went about as soon as it came within range of the horse-batteries.

Michel's Division moved forward to counter the German cavalry's advance on the right flank, but retreated as soon as it got within range of the horse batteries.

Because of the exposed condition of his right flank, General Chanzy had sent a few battalions to form a refused flank[44] near Terre-noire. Behind this a brigade of the XVIIth Corps came up near Faverolles, and to the right of Villepion the Papal Zouaves advanced against Villours.

Because his right side was vulnerable, General Chanzy sent a few battalions to create a protected flank near Terre-noire. Behind this, a brigade from the XVIIth Corps arrived near Faverolles, and to the right of Villepion, the Papal Zouaves moved forward against Villours.

General von Tresckow now threw in his last reserves. Two battalions of the 75th Regiment broke into the place at the first charge, and in conjunction with all the troops fighting in the vicinity, drove back the French columns to Villepion.

General von Tresckow now deployed his final reserves. Two battalions of the 75th Regiment stormed the location in their initial charge, and along with all the troops engaged in the area, pushed the French columns back to Villepion.

The approach of darkness brought the fighting here to a close.

The arrival of night brought the fighting here to an end.

While the French XVIth Corps had been fighting single-handed with great persistence all day, the XVth, according to orders, had advanced through Artenay along the Paris high-road. There it was opposed only by the 3rd Cavalry Brigade. That force was attacked about mid-day near Dambron by the 3rd French Division, which formed the left-flank column, while the other two Divisions held much further to the right.

While the French 16th Corps had been fighting alone with great determination all day, the 15th Corps, following orders, had advanced through Artenay along the main road to Paris. There, it was only countered by the 3rd Cavalry Brigade. Around midday, that force was attacked near Dambron by the 3rd French Division, which made up the left-flank column, while the other two Divisions were stationed much further to the right.

So soon as this information came in from the cavalry, General von Wittich moved off with the whole of the 22nd Division from Anneux in the direction of Poupry. The head of the column reached that place at the double, and succeeded in driving back the enemy, who had already broken in there and occupied the forest belts to the north. Six batteries then came into action, resting on Morâle to the south. The French deployed between Dambron and Autroches, and maintained a persistent fire while their remaining Divisions came up. After an encounter with the troops from Poupry, they occupied with their right wing the small copses which lay near, in front of the forest-land to the north, placed the artillery in the intervals, and began at three o'clock an attack from thence. This, however, withered under a fire of grape-shot from the defenders, and the menace of a charge by the 3rd Cavalry Brigade, which General von Colomb had set in motion in the open country to the west of Dambron. An attack on Morâle by the left wing from Autroches likewise miscarried. But at four o'clock the French advanced along their whole front, preceded by great swarms of tirailleurs. They were repulsed at Poupry, and likewise at Morâle, at which latter place two companies of pioneers joined in the fight; on the other hand, their right wing pushed into the forest, and compelled its defenders to retreat. But Prussian battalions yet remaining in reserve, advanced from Poupry, and drove the enemy back into the copses, where he had still to defend himself against an attack by the cavalry.[203]

As soon as the cavalry passed on this information, General von Wittich moved the entire 22nd Division from Anneux toward Poupry. The front of the column arrived there quickly and managed to push back the enemy, who had already broken in and taken over the forested area to the north. Six artillery batteries were then put into action, stationed at Morâle to the south. The French spread out between Dambron and Autroches, maintaining a steady fire while their other Divisions joined the fight. After an engagement with the troops from Poupry, they positioned their right flank in the nearby small woods in front of the northern forest, set the artillery in the gaps, and launched an attack from there at three o'clock. However, this effort was quickly overcome by grape-shot fired by the defenders and the threat of a charge from the 3rd Cavalry Brigade, which General von Colomb had sent into the open country west of Dambron. An attack on Morâle from the left flank coming from Autroches also failed. But at four o'clock, the French advanced along their entire front, leading with large groups of skirmishers. They were pushed back at Poupry and also at Morâle, where two companies of pioneers joined the fight; however, their right flank advanced into the forest, forcing the defenders to fall back. Nonetheless, the Prussian battalions still in reserve moved forward from Poupry and pushed the enemy back into the woods, where they continued to defend against a cavalry assault.[203]

The fighting was now stopped by the approach of night. The 22nd Division remained under arms till eleven o'clock in the position which it had seized, and only then withdrew to Anneux. The 3rd Cavalry Division quartered for the night in Baigneaux. The 17th Division remained in position near Lumeau, having Loigny in its front, which it occupied in concert with the Bavarians, who extended further to the right as far as Orgères.

The fighting stopped with the arrival of night. The 22nd Division stayed on alert until eleven o'clock in the position it had taken and only then withdrew to Anneux. The 3rd Cavalry Division settled in for the night in Baigneaux. The 17th Division held its position near Lumeau, facing Loigny, which it occupied together with the Bavarians, who extended further to the right up to Orgères.

The day had cost the French 4000 killed and wounded, and the Germans fully as many, but 2500 unwounded prisoners, eight guns, one mitrailleuse and a standard belonging to the enemy were left in possession of the latter.

The day had cost the French 4,000 killed and wounded, and the Germans suffered about the same, but 2,500 unwounded prisoners, eight cannons, one machine gun, and a flag belonging to the enemy were left in the hands of the latter.

On the French side, the XVth Corps retired to Artenay and received orders, under cover of a Division to be left there, to occupy the defensive position previously held on the skirt of the forest.

On the French side, the XV Corps withdrew to Artenay and got orders, with a Division to stay there, to take up the defensive position that was previously held on the edge of the forest.

Thus the intended further advance of the left wing of the Army of Orleans had not succeeded. The XVIth Corps, lacking the support of the XVIIth, had indeed lost ground, but still maintained itself with its most advanced line on Villepion, Faverolles and Terminiers. General Chanzy therefore considered himself justified in making yet another effort against the German right wing on the following day.

Thus, the planned further advance of the left wing of the Army of Orleans had not succeeded. The XVI Corps, lacking support from the XVII, had indeed lost ground, but still held its most advanced positions at Villepion, Faverolles, and Terminiers. General Chanzy therefore felt justified in making another attempt against the German right wing the next day.

The German strength consisted of five Corps, and stood close in front of the enemy; further reinforcements could not be immediately expected, but by the supreme Command it was judged that the moment had now come to put an end to the standing menace from the south against the investment of Paris.

The German force consisted of five Corps and was positioned closely in front of the enemy. No immediate reinforcements were expected, but the high command determined that the time had come to eliminate the ongoing threat from the south against the encirclement of Paris.

At mid-day of the 2nd, the order came from the Royal Head-quarter to undertake an attack on Orleans in full strength, and in the course of that day Prince Frederick Charles gave the requisite instructions to this end.

At noon on the 2nd, the order arrived from the Royal Headquarters to launch a full-scale attack on Orleans, and that day, Prince Frederick Charles provided the necessary instructions for this mission.

It is here necessary to go back a little in order to see how circumstances developed events during November at various other points.[204]

It’s important to take a step back to understand how events unfolded in November at different locations.[204]

FOOTNOTE:

[44] To the German term "Haken-stellung" there is perhaps no precisely equivalent expression in our military vocabulary. "Refused flank" is probably approximate.

[44] There may not be a perfectly matching term for the German phrase "Haken-stellung" in our military language. "Refused flank" is probably the closest.


Paris in November.

The tidings, which became known on the 14th November, of the happy result of the action at Coulmiers on the 9th, had rekindled in Paris universal hope. No one doubted that the enemy would find it necessary to send large forces in the Orleans direction, which would considerably weaken the investment line, particularly in its southern section.

The news, which came out on November 14th, about the successful outcome of the battle at Coulmiers on the 9th, had sparked a renewed sense of hope throughout Paris. Everyone believed that the enemy would need to divert large troops towards Orleans, which would significantly weaken their surrounding forces, especially in the southern part.

In order to contribute towards the hoped-for approaching relief by active co-operation, three separate armies were formed out of the garrison of Paris.

In order to help bring about the desired relief through active cooperation, three separate armies were formed from the garrison of Paris.

The first, under General Clément Thomas, consisted of 226 battalions of the National Guard, in round numbers 130,000 men. Its duty was the defence of the enceinte and the maintenance of quietude within the city. The second, under General Ducrot, constituted the most trustworthy element, especially the troops of the former XIIIth and XIVth Corps. This army was apportioned into three (Infantry) Corps and one Cavalry Division, and it consisted of fully 100,000 men and more than 300 guns. It was designed for active service in the field, and for making sorties on the investing forces. The third army, under General Vinoy, 70,000 strong, was made up of six Divisions of Gardes-Mobiles and one Cavalry Division; and to it also Maud'huy's Division of the line was assigned. It was to aid the more important sorties by diversions on subordinate fronts. In addition to all these details, 80,000 Gardes-Mobiles were in the forts, and 35,000 more in St. Denis under Admiral de la Roncière.

The first army, led by General Clément Thomas, was made up of 226 battalions of the National Guard, totaling around 130,000 men. Their job was to defend the city walls and maintain peace within the city. The second army, under General Ducrot, was the most reliable part, particularly the troops from the old XIIIth and XIVth Corps. This army was divided into three Infantry Corps and one Cavalry Division, consisting of over 100,000 men and more than 300 cannons. It was set up for active duty in the field and to launch attacks on the enemy forces. The third army, led by General Vinoy, had 70,000 troops, composed of six Divisions of Gardes-Mobiles and one Cavalry Division; Maud'huy's Division was also included in this group. Its purpose was to support the more important attacks by creating diversions on less critical fronts. In addition to these forces, there were 80,000 Gardes-Mobiles stationed in the forts, and another 35,000 in St. Denis under Admiral de la Roncière.

The available military strength consequently amounted to above 400,000 men.

The available military strength therefore totaled over 400,000 men.

The garrison exhibited a lively activity in petty nocturnal enterprises. The heavy guns of the defences carried to Choisy le Roi, and even as far as Beauregard, near Versailles. On the peninsula of Gennevilliers trenchwork was energetically set about, and the[205] task of bridge-building was undertaken. Many signs pointed to an intended effort on the part of the French to break out in a westerly direction. But since, as long as the IInd Army was still incomplete, the greatest danger threatened from the south, the supreme Command in Versailles, as already mentioned, ordered the IInd Corps into the position behind the Yvette from Villeneuve to Saclay. On the north of Paris the Guard Corps extended itself leftward as far as Aulnay, the XIIth sent one brigade across to the south bank of the Marne, and the Würtemberg Division moved into the interval between the Marne and the Seine caused by the shifting of the IInd Corps.

The garrison was actively engaged in small nighttime activities. The heavy artillery from the defenses reached Choisy le Roi, and even as far as Beauregard, near Versailles. On the Gennevilliers peninsula, trench work was vigorously underway, and the[205] task of bridge construction was initiated. Many indicators suggested that the French were planning to make a move westward. However, since the II Army was still not fully assembled, the greatest threat came from the south. As previously mentioned, the high command in Versailles ordered the II Corps to take up positions behind the Yvette, stretching from Villeneuve to Saclay. To the north of Paris, the Guard Corps extended leftward to Aulnay, the XII Corps sent one brigade across to the south bank of the Marne, and the Württemberg Division filled the gap between the Marne and the Seine created by the repositioning of the II Corps.

On November 18th the summons from Tours reached Paris, calling on the latter with all promptitude to reach the hand to the Army of the Loire; certainly somewhat prematurely, since, as we know, that army was at the time concerning itself only in regard to defensive measures.

On November 18th, the summons from Tours arrived in Paris, urgently asking it to assist the Army of the Loire; this was definitely a bit early, since, as we know, that army was only focused on defensive measures at the time.

In Paris all preparations were actually made for a great sortie. But as the earlier attacks on the front of the VIth Corps had shown that this section of the investment was materially strengthened by fortifications about Thiais and Chevilly, it was decided in the first instance to gain the plateau east of Joinville and from thence to bend rightward towards the south. The attention of the Germans was to be distracted by attacks in the opposite direction.

In Paris, all the preparations were actually made for a major offensive. However, since earlier assaults on the front of the VIth Corps had revealed that this part of the siege was significantly reinforced by fortifications near Thiais and Chevilly, it was initially decided to secure the plateau east of Joinville and then move rightward toward the south. The goal was to divert the Germans’ attention with attacks in the opposite direction.

On the 18th,[45] the day on which the Army of Orleans had vainly striven to press forward to Beaune la Rolande, General Ducrot assembled the IInd Army of Paris in the neighbourhood of Vincennes, and Mont Avron was occupied on the following day by Hugues' Division of the IIIrd Army. As, however, the construction of the bridges (over the Marne) at Champigny and Bry was delayed, the battle was postponed till the 30th; but it was left to the commanders of the[206] subordinate affairs to carry them out simultaneously with the chief enterprise or in advance of it. Accordingly, Maud'huy's Division assembled in the night of 28th—29th behind the redoubt of Hautes Bruyères, and advanced against L'Hay before daybreak.

On the 18th,[45] the day the Army of Orleans had unsuccessfully tried to advance to Beaune la Rolande, General Ducrot gathered the II Army of Paris near Vincennes, and on the following day, Mont Avron was taken by Hugues' Division of the III Army. However, since the building of the bridges over the Marne at Champigny and Bry was delayed, the battle was pushed back to the 30th. It was up to the generals in charge of subordinate operations to execute them alongside or ahead of the main plan. Consequently, Maud'huy's Division assembled during the night of the 28th–29th behind the redoubt of Hautes Bruyères and moved against L'Hay before dawn.

Warned by the heavy firing from the southern forts, General von Tümpling (commanding VIth Corps) had early ordered the 12th Division to get under arms in its fighting positions, and the 11th to assemble at Fresnes.

Warned by the heavy gunfire from the southern forts, General von Tümpling (in charge of the VIth Corps) had early on ordered the 12th Division to get ready in their fighting positions, and the 11th to gather at Fresnes.

The French, favoured by the darkness, made their way through the vineyards into L'Hay; but were successfully driven back by the Germans with the bayonet and clubbed arms.

The French, taking advantage of the darkness, moved through the vineyards into L'Hay; but the Germans successfully pushed them back with bayonets and blunt weapons.

After a prolonged fire-fight, the French renewed their onslaught at 8.30, but without success; and then the defenders, reinforced from the reserve, retaliated with a vigorous counterstroke. At ten o'clock the enemy retreated to Villejuif.

After a lengthy gun battle, the French launched their attack again at 8:30, but it didn't work; then the defenders, bolstered by reserves, struck back forcefully. By ten o'clock, the enemy withdrew to Villejuif.

Admiral Pothuau at the same time had moved up the Seine with Marines and National Guards. An outpost at Gare aux Bœufs was surprised and captured, and Choisy le Roi was fired upon by field-guns, fortress artillery, and gunboats which appeared on the Seine. Just as the Grenadiers of the 10th (Prussian) Regiment were on the point of making an attack, General Vinoy broke off the fight.

Admiral Pothuau had simultaneously advanced up the Seine with Marines and National Guards. An outpost at Gare aux Bœufs was unexpectedly taken and captured, and Choisy le Roi was shelled by field guns, fortress artillery, and gunboats that appeared on the Seine. Just as the Grenadiers of the 10th (Prussian) Regiment were about to launch an attack, General Vinoy called off the fight.

This demonstration cost the French 1000 men and 300 uninjured prisoners; the Prussians, remaining under cover, lost only 140 men. The fortress kept up its fire till mid-day, and then the enemy was allowed a short truce, to remove his numerous wounded.

This demonstration cost the French 1,000 men and 300 uninjured prisoners; the Prussians, staying sheltered, lost only 140 men. The fortress continued firing until noon, and then the enemy was given a brief truce to remove their many wounded.

Against the front of the Vth Corps also, a strong infantry force advanced at eight o'clock upon Garches and Malmaison, and drove in part of the outposts. But it soon found itself opposed by closed battalions, and at noon retreated to Valérien.[207]

Against the front of the 5th Corps, a strong infantry force advanced at eight o'clock towards Garches and Malmaison, pushing back some of the outposts. However, it quickly encountered closed battalions and by noon retreated to Valérien.[207]

FOOTNOTE:

[45] Obvious misprint for 28th.

Obvious typo for 28th.


The Army of Paris’s attempt to break out.

(November 30th and December 2nd.)

On November 30th the IInd Paris Army opened the battle which was to decide the fate of the capital.

On November 30th, the Second Paris Army launched the battle that would determine the fate of the capital.

To hinder the reinforcement of the Germans towards the real point of attack, almost every section of their line of investment was again engrossed by sorties.

To block the Germans from reinforcing the actual point of attack, nearly every section of their investment line was once again occupied by raids.

To the duty of pushing an attack against the southern front, General Ducrot assigned Susbielle's Division of his IInd Corps. It reached Rosny so early as three o'clock in the morning, crossed the Marne at Créteil by a field-bridge, and from thence, briskly supported by the nearest forts, opened fire on the outpost line of the Würtemberg Division, which had been pushed forward to Bonneuil and Mesly.

To carry out the attack on the southern front, General Ducrot assigned Susbielle's Division from his II Corps. They arrived at Rosny as early as three in the morning, crossed the Marne at Créteil using a makeshift bridge, and then, quickly supported by the nearby forts, opened fire on the outpost line of the Würtemberg Division, which had advanced to Bonneuil and Mesly.

General von Obernitz (commanding the Division) had an extended position to maintain. His 1st Brigade was at Villiers on the peninsula of Joinville, his 2nd at Sucy en Brie, and his 3rd at Brévannes. The Division was placed under the Commander of the Army of the Meuse, who had been instructed from Versailles to reinforce it strongly by the XIIth Corps, or even by troops of the Guard Corps.

General von Obernitz (in charge of the Division) had a large area to oversee. His 1st Brigade was stationed at Villiers on the Joinville peninsula, his 2nd at Sucy en Brie, and his 3rd at Brévannes. The Division was under the command of the Army of the Meuse, which had been ordered from Versailles to significantly reinforce it with the XII Corps, or even with troops from the Guard Corps.

From the great accumulation of hostile forces on Mont Avron, the Saxon Corps believed itself directly threatened on the right bank of the Marne, and requested to be immediately transferred to the left; the Crown Prince of Saxony gave the order that the whole 24th Division should assemble there on the following day.

From the large buildup of enemy forces on Mont Avron, the Saxon Corps felt directly threatened on the right bank of the Marne and asked to be moved to the left immediately; the Crown Prince of Saxony ordered that the entire 24th Division should gather there the next day.

Thus for the present the only aid that could be rendered to the Würtembergers was from the wing of the IInd Corps at Villeneuve, of which the 7th Infantry Brigade moved up near Brévannes to Valenton.

Thus for now, the only support that could be provided to the Würtembergers was from the wing of the II Corps at Villeneuve, where the 7th Infantry Brigade advanced close to Brévannes to Valenton.

The fire of its three batteries hurrying thither, first brought the advance of the French Division to a stand.[208] The attempt of the Würtembergers to seize Mont-Mesly failed at first; but after a strenuous artillery fire they succeeded in carrying the hill by twelve o'clock, and the Prussian battalions forced their way into Mesly. The Würtemberg horse cut in upon the enemy's retreating guns with great success. At 1.30 the re-opening of the fire from the forts proclaimed the end of this sortie. It cost the Germans 350 men, and the French 1200.

The fire from its three batteries rushing to the scene first halted the advance of the French Division.[208] The Würtembergers' attempt to capture Mont-Mesly initially failed; however, after intense artillery fire, they managed to take the hill by noon, and the Prussian battalions broke into Mesly. The Würtemberg cavalry effectively attacked the enemy's retreating artillery. At 1:30 PM, the renewed gunfire from the forts announced the end of this assault. It cost the Germans 350 men and the French 1200.

During this time the front of the VIth Corps had not been at all molested. General Vinoy, who had not been informed of the advance of Susbielle's Division, when its retreat was noticed caused to be opened from Fort Ivry and the adjoining works a brisk fire, which was augmented by gunboats on the Seine and armour-plated batteries on the railway. Then Admiral Pothuau advanced against Choisy le Roi and Thiais. His Marines, after driving out the Prussian fore-posts, again settled themselves firmly in Gare aux Bœufs. But the further advance failed, and General Vinoy recalled his troops, after which the fighting at Mesly ceased, and only the thunder of artillery continued till five o'clock.

During this time, the front of the VI Corps had not been disturbed at all. General Vinoy, who hadn’t been informed about the advance of Susbielle's Division, ordered a strong fire from Fort Ivry and the nearby defenses as soon as the retreat was noticed. This fire was supported by gunboats on the Seine and armored batteries on the railway. Then, Admiral Pothuau moved against Choisy le Roi and Thiais. His Marines, after pushing out the Prussian outposts, re-established themselves firmly at Gare aux Bœufs. However, the further advance was unsuccessful, and General Vinoy called his troops back. After that, the fighting at Mesly stopped, and only the sound of artillery continued until five o'clock.

After a preliminary cannonade from Valérien the Gardes-Mobiles advanced against the front of the Vth Corps about seven o'clock. They were, however, repulsed by the outposts and supporting troops in readiness, and retired at eleven o'clock.

After a preliminary artillery barrage from Valérien, the Gardes-Mobiles moved forward against the front of the Vth Corps at around seven o'clock. However, they were pushed back by the outposts and support troops that were prepared, and they fell back at eleven o'clock.

On the northern front of Paris there occurred also a sharp fight. At mid-day Fort de la Briche, supported by field-guns and a floating battery, opened a heavy fire on the low-lying village of Epinay on the right bank of the Seine. At two o'clock Haurion's Brigade advanced, two companies of marines pressed into the place along the bank of the river, and drove out the garrison, which consisted of only one company. A second also retired from the defence-works in a northerly direction towards Ormesson. At three[209] o'clock in the afternoon, the village, up to some still obstinately defended farms on the further side of the mill-race, fell into the hands of the French.

On the northern front of Paris, there was also a fierce battle. At noon, Fort de la Briche, backed by field guns and a floating battery, started heavy fire on the low-lying village of Epinay on the right bank of the Seine. At 2 PM, Haurion's Brigade advanced, and two companies of marines moved into the village along the riverbank, pushing out the garrison, which only had one company. A second company also retreated from the fortifications towards Ormesson. By 3 PM, the village, except for some stubbornly defended farms on the far side of the mill-race, was under French control.

Meanwhile the troops of the IVth Corps had assembled, and seven batteries came into action on the overhanging heights. The infantry rushed upon the village from all sides with loud cheers, and about four o'clock, after a fierce street-fight, recovered possession of the posts which had been lost; and it was this transitory conquest that was to raise so great hopes in Tours. The losses on both sides amounted to 300 men.

Meanwhile, the troops of the IV Corps had gathered, and seven batteries opened fire from the high ground. The infantry charged into the village from all directions, cheering loudly, and around four o'clock, after an intense street battle, they reclaimed the positions that had been lost. This brief victory ignited significant hopes in Tours. The casualties on both sides totaled 300 men.

Those affairs were all mere feints to facilitate the chief action; and whilst the investing troops were thus engaged and held fast at all points, two Corps of the IInd French Army at 6.30 in the morning crossed the bridges at Joinville and Nogent which had been completed during the night. After repulsing the German outposts they both deployed, and stretched completely across the peninsula between Champigny and Bry. The IIIrd Corps had taken the road along the north bank of the Marne, towards Neuilly, to cross the river there, thus threatening to compromise the position of the Saxon Corps, which therefore still detained the 47th Brigade on the right bank, though it had been assigned to the assistance of the Würtembergers. Consequently there were available to oppose the two French Corps on the left bank, only two German brigades extended over about four miles, the Saxon 48th about Noisy, and the Würtemberg 1st from Villiers to Chennevières.

Those actions were just distractions to enable the main operation; while the encircling troops were engaged and held at all points, two Corps of the 2nd French Army crossed the bridges at Joinville and Nogent at 6:30 in the morning, which had been finished overnight. After driving back the German outposts, they both spread out and fully occupied the area between Champigny and Bry. The 3rd Corps took the route along the north bank of the Marne towards Neuilly to cross the river there, thereby threatening the position of the Saxon Corps, which still held back the 47th Brigade on the right bank, although it had been meant to support the Würtembergers. As a result, there were only two German brigades available to oppose the two French Corps on the left bank, spread over about four miles: the Saxon 48th around Noisy and the Würtemberg 1st from Villiers to Chennevières.

At ten o'clock Maussion's Division advanced against the Park of Villiers. Supported by Saxon detachments from Noisy, the Würtembergers repulsed a first attack, but in following it up met with heavy losses. The French batteries of two Divisions and those of the Artillery Reserve formed line in front of the park. On their right Faron's Division, not without heavy losses, succeeded in gaining possession of Champigny,[210] and had then established itself in front of that village to defend the occupation of it.

At ten o'clock, Maussion's Division moved forward against the Park of Villiers. Backed by Saxon units from Noisy, the Würtembergers successfully fended off an initial attack, but faced significant losses in the process. The French batteries from two Divisions and the Artillery Reserve lined up in front of the park. On their right, Faron's Division, despite suffering heavy losses, managed to take control of Champigny,[210] and then positioned itself in front of the village to defend their hold on it.

General Ducrot's original idea had been to maintain a stationary fight on the peninsula until he should be joined at Noisy by his IIIrd Corps. But as news arrived that at eleven o'clock it was still on the northern side of the Marne, he ordered an immediate general attack by both his other Corps.

General Ducrot's initial plan was to hold a defensive position on the peninsula until his IIIrd Corps joined him at Noisy. However, when he got word that it was still on the northern side of the Marne at eleven o'clock, he ordered an immediate full-scale attack by his other two Corps.

On the left the advance was checked for a considerable time by the German batteries which had been pushed forward between Noisy and Villiers, and when Colonel von Abendroth moved out from both villages with six companies of the 48th Brigade to an attack in close formation, the French fell back into the vineyards on the western slope of the plateau, leaving behind two guns, which, however, the Saxons could not carry away for want of teams.

On the left, the progress was stalled for quite a while by the German artillery that had been positioned between Noisy and Villiers. When Colonel von Abendroth launched an attack with six companies of the 48th Brigade from both villages in a tight formation, the French retreated into the vineyards on the western slope of the plateau, leaving behind two cannons that the Saxons couldn't take with them due to a lack of teams.

In the centre of the line of fight, Berthaut's Division tried to push forward south of Villiers, but by the fire of five batteries in position there and at Coeuilly its ranks were so severely thinned that it gave ground before the advance of a Saxon battalion.

In the center of the battle, Berthaut's Division attempted to move forward south of Villiers, but the fire from five batteries stationed there and at Coeuilly severely weakened its ranks, causing it to retreat in the face of an advancing Saxon battalion.

On the right wing, the guns which had been brought up into position in front of Champigny had at last been compelled by the German artillery to withdraw, and had sought cover further north, near the lime-kilns. A body of French infantry had advanced along the riverside to Maison Blanche, but meanwhile the 2nd Würtemberg Brigade, although itself attacked at Sucy, despatched a reinforcement of two companies and a battery to Chennevières. Advancing from the Hunting-lodge, the Würtembergers took 200 French prisoners at Maison Blanche; though, on the other hand, an attempt to carry the heights in front of Champigny with the companies assembled at Coeuilly failed with heavy loss. As the result, however, of a renewed flank-attack from the Hunting-lodge, Faron's Division, which had already been severely shaken, was obliged to retreat to Champigny.[211]

On the right side, the artillery that had been set up in front of Champigny was finally forced by the German guns to pull back, finding shelter further north near the lime-kilns. A group of French soldiers moved along the river to Maison Blanche, but during this time, the 2nd Würtemberg Brigade, even while being attacked at Sucy, sent two companies and a battery to Chennevières as reinforcements. Coming from the Hunting-lodge, the Würtembergers captured 200 French soldiers at Maison Blanche; however, an attempt to take the heights in front of Champigny with the companies gathered at Coeuilly ended in heavy losses. As a result of a renewed flank attack from the Hunting-lodge, Faron's Division, which had already been significantly weakened, had to retreat to Champigny.[211]

General Ducrot decided to be content, for that day, with having established a firm footing on the left bank of the Marne, and he brought up sixteen batteries to a position in his front, to secure the wedge of ground he had gained. On the following day the attack was to be renewed by all the three Corps.

General Ducrot decided to be satisfied, for that day, with having established a solid position on the left bank of the Marne, and he brought up sixteen batteries to a position in front of him, to secure the area of land he had gained. The next day, the attack was set to resume by all three Corps.

The Germans, on their part, had to congratulate themselves on having maintained their ground against greatly superior numbers. And so in the afternoon the fight gradually died away, until it broke out again in the north.

The Germans, for their part, had to congratulate themselves on holding their ground against much larger forces. So by the afternoon, the fighting gradually faded away, only to flare up again in the north.

The French IIIrd Corps, marching up the right bank of the Marne, had occupied Neuilly in force, and had driven in the outposts of the Saxon 47th Brigade. Under cover of six batteries the construction of two military bridges below Neuilly was begun at ten o'clock, and finished by noon. But just at this time it happened, as we have seen, that the French were in retreat from the plateau, so the crossing did not occur until two o'clock in the afternoon. Bellemare's Division marched down the valley to Bry, where it closed on the left flank of the IInd Corps. A regiment of Zouaves, trying to ascend the plateau from Bry, lost half its men and all its officers. Notwithstanding, General Ducrot decided to employ his reinforced strength in the immediate renewal of the attack on Villiers.

The French III Corps, advancing along the right bank of the Marne, had taken control of Neuilly and pushed back the outposts of the Saxon 47th Brigade. With the support of six batteries, they started building two military bridges just below Neuilly at ten o'clock, completing them by noon. But at that moment, as we have seen, the French were pulling back from the plateau, so the crossing didn’t happen until two o’clock in the afternoon. Bellemare's Division moved down the valley to Bry, aligning with the left flank of the II Corps. A regiment of Zouaves attempting to climb the plateau from Bry lost half its soldiers and all its officers. Despite this, General Ducrot decided to use his strengthened forces to immediately renew the attack on Villiers.

Strengthened by four battalions, the Division advanced in this direction, although the artillery had not succeeded in battering down the park wall; repeated onslaughts by rifle-swarms were repulsed, and finally the French retreated into the valley. The simultaneous attacks of Berthaut's Division along the railway line and of Faron's Division on the Hunting-lodge also miscarried. Not till darkness had set in did the firing cease on both sides.

Strengthened by four battalions, the Division moved forward in this direction, although the artillery had not managed to break down the park wall; repeated attacks by groups of riflemen were pushed back, and eventually, the French fell back into the valley. The simultaneous assaults by Berthaut's Division along the railway line and by Faron's Division on the Hunting Lodge also failed. It wasn't until darkness fell that the firing stopped on both sides.

Near Chelles, on the line in which the French IIIrd Corps had been advancing in the morning, the Crown Prince of Saxony had collected the 23rd Division; but as[212] soon as the enemy's real objective was penetrated, he despatched part of the 47th Brigade and a portion of the Corps Artillery to the threatened position held by the Würtembergers. Not less opportunely had General von Obernitz, as soon as the fighting at Mesly was over, sent three battalions to the Hunting-lodge. In the night orders came from the supreme Head-quarter for the IInd and VIth Corps to send reinforcements to the endangered points of the line of investment, and the 7th and 21st Brigades arrived at Sucy on the following day, the 1st of December.

Near Chelles, along the route where the French III Corps had been advancing that morning, the Crown Prince of Saxony had gathered the 23rd Division. But as soon as the real objective of the enemy became clear, he dispatched part of the 47th Brigade and some of the Corps Artillery to the threatened position held by the Würtembergers. General von Obernitz had also timely sent three battalions to the Hunting-lodge as soon as the fighting at Mesly wrapped up. That night, orders came from the supreme headquarters for the II and VI Corps to send reinforcements to the vulnerable points of the investment line, and the 7th and 21st Brigades arrived at Sucy the next day, December 1st.

On the French side the attempt to break through without help from outside was already considered as well-nigh hopeless, and it was only the fear of popular indignation which caused the IIIrd Army to remain longer on the left bank of the Marne. Instead of attacking, the French began to intrench themselves, and in order to clear the battle-field a truce was arranged. The thunder of the cannon from Mont Avron had to serve for the present to keep up the spirits of the Parisians. The Germans also worked at the strengthening of their positions, but, suffering from the sudden and extreme cold, part at least of the troops withdrew into quarters further rearward.

On the French side, trying to break through without outside help was seen as nearly impossible, and it was only the fear of public outrage that kept the IIIrd Army from pulling back from the left bank of the Marne for a while longer. Instead of launching an attack, the French started to dig in, and a truce was arranged to clear the battlefield. The sound of cannon fire from Mont Avron had to be enough for now to lift the spirits of the Parisians. The Germans were also busy reinforcing their positions, but due to the sudden and severe cold, at least some of the troops retreated to quarters further back.

The command of the whole of the German Army between the Marne and the Seine was assumed by General von Fransecky (commanding IInd Corps). The Head-quarter of the Army of the Meuse had already given instructions that Prince George (of Saxony) with all the available troops of the XIIth Corps, should make surprise-attacks on Bry and Champigny in the early morning of the 2nd.

The overall command of the German Army between the Marne and the Seine was taken over by General von Fransecky (in charge of the II Corps). The headquarters of the Army of the Meuse had already instructed that Prince George (of Saxony) with all the available troops of the XII Corps should carry out surprise attacks on Bry and Champigny in the early morning of the 2nd.

With this object, on the morning specified the 24th Division assembled at Noisy, the 1st Würtemberg Brigade at Villiers, and the 7th Prussian Brigade at the Hunting-lodge.

With this goal, on the morning mentioned, the 24th Division gathered at Noisy, the 1st Würtemberg Brigade at Villiers, and the 7th Prussian Brigade at the Hunting-lodge.

The foremost battalions of the Saxon Division drove back the enemy's outposts by a sudden rush, took[213] 100 prisoners, and after storming a barricade entered Bry. Here ensued an embittered fight in the streets and houses, in which the 2nd Battalion of the 107th Regiment lost nearly all its officers. Nevertheless it maintained its hold on the northern part of the village, in spite of the heavy fire of the forts.

The leading units of the Saxon Division pushed back the enemy's outposts with a surprise attack, capturing[213] 100 prisoners, and after attacking a barricade, entered Bry. This led to a bitter battle in the streets and buildings, in which the 2nd Battalion of the 107th Regiment lost almost all of its officers. Nevertheless, it managed to keep control of the northern part of the village, despite the intense fire from the forts.

The Würtembergers also forced an entrance into Champigny, but soon met with fierce resistance from the enemy sheltered in the buildings. The previously occupied Bois de la Lande had to be abandoned, and General Ducrot now determined to resort to the offensive. The strong artillery line on his front came into action at about nine o'clock, and two Divisions deployed in rear of it.

The Würtembergers also broke into Champigny but quickly faced strong resistance from the enemy taking cover in the buildings. They had to give up the previously held Bois de la Lande, and General Ducrot decided it was time to go on the offensive. The heavy artillery line in front of him fired up around nine o'clock, and two divisions moved in behind it.

Meanwhile the Fusilier battalion of the Colberg Regiment marched once more from the Hunting-lodge on Bois de la Lande, and carried it with the first onslaught. The French, firing heavily from the railway embankments, struck down the Pomeranians with clubbed rifles and at the point of the bayonet. A fierce fight was carried on at the same time at the lime-pits, where at noon 160 French laid down their arms. When six Würtemberg and nine Prussian batteries had been by degrees brought into action against Champigny, General Hartmann[46] succeeded in getting as far as the road leading to Bry. As, however, the batteries were now being masked by their own infantry, and were suffering, too, under the heavy projectiles fired from the forts, they were withdrawn into the hollow of the Hunting-lodge. At two o'clock the 1st Würtemberg and 7th Prussian Brigades established themselves firmly in the line from the churchyard of Champigny to the Bois de la Lande.

Meanwhile, the Fusilier battalion of the Colberg Regiment marched again from the Hunting lodge on Bois de la Lande and captured it with their first assault. The French, firing heavily from the railway embankments, took down the Pomeranians with clubbed rifles and at the point of the bayonet. A fierce battle was also happening at the lime pits, where at noon, 160 French soldiers surrendered. As six Württemberg and nine Prussian batteries were gradually brought into action against Champigny, General Hartmann[46] managed to reach the road leading to Bry. However, since the batteries were now being concealed by their own infantry and were also suffering from the heavy projectiles fired from the forts, they were pulled back into the hollow of the Hunting lodge. At two o'clock, the 1st Württemberg and 7th Prussian Brigades firmly established themselves in the line from the churchyard of Champigny to the Bois de la Lande.

Meanwhile the French divisions of Bellemare and Susbielle had reached the battle-field from the right bank of the Marne. The two Saxon battalions in Bry, having already lost 36 officers and 638 men, were compelled[214] by the approach of the enemy in very superior force, to evacuate the village and retire on Noisy, but not without taking 300 prisoners with them. The rest of the Saxon forces held Villiers, where the still available batteries also were in position.

Meanwhile, the French divisions of Bellemare and Susbielle arrived at the battlefield from the right bank of the Marne. The two Saxon battalions in Bry, having already lost 36 officers and 638 men, were forced[214] to leave the village and fall back to Noisy due to the enemy's much larger numbers, but not without taking 300 prisoners with them. The remaining Saxon forces held Villiers, where their usable batteries were also positioned.

While, at two o'clock, the French were bringing up a strong artillery mass against this point, four batteries of the IInd Corps rushed out of the hollow near the Hunting-lodge at a gallop upon their flank, and opened fire at a range of 2000 paces. In less than ten minutes the French batteries fell back and the Prussian batteries returned to their sheltered position. Several hostile battalions which, at about three o'clock, attempted a renewed assault on Villiers, were repulsed with no difficulty, and at five o'clock the fighting ceased. The French merely kept up a fire of field and fortress artillery until dark.

While, at two o'clock, the French were bringing up a strong artillery unit against this point, four batteries of the II Corps quickly charged out of the hollow near the Hunting Lodge and opened fire from a distance of 2000 paces. In less than ten minutes, the French batteries fell back, and the Prussian batteries returned to their sheltered position. Several enemy battalions that tried to launch a renewed assault on Villiers around three o'clock were easily repelled, and by five o'clock, the fighting stopped. The French only maintained a fire of field and fortress artillery until dark.

General Ducrot had received information in the course of the day, that the Army of the Loire was marching on Fontainebleau, and he was, therefore, very anxious to continue to maintain his position outside Paris.

General Ducrot had received information during the day that the Army of the Loire was heading toward Fontainebleau, so he was very anxious to keep his position outside Paris.

During the night of December 2nd—3rd, provisions were procured, and the teams and ammunition of the batteries were made up; but the approach of support from without was in no wise confirmed.

During the night of December 2nd–3rd, supplies were gathered, and the teams and ammunition for the batteries were organized; however, there was no confirmation of external support approaching.

The troops were completely exhausted by the previous disastrous fighting, and the Commander-in-Chief was justified in apprehending a repulse on the Marne by the enemy's invigorated forces. He therefore ordered a retreat, the troops being informed that the attack should be renewed as soon as their preparedness for fighting should have been re-established.

The troops were completely worn out from the recent terrible battles, and the Commander-in-Chief was right to worry about being pushed back on the Marne by the enemy's strengthened forces. He ordered a retreat, informing the troops that they would launch another attack as soon as they were ready to fight again.

Soon after midnight the divisions were assembled behind the outposts, and the trains were sent back first. At noon the troops were able to follow over the bridges at Neuilly, Bry, and Joinville. Only one brigade remained in position to cover the passage.[215]

Soon after midnight, the divisions were gathered behind the outposts, and the supply trains were sent back first. By noon, the troops were able to cross over the bridges at Neuilly, Bry, and Joinville. Only one brigade stayed in place to cover the crossing.[215]

The retreat was very skilfully covered by a series of small attacks on the German outposts. The French batteries had opened fire at Le Plant and Bry by daybreak, and the withdrawal of the enemy's army was completely hidden by the thick mist.

The retreat was expertly masked by a series of small attacks on the German outposts. The French artillery had started firing at Le Plant and Bry by dawn, and the enemy's army withdrawal was completely concealed by the heavy fog.

General Fransecky assembled the Saxon and the Würtemberg Divisions in a fighting position at Villiers and Cœuilly, the 7th Brigade with the Corps-Artillery of the IInd Corps and two regiments of the VIth at Chennevières, intending to wait for the expected reinforcement which the VIth Corps had agreed to furnish for the 4th. The 23rd Division also received orders from the Crown Prince of Saxony to cross to the left bank of the Marne, whilst the Guard Corps had meanwhile extended its outposts to Chelles.

General Fransecky gathered the Saxon and Würtemberg Divisions in a combat position at Villiers and Cœuilly, with the 7th Brigade and the Corps-Artillery of the II Corps, along with two regiments from the VI Corps stationed at Chennevières. He planned to wait for the expected reinforcements that the VI Corps had committed to provide for the 4th. The 23rd Division was also ordered by the Crown Prince of Saxony to cross to the left bank of the Marne, while the Guard Corps had meanwhile expanded its outposts to Chelles.

So remained matters on the 3rd, with the exception of petty frays, and at four o'clock in the afternoon the troops were able to return to quarters. When early on the 4th patrols rode forward towards Bry and Champigny, they found these places vacated, and the peninsula of Joinville deserted by the enemy.

So things stayed the same on the 3rd, except for minor skirmishes, and at four o'clock in the afternoon, the troops were able to head back to their quarters. When patrols moved out early on the 4th towards Bry and Champigny, they found these areas empty, and the peninsula of Joinville abandoned by the enemy.

The IInd French Army, which had been severely reduced and its internal cohesion much shaken, returned to Paris; on its own report it had lost 12,000 men. The German troops engaged had lost 6200 men, but resumed their former positions in the investing line.

The 2nd French Army, which had been dramatically cut down and its internal unity heavily disrupted, went back to Paris; according to its own report, it had lost 12,000 soldiers. The German troops involved had lost 6,200 men but took back their previous positions in the encirclement line.

This energetic attempt on the part of General Ducrot was the most serious effort that was made for the relief of Paris. It was directed towards what was at the moment the weakest point of the investment, but met with any success only at the outset.[47]

This vigorous attempt by General Ducrot was the most significant effort made to relieve Paris. It targeted what was then the weakest point of the siege, but only saw success initially.[47]

FOOTNOTES:

[46] Commanding 3rd Infantry Division.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Leading 3rd Infantry Division.

[47] A legend was subsequently circulated that the voice of one general in a German council of war had, in opposition to all the others, prevented the removal of the chief head-quarters from Versailles. Apart from the fact that during the whole course of the invasion no council of war was ever held, it never occurred to any member of the King's military suite to set so bad an example to the army. [Moltke.]

[47] A rumor spread that one general in a German war council, against the wishes of all the others, stopped the main headquarters from being moved from Versailles. Besides the fact that no war council was ever held throughout the invasion, it never crossed anyone in the King's military entourage's mind to set such a poor example for the army. [Moltke.]


The Progress of the Ist Army in November.

The newly-formed levies in northern France were not remaining inactive. Rouen and Lille were their chief centres. In front of the latter place, the Somme with its fortified passages at Ham, Péronne, Amiens, and Abbeville afforded a line equally advantageous for attacks to the front or for secure retreat. Isolated advances had, indeed, on various occasions, been driven back by detachments of the Army of the Meuse, but these were too weak to rid themselves of the continued molestation by pursuit pushed home.

The newly-formed troops in northern France weren't sitting idly by. Rouen and Lille were their main hubs. In front of Lille, the Somme River—with its fortified crossings at Ham, Péronne, Amiens, and Abbeville—provided a strategic position for launching attacks or retreating safely. Isolated assaults had, on several occasions, been pushed back by units from the Army of the Meuse, but they were too weak to shake off the relentless harassment from pursuing forces.

We have already seen how, after the fall of Metz, the IInd Army marched to the Loire, and the Ist into the northern departments of France.

We have already seen how, after the fall of Metz, the 2nd Army marched to the Loire, and the 1st into the northern regions of France.

A large portion of the Ist Army was at first detained on the Moselle by having had to undertake the transport of the numerous prisoners and the observation of the fortresses which interrupted the communications with Germany. The whole VIIth Corps was either in Metz or before Thionville and Montmédy. Of the Ist Corps, the 1st Division was detached to Rethel,[48] the 4th Brigade transported by railway through Soissons to the investment of La Fère, and the 3rd Cavalry Division sent on towards the forest of Argonnes. The remaining five brigades followed with the artillery on the 7th November.[49]

A large part of the Ist Army was initially held up at the Moselle because they had to handle the transportation of many prisoners and monitor the fortresses that disrupted communication with Germany. The entire VIIth Corps was either in Metz or stationed in front of Thionville and Montmédy. Of the Ist Corps, the 1st Division was sent to Rethel,[48] the 4th Brigade was transported by train through Soissons to surround La Fère, and the 3rd Cavalry Division moved toward the Argonnes forest. The remaining five brigades followed with the artillery on November 7th.[49]

Marching on a wide front, the force reached the Oise between Compiègne and Chauny on the 20th. In front of the right wing the cavalry, supported by a battalion of Jägers, came in contact with Gardes-Mobiles at Ham and Guiscard; in face of the infantry[217] columns the hostile bodies fell back on Amiens. It was learned that 15,000 men were there, and that reinforcements were continually joining.

Marching across a broad front, the troops reached the Oise between Compiègne and Chauny on the 20th. In front of the right flank, the cavalry, backed by a battalion of Jägers, encountered the Gardes-Mobiles at Ham and Guiscard; facing the infantry columns, the enemy forces retreated towards Amiens. It was reported that 15,000 troops were present there, with reinforcements continuously arriving.

On the 25th the 3rd Brigade reached Le Quesnel. The 15th Division of the VIIIth Corps advanced beyond Montdidier, and the 16th to Breteuil, whence it established connection with the Saxon detachments about Clermont. On the 26th the right wing closed up to Le Quesnel, the left to Moreuil and Essertaux. The cavalry scouted forward towards the Somme, the right bank of which it found occupied. The enemy's attitude indicated that he was confining himself to the defence of that position. General von Manteuffel thereupon determined to attack, without waiting for the arrival of the 1st Division, the transport of which from Rethel was extraordinarily delayed. His intention, in the first instance, was to utilize the 27th in drawing closer in his forces, which were extended along a front of some nineteen miles. But the battle was unexpectedly fought on that same day.

On the 25th, the 3rd Brigade reached Le Quesnel. The 15th Division of the VIII Corps moved beyond Montdidier, while the 16th advanced to Breteuil, where it connected with the Saxon units near Clermont. On the 26th, the right wing consolidated at Le Quesnel, and the left at Moreuil and Essertaux. The cavalry moved ahead toward the Somme, discovering that the right bank was occupied. The enemy seemed to be focusing on defending that position. General von Manteuffel then decided to launch an attack without waiting for the delayed arrival of the 1st Division from Rethel. Initially, he planned to use the 27th to bring his troops, spread over a front of about nineteen miles, closer together. However, the battle unexpectedly broke out on that same day.

FOOTNOTES:

[48] According to statement on p. 177, to Mézières.

[48] According to the statement on p. 177, to Mézières.

[49] The "five brigades" mentioned in the text consisted of the 3rd of Ist Corps, and the four composing the VIIIth Corps, of which, the Ist and VIIth, the Ist Army was made up. The 1st Cavalry Division, originally belonging to the Ist Army, was transferred to the IInd Army by the reorganization following the capitulation of Metz.

[49] The "five brigades" mentioned in the text included the 3rd of the 1st Corps and the four that made up the 8th Corps, which formed the 1st Army. The 1st Cavalry Division, which originally belonged to the 1st Army, was moved to the 2nd Army due to the reorganization after the surrender of Metz.


Amiens Offensive.

(November 17th.)

General Farre, with his 17,500 men distributed into three brigades, stood eastward of Amiens on the south bank of the Somme, about Villers Bretonneux and Longueau along the road to Péronne, holding also the villages and copses on his front. Besides these troops there were 8000 Gardes-Mobiles occupying an intrenched position about two and a half miles in front of the city.

General Farre, with his 17,500 soldiers spread across three brigades, positioned himself east of Amiens on the south bank of the Somme, around Villers Bretonneux and Longueau along the road to Péronne, while also holding the villages and woods in front of him. In addition to these troops, there were 8,000 Gardes-Mobiles occupying a fortified position about two and a half miles in front of the city.

In accordance with instructions from the Army Headquarter, General von Goeben (commanding the VIIIth Corps) had given orders for the 27th that the 15th Division should take up quarters at Fouencamps and Sains; the 16th at Rumigny and Plachy and in the[218] villages further back; the Corps-Artillery at Grattepanche. Consequently the VIIIth Corps was to be assembled before Amiens between the Celle and the Noye, at the distance, then, of nearly two and a half miles from the Ist Corps, and divided from it by the latter brook and the Avre. General von Bentheim (commanding the 1st Division, Ist Corps[50]) on the other hand, had sent his advanced guard, the 3rd Brigade, into quarters north of the Luce.

In line with orders from Army Headquarters, General von Goeben (in charge of the VIII Corps) instructed that on the 27th, the 15th Division should set up base at Fouencamps and Sains; the 16th at Rumigny and Plachy, as well as in the villages further back; and the Corps-Artillery at Grattepanche. As a result, the VIII Corps was to gather in front of Amiens between the Celle and the Noye, about two and a half miles from the 1st Corps, separated by the latter brook and the Avre. General von Bentheim (leading the 1st Division of the 1st Corps[50]) had, on the other hand, sent his advanced guard, the 3rd Brigade, to quarters north of the Luce.

At an early hour that brigade seized the passages of the brook at Démuin, Hangard, and Domart. At ten o'clock it moved forward in order to occupy the appointed quarters, and as the enemy were already in possession, a fight began which gradually increased in magnitude.

At an early hour, that brigade took control of the streams at Démuin, Hangard, and Domart. At ten o'clock, it advanced to occupy the designated quarters, and since the enemy was already there, a battle broke out that gradually intensified.

The wooded heights on the north bank of the Luce were taken without any particular resistance, and maintained in spite of several counter strokes by the French. The artillery pushed forward through the intervals of the infantry. On the left the 4th Regiment seized the village of Gentelles, on the right the 44th Regiment rushed up to within 300 paces of the left flank of the French position, and by a vigorous onslaught carried by storm the earthworks at the railway cutting east of Villers Bretonneux. Soon after mid-day heavy hostile masses drew up at Bretonneux and in Cachy, directly opposite the 3rd Brigade, which was extended along a front of some four miles.

The wooded heights on the north bank of the Luce were taken with little resistance and held despite several counterattacks by the French. The artillery advanced through the gaps in the infantry. On the left, the 4th Regiment captured the village of Gentelles, while on the right, the 44th Regiment charged to within 300 paces of the left flank of the French position and, with a strong assault, stormed the earthworks at the railway cutting east of Villers Bretonneux. Shortly after noon, large enemy forces assembled at Bretonneux and in Cachy, directly across from the 3rd Brigade, which stretched along a front of about four miles.

On the left wing of the Germans the 16th Division had by eleven o'clock already reached its assigned quarters, and had driven the enemy out of Hébecourt, as well as out of the woods north of that village towards Dury. The 15th Division, in compliance with the enjoined assemblage of the VIIIth Corps on the left bank of the Noye, moved westward from Moreuil through[219] Ailly to Dommartin, its advance guard which had been holding Hailles marching direct on Fouencamps. Thus it happened that before noon the roads from Roye and Montdidier between the two Corps were left completely uncovered by troops on the German side, while a French brigade was standing at the fork of these roads at Longueau, though, in fact, it remained absolutely inactive. This interval was at first screened only by the numerous retinue and staff escort of the Commander-in-Chief; and then it was to some extent filled by the battalion constituting the guard of the headquarter. As, however, after ten o'clock the French on their side commenced an attack on the 3rd Brigade, General von Manteuffel ordered the 15th Division to join in the fight as far as possible toward the right wing.

On the left side of the Germans, the 16th Division had already reached its assigned positions by eleven o'clock and had pushed the enemy out of Hébecourt as well as from the woods north of that village towards Dury. The 15th Division, following the order for the VIIIth Corps to gather on the left bank of the Noye, moved west from Moreuil through [219] Ailly to Dommartin, with its advance guard, which had been holding Hailles, heading directly for Fouencamps. By noon, the roads from Roye and Montdidier between the two Corps were entirely unguarded by German troops, while a French brigade was at the junction of these roads at Longueau, though it remained completely inactive. Initially, this gap was only covered by the large entourage and staff escort of the Commander-in-Chief, and later it was partially filled by the battalion serving as the headquarters guard. However, after ten o'clock, when the French started an attack on the 3rd Brigade, General von Manteuffel ordered the 15th Division to engage in the fight as much as possible towards the right flank.

After a staunch defence the companies of the 4th Regiment were driven back out of the Bois de Hangard towards the declivity of the height in front of Démuin, and subsequently, having expended all their ammunition, the defenders of Gentelles were driven back to Domart.

After a strong defense, the companies of the 4th Regiment were pushed back out of the Bois de Hangard towards the slope in front of Démuin, and later, after using up all their ammo, the defenders of Gentelles were forced back to Domart.

General von Strubberg (commanding 30th Infantry Brigade, VIIIth Corps), on instructions from the scene of combat in front of the Luce, had sent four battalions in that direction, which crossed the Avre, but came under such a heavy fire from the Bois de Gentelles that their further advance was prevented, and they had to change front against the wood. Behind them, however, the other detachments of the 30th Brigade pressed forward to St. Nicolas on the right bank, and to Boves on the left, and in co-operation with the 29th Brigade drove the French from the neighbouring Ruinenberg.

General von Strubberg (in charge of the 30th Infantry Brigade, VIII Corps), following orders from the battlefield near the Luce, sent four battalions in that direction. They crossed the Avre but faced such intense fire from the Bois de Gentelles that they couldn't advance any further and had to reposition against the woods. However, behind them, other units of the 30th Brigade moved forward to St. Nicolas on the right bank and to Boves on the left, and in coordination with the 29th Brigade, pushed the French out of the nearby Ruinenberg.

Meanwhile a part of the approaching 1st Division came up behind the 3rd Brigade. The artillery positions were considerably strengthened, and the cannon fire was directed against the earthworks south of Bretonneux. As the nearest support the Crown Prince's Regiment went forward, and soon the French were[220] again driven out of the Bois de Hangard. The East Prussians following them up, took cover in front of the earthworks; several detachments of the 4th and 44th Regiments gradually collected there from the neighbouring woods, and the enemy was then driven back from this position. Thirteen batteries now silenced the French artillery, and, after they had fired for some time on Bretonneux, the place was, at four o'clock, seized by the Prussians pouring in from all sides with drums beating. The French in its interior made only a weak defence at isolated points; for the most part they hurried over the Somme at Corbie under cover of the darkness, and with the loss of 180 unwounded prisoners.

Meanwhile, part of the advancing 1st Division came up behind the 3rd Brigade. The artillery positions were significantly reinforced, and the cannon fire was aimed at the fortifications south of Bretonneux. As the closest support, the Crown Prince's Regiment moved forward, and soon the French were[220] once again pushed out of the Bois de Hangard. The East Prussians followed them closely, taking cover in front of the fortifications; several detachments from the 4th and 44th Regiments gradually gathered there from the nearby woods, and the enemy was then forced back from this position. Thirteen batteries silenced the French artillery, and after firing for a while on Bretonneux, the Prussians seized the area at four o'clock, pouring in from all directions with drums beating. The French inside put up only a weak defense at isolated points; for the most part, they rushed across the Somme at Corbie under the cover of darkness, losing 180 unwounded prisoners.

When, somewhat later, the French General Lecointe advanced with the reserve brigade on Domart, he found that crossing point already in possession of the 1st Division, and turned back. Cachy only was held by the French till late in the evening.

When, a little later, the French General Lecointe advanced with the reserve brigade on Domart, he found that the crossing point was already held by the 1st Division and turned back. Cachy was only held by the French until late in the evening.

The troops of the Ist Corps were distributed for the night in the hamlets to the south of the Luce; but the outposts were established on the northern bank of the Somme, and Bretonneux also remained occupied.

The troops of the Ist Corps were spread out for the night in the villages south of the Luce; however, the outposts were set up on the northern bank of the Somme, and Bretonneux was still occupied.

On the left wing of the battle-field the 16th Division had advanced to Dury, and had driven the French out of the neighbouring churchyard, but had been forced to withdraw from an attack on the enemy's extensive and strongly defended line of intrenchment. It bivouacked behind Dury.

On the left side of the battlefield, the 16th Division had moved forward to Dury and had pushed the French out of the nearby churchyard, but they had to pull back from an assault on the enemy's large and heavily fortified line of trenches. They set up camp behind Dury.

It was night before General von Manteuffel received information which proved that the enemy had been completely defeated. Early in the morning of the 28th the patrols of the Ist Corps found the region clear of the enemy as far as the Somme, and all the bridges across the river destroyed. At noon General von Goeben entered Amiens, the citadel of which capitulated two days later with its garrison of 400 men and 30 cannon.[221]

It was night when General von Manteuffel got the news confirming that the enemy had been completely defeated. Early in the morning of the 28th, the patrols of the 1st Corps found the area clear of enemy forces as far as the Somme, with all the bridges across the river destroyed. By noon, General von Goeben entered Amiens, which surrendered two days later along with its garrison of 400 men and 30 cannons.[221]

One peculiarity of the battle of the 27th November was the disproportionately great extent of the battle-field to the number of the troops engaged. General Farre, with 25,000 men in round numbers, covered a front of about fourteen miles from Pont de Metz south of Amiens to the east of Villers Bretonneux, and with the Somme close on his rear. The Germans attacked on approximately the same breadth of front, with the result that there was a break in the middle of their line. The danger caused by this gap was not taken advantage of during the morning through the inactivity of the enemy, and it was then nullified by the occupation of St. Nicolas.

One unusual aspect of the battle on November 27th was the significantly large size of the battlefield compared to the number of troops involved. General Farre, commanding around 25,000 men, stretched across a front of about fourteen miles from Pont de Metz south of Amiens to the east of Villers Bretonneux, with the Somme River right behind him. The Germans attacked along roughly the same width of front, which resulted in a break in the middle of their line. The threat posed by this gap wasn't exploited during the morning due to the enemy's inactivity, and it was ultimately neutralized by the capture of St. Nicolas.

The superiority of numbers was on the side of the Germans, for, although of the approaching 1st Division only the Crown Prince's Regiment could take part in the fighting, they were 30,000 strong. The 3rd Brigade bore the brunt of the battle, losing 630 men and 34 officers out of a total of 1300. The French also lost about 1300, besides 1000 reported missing. Part of the National Guard threw down their arms and fled to their homes. The main body of the French Corps retired on Arras.

The Germans had the advantage in numbers, as the only unit from the approaching 1st Division that could join the fight was the Crown Prince's Regiment, which was 30,000 strong. The 3rd Brigade took the majority of the fighting, suffering losses of 630 men and 34 officers out of a total of 1,300. The French also lost around 1,300, with an additional 1,000 reported missing. Some members of the National Guard dropped their weapons and ran home. The main part of the French Corps withdrew to Arras.

Immediately after the battle the Ist Army was reinforced by the 4th Brigade, which had been brought from La Fère.

Immediately after the battle, the Ist Army was reinforced by the 4th Brigade, which had been brought from La Fère.

FOOTNOTE:

[50] In effect commanding the whole Ist Corps, although nominally Manteuffel was still chief of it, as well as in command of the Ist Army.

[50] Essentially in charge of the entire Ist Corps, even though Manteuffel still held the title and command of the Ist Army.


La Fère: A Siege.

(November 27th.)

This little fortress became of importance since it closed the line of railway passing through Rheims, both to Amiens and to Paris. Lying in open, wet, low ground overflowed by the Somme and its tributaries, it was difficult of approach; otherwise, the fortifications[222] merely consisted of an isolated wall, with sundry earthworks close in front of it, and it was entirely seen into from heights on the east at a distance of not more than 1500 metres.

This small fortress became important because it blocked the railway line running through Rheims, connecting to both Amiens and Paris. Situated in open, wet, low ground flooded by the Somme and its tributaries, it was hard to reach; otherwise, the fortifications[222] were just an isolated wall with various earthworks right in front of it, and it was completely visible from the heights to the east, within just 1500 meters.

The brigade (4th of Ist Corps) as a preliminary measure had invested La Fère on the 15th November, and when the siege-train arrived from Soissons with thirty-two heavy guns, seven batteries were built and armed during the night of the 25th on the heights already mentioned. On the following morning these opened fire, and on the 27th the place capitulated. Gardes-Mobiles to the number of 2300 were taken prisoners, and the most serviceable of the 113 guns found were brought away to arm the citadel of Amiens. The reinforcement of the Ist Army by the VIIth Corps meanwhile was not yet even in prospect, since the latter still had further work to do on the Moselle; the greater part of the 14th Division only arrived before Thionville on November 13th.

The brigade (4th of Ist Corps) had surrounded La Fère as a preliminary step on November 15th. When the siege train arrived from Soissons with thirty-two heavy guns, seven batteries were set up and armed during the night of the 25th on the previously mentioned heights. The next morning, they opened fire, and by the 27th, the place surrendered. A total of 2,300 Gardes-Mobiles were captured, and the most suitable of the 113 guns found were taken to equip the citadel of Amiens. Meanwhile, the VIIth Corps had not yet been expected to reinforce the Ist Army, as they still needed to complete their tasks on the Moselle; most of the 14th Division only reached Thionville on November 13th.


Thionville Reduction.

(November 24th.)

This fortress, shut in on all sides by hills, was entirely without bomb-proof protection; direct approach from the south was, on the other hand, rendered difficult by artificial inundations, and on the west and north by swamps. General von Kameke therefore decided to await the result of a heavy bombardment before resorting to a regular attack. Batteries were erected on both banks of the Moselle, and on the morning of the 22nd eighty-five guns opened fire. At first the fortress answered briskly. In the following night the infantry detailed to the task of throwing up the first parallel, advanced to within[223] 600 paces of the west front, but, in consequence of pouring rain and the condition of the ground the work made but small progress. However, on the 24th at mid-day the commandant proposed negotiations for the surrender of the place. The garrison, 4000 strong, with the exception of the National Guard belonging to the place, became prisoners and were sent to Germany; and 199 guns, besides a considerable amount of supplies, arms and ammunition, fell into the hands of the conqueror.

This fortress, surrounded on all sides by hills, had no bomb-proof protection at all; however, direct access from the south was made difficult by artificial flooding, and from the west and north by swamps. General von Kameke decided to wait for the results of a heavy bombardment before launching a regular attack. Batteries were set up on both banks of the Moselle, and on the morning of the 22nd, eighty-five guns started firing. At first, the fortress responded energetically. That night, the infantry assigned to create the first parallel advanced to within[223] 600 paces of the west front, but due to heavy rain and the state of the ground, progress was minimal. However, on the 24th at midday, the commandant suggested negotiations for the surrender of the fortress. The garrison, which numbered 4,000 strong, except for the local National Guard, surrendered and were taken prisoner, sent to Germany; and 199 guns, along with a significant amount of supplies, arms, and ammunition, fell into the hands of the conqueror.

The 14th Division was now required to lay siege to the northern frontier fortresses, which would occupy it for some time. The 13th Division, by orders from the supreme Head-quarter, was assigned to the operations in southern France.

The 14th Division was now tasked with besieging the northern frontier fortresses, which would keep them occupied for a while. The 13th Division, by orders from the main Headquarters, was assigned to the operations in southern France.


Belfort's investment in November.

On the south-east section of the theatre of war Belfort had become the centre of continual petty enterprises on the part of French flying detachments in rear of the XIVth Corps, which under General von Werder stood about Vesoul.

On the southeast section of the battlefield, Belfort had become the center of ongoing small operations by French air teams behind the XIVth Corps, which, under General von Werder, was positioned near Vesoul.

But when the troops previously before Strasburg had been relieved by a newly formed body from Germany, the troops before Neu-Breisach became available, and were set in march on Upper Alsace; while the 1st Reserve Division reached Belfort on the 3rd November, and by the 8th had effected the preliminary investment of that place. The greater part of the 4th Reserve Division marched to join the XIVth Corps at Vesoul, a detachment under General von Debschitz occupied Montbéliard, and the 67th Regiment held Mulhouse and Delle.

But when the troops that were previously stationed outside Strasburg were replaced by a newly formed group from Germany, the troops that had been at Neu-Breisach became available and were sent to Upper Alsace. The 1st Reserve Division arrived in Belfort on November 3rd and by the 8th had completed the initial investment of that location. Most of the 4th Reserve Division marched to join the XIV Corps at Vesoul, a detachment led by General von Debschitz took over Montbéliard, and the 67th Regiment held Mulhouse and Delle.

Glancing back on the German successes during[224] November and the general military position at the end of the month, we see the great sortie from Paris repulsed[51]; in the north the menace to the investment of being hemmed in done away with by General von Manteuffel's victory at Amiens; in the east Thionville, Breisach, Verdun, and La Fère taken, Montmédy and Belfort surrounded; and in the south Prince Frederick Charles ready to attack the French army before Orleans.

Looking back at the German achievements during[224] November and the overall military situation at the end of the month, we see the major offensive from Paris pushed back[51]; in the north, the threat of being trapped is eliminated by General von Manteuffel's victory at Amiens; in the east, Thionville, Breisach, Verdun, and La Fère have been captured, and Montmédy and Belfort are surrounded; and in the south, Prince Frederick Charles is set to attack the French army near Orleans.

FOOTNOTE:

[51] The great sortie to the east of Paris was not repulsed until December 2nd.

[51] The major offensive to the east of Paris wasn't pushed back until December 2nd.


Battle of Orleans.

(December 3rd and 4th.)

When soon after noon of 2nd December the telegraphed order to take the offensive against Orleans reached the headquarter of the IInd Army, the Prince on the same day assembled the Xth Corps at Beaune la Rolande and Boynes, the IIIrd at Pithiviers, and the IXth at Bazoches les Gallerandes. By evening the collected forces had their marching orders.

When just after noon on December 2nd, the telegram order to launch an offensive against Orleans arrived at the II Army headquarters, the Prince gathered the X Corps at Beaune la Rolande and Boynes, the III Corps at Pithiviers, and the IX Corps at Bazoches les Gallerandes on the same day. By evening, the assembled forces had their marching orders.

The attack was to comprise two days of fighting. The IIIrd Corps was first to advance on Loury by way of Chilleurs aux Bois; the Xth was to follow to Chilleurs; and the IXth was to attack Artenay at half-past nine. The 1st Cavalry Division supported by infantry was to be on observation on the left flank towards the Yonne; the 6th was to follow the right wing. The Grand Duke, to whom it had been left to arrange the details of his own march westward of the Paris main road, ordered the 22nd Division to support the attack on Artenay, the Bavarian Corps to advance on Lumeau, the 17th Division to remain for the present at Anneux.[225] The 4th Cavalry Division was charged with the duty of scouting on the right flank.

The attack was planned to last two days. The III Corps was the first to advance on Loury via Chilleurs aux Bois; the X Corps would follow to Chilleurs; and the IX Corps was set to attack Artenay at nine-thirty. The 1st Cavalry Division, supported by infantry, was assigned to observe the left flank toward the Yonne, while the 6th would support the right wing. The Grand Duke, who was responsible for organizing his own westward march along the main road from Paris, ordered the 22nd Division to back the attack on Artenay, the Bavarian Corps to move toward Lumeau, and the 17th Division to stay for the time being at Anneux.[225] The 4th Cavalry Division was tasked with scouting on the right flank.

So early as nine o'clock in the morning on the 3rd of December the IIIrd Corps met eight battalions and six batteries of the enemy at Santeau. The 12th Brigade and the artillery of the 6th Division intercalated in the columns of march in rear of the foremost battalions, thereupon deployed about La Brosse. After a few rounds a battery of the left wing had to be withdrawn from the fight which had now commenced; on the right, on the other hand, the Corps-Artillery gradually came up, and by noon seventy-eight Prussian guns were in action.

So early as nine o'clock in the morning on December 3rd, the IIIrd Corps encountered eight battalions and six batteries of the enemy at Santeau. The 12th Brigade and the artillery of the 6th Division integrated into the marching columns behind the front battalions and then spread out around La Brosse. After a few rounds, a battery from the left wing had to be pulled back from the fight that had started; meanwhile, on the right, the Corps-Artillery gradually arrived, and by noon, seventy-eight Prussian guns were in action.

The French, yielding to strength so overwhelming, retired on Chilleurs; but, when the German batteries had advanced within 2000 paces of that place, and the right flank of the former was threatened by an assault of the Jäger battalions, they began a retreat towards the forest, and at three o'clock part of the 5th Division followed them up through the glen leading to the southward, and the 6th by the high road. As these had been obstructed in many places, it was six o'clock in the evening before the clearing by Loury was reached.

The French, overwhelmed by the sheer strength, pulled back to Chilleurs. However, when the German artillery got within 2000 meters of that area, and the right flank of the French was threatened by an attack from the Jäger battalions, they started retreating towards the forest. By three o'clock, part of the 5th Division followed them through the valley heading south, while the 6th took the main road. Since these routes were blocked in several spots, it wasn't until six in the evening that they finally reached the clearing by Loury.

On the right, heavy musketry-firing was heard in the region of Neuville, and tidings also arrived that on the left the French had occupied Nancray.

On the right, heavy gunfire could be heard in the Neuville area, and news also came in that on the left, the French had taken over Nancray.

In consequence of this, a reinforcement from the reserve remaining in Chilleurs was brought up; one regiment was thrown out fronting towards the west, a second towards the east, and under cover of the outposts extended toward the south the remainder of the troops went into bivouac and quarters at Loury.

As a result, a backup from the reserve in Chilleurs was called in; one regiment was positioned facing west, another facing east, and the rest of the troops set up camp and settled in at Loury, using the outposts for cover as they extended toward the south.

The IXth Corps had first assembled at Château Gaillard on the main road to Paris, and then advanced along the chaussée through Dambron against Villereau. At Assas it met the enemy, who was soon driven back by its artillery, and disappeared towards Artenay. At about ten o'clock an obstinate contest was engaged in against the batteries of the 2nd French Division in[226] position here, in which part of the Corps-Artillery presently bore part, seconded later by the batteries of the 22nd Division, which had come up to Poupry. General Martineau retreated slowly by successive detachments, his artillery leading, before the overwhelming fire of ninety guns, on La Croix Briquet and Ferme d'Arblay.

The IX Corps first gathered at Château Gaillard on the main road to Paris, then moved along the road through Dambron toward Villereau. They encountered the enemy at Assas, who was quickly pushed back by their artillery and retreated toward Artenay. Around ten o'clock, a fierce battle took place against the batteries of the 2nd French Division in[226] position here, with part of the Corps-Artillery currently involved, later joined by the batteries of the 22nd Division that had arrived at Poupry. General Martineau slowly fell back in stages, with his artillery in the lead, under the intense fire of ninety guns, towards La Croix Briquet and Ferme d'Arblay.

At twelve o'clock the Germans occupied Artenay, and after half an hour's rest they renewed the offensive. There occurred a long and obstinate fire-fight both of infantry and artillery, while the 22nd Division pushed forward on the enemy's left flank. At two o'clock his guns were silenced, the left-wing column of the IXth Corps seized the farm of Arblay, and the centre by hard fighting drove the enemy back along the high road through La Croix Briquet to Andeglou, where under cover of the marine artillery resistance was kept up till dark.

At noon, the Germans took over Artenay, and after a thirty-minute break, they launched another attack. A long and stubborn firefight broke out involving both infantry and artillery, while the 22nd Division advanced on the enemy's left flank. By two o'clock, their guns were silenced, the left wing of the IX Corps captured the Arblay farm, and the center, after intense fighting, pushed the enemy back along the main road through La Croix Briquet to Andeglou, where resistance continued under the protection of naval artillery until dark.

General Puttkamer[52] had brought up five batteries to within 800 paces of Chevilly, and the 22nd Division was advancing on the burning village, when the chief Command gave the order to halt, the Grand Duke hesitating to engage in a night attack on the intrenched village. But when, soon after, a Hussar patrol brought the information that it was already evacuated, General von Wittich ordered its occupation. The troops bivouacked in a heavy snowstorm, in and to the rear of La Croix Briquet.

General Puttkamer[52] had moved five artillery batteries to within 800 paces of Chevilly, and the 22nd Division was advancing toward the burning village when the commanding officer gave the order to stop, as the Grand Duke was unsure about launching a night attack on the fortified village. However, shortly after, a Hussar patrol reported that the village was already evacuated, prompting General von Wittich to order its occupation. The troops set up camp in a heavy snowstorm, in and behind La Croix Briquet.

About the time of the first advance the IXth Corps had sent a detachment of four Hessian battalions leftward against St. Lyé. They met with opposition at La Tour, drove the enemy back on St. Germain, but could not dislodge him from that place.

About the time of the first advance, the IX Corps had sent a detachment of four Hessian battalions to the left against St. Lyé. They encountered resistance at La Tour, pushed the enemy back to St. Germain, but couldn't remove them from that location.

When the Xth Corps, marching round by Pithiviers unmolested, about three o'clock reached the vicinity of Chilleurs in rear of the IIIrd Corps, part of the 20th Division went on in the direction of the fighting about Neuville, the noise of which in the evening was also[227] heard at Loury. Darkness had already come on and precluded the use of artillery, but the infantry broke into the village at several points. But it found the streets barricaded, and met with obstinate resistance, so that the prosecution of the attack had to be postponed till the following day.

When the Xth Corps, making its way around Pithiviers without being bothered, arrived near Chilleurs around three o'clock, it did so behind the IIIrd Corps. Some of the 20th Division moved toward the fighting at Neuville, where the sounds of battle could also be heard at Loury in the evening. It was already dark, making it impossible to use artillery, but the infantry advanced into the village at several points. However, they found the streets barricaded and faced stubborn resistance, which forced them to put off the attack until the next day.

The XVth French Corps had sustained single-handed the onslaught of three Prussian Corps. Strong masses of the Army of Orleans, to right and to left of that Corps, made but feeble efforts in the course of the day to support it. General Chanzy alone, when at about two o'clock he heard heavy firing from Artenay, ordered forward the 2nd Division of the XVIth Corps, though he had already that morning begun his retreat on St. Péravy and Boulay. But this reinforcement encountered the Prussian 17th Division, which, coming up from Anneux, was on the point of joining in the fight at Andeglou, and with it the Bavarian Corps advancing from Lumeau. Their strong united artillery in position at Chameul and Sougy, soon forced the enemy to retire. Douzy and then Huêtre were taken, and the château of Chevilly was occupied by the 17th Division. Here too darkness put an end to the fighting. The troops of the right wing quartered at Provenchères, Chameul and rearward.

The 15th French Corps had bravely faced off against three Prussian Corps all on its own. The large forces of the Army of Orleans, positioned to the right and left of that Corps, made only weak attempts throughout the day to provide support. General Chanzy, upon hearing heavy firing from Artenay around two o'clock, sent the 2nd Division of the 16th Corps forward, even though he had already started his retreat to St. Péravy and Boulay earlier that morning. Unfortunately, this reinforcement ran into the Prussian 17th Division, which was arriving from Anneux and about to join the battle at Andeglou, along with the Bavarian Corps advancing from Lumeau. Their strong combined artillery positioned at Chameul and Sougy quickly forced the enemy to retreat. Douzy was captured, followed by Huêtre, and the château of Chevilly was taken by the 17th Division. Once again, darkness brought an end to the fighting. The troops on the right wing were stationed at Provenchères, Chameul, and further back.

Thus the German army had made its way without very heavy fighting to within nine miles of Orleans. The French, indeed, had maintained their ground till evening in the neighbourhood of Neuville, but the forces holding on there were ordered to retire in the night. They were to gain the road from Pithiviers by Rebréchien, and make a circuit by Orleans to Chevilly. But they thus came under the fire of the IIIrd German Corps quartered in Loury, and fled in disorder back into the forest, whence they attempted to reach their destination by detachments.

Thus, the German army advanced without much heavy fighting to within nine miles of Orleans. The French had held their position near Neuville until evening, but the troops there were ordered to withdraw at night. They were supposed to take the road from Pithiviers through Rebréchien and make a detour around Orleans to Chevilly. However, they ended up under fire from the IIIrd German Corps stationed in Loury and retreated in chaos back into the forest, where they tried to reach their destination in small groups.

It was only to be expected that the French would stoutly defend their intrenchments at Gidy and Cercottes[228] on the following day, if only to keep open their way of retreat through Orleans. Prince Frederick Charles therefore ordered the Grand Duke's Detachment and the IXth Corps to make an encompassing attack on both points on the 4th. The IIIrd Corps was to advance from Loury on Orleans, and the Xth, again forming the reserve, was to follow to Chevilly.

It was predictable that the French would strongly defend their positions at Gidy and Cercottes[228] the next day, just to ensure a safe retreat through Orleans. Prince Frederick Charles then ordered the Grand Duke's Detachment and the IX Corps to launch a coordinated attack on both locations on the 4th. The III Corps was to advance from Loury toward Orleans, while the X Corps, serving as the reserve, was to move to Chevilly.

General d'Aurelle had retired to Saran on the evening of the 3rd. Here he saw the 2nd Division of the XVth Corps fleeing by in utter rout, and heard also that the 1st had failed to make a stand at Chilleurs. The Corps of his right wing were altogether shattered as regarded their internal cohesion by the battle of Beaune, and those of his left no less by the fight at Loigny. The French General could not but dread being driven on the Loire with undisciplined masses, and the consequent block of the only passage of the river at Orleans. He decided therefore on an eccentric retreat. Only the XVth Corps was to retire by Orleans; General Crouzat was to cross the Loire at Gien, General Chanzy at Beaugency. The reassemblage remained to be attempted behind the Sauldre. The necessary dispositions were made during the night, and communicated to the Government. From the Board of Green Cloth at Tours, counter orders of course came next morning to maintain the Orleans position, which practically was already wrecked; but the General adhered firmly to his own determination.

General d'Aurelle had withdrawn to Saran on the evening of the 3rd. There, he witnessed the 2nd Division of the XVth Corps in complete chaos and heard that the 1st Division had failed to hold its ground at Chilleurs. The Corps on his right was completely broken in terms of unity from the battle of Beaune, and the ones on his left suffered similarly from the fight at Loigny. The French General was understandably anxious about being pushed toward the Loire with disorganized troops, which could block the only river crossing at Orleans. He therefore opted for an unconventional retreat. Only the XVth Corps would fall back via Orleans; General Crouzat was to cross the Loire at Gien, and General Chanzy at Beaugency. They would then regroup behind the Sauldre. The necessary plans were made overnight and communicated to the Government. The next morning, the Board of Green Cloth in Tours sent counter orders to hold the position at Orleans, which was essentially already in ruins; however, the General remained resolute in his decision.

On December 4th the IIIrd Army Corps marched out of Loury in two columns by the high road and the tracks through Vennecy. Both bodies reached Boigny by noon, having met only stragglers. A detachment was sent to the right to Neuville, which made prize of seven derelict guns and many rifles. To the left, another detachment occupied Chézy on the Loire. After a short rest the main columns advanced, and by two o'clock the 6th Division reached Vaumainbert, which was occupied by detachments of the French[229] XVth Corps. Although the country was not open enough to allow of the employment of artillery, the place was taken by the Brandenburgers in spite of the stout resistance of the French Marine Infantry, and the fire of the batteries on the heights to the north of St. Loup could now be directed on the suburb of Orleans.

On December 4th, the III Army Corps marched out of Loury in two columns along the main road and the paths through Vennecy. Both groups reached Boigny by noon, encountering only a few stragglers along the way. A detachment was sent to the right towards Neuville, capturing seven abandoned guns and many rifles. To the left, another detachment took control of Chézy on the Loire. After a brief rest, the main columns moved forward, and by two o'clock, the 6th Division arrived at Vaumainbert, which was occupied by detachments of the French XV Corps. Although the terrain wasn’t open enough to use artillery effectively, the Brandenburgers managed to take the place despite the strong resistance from the French Marine Infantry, and the fire from the batteries on the heights north of St. Loup could now be directed at the outskirts of Orleans.

The 5th Division had meanwhile come up behind the 6th and took part in the fight.

The 5th Division had meanwhile arrived behind the 6th and joined the battle.

The XXth French Corps, which was still at Chambon, in the eastern part of the forest opposite Beaune la Rolande, had received orders at four in the morning from Tours direct, to march on Orleans. Contrary orders had previously arrived from General d'Aurelle, but nothing subsequently came to hand. General Crouzat had, as a precaution, sent his train across the Loire by way of Jargeau, and then marched in the prescribed direction. When, at half-past two he met at Pont aux Moines the German detachment despatched to Chézy, he determined to cut his way through by force of arms; but as General von Stülpnagel reinforced his two battalions with the rest of his Division, the French general gave up that attempt and retreated across the river, making the passage at Jargeau.

The XXth French Corps, still at Chambon in the eastern part of the forest opposite Beaune la Rolande, got orders at four in the morning from Tours to march on Orleans. Before this, they had received conflicting orders from General d'Aurelle, but nothing new had come in since then. General Crouzat, as a precaution, had sent his supply train across the Loire via Jargeau and then marched in the designated direction. When he met the German detachment sent to Chézy at half-past two at Pont aux Moines, he decided to push through by force. However, since General von Stülpnagel reinforced his two battalions with the rest of his Division, the French general abandoned that attempt and retreated across the river, successfully crossing at Jargeau.

On the German side the attack on St. Loup[53] was unsuccessful; and since from the locality of the fighting on the part of the other Corps no tidings reached him, and darkness was approaching, General von Alvensleben postponed any further attack on the city till the following day.

On the German side, the attack on St. Loup[53] was unsuccessful, and since there were no updates from the fighting in the other Corps, and with darkness approaching, General von Alvensleben decided to postpone any further attack on the city until the next day.

North of Orleans the IXth Army Corps advanced from La Croix Briquet on the intrenched position of Cercottes. At about one o'clock the foremost detachments of infantry entered the place. The 2nd Division of the French XVth Corps was driven back by the fire of the artillery into the vineyards in front of the city. Here the infantry alone could continue the struggle.[230] The French defended every tenable spot, and especially in the railway station close to Orleans held their own with great persistency. It and the adjacent deep road-cutting were fortified with barricades and rifle-pits, and armed with naval guns. It was not till nightfall, about half-past five, that these posts were abandoned, but the contest was continued further back. To avoid street-fighting in the dark, General von Manstein broke off the fight for the day at about seven o'clock.

North of Orleans, the IXth Army Corps moved out from La Croix Briquet toward the fortified position at Cercottes. Around one o'clock, the first infantry units entered the area. The 2nd Division of the French XVth Corps was pushed back by artillery fire into the vineyards just outside the city. Here, only the infantry could keep fighting.[230] The French defended every defendable spot, especially the railway station near Orleans, holding their ground stubbornly. It and the nearby deep road-cut were fortified with barricades and rifle pits, and equipped with naval guns. It wasn't until nightfall, around half-past five, that these positions were abandoned, but the battle continued further back. To avoid fighting in the dark, General von Manstein called off the engagement for the day at about seven o'clock.

The advanced guard of the 17th Division of the Grand Duke's Detachment had found Gidy intrenched and strongly occupied. But at the approach of the IXth Corps the French about eleven o'clock thought proper to abandon the position, leaving behind eight guns. The German Division, to avoid the wood, now moved in a westerly direction on Boulay, whither the 22nd and the 2nd Cavalry Division followed as a reserve.

The advance team of the 17th Division of the Grand Duke's Detachment discovered Gidy fortified and heavily defended. However, as the IX Corps approached around eleven o'clock, the French decided to retreat from their position, leaving behind eight cannons. To steer clear of the woods, the German Division then shifted west toward Boulay, with the 22nd and the 2nd Cavalry Division following as support.

Here the Bavarian Corps and the 4th Cavalry Division were already engaged in a fight, having previously driven the French out of Bricy and Janvry. When the artillery had for some time been in action, General von der Tann passed to the assault at about twelve o'clock. But the French did not wait for this; they beat a hasty retreat, leaving some of their guns in the defences.

Here, the Bavarian Corps and the 4th Cavalry Division were already in battle, having previously pushed the French out of Bricy and Janvry. After the artillery had been firing for a while, General von der Tann launched the attack around noon. But the French didn’t stick around; they made a quick retreat, leaving some of their guns behind in the defenses.

The 2nd Cavalry Division took up the pursuit. The 4th Hussars of the 5th Brigade, trotting forward through Montaigu, charged a dismounted French battery and seized all its guns; another near Ormes was left to be carried off by the horse battery. From thence a strong body of French horse suddenly appeared on the left flank of the 4th Brigade as it was crossing the Châteaudun road. But the Blücher Hussars, promptly wheeling into line, drove the enemy back through the village on Ingré.

The 2nd Cavalry Division began the chase. The 4th Hussars from the 5th Brigade rode forward through Montaigu, charged a dismounted French battery, and captured all its guns; another one near Ormes was left for the horse battery to take. Then, a strong force of French cavalry suddenly showed up on the left side of the 4th Brigade as it crossed the Châteaudun road. But the Blücher Hussars quickly formed a line and pushed the enemy back through the village of Ingré.

The 4th Cavalry Division was placed on observation on the right flank of the Detachment; and the Hussars of the 2nd Life Regiment here rode down 250 men[231] forming the escort of a waggon column escaping by the road to Châteaudun, and captured the convoy.

The 4th Cavalry Division was put on lookout on the right side of the Detachment, and the Hussars of the 2nd Life Regiment charged and took down 250 men[231] who were escorting a wagon convoy trying to escape along the road to Châteaudun, capturing the whole convoy.

While the Germans were thus converging on Orleans from the east and north, in the west the XVIIth French Corps and the 1st Division of the XVIth were still in the field about Patay and St. Péravy. General Chanzy had assembled the latter about Coinces, and, to protect himself against its threatened attack on his flank, General von der Tann formed front at Bricy with his 3rd Infantry Brigade, the Cuirassiers, and the artillery reserve. The 4th Cavalry Division marched on Coinces, where General von Bernhardi, clearing a wide ditch with four squadrons of Uhlans, drove a body of French horse back on St. Péravy without its having been able to do more than fire one carbine-volley. Other squadrons of the 9th Brigade rode down the French tirailleurs, and pursued the cavalry till it reached the protection of strong bodies of infantry. The 8th Brigade was in observation toward Patay, and after that place had come under the fire of a battery and been abandoned, General Chanzy gave up all further attack and retired behind the forest of Montpipeau.

While the Germans were moving towards Orleans from the east and north, the XVII French Corps and the 1st Division of the XVI were still active near Patay and St. Péravy in the west. General Chanzy had gathered the latter near Coinces, and to protect himself from the threatened attack on his flank, General von der Tann positioned his 3rd Infantry Brigade, the Cuirassiers, and the artillery reserve at Bricy. The 4th Cavalry Division advanced on Coinces, where General von Bernhardi, clearing a wide ditch with four squadrons of Uhlans, pushed a group of French cavalry back to St. Péravy, allowing them to fire only one volley. Other squadrons of the 9th Brigade charged the French skirmishers and chased them until they reached solid infantry support. The 8th Brigade observed the situation towards Patay, and after that place was shelled by a battery and evacuated, General Chanzy decided to stop further attacks and withdrew behind the forest of Montpipeau.

The 2nd Cavalry Division now made for the Loire immediately below Orleans. Its artillery destroyed a bridge at Chapelle over which a baggage-train was passing, and compelled the French troops, which were marching towards Cléry along the further bank, to flee back to Orleans. Two military railway-trains from thence were not to be stopped by the firing, but a train coming from Tours, in which, as it happened, was Gambetta himself, returned thither with all speed.

The 2nd Cavalry Division now headed for the Loire just south of Orleans. Its artillery took out a bridge at Chapelle, which a supply train was crossing, forcing the French troops that were advancing towards Cléry on the opposite bank to retreat back to Orleans. Two military trains from there weren’t deterred by the gunfire, but a train coming from Tours, which happened to have Gambetta aboard, hurriedly turned back.

The Bavarian Corps meanwhile was advancing by the high road, and the 22nd Division, in touch with the IXth Corps, on the old Châteaudun road; the 17th Division between the two on La Borde. This last Division at about 3.30 had to carry on its way the strongly defended village of Heurdy; and when the Bavarians from Ormes turned to the right on Ingré, it proceeded[232] by the high road towards St. Jean de la Ruelle. Having overcome all opposition there too, the head of the Division reached the gates of Orleans at about six o'clock.

The Bavarian Corps was moving forward on the main road, while the 22nd Division maintained contact with the IX Corps along the old Châteaudun road; the 17th Division was positioned between them on La Borde. Around 3:30, this last Division needed to push through the heavily defended village of Heurdy; and when the Bavarians coming from Ormes turned right towards Ingré, it continued[232] along the main road toward St. Jean de la Ruelle. After overcoming all resistance there as well, the front of the Division reached the gates of Orleans around six o'clock.

General von Tresckow entered into negotiations with the military authorities there for the orderly occupation of the town. An agreement was arrived at by ten o'clock, and shortly after midnight the Grand Duke marched in with the 17th Division, promptly followed by the 2nd Bavarian Brigade. The bridge over the Loire, which the French had not found time to blow up, was secured with all speed. The rest of the troops found quarters for the night, to the west and north of the city.

General von Tresckow started talks with the military leaders there for a smooth takeover of the town. They reached an agreement by ten o'clock, and shortly after midnight, the Grand Duke marched in with the 17th Division, quickly followed by the 2nd Bavarian Brigade. The bridge over the Loire, which the French hadn't had time to blow up, was secured as fast as possible. The remaining troops set up for the night to the west and north of the city.

The peremptory orders from the Government to hold Orleans had shaken General d'Aurelle's original determination. When the mass of the XVth Corps arrived there in the forenoon, he was anxious to make a final stand. But the necessary orders could not be transmitted to the Corps of the right wing, nor carried out by those of the left; and by five o'clock the General in command was convinced of the futility of any further resistance. The artillery of the XVth Corps was in the first instance forwarded to La Ferté St. Aubin; the infantry followed. The XXth Corps, as we have seen, was at Jargeau; the XVIIIth recrossed the Loire at Sully; the XVIth and XVIIth moved off westward in the direction of Beaugency, but remained on the right bank of the river.

The urgent orders from the Government to defend Orleans had shaken General d'Aurelle's initial resolve. When the bulk of the XV Corps arrived there in the morning, he was eager to mount a final defense. However, the necessary instructions couldn't be sent to the Corps on the right wing, nor could they be executed by those on the left; and by five o'clock, the commanding General realized that any further resistance would be pointless. The artillery from the XV Corps was initially dispatched to La Ferté St. Aubin; the infantry followed. The XX Corps, as mentioned earlier, was at Jargeau; the XVIII recrossed the Loire at Sully; the XVI and XVII Corps moved westward towards Beaugency but stayed on the right bank of the river.

The two days' battle had cost the Germans 1700 men; the French lost 20,000, of whom 1800 were taken prisoners. Their large army lately massed before Orleans, was now split up into three separate bodies.[233]

The two days of fighting had cost the Germans 1,700 men; the French lost 20,000, of whom 1,800 were taken prisoner. Their large army, which had recently gathered near Orleans, was now divided into three separate groups.[233]

FOOTNOTES:

[52] Commanding Artillery of IXth Corps.

[52] In charge of the Artillery for the IX Corps.

[53] The northern suburb of Orleans.

The northern suburb of Orleans.


Offensive Operations to the South, East, and West.

The troops were too much exhausted for immediate pursuit in any of these three directions.

The troops were too exhausted for an immediate chase in any of these three directions.

It was ordered that only the 6th Cavalry Division, reinforced by an infantry detachment of the 18th Division, should follow up the enemy making to the southward, ascertain his whereabouts, and destroy the concentration of the railways from Bourges, Orleans and Tours at the Vierzon junction. This Cavalry was in quarters to the north of the city; the French XVth Corps had a considerable start of it, and the main body of the latter had reached Salbris, when, on December 6th, two days after the battle, General von Schmidt (commanding 14th Brigade, 6th Cavalry Division) arrived by a forced march at La Ferté St. Aubin. Here he found a detachment of the 18th Division, which had already driven the French rear-guard back on La Motte Beuvron, but was now recalled to the Loiret. Only two companies of the 36th Regiment and one of pioneers joined the further advance, and followed the cavalry partly in waggons and partly on gun-limbers.

It was ordered that only the 6th Cavalry Division, supported by an infantry detachment from the 18th Division, should pursue the enemy heading south, find out their location, and disrupt the railway network connecting Bourges, Orleans, and Tours at the Vierzon junction. This Cavalry was stationed north of the city; the French XV Corps had a significant lead, and the main part of that corps had reached Salbris when, on December 6th, two days after the battle, General von Schmidt (in charge of the 14th Brigade, 6th Cavalry Division) arrived at La Ferté St. Aubin after a forced march. Here, he encountered a detachment from the 18th Division that had already pushed the French rear guard back to La Motte Beuvron, but was now ordered back to the Loiret. Only two companies from the 36th Regiment and one from the pioneers joined the further advance, following the cavalry partly in wagons and partly on gun limbers.

On the 7th, under direct orders from Tours, the French Corps left the high road to the south, and made a flank march of twenty miles in an easterly direction to Aubigny Ville. The cavalry, supported to the best of their power by its artillery and the small infantry detachment, had a sharp fight with the French rear-guard at Nouan le Fuzelier, and again in the evening at Salbris, in which the French finally had the best of it. The neighbourhood being very thinly populated, the Division had to return in the night to Nouan, to find shelter from the bitter winter weather.

On the 7th, under direct orders from Tours, the French Corps left the main road to the south and made a twenty-mile flank march east to Aubigny Ville. The cavalry, with support from its artillery and a small infantry unit, had a tough fight with the French rear-guard at Nouan le Fuzelier, and again in the evening at Salbris, where the French ultimately came out on top. The area being sparsely populated, the Division had to head back to Nouan at night to find shelter from the harsh winter weather.

Long before daybreak on the 8th, the French rear-guard evacuated Salbris to avoid a further encounter with the enemy, whose strength was greatly overestimated. After some slight skirmishes the Cavalry Division reached Vierzon that evening. The telegraph[234] wires were cut and the railway line torn up in several places, 70 goods vans were made prize of, the direction of the enemy's retreat was ascertained, and any offensive movement on the part of the French from that side for the time was reckoned very improbable.

Long before dawn on the 8th, the French rear-guard left Salbris to avoid running into the enemy again, whose strength was significantly overestimated. After a few minor skirmishes, the Cavalry Division arrived in Vierzon that evening. The telegraph[234] wires were cut, and the railway was damaged in several spots, with 70 freight cars seized. They figured out the direction of the enemy's retreat and considered any offensive action from the French on that side unlikely for the time being.

The Division had fulfilled its task; it was now ordered to leave one brigade in observation, and to advance in the direction of Blois with the rest. General (Count) von der Groeben (commanding 14th Cavalry Brigade) maintained his positions at Vierzon and Salbris till the 14th.

The Division had completed its mission; it was now instructed to leave one brigade on watch and advance toward Blois with the rest. General (Count) von der Groeben (in charge of the 14th Cavalry Brigade) held his positions at Vierzon and Salbris until the 14th.

The winter marches of the 6th Cavalry Division were exceptionally arduous. It was almost impossible to travel excepting by the high roads, and they were so slippery with ice that it was often necessary to dismount and lead the horses. The inhabitants of the Sologne were extremely hostile, and troopers patrolling in advance were fired upon in every village. The French forces, on the other hand, made but a feeble resistance. Numerous prisoners and large quantities of abandoned war matériel bore witness to a hasty retreat, in many cases indicated panic-flight. Nevertheless, in spite of much desultory marching and counter-marching, the Corps on December 13th finally succeeded in joining the right wing of the Army of Orleans at Bourges. The plight in which it arrived there may be gathered from the telegraphic Correspondance Urgente of the Tours Government with General Bourbaki, who, when General d'Aurelle was dismissed from the command in chief, had assumed command of the three Corps.

The winter marches of the 6th Cavalry Division were extremely tough. It was nearly impossible to travel except on the main roads, and they were so icy that it was often necessary to get off and lead the horses. The people of Sologne were very hostile, and soldiers patrolling ahead were shot at in every village. The French forces, on the other hand, fought back weakly. Numerous prisoners and a lot of abandoned military equipment showed signs of a quick retreat, often indicating a panicked flight. However, despite a lot of aimless marching back and forth, the Corps finally managed to join the right wing of the Army of Orleans at Bourges on December 13th. The state in which they arrived can be understood from the telegraphic Correspondance Urgente of the Tours Government with General Bourbaki, who had taken command of the three Corps after General d'Aurelle was removed from the chief command.

The delegate Freycinet, who was no doubt kept well informed by the country people, assured General Bourbaki that he had only a weak force of cavalry in his front, and called upon him repeatedly, and in the most urgent terms, to advance against Blois. The General retorted that if he were to undertake that operation, not a gun, not a man of his three Corps would[235] ever be seen again. His intention was to retreat without delay from Bourges on St. Amand, and if necessary yet further; all he dreaded was lest he should be attacked before he could accomplish this, and so be involved in overwhelming disaster.

The delegate Freycinet, who was clearly getting good information from the locals, told General Bourbaki that he only had a small cavalry force in front of him and urged him repeatedly, and very urgently, to move against Blois. The General replied that if he chose to do that, neither a cannon nor a soldier from his three Corps would ever be seen again. His plan was to quickly retreat from Bourges to St. Amand, and if needed, even further; what he feared most was being attacked before he could complete this and end up facing a catastrophic defeat.

The Minister of War himself went to Bourges, but he too renounced all idea of a serious offensive movement when he saw the disorder of the troops; "I have never seen anything so wretched." It was with difficulty that he carried his point that the Corps should not retreat, but should await events under cover of one of them pushed forward towards Vierzon.

The Minister of War went to Bourges himself, but he also gave up on any thoughts of a real offensive when he saw how disorganized the troops were. "I've never seen anything so terrible." He had a hard time convincing them that the Corps shouldn’t retreat but should instead wait for developments while one part moved forward toward Vierzon.

On the day when General von Schmidt entered Vierzon, the XVth Corps was in the vicinity of Henrichemont, at about an equal distance with himself from Bourges. The XVIIIth and XXth Corps were at Aubigny Ville and Cernay, from two to three marches away. It can scarcely be doubted that if the 18th Division had followed the advance of the 6th Cavalry Division, possession would have been obtained of Bourges and of the vast military establishments there.

On the day General von Schmidt arrived in Vierzon, the XV Corps was near Henrichemont, about the same distance as him from Bourges. The XVIII and XX Corps were stationed at Aubigny Ville and Cernay, two to three marches away. It's hard to believe that if the 18th Division had followed the 6th Cavalry Division's advance, they would have taken Bourges and the large military facilities located there.

To the east of Orleans the IIIrd German Corps marched up the river through Châteauneuf. It met only stragglers, till on the 7th two Divisions of the XVIIIth French Corps attempted to cross to the right bank of the Loire at Gien. There came about an advanced-guard fight at Nevoy, with the result that these Divisions retreated across the bridge in the night, and continued their march on Bourges.

To the east of Orleans, the III German Corps marched up the river through Châteauneuf. It encountered only stragglers until the 7th, when two divisions of the XVIII French Corps tried to cross to the right bank of the Loire at Gien. An advanced-guard skirmish took place at Nevoy, resulting in these divisions retreating across the bridge at night and continuing their march to Bourges.


Conflict involving the Grand Duke of Mecklenburg.

(December 7th, 8th, 9th, and 10th.)

The Grand Duke's Detachment stood westward, close to the retreating left wing of the enemy. In contrast[236] to the disorder of the right wing, General Chanzy, probably the most capable of all the leaders whom the Germans had to encounter in the battle-field, had very rapidly in so great measure restored the discipline and spirit of his defeated troops, that they were able not only to make a stand, but even to take the offensive. They had, it is true, been considerably reinforced by the newly formed XXIst Corps and by Camô's Division. The latter formed the advanced guard at Meung; behind it were the XVIth Corps at Beaugency, the XVIIth at Cravant, and the XXIst at St. Laurent on the edge of the forest of Marchénoir.

The Grand Duke's Detachment was positioned to the west, near the retreating left flank of the enemy. In contrast[236] to the chaos of the right wing, General Chanzy, likely the most skilled of all the leaders the Germans faced on the battlefield, quickly restored the discipline and morale of his defeated troops to such an extent that they were not only able to hold their ground but also to go on the offensive. They had, it's true, received significant reinforcements from the newly formed XXIst Corps and Camô's Division. The latter served as the advanced guard at Meung; behind them were the XVIth Corps at Beaugency, the XVIIth at Cravant, and the XXIst at St. Laurent on the edge of the Marchénoir forest.

On the day after the fight the troops of the Grand Duke were given a rest-day; only the cavalry pursued the French. The 4th Cavalry Division reached Ouzouer; the 2nd came upon considerable masses of infantry behind Meung.

On the day after the battle, the Grand Duke's troops had a day off; only the cavalry went after the French. The 4th Cavalry Division arrived at Ouzouer, while the 2nd encountered a significant number of infantry behind Meung.

On the 7th, the Grand Duke's forces advanced on a very wide front. The 17th Division, on the left wing, marched on Meung, where its artillery opened a combat with that of the enemy. The French held possession of the narrow lanes of the village, which further westward was pierced by the main road to Beaugency. Towards four o'clock a Mecklenburg battalion carried Langlochère by storm, but found itself threatened on both sides by the approach of hostile columns. On the left Foinard was presently occupied, and a gun captured there, while on the right the 1st Bavarian Brigade advanced on La Bourie. Here, almost at the same moment, the 2nd Cavalry Division came up by by-roads from Renardière, having driven the enemy out of Le Bardon by the fire of its guns. The Bavarians had now to march out to meet a hostile mass advancing from Grand Chatre. Supported by the horse batteries, they maintained till nightfall a stubborn fight, which ended in the retreat of the French on Beaumont.

On the 7th, the Grand Duke's troops advanced across a very wide front. The 17th Division, on the left flank, marched towards Meung, where its artillery engaged in battle with the enemy's artillery. The French held the narrow streets of the village, which further west was intersected by the main road to Beaugency. Around four o'clock, a Mecklenburg battalion stormed Langlochère but found itself under threat from hostile forces on both sides. On the left, Foinard was quickly taken over, and a gun was captured there, while on the right, the 1st Bavarian Brigade moved towards La Bourie. Almost simultaneously, the 2nd Cavalry Division arrived via back roads from Renardière after pushing the enemy out of Le Bardon with their gunfire. The Bavarians now had to confront a hostile force advancing from Grand Chatre. With support from the horse artillery, they held off a fierce fight until nightfall, which resulted in the French retreating to Beaumont.

During this conflict on the left wing of the Detachment, the 1st Bavarian Division, considerably on the[237] right, were marching on Baccon, the 22nd on Ouzouer; and finding that the French were offering a determined resistance, the Grand Duke decided on closing in his forces to the left.

During this conflict on the left side of the Detachment, the 1st Bavarian Division, well to the[237] right, was advancing towards Baccon, while the 22nd was moving towards Ouzouer. Realizing that the French were putting up strong resistance, the Grand Duke chose to concentrate his forces to the left.

December 8th.—To this end the 22nd Division moved southward from Ouzouer through Villermain. After repulsing the swarms of tirailleurs which attacked its left flank under cover of a thick fog, General von Wittich directed his march on Cravant, to effect a junction with the right wing of the 1st Bavarian Division already engaged in a hot struggle. They had repulsed an attack of the enemy pushed forward from Villechaumont, and the 2nd (Bavarian) Division advanced by the road from Cravant to Beaugency; but when three French Divisions came on afresh, it retreated on Beaumont. Here it found support from the 1st (Bavarian Division) and 17 batteries were gradually brought up into the fighting line. Their fire and an impetuous attack from three Bavarian brigades at last forced the enemy to fall back, and the position on the high road was recovered.

December 8th.—To this end, the 22nd Division moved south from Ouzouer through Villermain. After pushing back the waves of light infantry that attacked its left flank under the cover of thick fog, General von Wittich directed his march toward Cravant to connect with the right wing of the 1st Bavarian Division, which was already engaged in an intense battle. They had repelled an enemy attack launched from Villechaumont, and the 2nd (Bavarian) Division advanced along the road from Cravant to Beaugency; however, when three French Divisions came at them again, they retreated to Beaumont. There, they found support from the 1st (Bavarian Division), and 17 artillery batteries were gradually brought up into the front lines. Their fire, along with a fierce attack from three Bavarian brigades, finally forced the enemy to retreat, allowing them to regain control of the position along the main road.

The French now, on their side, brought up a strong force of artillery, and prepared to advance on Cravant with their XVIIth Corps. But the 22nd German Division having taken Beauvert and Layes by the way, had already reached Cravant at about one o'clock, and was in position there with the 4th Cavalry Division on its right and the 2nd on its left. So when, at about three o'clock, dense French columns advanced on Cravant, they were repulsed by a powerful counter-stroke delivered by the 44th Brigade, in conjunction with the Bavarians, and were soon driven out of Layes, which they had entered while advancing. The five batteries nearest to Cravant had suffered so severely meanwhile that they had to be withdrawn. When finally at about four o'clock the Bavarian battalions advanced to storm the height in their front, they were met by fresh troops of the enemy, and after[238] losing a great part of their officers were compelled to retreat on the artillery position at Beaumont. Later, however, the French abandoned Villechaumont.

The French, for their part, brought in a strong artillery force and got ready to move on Cravant with their XVII Corps. However, the 22nd German Division had already taken Beauvert and Layes on the way and reached Cravant around one o'clock, positioning themselves with the 4th Cavalry Division on their right and the 2nd on their left. So when dense French columns advanced on Cravant around three o'clock, they were pushed back by a strong counterattack from the 44th Brigade, along with the Bavarians, and were soon driven out of Layes, which they had entered during their advance. The five batteries closest to Cravant had taken such heavy damage that they had to be pulled back. By about four o'clock, when the Bavarian battalions advanced to take the heights in front of them, they were met by fresh enemy troops, and after losing many of their officers, they had to retreat to the artillery position at Beaumont. Later, though, the French left Villechaumont.

On the left wing of the Detachment the 17th Division pursued the retreating French through Vallées and Villeneuve, and then at about noon made an attack on Messas. The defence was obstinate, and it was not till dusk that it succeeded in gaining full possession of the place. The artillery directed its fire on dense masses showing about Vernon, the infantry stormed the height of Beaugency, and finally forced its way into the town itself, where a French battery fell into its hand. Camô's Division then retired on Tavers, and at midnight General von Tresckow fell upon Vernon, whence the French, taken entirely by surprise, fled to Bonvalet.

On the left flank of the Detachment, the 17th Division chased the retreating French through Vallées and Villeneuve, and then around noon launched an attack on Messas. The defense was fierce, and it wasn't until dusk that they finally took full control of the area. The artillery targeted dense groups spotted around Vernon, the infantry assaulted the heights of Beaugency, and ultimately broke into the town itself, where they captured a French battery. Camô's Division then withdrew to Tavers, and at midnight General von Tresckow struck Vernon, catching the French completely off guard, forcing them to flee to Bonvalet.

The Headquarter of the IInd Army had determined to set in march on Bourges the IIIrd, Xth, and IXth Corps, from Gien, from Orleans, and also from Blois. But the Detachment in its advance on Blois by the right bank of the Loire had met with unexpected resistance lasting for two days. In the supreme Headquarter at Versailles it was regarded as indispensable that the Grand Duke should immediately be reinforced by at least one Division. Telegraphic orders to that effect arrived at ten o'clock on December 9th. The IXth Corps, which was already on the march along the left bank and had found no enemy in its front, could not give the requisite support, since all the bridges over the river had been blown up. The IIIrd Corps was therefore ordered to leave only a detachment in observation at Gien, and to turn back to Orleans. The Xth Corps was to call in its detachments standing eastward of the city and march forward to Meung. Meanwhile on the 9th the Detachment remained still quite unsupported while actually confronting with four Infantry Divisions, eleven French[239] Divisions. And early on that morning General Chanzy took the offensive.

The headquarters of the II Army decided to move the III, X, and IX Corps towards Bourges, starting from Gien, Orleans, and Blois. However, the detachment advancing on Blois along the right bank of the Loire encountered unexpected resistance for two days. The supreme headquarters in Versailles deemed it essential to immediately reinforce the Grand Duke with at least one division. Telegram orders to that effect arrived at 10:00 AM on December 9th. The IX Corps, which was already moving along the left bank and found no enemy in its way, couldn't provide the necessary support since all the bridges over the river had been destroyed. Therefore, the III Corps was instructed to leave only a small detachment to observe at Gien and return to Orleans. The X Corps was to recall its detachments positioned east of the city and advance towards Meung. Meanwhile, on the 9th, the detachment remained completely unsupported while facing eleven French infantry divisions with only four of its own. Early that morning, General Chanzy took the offensive.

December 9th.—The two Prussian Divisions at Beauvert and Messas stood firmly awaiting the hostile onslaught. The two Bavarian Divisions, because of their severe losses, were held in reserve at Cravant, but soon had to come up into the fighting line, when at seven o'clock strong columns of the enemy advanced on Le Mée.

December 9th.—The two Prussian Divisions at Beauvert and Messas stood their ground, ready for the enemy attack. The two Bavarian Divisions, due to their heavy losses, were kept in reserve at Cravant, but soon had to move up to the front lines when, at seven o'clock, large groups of the enemy advanced on Le Mée.

Dense swarms of tirailleurs were repulsed both there and before Vernon, and were later shattered by the fire of the devoted German artillery, which silenced the French guns and then directed its fire on Villorceau. In spite of a stout defence, this village was carried and occupied about half-past ten by the Bavarian infantry. The French advance on Villechaumont in greatly superior force was also repulsed, with the assistance of three battalions and two batteries of the 22nd Division. The Thüringers[54] then stormed Cernay, where 200 French laid down their arms, and one of their batteries lost its teams and limbers.

Dense swarms of skirmishers were pushed back both there and before Vernon, and were later crushed by the fire of the dedicated German artillery, which silenced the French guns and then targeted its fire on Villorceau. Despite a strong defense, this village was taken and occupied around 10:30 by the Bavarian infantry. The French advance on Villechaumont, with a much larger force, was also repelled, thanks to the support of three battalions and two batteries from the 22nd Division. The Thüringers[54] then stormed Cernay, where 200 French soldiers surrendered, and one of their batteries lost its teams and limbers.

On the right wing of the Detachment, in consequence of a misunderstanding, the Germans evacuated Layes and Beauvert, and the French occupied these villages. However, with the assistance of the 2nd Bavarian Brigade, the 44th (Brigade) drove them out again from both places. Further to the north, the 4th Cavalry Division was in observation of a French detachment approaching Villermain.

On the right flank of the Detachment, due to a misunderstanding, the Germans withdrew from Layes and Beauvert, allowing the French to take over these villages. However, with support from the 2nd Bavarian Brigade, the 44th Brigade pushed them out of both locations again. Further north, the 4th Cavalry Division was monitoring a French unit moving toward Villermain.

The French made renewed efforts, advancing again at mid-day on Cravant in strong columns; but this movement General Tresckow took in flank from Messas.[240] He left only a weak detachment in Beaugency, and secured himself towards Tavers in the villages on his left. The main body of the 17th Division advanced on Bonvalet, reinforced the hardly-pressed Bavarians in Villorceau, and occupied itself Villemarceau in front of that place. Here the Division had to maintain a severe struggle, at about three o'clock, with close columns of the French XVIth and XVIIth Corps. The infantry rushing on the enemy with cheers succeeded, however, in repulsing him and holding its ground in spite of a hot fire. At the same time three Bavarian battalions, accompanied by cavalry and artillery, marched up from Cravant and drove the French out of Villejouan. Yet further to the right a battalion of the 32nd Regiment took possession of Ourcelle. A line from thence to Tavers defined the section of terrain laboriously wrung from the enemy.

The French made renewed efforts, advancing again at midday on Cravant in strong formations; but General Tresckow took them by surprise from Messas.[240] He left only a small detachment in Beaugency and secured his position towards Tavers in the villages on his left. The main force of the 17th Division moved on Bonvalet, supporting the hard-pressed Bavarians in Villorceau, and occupied Villemarceau in front of that location. Here, the Division had to engage in a fierce struggle at around three o'clock with the closely packed columns of the French XVIth and XVIIth Corps. The infantry charged the enemy with cheers and managed to repel them while holding their ground despite intense fire. At the same time, three Bavarian battalions, accompanied by cavalry and artillery, advanced from Cravant and pushed the French out of Villejouan. Further to the right, a battalion of the 32nd Regiment took control of Ourcelle. A line from there to Tavers marked the stretch of land painstakingly taken from the enemy.

The fight ended with the retreat of the enemy on Josnes and Dugny.

The fight ended with the enemy retreating at Josnes and Dugny.

On this day the IIIrd Corps was still on the march to Orleans. The IXth from its position on the left bank, could only take part in the fighting by the fire of its artillery on Meung and Beaugency. It was not till near Blois that it met French detachments. Fifty men of one of the Hessian battalions carried the defended château of Chambord lying rightward of the line of march, and there took 200 prisoners and made prize of twelve ammunition waggons with their teams.

On this day, the III Corps was still marching toward Orleans. The IX Corps, positioned on the left bank, could only participate in the fighting by using its artillery against Meung and Beaugency. It wasn’t until near Blois that it encountered French detachments. Fifty men from one of the Hessian battalions captured the fortified château of Chambord, which was off to the right of their path, and took 200 prisoners along with twelve ammunition wagons and their teams.

Of the Xth Corps only the head of its infantry reached Meung, but it sent forward a regiment of Hussars with eight batteries, which arrived at Grand Chatre by about three o'clock in the afternoon.

Of the Xth Corps, only the infantry leaders made it to Meung, but they sent ahead a Hussar regiment along with eight batteries, which arrived at Grand Chatre around three o'clock in the afternoon.

By order of the Headquarter of the IInd Army the Bavarian Corps was now to retire to Orleans, to recruit after its heavy losses. But even after the arrival of the Xth Corps the Grand Duke had still in his front an enemy double his strength, and instead of[241] engaging in a pursuit he had rather to study how to maintain himself on the defensive.

By order of the headquarters of the 2nd Army, the Bavarian Corps was now to withdraw to Orleans to recover after its significant losses. However, even after the arrival of the 10th Corps, the Grand Duke still faced an enemy that was twice his strength, and instead of engaging in a pursuit, he had to focus on how to defend himself.

December 10th.—At dawn General Chanzy renewed his attack, which even the Bavarians were presently required to join in repulsing.

December 10th.—At dawn, General Chanzy launched his attack again, forcing even the Bavarians to join in pushing it back.

At seven o'clock the French XVIIth Corps rushed in dense masses on Origny, took there 150 prisoners, and forced its way into Villejouan. This advance was met directly in front by the 43rd Brigade at Cernay, and by the 4th Bavarian Brigade with six batteries at Villechaumont; while on the right flank General von Tresckow pushed forward on Villorceau and Villemarceau. In this latter village two of his battalions, supported by four batteries, resisted every onslaught of the French from Origny and Toupenay. At noon the main body of the 17th Division advanced to the recapture of Villejouan. Here the French made an obstinate stand. An embittered and bloody fight in the streets and houses was prolonged till four o'clock, and then fresh troops of the enemy came up to recover the post the Germans still held in one detached farmstead. The artillery mass of the Prussian Division had, however, deployed to the south of Villemarceau; it was joined by two horse batteries of the Xth Corps, and the batteries of the 22nd Division also came into action from Cernay. The concentric fire of this body of artillery wrecked the subsequent attacks of the XVIIth French Corps.

At seven o'clock, the French 17th Corps charged in large groups toward Origny, capturing 150 prisoners and breaking into Villejouan. This advance was confronted directly by the 43rd Brigade at Cernay and by the 4th Bavarian Brigade with six batteries at Villechaumont, while on the right flank, General von Tresckow pushed forward to Villorceau and Villemarceau. In Villemarceau, two of his battalions, backed by four batteries, held off every attack from the French coming from Origny and Toupenay. At noon, the main force of the 17th Division advanced to retake Villejouan. The French put up a fierce defense. A bitter and bloody battle in the streets and homes continued until four o'clock, when fresh enemy troops arrived to reclaim the position that the Germans still held in one isolated farmstead. However, the artillery group from the Prussian Division had deployed south of Villemarceau; it was joined by two horse batteries from the 10th Corps, and the batteries of the 22nd Division also opened fire from Cernay. The combined fire from this artillery effectively destroyed the subsequent attacks from the French 17th Corps.

Beaugency was now occupied by part of the Xth Corps. During the previous days the left flank of the German fighting position had a secure point d'appui on the Loire, but on the right such a support had been wholly lacking. The French had nevertheless hitherto made no attempt to take advantage of their superiority by a wider extension of their front. For the first time on this day did they come in on the unprotected left flank of their enemy. The greater part of the XXIst Corps deployed opposite to it, between Poisly[242] and Mézierès, and at half-past ten strong columns advanced on Villermain. The Bavarians were compelled to take up with their 2nd Brigade the "hook" formation from Jouy to Coudray. Seven batteries were brought up into that line, and on its right flank the 4th Cavalry Division stood in readiness to act. By two o'clock two more horse batteries, and from Cravant four batteries of the Xth Corps arrived, which massed there with three brigades as a reserve. The fire of over a hundred German guns compelled the French to hurry their artillery out of action at three o'clock, and weak independent attacks by their infantry were repulsed without difficulty by the Germans persevering staunchly on the defence.

Beaugency was now occupied by part of the 10th Corps. In the previous days, the left side of the German fighting position had a solid support point on the Loire, but on the right, there was no support at all. Despite this, the French had not yet tried to take advantage of their superiority by expanding their front. For the first time today, they attacked the unprotected left flank of their enemy. Most of the 21st Corps lined up against it, between Poisly[242] and Mézierès, and at half-past ten, strong columns advanced on Villermain. The Bavarians had to adopt the "hook" formation with their 2nd Brigade from Jouy to Coudray. Seven batteries were moved into that line, and the 4th Cavalry Division stood ready to act on its right flank. By two o'clock, two more horse batteries arrived, along with four batteries from the 10th Corps from Cravant, which gathered there with three brigades as a reserve. The fire from over a hundred German guns forced the French to rush their artillery out of action at three o'clock, and weak independent attacks by their infantry were easily repelled by the Germans, who remained steadfast in defense.

The French losses in this four days' battle are unknown. The Detachment lost 3400 men, of whom the larger half belonged to the two Bavarian Divisions.

The French losses in this four-day battle are unknown. The Detachment lost 3,400 men, most of whom were from the two Bavarian Divisions.

The Grand Duke had succeeded in holding his own against three Corps of the enemy till the arrival of the first reinforcement, and this he owed to the bravery of all his troops, and not least to the exertions of the artillery. This arm alone lost 255 men and 356 horses. Its material was tasked to the utmost, so that finally almost all the steel guns of the light batteries of the 22nd Division, and most of the Bavarian, were rendered useless by the burning out of their vent-pieces.

The Grand Duke managed to hold his ground against three enemy Corps until the first reinforcements arrived, thanks to the bravery of all his troops, especially the artillery. This unit alone lost 255 men and 356 horses. Their equipment was pushed to its limits, and eventually, nearly all the steel guns from the light batteries of the 22nd Division and most of the Bavarian batteries became unusable due to the burning out of their vent-pieces.

The IIIrd Corps had on this day just arrived at St. Denis, and the IXth at Vienne opposite Blois; but here, too, the bridge over the Loire was found to be blown up.

The III Corps had just arrived at St. Denis today, and the IX at Vienne across from Blois; however, here too, the bridge over the Loire was found to be blown up.

On the French side, General Chanzy had learnt from the telegraphic correspondence of the Government at Tours with General Bourbaki, that nothing had come of that commander's attempt to divert part of the German IInd Army upon himself. The long delay gave General Chanzy the daily apprehension of an attack by it with its full strength; and he therefore decided[243] on a retreat, which resulted in the removal of the Assembly from Tours to Bordeaux.

On the French side, General Chanzy learned from the telegraphic exchanges between the Government in Tours and General Bourbaki that there was no result from Bourbaki’s attempt to draw some of the German IInd Army toward him. The prolonged delay made General Chanzy increasingly anxious about a full-strength attack from them; thus, he decided[243] on a retreat, which led to the Assembly moving from Tours to Bordeaux.

In the Grand Duke's Head-quarter the renewed offensive had been decided on for December 11th. The villages in his front remained strongly occupied, and it was only at noon of that day that the enemy's retreat became known. He was at once pursued on the left by the Xth Corps, and on the right, south of the forest of Marchénoir, by the Detachment. On the north, the 4th Cavalry Division took up the scouting.

In the Grand Duke's headquarters, the renewed offensive was set for December 11th. The villages in front of him were still heavily occupied, and it wasn’t until noon that day that news of the enemy's retreat came through. Immediately, the Xth Corps pursued them on the left, while the Detachment followed on the right, south of the Marchénoir forest. To the north, the 4th Cavalry Division took on scouting duties.

A thaw had followed the hard frost, making the march equally difficult for friend and foe. The Germans found the roads littered with abandoned waggons and cast-away arms; the bodies of men and horses lay unburied in the fields, and in the villages were hundreds of wounded uncared for. Several thousands of stragglers were captured.

A thaw came after the hard frost, making the march challenging for both friends and enemies. The Germans found the roads scattered with abandoned wagons and discarded weapons; the bodies of men and horses lay unburied in the fields, and in the villages, hundreds of wounded were left without care. Several thousand stragglers were captured.

The directions[55] of the Chief of the General Staff from Versailles suggested an immediate pursuit, which should render the enemy incapable of further action for some time to come; but not to be maintained beyond Tours. The IInd Army was then to assemble at Orleans and the Detachment at Chartres, and the troops were to obtain the rest they needed. From the former point constant and strict watch could be kept on General Bourbaki's army, and to this end a connection was to be made with General von Zastrow, who with the VIIth Corps was to reach Châtillon sur Seine on the 13th. But the operations in this quarter were not to extend beyond Bourges and Nevers.

The instructions[55] from the Chief of the General Staff at Versailles called for an immediate pursuit to make the enemy unable to act for some time. However, this pursuit was not to go past Tours. The II Army was to gather at Orleans, and the Detachment was to assemble at Chartres, allowing the troops to get the rest they needed. From there, a constant and strict watch could be maintained on General Bourbaki's army, and a connection was to be established with General von Zastrow, who, with the VII Corps, was to arrive at Châtillon sur Seine on the 13th. However, operations in this area were not to go beyond Bourges and Nevers.

The IInd Army was accordingly in the first instance marched toward the Loir, and on the 13th reached the line Oucques—Conan—Blois, which last town was found evacuated.

The 2nd Army was initially marched toward the Loire, and on the 13th, they reached the line Oucques—Conan—Blois, where the last town was found empty.

On the 14th the 17th Division marched to Morée, and reached the Loir at Fréteval. A fight occurred at both these points. Though the French had yielded thus far, they seemed resolved to make a firm stand on the Loir, and had occupied Cloyes and Vendôme in great strength.

On the 14th, the 17th Division marched to Morée and reached the Loir at Fréteval. There were fights at both locations. Although the French had given ground up to this point, they appeared determined to hold their position firmly on the Loir and had heavily fortified Cloyes and Vendôme.

In order to attack with success, Prince Frederick Charles first proceeded to concentrate all his forces. The IIIrd Corps, which was hurrying after the army by forced marches, was in the first instance to come up into the interval between the Detachment and the Xth Corps, which was to march from Blois and Herbault on Vendôme.

In order to successfully launch an attack, Prince Frederick Charles first focused on gathering all his troops. The III Corps, which was racing to catch up with the army through forced marches, was initially supposed to move into the gap between the Detachment and the X Corps, which was to march from Blois and Herbault towards Vendôme.

But when, on the 15th, the Xth Corps was moving in the prescribed direction, its main body encountered so determined a resistance close in front of Vendôme that it could not be overcome before dark. The troops therefore retired to quarters in the rear of Ste. Anne. A left-flank detachment had found St. Amand occupied by heavy masses, and halted at Gombergean. The IIIrd Corps had advanced in the course of the day on Coulommiers, in the vicinity of Vendôme, had fought the French at Bel Essert, driven them back across the Loir and established connection with the Xth. The Grand Duke, in compliance with instructions, stood meanwhile on the defensive. The IXth Corps, after the restoration of the bridge of Blois, was at last able to follow the army, leaving a brigade in occupation of Blois.

But on the 15th, as the Xth Corps was moving in the designated direction, its main force faced such strong resistance right in front of Vendôme that they couldn't break through before it got dark. The troops then pulled back to their quarters behind Ste. Anne. A left-flank unit found St. Amand occupied by a large number of troops and stopped at Gombergean. The IIIrd Corps advanced throughout the day toward Coulommiers, near Vendôme, engaged the French at Bel Essert, pushed them back across the Loir, and established contact with the Xth. Meanwhile, the Grand Duke, following orders, remained on the defensive. After the bridge at Blois was repaired, the IXth Corps was finally able to move with the army, leaving a brigade to hold Blois.

A greatly superior force was now assembled opposite the enemy's position, and a general attack was decided on; but to give the wearied troops some rest it was postponed till the 17th, and meanwhile, on the 16th, General Chanzy withdrew.

A much stronger force was now gathered in front of the enemy's position, and a full attack was planned; however, to allow the exhausted troops some rest, it was delayed until the 17th. In the meantime, on the 16th, General Chanzy retreated.

It had certainly been his intention to make a longer[245] stand in the Loir angle; but his Generals convinced him that the condition of the troops did not permit the prolongation of active hostilities. He accordingly gave the order for the retreat of the army at daybreak by way of Montoire, St. Calais, and Vibraye to Le Mans.

It had definitely been his plan to stay longer in the Loir area; however, his Generals persuaded him that the troops weren't in good enough shape to continue active fighting. So he ordered the army to retreat at daybreak via Montoire, St. Calais, and Vibraye to Le Mans.

Thus in the early morning (of the 17th) the Xth Corps found the French position in front of Vendôme abandoned, and it entered the city without opposition. On the French left wing only, where the marching orders had not yet arrived, General Jaurès made an attack on Fréteval, but in the evening he followed the other Corps.

Thus, in the early morning of the 17th, the Xth Corps found the French position in front of Vendôme abandoned and entered the city without any opposition. Only on the French left wing, where the marching orders hadn't arrived yet, did General Jaurès launch an attack on Fréteval, but by the evening, he joined the other Corps.

FOOTNOTES:

[54] In the 22nd Division of the XIth Corps—a Corps of a curiously composite character, there were three Thüringian regiments. The 43rd Brigade was wholly Thüringian, consisting as it did of the 32nd and 95th regiments (2nd and 6th Thüringers), and in the 44th Brigade was the 94th (5th Thüringers). It was the 2nd battalion of this last regiment which is referred to in the text.

[54] In the 22nd Division of the XI Corps—a Corps with a mix of different units—there were three regiments from Thüringen. The 43rd Brigade was entirely Thüringen, made up of the 32nd and 95th regiments (2nd and 6th Thüringers), while the 44th Brigade included the 94th (5th Thüringers). The text refers specifically to the 2nd battalion of this last regiment.

[55] The expression "Directiven" in the text cannot be succinctly translated. It was rarely, except when actually himself in the field, that the Chief of the General Staff issued actual "orders" to the higher commanders. His communications for the most part consisted of "Directiven"—messages of general suggestions as to the appropriate line of action to be pursued, leaving a wide discretion to the commanders to whom they were addressed, and refraining almost entirely from details. A collection of Moltke's "Directiven" would be perhaps the finest tribute to his military genius.

[55] The term "Directiven" in the text doesn't have a clear translation. Most of the time, except when he was actually in the field, the Chief of the General Staff didn’t give direct "orders" to the higher commanders. His messages mainly consisted of "Directiven"—general suggestions on the right course of action, leaving a lot of freedom for the commanders to make their own choices, and avoiding specific details. A collection of Moltke's "Directiven" would probably serve as one of the greatest testaments to his military brilliance.


Interruption of Key Offensive Operations in December.

On the 17th of December general directions were issued from Versailles to the Armies both to the north and south of Paris.

On December 17th, general instructions were sent from Versailles to the armies both north and south of Paris.

Now that General von Manteuffel was across the Somme, and Prince Frederick Charles had advanced to the Loir, the Germans held possession of almost a third of France. The enemy was everywhere driven back; and that the German forces should not be split up, it was thought advisable that they should be concentrated into three principal groups. The Ist Army was therefore to assemble at Beauvais, the Detachment at Chartres, the IInd Army near Orleans, where the troops were to have the needful rest, and their full efficiency was to be re-established by the arrival of reservists and equipment. If the French should engage in any new enterprises, they were to be allowed to approach within striking distance, and then were to be driven back by a vigorous offensive.

Now that General von Manteuffel had crossed the Somme and Prince Frederick Charles had moved up to the Loire, the Germans controlled almost a third of France. The enemy was pushed back everywhere; to prevent splitting the German forces, it was decided that they should be concentrated into three main groups. The 1st Army was to gather at Beauvais, the Detachment at Chartres, and the 2nd Army near Orleans, where the troops would get the necessary rest, and their full efficiency would be restored with the arrival of reservists and equipment. If the French attempted any new actions, they were to be allowed to get within striking distance, only to be pushed back with a strong counteroffensive.

For the IInd Army there was but little prospect at present of overtaking the enemy beyond the Loir; and[246] the reports from the Upper Loire now necessitated the bestowal of increased attention in that direction. News came from Gien that the posts left there had been driven back to Ouzouer sur Loire; and it seemed not unlikely that General Bourbaki would take the opportunity of advancing by Montargis towards Paris, or at least towards Orleans, which for the moment was occupied only by part of the Ist Bavarian Corps.

For the II Army, there didn’t seem to be much chance right now of catching up to the enemy beyond the Loire; and[246] the updates from the Upper Loire now required more attention in that area. News from Gien indicated that the troops stationed there had been pushed back to Ouzouer sur Loire; and it seemed quite possible that General Bourbaki would take the chance to move forward from Montargis towards Paris, or at least towards Orleans, which at the moment was only occupied by part of the 1st Bavarian Corps.

Prince Frederick Charles had got quit of his enemy probably for some considerable time, and he decided, in accordance with directions from Versailles, to assemble his forces at Orleans and maintain a waiting attitude. Only the Xth Corps was to remain behind in observation on the Loir. To secure immediate support for the Bavarian Corps in any event, the IXth Corps, on its arrival from Blois at La Chapelle Vendômoise on the 16th December, was ordered to march to Beaugency that same day, and to Orleans on the morrow. It covered nearly 52 miles in twenty-four hours, notwithstanding the badness of the weather. The IIIrd Corps followed it.

Prince Frederick Charles had gotten rid of his enemy probably for quite a while, and he decided, following orders from Versailles, to gather his troops at Orleans and adopt a waiting stance. Only the Xth Corps was to stay behind to keep an eye on the Loir. To ensure immediate support for the Bavarian Corps under any circumstances, the IXth Corps, upon its arrival from Blois at La Chapelle Vendômoise on December 16th, was instructed to march to Beaugency that same day and to Orleans the next day. It covered nearly 52 miles in twenty-four hours, despite the terrible weather. The IIIrd Corps followed behind.

However, it was soon known that the enemy's detachment which had been seen at Gien did not form part of a large body of troops, and was intrenching itself at Briare for its own safety. So the Germans retired into comfortable rest-quarters, the Ist Bavarian Corps at Orleans, the IIIrd there and along to Beaugency, the IXth in the plain of the Loire up as far as Châteauneuf, with a strong post at Montargis.

However, it soon became clear that the enemy's unit spotted at Gien didn’t belong to a larger force and was digging in at Briare for its own protection. So, the Germans settled into comfortable rest areas, with the 1st Bavarian Corps in Orleans, the 3rd stationed there and extending to Beaugency, and the 9th in the Loire plain up to Châteauneuf, with a strong position at Montargis.

The Bavarian Corps was later transferred to Etampes, to recover at its leisure, to recruit its numbers, and refit as to its clothing and equipment. Nor was the Grand Duke of Mecklenburg's detachment in a condition to follow General Chanzy beyond the Loir. Six weeks of daily marching and fighting had tried the troops to the utmost. The dreadful weather and the state of the roads had reduced their clothing and foot-gear to a miserable state. A reconnoissance beyond the Loir[247] showed that the French could be overtaken by only long and rapid marches. So the Grand Duke allowed his troops a long rest, from the 18th, in the villages on the left bank of the river.

The Bavarian Corps was later moved to Etampes to take their time to recover, increase their numbers, and update their clothing and equipment. The Grand Duke of Mecklenburg's detachment wasn’t able to follow General Chanzy past the Loir. Six weeks of constant marching and fighting had pushed the troops to their limits. The awful weather and the condition of the roads had left their clothes and footwear in a terrible state. A reconnaissance mission beyond the Loir[247] showed that the French could only be caught through long and quick marches. So, the Grand Duke gave his troops an extended rest starting on the 18th, in the villages on the left bank of the river.

Of the IIIrd Army, General von Rheinbaben, on the other hand, occupied with the three Brigades of the 5th Cavalry Division Courtlain, Brou, and Chartres, strengthened by five battalions of Guard Landwehr and four batteries. A letter from the Chief of the General Staff at Versailles had pointed out that this cavalry might probably be employed with great success in attacking the flank and rear of the enemy's retreating columns, and the Crown Prince had already given orders that it should push forward by way of Brou in full strength on the 15th. Contrary to these orders, the Division obeyed a subsequent order which reached it on the 16th from the Grand Duke, under whose command the Division had not been placed, to take up a position on the Yères.

Of the IIIrd Army, General von Rheinbaben, with the three brigades of the 5th Cavalry Division—Courtlain, Brou, and Chartres—backed by five battalions of Guard Landwehr and four batteries, was in command. A letter from the Chief of the General Staff at Versailles mentioned that this cavalry could likely be very effective in attacking the enemy's retreating columns from the side and rear. The Crown Prince had already ordered them to advance strongly through Brou on the 15th. However, contrary to these orders, the Division followed a later command received on the 16th from the Grand Duke, who was not in charge of the Division, to position themselves at the Yères.

On this day patrols had found the roads open to Montmirail and Mondoubleau, except for French infantry in front of Cloyes, which retired after a short fray. On the left, a connection was opened with the 4th Cavalry Division. On the 17th, the 12th Cavalry Brigade entered Cloyes, already evacuated by the French; on the 13th it advanced on Arrou, and only General von Barby (commanding the 11th Cavalry Brigade) marched on Droue with a force of all arms, where he surprised the French at their cooking, and carried off much booty.

On this day, patrols found the roads open to Montmirail and Mondoubleau, except for the French infantry in front of Cloyes, which retreated after a brief skirmish. On the left, a connection was made with the 4th Cavalry Division. On the 17th, the 12th Cavalry Brigade entered Cloyes, which had already been evacuated by the French. On the 13th, it moved towards Arrou, while General von Barby (in command of the 11th Cavalry Brigade) marched on Droue with a combined force, where he caught the French off guard while they were cooking and seized a lot of loot.

On the 18th, the 12th Brigade did make prisoners of a few stragglers there, but the other two brigades only made a short march to the westward to La Bazoche Gouet and Arville, whence the enemy had quite disappeared. To the south of Arville a battalion of the Guard Landwehr drove the French infantry out of St. Agil.

On the 18th, the 12th Brigade captured a few stragglers there, but the other two brigades only made a short march west to La Bazoche Gouet and Arville, where the enemy had completely vanished. To the south of Arville, a battalion of the Guard Landwehr pushed the French infantry out of St. Agil.

With this the pursuit ended on the 19th. The Division retired on Nogent le Rotrou by the Grand Duke's[248] desire, and subsequently undertook the observation of the left bank of the Seine at Vernon and Dreux.

With this, the pursuit ended on the 19th. The Division pulled back to Nogent le Rotrou at the Grand Duke's[248] request, and then began watching the left bank of the Seine at Vernon and Dreux.

The Grand Duke's Detachment left its quarters on the Loir on the 21st. The 22nd Division occupied Nogent le Roi, and the 17th Chartres, till the 24th. The 4th Bavarian Brigade rejoined its own Corps at Orleans.

The Grand Duke's Detachment left its quarters on the Loir on the 21st. The 22nd Division occupied Nogent le Roi, and the 17th Chartres, until the 24th. The 4th Bavarian Brigade rejoined its Corps at Orleans.

During the remainder of December only the Xth Corps had any fighting, it having been detailed to keep watch beyond the Loir from Blois and Vendôme.

During the rest of December, only the Xth Corps had any fighting, as it was assigned to keep watch beyond the Loir from Blois and Vendôme.

Two brigades were set on march towards Tours on the 20th. On the further side of Monnaie they met the newly-formed troops of General Ferri-Pisani, 10,000 to 15,000 strong, which were advancing from Angers and had passed through Tours.

Two brigades were ordered to march towards Tours on the 20th. On the other side of Monnaie, they encountered the newly-formed troops of General Ferri-Pisani, which were about 10,000 to 15,000 strong, and were advancing from Angers after passing through Tours.

The soaked ground made the deployment of the artillery and cavalry exceedingly difficult. The cavalry, indeed, could only pursue the retreating French in deep columns along the high roads, thus suffering severely from the enemy's fire delivered at very short range.

The wet ground made it really hard to set up the artillery and cavalry. The cavalry could only chase the retreating French in long lines along the main roads, which made them vulnerable to the enemy's fire at close range.

On the following day General von Woyna (commanding 39th Infantry Brigade) advanced unopposed with six battalions on the bridge at Tours. A light battery was brought up on the bank of the river and dispersed the rabble firing from the opposite shore, but it would have cost too many lives to storm the city, which, since the removal of the seat of Government, had ceased to be of any great importance. The detachment was withdrawn to Monnaie, and the Xth Corps went into quarters, the 19th Division at Blois, the 20th at Herbault and Vendôme.

On the next day, General von Woyna (in charge of the 39th Infantry Brigade) moved forward without opposition with six battalions to the bridge at Tours. A light artillery unit was positioned on the riverbank and drove off the crowds shooting from the other side, but storming the city would have cost too many lives, especially since it had lost its significance after the government was relocated. The unit was pulled back to Monnaie, and the Xth Corps settled in, with the 19th Division in Blois and the 20th in Herbault and Vendôme.

From the latter place on the 27th, a detachment of two battalions, one squadron, and two guns marched through Montoire on Sougé on the Braye, and there met a greatly superior force. General Chanzy had in fact marched a Division of his XVIIth Corps towards Vendôme in order to draw the Prussians away from[249] Tours. Behind St. Quentin the weak Prussian detachment found itself hemmed in between the river and the cliff, enclosed on every side, and under heavy fire. Lieutenant-Colonel von Boltenstern succeeded, however, in cutting his way through. Without firing a shot the two Hanoverian battalions hurled themselves on the dense body of tirailleurs blocking their retreat, and fought their way out fighting hand to hand. Through the gap thus made the guns dashed after firing one round of grape-shot, and notwithstanding losses to the teams they ultimately got back safely to Montoire. The squadron also charged through two lines of riflemen and rejoined the infantry.

From the second place on the 27th, a group of two battalions, one squadron, and two cannons marched through Montoire on their way to Sougé on the Braye, where they encountered a much larger force. General Chanzy had actually sent a Division of his XVII Corps toward Vendôme to distract the Prussians away from[249] Tours. Behind St. Quentin, the small Prussian detachment found itself trapped between the river and the cliff, surrounded on all sides and under heavy fire. However, Lieutenant-Colonel von Boltenstern managed to break through. Without firing a shot, the two Hanoverian battalions charged at the dense group of skirmishers blocking their escape and fought their way out in close combat. Through the gap created, the cannons rushed after firing one round of grape-shot, and despite losses to the teams, they eventually returned safely to Montoire. The squadron also charged through two lines of riflemen and rejoined the infantry.

As a result of this incident General von Kraatz Koschlau (commanding 20th Division) brought up the remainder of his Division from Herbault, determined to clear up the situation by a fresh reconnoissance. Four battalions were to advance from Vendôme, and the 1st Cavalry Brigade from Fréteval was to scout towards Epuisay. On this same day, however, General de Jouffroy was marching with two Divisions to the attack of Vendôme.

As a result of this incident, General von Kraatz Koschlau (in charge of the 20th Division) brought up the rest of his Division from Herbault, eager to resolve the situation with a new reconnaissance. Four battalions were set to advance from Vendôme, while the 1st Cavalry Brigade from Fréteval was tasked with scouting towards Epuisay. On that same day, however, General de Jouffroy was moving forward with two Divisions to attack Vendôme.

When, at about ten o'clock, the reconnoitring force from Vendôme reached the Azay, it came under a hot fire from the further slope of the valley. Soon after six hostile battalions attacked its flank from the south, and repeated notice was brought in that considerable forces of the enemy were marching on Vendôme direct, from north of Azay by Espéreuse. General von Kraatz perceived that he would have to face a planned attack made by very superior numbers, and determined to restrict himself to the local defence of Vendôme. Under cover of a battalion firmly maintaining its position at Huchepie, he accomplished in perfect order the retreat of the detachment, which then took up a position on the railway embankment to the west of the city.

When, at around ten o'clock, the scouting force from Vendôme arrived at Azay, it came under heavy fire from the opposite slope of the valley. Shortly after, six enemy battalions attacked from the south, and multiple reports indicated that significant enemy forces were advancing on Vendôme directly from north of Azay via Espéreuse. General von Kraatz realized he would be facing a coordinated attack by much larger numbers, and he decided to focus on the local defense of Vendôme. With the support of a battalion holding its ground at Huchepie, he successfully executed the retreat of the detachment, which then positioned itself on the railway embankment to the west of the city.

Further to the north the hostile columns, advancing over Espéreuse, had already reached Bel Air. A[250] battalion hastening up from Vendôme re-occupied the château, but being outflanked on the right by a superior force withdrew, and likewise took up a position behind the railway. At about two o'clock the French attacked this position in dense swarms of sharpshooters, but came under the quick-fire of six batteries in position on the heights behind Vendôme, which caused their right wing to give way. A column of the enemy advanced along the left bank of the Loir from Varennes against this artillery position, but hastily retreated out of range of the fire from it.

Further to the north, the hostile forces moving over Espéreuse had already reached Bel Air. A battalion rushing in from Vendôme retook the château, but was outflanked on the right by a larger force and withdrew to take a position behind the railway. Around two o'clock, the French launched an attack on this position with large groups of sharpshooters but came under quick-fire from six batteries located on the heights behind Vendôme, which caused their right wing to falter. An enemy column advanced along the left bank of the Loir from Varennes towards this artillery position but quickly fell back to avoid the gunfire.

The attacks directed against the railway from Bel Air and Tuileries were more serious; but eight companies posted there repelled them. At four o'clock the French once more advanced in strength; fortune wavered for some time, and at length, as darkness fell, they retired.

The attacks on the railway from Bel Air and Tuileries were more intense; however, eight companies stationed there pushed them back. At four o'clock, the French advanced in greater numbers again; for a while, luck was uncertain, and eventually, as night came, they pulled back.

The 1st Cavalry Brigade, accompanied by two companies and a horse battery, marched on this day on Danzé. Captain Spitz, with a handful of his Westphalian Fusiliers fell on two batteries halted there, and captured two guns and three limbers. With these and fifty prisoners General von Lüderitz (commanding 1st Cavalry Brigade) returned to Fréteval by about one o'clock, after pursuing the enemy as far as Epuisay.

The 1st Cavalry Brigade, along with two companies and a horse battery, marched today towards Danzé. Captain Spitz, leading a small group of his Westphalian Fusiliers, attacked two stationary batteries there and took two guns and three limbers. With these and fifty prisoners, General von Lüderitz (in charge of the 1st Cavalry Brigade) returned to Fréteval around one o'clock, after chasing the enemy all the way to Epuisay.

The attempt of the French on Vendôme had utterly failed, and they now retreated to a greater distance. General von Kraatz, however, was ordered, in the prospect of a greater enterprise to be described later, to remain meanwhile in waiting on the Loir.

The French attempt on Vendôme had completely failed, and they now pulled back to a greater distance. General von Kraatz, however, was instructed to stay on the Loir in anticipation of a larger operation to be detailed later.


The 14th Corps in December.

In the south-eastern theatre of war the French had at last decided on some definite action.

In the southeastern theater of war, the French had finally made a decision to take decisive action.

Garibaldi's Corps, assembled at Autun, advanced[251] toward Dijon on the 24th (November); its detachments closed up by Sombernon and St. Seine, with various skirmishes, and subjected to night surprises. Crémer's Division advanced as far as Gevrey from the south. But as soon as reinforcements reached Dijon from Gray and Is sur Tille, the enemy was driven back, and now General von Werder on his part ordered the 1st Brigade of his Corps to march on Autun. General Keller (commanding 3rd Infantry Brigade, Baden Division), arrived in front of the town on December 1st, driving the hostile detachments before him. The preparations had been made to attack on the following day, when orders came for a rapid retreat. Fresh troops had become necessary at Châtillon, to replace the posts which had been stationed to protect the railway and which had been surprised at Gray, to cope with sorties by the garrison of Besançon and also to observe Langres.

Garibaldi's Corps, gathered at Autun, moved[251] toward Dijon on November 24th; its units were positioned around Sombernon and St. Seine, facing various skirmishes and nighttime surprises. Crémer's Division pushed up to Gevrey from the south. However, once reinforcements arrived in Dijon from Gray and Is sur Tille, the enemy was pushed back. General von Werder then ordered the 1st Brigade of his Corps to march on Autun. General Keller, in charge of the 3rd Infantry Brigade, Baden Division, reached the front of the town on December 1st, forcing the enemy detachments to retreat. Plans were in place for an attack the next day when orders came down for a quick retreat. Fresh troops were needed at Châtillon to replace the forces that had been stationed to protect the railway, as they had been caught off guard at Gray, to deal with sorties from the garrison of Besançon, and to keep watch on Langres.

The Prussian Brigade (26th) marched on Langres, along with two cavalry regiments and three batteries, and on the 16th it met the French in the vicinity of Longeau, in number about 2000. They were repulsed, losing 200 wounded, fifty prisoners, two guns, and two ammunition waggons. General von der Goltz (commanding the Brigade) in the next few days surrounded Langres, drove the Gardes-Mobiles posted outside into the fortress, and occupied a position opposite the northern front for the protection of the railways.

The Prussian Brigade (26th) marched towards Langres, accompanied by two cavalry regiments and three artillery batteries. On the 16th, they encountered around 2000 French troops near Longeau. The French were pushed back, suffering 200 wounded, fifty prisoners, two cannons, and two ammunition wagons lost. General von der Goltz, who was in charge of the Brigade, surrounded Langres in the following days, forced the Gardes-Mobiles stationed outside to retreat into the fortress, and took up a position in front of the northern side to protect the railways.

In the country south of Dijon fresh assemblages of French troops had also now been observed. To disperse these General von Werder advanced on the 18th with two Baden Brigades on Nuits. In Boncourt, close to the town on the east, the advanced guard met with lively opposition, but carried the place by noon. The French, aided by their batteries posted on the heights west of Nuits, offered an obstinate defence in the deep railway cutting and at the Meuzin brook. When the main body of the Brigade came up at two o'clock, General von Glümer (commanding Baden Division) ordered a general[252] attack. With heavy losses, especially in superior officers, the infantry now rushed across the open plain at the double against the enemy, who was under cover, and who, after maintaining a fire at short range, was driven back on Nuits so late as four o'clock in the course of a hand-to-hand struggle. At five o'clock he abandoned the place before the on-coming battalions.

In the area south of Dijon, new groups of French troops were also spotted. To break them up, General von Werder moved forward on the 18th with two Baden Brigades towards Nuits. In Boncourt, near the town on the east side, the advance guard faced strong resistance but took the location by noon. The French, supported by their artillery positioned on the hills west of Nuits, put up a determined defense in the deep railway cutting and at the Meuzin brook. When the main part of the Brigade arrived at two o'clock, General von Glümer (in charge of the Baden Division) ordered a full attack. With significant losses, particularly among senior officers, the infantry charged across the open field at double time against the enemy, who was sheltered and maintained fire at close range, but they were pushed back towards Nuits by four o'clock after a fierce hand-to-hand fight. By five o'clock, the French abandoned the location ahead of the advancing battalions.

The Germans had had to do with Crémer's Division, 10,000 strong, which lost 1700 men, among them 650 unwounded prisoners. The Baden Division had lost 900 men. It encamped for the night on the market-place of the town and in the villages to the eastward. Next morning the French were found to have retreated still further, but the Germans were not strong enough for pursuit. The XIVth Corps had already been obliged to spare seven battalions for the investment of Belfort. General von Werder therefore returned to Dijon, where he assembled all the forces still left to him with those of General von der Goltz from Langres, and waited to see whether the enemy would again advance against him. But the month of December ended without any further disturbance.

The Germans had to deal with Crémer's Division, which had 10,000 soldiers and lost 1,700 men, including 650 uninjured prisoners. The Baden Division lost 900 men. They set up camp for the night in the town square and in nearby villages to the east. The next morning, it was discovered that the French had retreated even further, but the Germans weren’t strong enough to pursue them. The XIV Corps had already been forced to hold back seven battalions to surround Belfort. General von Werder then returned to Dijon, where he gathered all the remaining forces with those of General von der Goltz from Langres and waited to see if the enemy would advance against him again. However, December ended without any further conflict.


The 1st Army in December.

While the IInd Army was fighting on the Loire, General von Manteuffel, after the victory of Amiens, marched on Rouen.

While the Second Army was fighting on the Loire, General von Manteuffel, after the victory at Amiens, marched on Rouen.

General Farre was indeed at Arras, in the rear of this movement, but the disorder in which his troops had retired after the battle made it probable that he would do nothing, at any rate for the present. The 3rd Brigade, too, was left in Amiens, with two cavalry regiments and three batteries, to occupy the place and protect the important line of railway to Laon.[253]

General Farre was indeed at Arras, behind this movement, but the chaos in which his troops had pulled back after the battle made it likely that he wouldn’t take any action, at least for now. The 3rd Brigade was also left in Amiens, along with two cavalry regiments and three batteries, to secure the area and protect the crucial railway line to Laon.[253]

The outlook to the west was more serious than to the north, for from thence at this juncture hostile forces threatened to interfere with the investment of Paris. General Briand was at Rouen with some 20,000 men, and had advanced his leading troops up to the Epte, where at Beauvais and Gisors he came in contact with the Guard Dragoon regiment and the Saxon Cavalry Division detached from the Army of the Meuse. The detachment of infantry which accompanied the latter had lost 150 men and a gun in a night surprise.

The view to the west was more concerning than to the north, as hostile forces were poised to disrupt the siege of Paris. General Briand was in Rouen with about 20,000 troops and had moved his front line up to the Epte, where at Beauvais and Gisors, he encountered the Guard Dragoon regiment and the Saxon Cavalry Division from the Army of the Meuse. The infantry unit that was with them had lost 150 men and a cannon in a surprise attack overnight.

When the Ist Army reached the Epte on December 3rd, both bodies of cavalry joined its further march, and the French retired behind the Andelles. The VIIIth Corps reached the vicinity of Rouen after petty skirmishes by the way, and found an intrenched position abandoned at Isneauville; and on December 5th General von Goeben entered the chief city of Normandy. The 29th Brigade advanced on Pont Audemer, the Ist Corps crossed the Seine higher up at Les Andelys and Pont de l'Arche. Vernon and Evreux were occupied, whence numbers of Gardes-Mobiles had retreated by railway to Liseux. On the northern bank the Guard Dragoon Regiment reconnoitred as far as Bolbec, and the Uhlan Brigade found no enemy in Dieppe.

When the Ist Army got to the Epte on December 3rd, both cavalry units joined in on the next leg of the march, and the French fell back behind the Andelles. The VIIIth Corps arrived near Rouen after some minor skirmishes along the way and discovered an abandoned fortified position at Isneauville. On December 5th, General von Goeben took control of the main city of Normandy. The 29th Brigade moved forward to Pont Audemer, while the Ist Corps crossed the Seine further upstream at Les Andelys and Pont de l'Arche. Vernon and Evreux were taken over, where many Gardes-Mobiles had retreated by train to Lisieux. On the northern bank, the Guard Dragoon Regiment scouted as far as Bolbec, and the Uhlan Brigade found no enemy presence in Dieppe.

The French had retired to Havre, and a considerable force had been conveyed in ships that were in readiness, to Honfleur on the other bank of the Seine. The 16th Division continued its march on Havre, reaching Bolbec and Lillebonne on the 11th.

The French had pulled back to Havre, and a significant number of troops had been transported in ships that were ready to Honfleur on the other side of the Seine. The 16th Division kept advancing towards Havre, arriving in Bolbec and Lillebonne on the 11th.

The already-mentioned directions from Versailles had been communicated in advance by the Chief of the General Staff, and in accordance with them General Manteuffel now decided on leaving only the Ist Corps on the Lower Seine, and returning with the VIIIth to the Somme, where the French in Arras were now becoming active.

The previously mentioned orders from Versailles had been shared ahead of time by the Chief of the General Staff, and based on those, General Manteuffel decided to leave only the 1st Corps on the Lower Seine and return with the 8th to the Somme, where the French in Arras were becoming active.

Besides making this evident by various small encounters, on December 9th they had attacked a company[254] detailed to protect the reconstruction of the railway at Ham, surprising it at night, and taking most of the men prisoners; while on the 11th several French battalions advanced as far as La Fère.

Besides making this clear through various small interactions, on December 9th, they attacked a company[254] assigned to protect the reconstruction of the railway at Ham, catching it off guard at night and capturing most of the men; then on the 11th, several French battalions moved as far as La Fère.

To check their further progress, the Army of the Meuse had meantime sent detachments to Soissons and Compiègne. General Count von der Groeben[56] (commanding 3rd Cavalry Division) took up a position at Roye with part of the garrison of Amiens, and on the 16th met the 15th Division at Montdidier, which immediately moved up to the Somme.

To monitor their progress, the Army of the Meuse had sent units to Soissons and Compiègne in the meantime. General Count von der Groeben[56] (in charge of the 3rd Cavalry Division) positioned himself at Roye with some of the garrison from Amiens, and on the 16th, he met the 15th Division at Montdidier, which then promptly advanced to the Somme.

Only the citadel of Amiens now remained in German occupation; but General von Manteuffel, who had not approved of the evacuation of the city, ordered its immediate reoccupation. The inhabitants had, however, remained peaceable, and on the 20th the 16th Division, which had given up the attack on Havre, arrived by way of Dieppe.

Only the citadel of Amiens was still under German control; however, General von Manteuffel, who had opposed the city's evacuation, ordered it to be reoccupied immediately. The residents had stayed calm, and on the 20th, the 16th Division, which had abandoned the attack on Havre, arrived via Dieppe.

A reconnoissance fight near Querrieux made it certain that great numbers of French were drawn up on the Hallue, and General von Manteuffel now drew in the whole (VIIIth) Corps on Amiens. Reinforcements were shortly to be expected, for the 3rd Reserve Division was on the march, and had already reached St. Quentin. The Ist Corps was also ordered to send a brigade from Rouen to Amiens by railway, and the Commanding General determined to take the offensive at once with 22,600 men, all his available force at the moment.

A reconnaissance fight near Querrieux confirmed that a large number of French troops were positioned along the Hallue. General von Manteuffel then consolidated the entire VIII Corps in Amiens. Reinforcements were expected soon, as the 3rd Reserve Division was on the move and had already arrived in St. Quentin. The Ist Corps was also instructed to send a brigade from Rouen to Amiens by train, and the Commanding General decided to go on the offensive immediately with 22,600 men, which was all his available force at that time.

General Faidherbe had assembled two Corps, the XXIInd and XXIIIrd. His advance on Ham and La Fère, intended to divert the Prussians from attacking Havre, had succeeded. He next turned toward Amiens, advanced to within nine miles of the city, and now stood, with 43,000 men and eighty-two guns, fronting to the west behind the Hallue. Two Divisions held the left bank of this stream for about seven miles, from[255] its confluence at Daours up to Contay, two standing further back, at Corbie and Fravillers. The Somme secured the left flank.

General Faidherbe had brought together two Corps, the 22nd and 23rd. His approach to Ham and La Fère, aimed at distracting the Prussians from attacking Havre, had worked. He then shifted his focus to Amiens, moving within nine miles of the city, and now positioned himself, with 43,000 troops and eighty-two guns, facing west behind the Hallue. Two Divisions occupied the left bank of this stream for about seven miles, from its meeting point at Daours to Contay, with two more stationed further back at Corbie and Fravillers. The Somme protected the left flank.

On December 23rd General von Manteuffel, with the VIIIth Corps, advanced on the road to Albert. The 3rd Brigade of the Ist Corps formed his reserve. His design was to keep the French engaged by the 15th Division on their front and left wing, and with the 16th Division to outflank their right. The unexpected extension of the French right wing prevented this, and it became a frontal battle along the whole line. The greater height of the eastern bank afforded the French a commanding artillery position, and the villages lying at the foot had in every instance to be stormed.

On December 23rd, General von Manteuffel, along with the VIII Corps, moved down the road to Albert. The 3rd Brigade of the 1st Corps served as his reserve. His plan was to keep the French occupied with the 15th Division on their front and left wing, while the 16th Division would try to flank their right side. However, the unexpected extension of the French right wing thwarted this strategy, and it turned into a frontal battle across the entire line. The higher elevation of the eastern bank gave the French a strong artillery position, and the villages at the bottom had to be attacked in every case.

The French had drawn in their advanced posts to this line when at eleven o'clock the head of the 15th Division reached the grove of Querrieux, and brought up a battery. Two battalions of the 29th Brigade took the village at mid-day at the first onslaught, crossed the stream, and drove the French on the further bank out of Noyelles; but they now found themselves overwhelmed by an artillery and infantry fire from all sides. The East Prussians[57] stormed the acclivity at about four o'clock, and took two guns which were in action, but were forced to fall back into the village before the advancing French masses.

The French had pulled their forward positions back to this line when, at eleven o'clock, the lead units of the 15th Division reached the grove of Querrieux and set up a battery. Two battalions from the 29th Brigade captured the village at midday on the first attempt, crossed the stream, and pushed the French on the opposite bank out of Noyelles; however, they soon found themselves overwhelmed by artillery and infantry fire from all directions. The East Prussians[57] charged up the slope around four o'clock and captured two active guns, but had to retreat back into the village due to the advancing French forces.

Soon after mid-day Féchencourt was won on the left, and Bussy on the right; and the enemy after a feeble resistance was driven back across the stream. On the other hand, the German Artillery could at first do nothing against the strong and well-posted batteries[256] of the enemy. Vecquemont, however, was stormed, though stoutly defended, and a bitter street-fight lasted till the afternoon.

Soon after noon, Féchencourt was captured on the left, and Bussy on the right; the enemy, after weak resistance, was pushed back across the stream. Meanwhile, the German artillery initially couldn't do anything against the strong and well-positioned enemy batteries[256]. However, Vecquemont was stormed, despite its strong defense, and a fierce street battle went on until the afternoon.

The 15th Division, against the intention of General Manteuffel, had become involved in fighting before the 16th, engaged further to the left, could afford it any assistance. Not till four o'clock did the 31st Brigade arrive in front of Béhencourt, when, crossing the river by flying bridges, it threw the enemy back into the village, where he maintained a stout resistance, but had ultimately to give way. The 32nd Brigade, on the extreme left, crossed the Hallue and entered Bavelincourt.

The 15th Division, contrary to General Manteuffel's plans, got caught up in fighting before the 16th, which was stationed further to the left and couldn't provide any help. It wasn't until four o'clock that the 31st Brigade reached Béhencourt. After crossing the river using temporary bridges, they pushed the enemy back into the village, where the enemy put up a strong fight but eventually had to retreat. The 32nd Brigade, positioned on the far left, crossed the Hallue and entered Bavelincourt.

Thus all the hamlets on the river were in German possession; but the short December day was closing in, and further progress had to be postponed till the morrow. Even in the dark the French made several attempts to recover the positions they had lost, especially about Contay, where they outflanked the German position. But their attacks were repulsed both there and at Noyelles. They succeeded, indeed, in getting into Vecquemont, but were driven out again, and were lost to the Prussians now following across the stream, who even seized Daours, so that ultimately the Germans held dominion over every passage of the Hallue.

Thus all the villages along the river were in German hands; but the short December day was coming to an end, and any further advances had to be postponed until the next day. Even in the dark, the French made several attempts to regain the positions they had lost, particularly around Contay, where they flanked the German position. However, their attacks were repelled both there and at Noyelles. They did manage to enter Vecquemont, but were pushed out again, and the Prussians, now crossing the river, took over Daours, so in the end, the Germans controlled all the crossings of the Hallue.

The battle was over by six o'clock. The troops moved into alarm-quarters in the captured villages, their foreposts standing close in front of the outlets.

The battle was over by six o'clock. The troops moved into alert quarters in the captured villages, their sentries positioned close in front of the exits.

The attack had cost the Germans 900 men; the defence had cost the French about 1000, besides 1000 unwounded prisoners who were taken into Amiens.

The attack had cost the Germans 900 soldiers; the defense had cost the French about 1000, plus 1000 unwounded prisoners who were taken into Amiens.

At daybreak on the 24th the French opened fire on General Manteuffel's position in the angle bounded by the Hallue and the Somme.

At dawn on the 24th, the French started firing on General Manteuffel's position in the corner between the Hallue and the Somme.

It having been ascertained that the enemy's strength was almost double that of the Germans, it was decided this day on the latter side to remain on the defensive,[257] pending the arrival of reinforcements, and to strengthen the defence of the positions gained. The Army-Reserve was pushed forward to Corbie to threaten the left flank of the French.

It was determined that the enemy's strength was nearly twice that of the Germans, so it was decided today to stay defensive on the German side,[257] while waiting for reinforcements and to fortify the positions that had been secured. The Army Reserve was sent to Corbie to put pressure on the French left flank.

But at two o'clock in the afternoon General Faidherbe took up his retreat. His insufficiently-equipped troops had suffered fearfully through the bitter winter night, and were much shaken by the unfavourable issue of the fighting of the previous day. He therefore drew them back within the area of the covering fortresses. When on the 25th the two Prussian Divisions and the cavalry pursued beyond Albert, and then close up to Arras and as far as Cambrai, they found no formed bodies at all in front of those places, and only captured some hundreds of stragglers.

But at two o'clock in the afternoon, General Faidherbe began his retreat. His poorly equipped troops had suffered terribly through the harsh winter night and were shaken by the disappointing outcome of the previous day's fighting. So, he pulled them back into the protection of the fortresses. When on the 25th the two Prussian Divisions and the cavalry pursued beyond Albert, getting close to Arras and as far as Cambrai, they found no organized forces in front of those locations and only managed to capture a few hundred stragglers.

When General Manteuffel had thus disposed of the enemy, he sent General von Mirus (commanding 6th Cavalry Brigade) to invest Péronne, while he himself returned to Rouen.

When General Manteuffel had dealt with the enemy, he sent General von Mirus (in charge of the 6th Cavalry Brigade) to surround Péronne, while he returned to Rouen himself.

Since it had detached to Amiens six battalions as a reinforcement, the Ist Army Corps (at Rouen) now remained only two brigades strong. The French had 10,000 men on the right bank, and 12,000 on the left bank of the lower Seine. And these forces had come very close to Rouen; particularly on the south side within nine miles. Meanwhile, however, the Commanding-General had ordered back the 2nd Brigade from Amiens, and on its arrival the hostile bodies were once more driven back.

Since it had sent six battalions as reinforcements to Amiens, the 1st Army Corps (at Rouen) was left with only two brigades. The French had 10,000 troops on the right bank and 12,000 on the left bank of the lower Seine. These forces had advanced quite close to Rouen, especially on the south side, just nine miles away. In the meantime, the Commanding-General had ordered the 2nd Brigade to return from Amiens, and upon its arrival, the enemy forces were pushed back again.

FOOTNOTES:

[56] Lieut.-General, not to be confounded with Major-General of same name commanding 14th Cavalry Brigade.

[56] Lieutenant General, not to be confused with the Major General of the same name in charge of the 14th Cavalry Brigade.

[57] Men of the 2nd battalion 33rd Regiment (East Prussian Fusiliers), belonging to the VIIIth Corps, whose territory is the Rhine Provinces. It would be interesting to know how an East Prussian Regiment came to be incorporated into the Rhineland Corps. The Ist is the East Prussian Corps, and it was also under General v. Manteuffel, who had been the Corps Commander until the beginning of December, when its command passed to General v. Bentheim.

[57] Soldiers of the 2nd battalion, 33rd Regiment (East Prussian Fusiliers), part of the VIIIth Corps, which is based in the Rhine Provinces. It would be interesting to know how an East Prussian Regiment ended up in the Rhineland Corps. The 1st is the East Prussian Corps, and it was also under General v. Manteuffel, who had been in charge of the Corps until the beginning of December, when control transferred to General v. Bentheim.


The Fall of Mézières.

(1st January, 1871.)

In the northern section of hostilities, before the end of the year, the siege of Mézières was brought to an end. After the battle of Sedan the Commandant had contributed supplies from the magazines of the fortress[258] for the maintenance of the great mass of prisoners, and it had remained, therefore, for the time exempt from attack. Later the place precluded the use of the railroad; still it was only kept under provisional observation till the 19th of December, when, after the fall of Montmédy, the 14th Division moved up before Mézières.

In the northern part of the conflict, before the year ended, the siege of Mézières was lifted. After the battle of Sedan, the Commandant had provided supplies from the fortress’s stockpiles[258] to support the large number of prisoners, so the location was not attacked for a while. Later, the site disrupted the use of the railroad; however, it was only kept under temporary watch until December 19th, when, after Montmédy fell, the 14th Division advanced toward Mézières.

The garrison numbered only 2000 men, but it was effectively assisted by bands of volunteers outside, who displayed extraordinary activity in this broken and wooded country. The place was not completely invested till the 25th.

The garrison had only 2,000 soldiers, but it was effectively supported by groups of volunteers from outside, who showed remarkable effort in this rugged and wooded terrain. The area wasn't fully surrounded until the 25th.

Mézières stands on a mountain-spur which is surrounded on three sides by the Moselle,[58] but it is hemmed by a ring of heights. The character of the defences, which had been strengthened by Vauban, with their numerous salient angles, was not calculated to resist modern long-range artillery. The place exposed an isolated rampart of masonry in a circumference of from 2160 to 3250 yards, and although the long delay had been utilized in repairing the weak points by throwing up earthworks, a bombardment could not fail to be destructive to the defenders.

Mézières is situated on a mountain ridge that is surrounded by the Moselle on three sides, but it is encircled by a ring of high ground. The defenses, reinforced by Vauban, with their many protruding angles, weren't designed to withstand modern long-range artillery. The area presented an isolated wall of stone with a perimeter of 2160 to 3250 yards, and even though the lengthy delay had been used to fix the weak spots by adding earthworks, a bombardment would inevitably be devastating for the defenders.

When Verdun had surrendered, heavy siege guns were brought by rail from Clermont to a position close in front of the southern face of the fortress. The only hindrance to the erection of the batteries was the state of the soil, frozen to a depth of twenty inches; and at a quarter past eight on the morning of the 31st of December 68 siege guns and 8 field-pieces opened fire. At first the fortress replied vigorously, but by the afternoon its artillery was utterly silenced, and the white flag was hoisted next day. The garrison were taken prisoners; considerable stores and 132 guns fell into the hands of the besiegers. But the chief advantage gained was the opening of a new line of railway to Paris.

When Verdun surrendered, heavy siege guns were transported by train from Clermont to a spot right in front of the southern side of the fortress. The only obstacle to setting up the batteries was the ground, which was frozen to a depth of twenty inches; and at quarter past eight on the morning of December 31st, 68 siege guns and 8 field pieces began firing. At first, the fortress responded forcefully, but by the afternoon, its artillery was completely silenced, and the white flag was raised the next day. The garrison was taken prisoner; substantial supplies and 132 guns fell into the hands of the besiegers. However, the main advantage gained was the opening of a new railway line to Paris.

FOOTNOTE:

[58] Slip of pen for "Meuse."

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Typo for "Meuse."


Paris in December.

In Paris General Ducrot had been busily employed in making good the losses sustained in the battle of Villiers. A part of the greatly reduced Ist Corps had to be consigned to the reserve; the IInd Army was reorganized. A projected sortie by way of the peninsula of Gennevillers and the heights of Franconville had not been approved by the government. There was the confident expectation of seeing the Army of Orleans appear within a short time before the capital, and steps were being taken to reach it the hand, when on the 6th December a letter from General von Moltke announced the defeat of General d'Aurelle and the occupation of Orleans. A sortie to the south would thenceforth be aimless, and after long deliberation it was at length decided to break through the enemy's lines in a northern direction by a sortie in great force.

In Paris, General Ducrot had been busy addressing the losses from the battle of Villiers. A portion of the significantly reduced 1st Corps had to be placed in reserve; the 2nd Army was being reorganized. A planned attack through the Gennevillers peninsula and the heights of Franconville had not been approved by the government. There was a strong expectation of the Army of Orleans appearing soon before the capital, and preparations were being made to support it, when on December 6th, a letter from General von Moltke announced the defeat of General d'Aurelle and the occupation of Orleans. An attack to the south would now be pointless, and after much discussion, it was finally decided to break through the enemy's lines by launching a significant force in a northern direction.

It was true that the Morée brook afforded the besiegers some cover on that side, but only so long as the ice would not bear. And there were but three German corps of the gross strength of 81,200, extended over a front of about twenty-seven miles.[59]

It was true that the Morée brook provided the attackers some cover on that side, but only as long as the ice held up. There were only three German corps with a total strength of 81,200, stretched over a front of about twenty-seven miles.[59]

By way of preparation earthworks were begun to be thrown up on the 13th, between Bondy and Courneuve, the forts of the north front were furnished with a heavier artillery equipment, and the plateau of Mont Avron was occupied by batteries. Ninety rounds of ammunition were served out to each man, with six days' rations; and four days' fodder for the horses. Packs were not to be carried, but rolled tent-pieces were to be worn as breast-protection. December 19th[260] was the day first set for the enterprise, but there was a postponement to the 21st.

To get ready, earthworks started being built on the 13th, between Bondy and Courneuve. The northern forts were equipped with heavier artillery, and batteries were set up on the Mont Avron plateau. Each soldier received ninety rounds of ammunition, along with six days' worth of rations, and four days' worth of fodder for the horses. Packs were not allowed; instead, rolled tent pieces were to be worn as protection. December 19th[260] was initially scheduled for the operation, but it was postponed to the 21st.

Thus, during the larger half of December the investing army had remained almost wholly undisturbed by the defenders. Regular food, warm winter clothing, and abundant supplies of comforts which the exertions of the postal service afforded, had maintained the troops in a thoroughly satisfactory condition.

Thus, for most of December, the investing army had stayed almost entirely undisturbed by the defenders. Regular meals, warm winter clothing, and plenty of comforts provided by the postal service had kept the troops in very good shape.

The preparations which the garrison was making for a new effort did not escape the notice of the besieging forces. Deserters brought in reports of an imminent sortie. On the 20th information came from the posts of observation that large masses of troops were assembling about Merlan and Noisy le Sec; and early on the 21st the 2nd Guard Division, by order of the Commander-in-Chief of the Army of the Meuse, stood in readiness at the passages of the Morée. Part of the 1st Division remained in reserve at Gonesse; the other portion was to be relieved by the 7th Division, and made available for action. On the right wing the Guard Landwehr Division occupied the section from Chatou to Carrières St. Denis; on the left a brigade of the Saxon Corps held Sévran. The 4th Infantry Division of the IInd Corps moved to Malnoue to support, in case of need, the Würtembergers, to whom was allotted the task of holding resolutely the advanced position of Joinville opposite the French.

The preparations the garrison was making for a new effort didn't go unnoticed by the besieging forces. Deserters brought in reports of an imminent attack. On the 20th, information came from observation posts that large groups of troops were gathering around Merlan and Noisy le Sec; and early on the 21st, the 2nd Guard Division, following orders from the Commander-in-Chief of the Army of the Meuse, was ready at the crossings of the Morée. Part of the 1st Division stayed in reserve at Gonesse; the other part was to be replaced by the 7th Division and made available for action. On the right wing, the Guard Landwehr Division occupied the area from Chatou to Carrières St. Denis; on the left, a brigade of the Saxon Corps held Sévran. The 4th Infantry Division of the II Corps moved to Malnoue to support the Würtembergers if needed, as they were tasked with firmly holding the forward position of Joinville against the French.

To divert the attention of the Germans from the true point of attack, a brisk fire was to be opened in early morning from Fort Valérien; strong bodies were to assail the right wing of the Guard Corps, General Vinoy was to lead the IIIrd Army against the Saxons, and Admiral de la Roncière was to fall upon Le Bourget with his Army Corps. This latter post, projecting as it did so prominently, it was essential to seize first of all, and not till then was General Ducrot, with the IInd Paris Army, to cross the Morée near Blanc Mesnil and Aulnay.[261]

To distract the Germans from the actual attack point, a heavy bombardment was set to start early in the morning from Fort Valérien. Strong forces were meant to strike at the right flank of the Guard Corps, General Vinoy was to lead the III Army against the Saxons, and Admiral de la Roncière was to attack Le Bourget with his Army Corps. Since this location was so strategically important, it had to be captured first, and only afterward was General Ducrot, with the II Paris Army, supposed to cross the Morée near Blanc Mesnil and Aulnay.[261]

(Combat of le Bourget, 21st December.)—Le Bourget was held by only four companies of the Queen Elizabeth Regiment, and one Guard Rifle battalion. When the mist rose at a quarter to eight, there was rained on the garrison a heavy fire from the guns of the forts and many batteries, as well as from armour-clad railway trucks. Half an hour later closed hostile columns marched on the place from east and west. In the former direction its outskirts were successfully defended for some time against seven French battalions, and on the opposite side five more were brought to a halt by the quick fire of the defenders in front of the cemetery[60]; but a detachment of marine fusiliers penetrated unhindered into the village by its northern entrance. Pressed upon on all sides by overwhelming numbers, the defenders were compelled to fall back into the southern part of the village. The garrison of the cemetery also strove to force its way thither, but part of it fell into the enemy's hands. The French advanced only step by step, suffering heavy loss in bloody street-fighting, but they did not succeed in obtaining possession of the buildings or glass-factory. Five fresh battalions of the French reserve marched up from St. Denis on the gas-works, and battered down the garden-wall with cannon-fire, but still could not crush there the steady resistance of the Germans.

(Battle of le Bourget, December 21st.)—Le Bourget was defended by just four companies of the Queen Elizabeth Regiment and one battalion of Guard Rifle. When the fog lifted at a quarter to eight, the garrison was bombarded by heavy fire from the fort’s guns and multiple batteries, as well as from armored railway cars. Half an hour later, hostile troops advanced towards the location from both the east and west. In the east, the outskirts were held off for a while against seven French battalions, while on the west, five more were stopped by the defenders' rapid fire near the cemetery[60]; however, a group of marine fusiliers managed to enter the village through the northern entrance without resistance. Surrounded by far larger forces, the defenders had to retreat to the southern part of the village. The garrison in the cemetery also attempted to make their way there but part of it was captured by the enemy. The French advanced slowly, suffering significant losses in intense street fights, yet they failed to take control of the buildings or the glass factory. Five new battalions from the French reserve marched up from St. Denis towards the gas works and destroyed the garden wall with cannon fire, but they still couldn’t break the steady resistance of the Germans.

At nine o'clock the latter were reinforced by one company, and at ten o'clock by seven more companies, which in a bloody hand-to-hand struggle, fought their way to the cemetery and glass-factory. By eleven the[262] last bodies of assailants were driven out, and Le Bourget, in expectation of a renewed attack, was occupied by fifteen companies. Two batteries of field artillery, which had been in brisk action on the Morée, were brought up to the village.

At nine o'clock, they were joined by one more company, and by ten o'clock, seven additional companies arrived. In a fierce hand-to-hand battle, they fought their way to the cemetery and glass factory. By eleven, the[262] last attackers were pushed out, and Le Bourget, anticipating a renewed assault, was occupied by fifteen companies. Two field artillery batteries, which had been actively engaged at the Morée, were moved up to the village.

General Ducrot had meanwhile waited in vain for the signal which was to have announced the capture of Le Bourget. He had pushed forward the heads of his columns beyond Bondy and Drancy, when he was warned by the disastrous issue of the struggle on his left to abandon his intended attack on the line of the Morée.

General Ducrot had meanwhile waited in vain for the signal that was supposed to announce the capture of Le Bourget. He had advanced the heads of his columns beyond Bondy and Drancy when he was alerted by the disastrous outcome of the fight on his left to abandon his planned attack on the line of the Morée.

The anticipated important enterprise lapsed into a mere cannonade, to which the German field-guns did their best to reply. In the afternoon the French retired from the field.

The expected significant operation turned into just a barrage, which the German field guns attempted to counter. In the afternoon, the French withdrew from the battlefield.

They had lost, by their own account, about 600 men. The troops of the Prussian Guard Corps lost 400, but 360 prisoners remained in their hands. In the evening the outposts resumed their previous positions.

They had lost, by their own count, around 600 men. The troops of the Prussian Guard Corps lost 400, but 360 prisoners were still under their control. In the evening, the outposts returned to their previous positions.

The various feigned attacks of the Parisian garrison were without effect, and produced no alteration in the dispositions made on the German side. An advance from St. Denis against Stains was repulsed, and two gunboats on the Seine had to go about in consequence of the fire of four field batteries on Orgemont. The trivial sortie on Chatou was scarcely heeded. General Vinoy indeed led forward a large force along the right bank of the Marne, but that was not till the afternoon, when the fight at Le Bourget was over. The Saxon outposts retired into the fighting position near Le Chenay. One of the battalions massed there drove the enemy out of Maison Blanche that same evening, another made a grasp at Ville Evrart, where fighting went on till midnight; it lost seventy men, but brought in 600 prisoners. Next morning the French abandoned Ville Evrart, under heavy fire from the German artillery on the heights on the opposite side of the river.[263]

The various fake attacks by the Parisian garrison had no effect and didn't change anything on the German side. An advance from St. Denis towards Stains was pushed back, and two gunboats on the Seine had to turn around due to the fire from four field batteries at Orgemont. The minor sortie at Chatou was barely noticed. General Vinoy did lead a large force along the right bank of the Marne, but that was only in the afternoon after the fight at Le Bourget had ended. The Saxon outposts pulled back to the fighting position near Le Chenay. One of the battalions stationed there pushed the enemy out of Maison Blanche that evening, while another attempted to take Ville Evrart, where fighting continued until midnight; it lost seventy men but captured 600 prisoners. The next morning, the French abandoned Ville Evrart under heavy fire from the German artillery on the heights across the river.[263]

Paris had now been invested for three months. The always distasteful expedient of a bombardment of a place so extensive could not of itself bring about a decisive result; and on the German side there was the full conviction that only a regular siege could accomplish the wished-for end. But the operations of the engineers had to be delayed till the artillery should be in a position to co-operate with them.

Paris had now been under siege for three months. The always unpleasant tactic of bombarding such a vast area couldn't, by itself, lead to a decisive outcome; and on the German side, there was strong belief that only a proper siege could achieve the desired result. However, the engineers' operations had to be postponed until the artillery was ready to support them.

It has already been shown that the siege-artillery had been first employed against those fortified places which interrupted the rearward communications of the army. There were indeed 235 heavy pieces standing ready at Villacoublay; but it had proved impossible as yet to bring up the necessary ammunition for the attack which, once begun, must on no account be interrupted.

It has already been shown that siege artillery was first used against the fortified locations that blocked the army's rear communications. There were actually 235 heavy artillery pieces ready at Villacoublay; however, it has been impossible so far to bring up the necessary ammunition for the attack, which, once started, must not be interrupted for any reason.

By the end of November, railway communication had been restored up to Chelles, but the greater part of the ammunition had meanwhile been deposited at Lagny, and from thence would now have to be carried forward by the country roads. The ordinary two-wheeled country carts proved totally unfit for the transport of shells, and only 2000 four-wheeled waggons had been collected by requisitions made over a wide area. There were brought up from Metz 960 more with horses sent from Germany, and even the teams of the IIIrd Army were taken into the service, though they were almost indispensable just then to contribute towards the efficiency of the army fighting on the Loire. Finally, all the draught horses of the pontoon columns, of the field-bridge trains, and of the trench-tool columns were brought into the ammunition-transport service. A new difficulty arose when the breaking-up of the ice necessitated the removal of the pontoon bridges over the Seine. The roads were so bad that it took the waggons nine days to get from Nanteuil to Villacoublay and back. Many broke down under their loads, and the drivers constantly took to flight. And moreover, at the instance of the[264] Chief of the Staff there was now laid upon the artillery yet an additional task to be carried out forthwith.

By the end of November, train service had been restored up to Chelles, but most of the ammunition had been stored at Lagny and now needed to be transported by country roads. Regular two-wheeled carts were completely unsuitable for carrying shells, and only 2,000 four-wheeled wagons had been gathered through extensive requisitions. An additional 960 wagons were brought in from Metz, along with horses sent from Germany, and even the teams from the IIIrd Army were put to use, despite being essential for the efficiency of the army fighting on the Loire at that time. Ultimately, all the draft horses from the pontoon columns, field-bridge units, and trench-tool teams were pressed into the ammunition transport service. A new problem arose when the thawing ice required the removal of the pontoon bridges over the Seine. The roads were in such poor condition that it took the wagons nine days to travel from Nanteuil to Villacoublay and back. Many broke down under their loads, and drivers often fled. Additionally, at the request of the[264] Chief of the Staff, the artillery was assigned yet another immediate task.

Though the besieged had not hitherto succeeded in forcing their way through the enemy's lines, they now set about widening their elbow room, with intent that by their counter-approaches the ring of investment should be further and yet further pushed back, until at last it should reach the breaking point. On the south side the French entrenchments already extended beyond Vitry and Villejuif to the Seine; and on the north, between Drancy and Fort de l'Est, there was an extensive system of trenches and batteries reaching to within 1100 yards of Le Bourget, which in part might in a manner be dignified with the title of a regular engineer-attack. The hard frost had indeed hindered the further progress of these works, but they were armed with artillery and occupied by the IInd Army. And further, a singularly favourable point of support for a sortie to the east as well as to the north, was afforded to the French in the commanding eminence of Mont Avron, which, armed with seventy heavy guns, projected into the Marne valley like a wedge between the northern and southern investing lines.

Though the besieged had not yet been able to break through the enemy's lines, they now set out to create more space for themselves, intending to push back the encircling forces further and further until it finally reached a breaking point. On the south side, the French fortifications had already extended beyond Vitry and Villejuif to the Seine; and on the north, between Drancy and Fort de l'Est, there was a large network of trenches and batteries extending to within 1100 yards of Le Bourget, which could somewhat be considered a regular engineering attack. The severe frost had indeed slowed the progress of these works, but they were equipped with artillery and manned by the II Army. Additionally, a particularly advantageous position for a sortie to both the east and the north was provided to the French by the elevated ground of Mont Avron, which, armed with seventy heavy guns, jutted into the Marne valley like a wedge between the northern and southern encirclement lines.

(Bombardment of Mont Avron, December 27th.)—In order to expel the French from this position fifty heavy guns from Germany, and twenty-six from before La Fère were brought up under the command of Colonel Bartsch. By the exertions of a whole battalion as a working party, two groups of battery emplacements were erected in spite of the severe frost on the western slope of the heights behind Raincy and Gagny, and on the left upland of the Marne Valley near Noisy le Grand, thus encompassing Mont Avron on two sides at a distance of from 2160 to 3250 feet.

(Bombing of Mont Avron, December 27th.)—To drive the French out of this position, fifty heavy guns from Germany and twenty-six from La Fère were brought in under the command of Colonel Bartsch. With the efforts of an entire battalion working as a team, two sets of battery positions were established despite the intense frost on the western slope of the heights behind Raincy and Gagny, and on the left hillside of the Marne Valley near Noisy le Grand, effectively surrounding Mont Avron on two sides within a range of 2160 to 3250 feet.

At half-past eight on the morning of 27th December those seventy-six guns opened fire. A heavy snowstorm interfered with accurate aim, and prevented any[265] observation of the execution done. Mont Avron and Forts Nogent and Rosny replied rapidly and heavily.

At 8:30 AM on December 27th, those seventy-six cannons fired. A heavy snowstorm messed with their aim and made it impossible to see what was happening during the attack. Mont Avron and Forts Nogent and Rosny responded quickly and forcefully.

The German batteries lost two officers and twenty-five gunners, several gun-carriages broke down under their own fire, and everything pointed to the prospect that no definite result would be obtained on that day.

The German batteries lost two officers and twenty-five gunners, several gun carriages broke down under their own fire, and everything indicated that no clear outcome would be achieved that day.

But the batteries had fired more effectually than had been supposed. The clear weather of the 28th allowed of greater precision; the Prussian fire proved most telling, making fearful havoc in the numerous and exposed French infantry garrison. Mont Avron was silenced, and only the forts kept up a feeble fire. General Trochu, who was present in person, ordered the abandonment of the position, which was so effectually accomplished in the night by the energetic commander, Colonel Stoffel, that only one disabled gun was left behind.

But the batteries had fired more effectively than anyone had expected. The clear weather on the 28th allowed for better accuracy; the Prussian fire was highly impactful, causing significant damage to the numerous and exposed French infantry troops. Mont Avron was silenced, and only the forts continued to fire weakly. General Trochu, who was there in person, ordered the retreat from the position, which was carried out so efficiently during the night by the determined commander, Colonel Stoffel, that only one disabled gun was left behind.

On the 29th the French fire was silent, and the hill was found deserted. The Germans had no intention of continuing to occupy the position. Their batteries now turned their fire on the forts, which suffered severely, and on the earthworks near Bondy.

On the 29th, the French gunfire had stopped, and the hill was found empty. The Germans had no plans to keep holding the position. Their artillery now focused its fire on the forts, which sustained heavy damage, as well as on the earthworks near Bondy.

By the end of the year the besiegers had succeeded in collecting the most indispensable ammunition in Villacoublay. The engineer operations were entrusted to General Kameke; the artillery was under the command of General Prince Hohenlohe.[61] The battery emplacements had long been finished, and with the dawn of the new year 100 guns of the largest calibres stood ready to open fire on the south front of Paris.

By the end of the year, the besiegers had managed to gather the most essential ammunition in Villacoublay. The engineering tasks were assigned to General Kameke, while the artillery was led by General Prince Hohenlohe.[61] The battery positions had been completed for a while, and with the arrival of the new year, 100 of the largest caliber guns were prepared to fire on the southern front of Paris.

FOOTNOTES:

[59] Viz., the section of the investment line on the northern side, from the Marne above, to the Seine below Paris, held by the Army of the Meuse, consisting of the IVth, the Guard, and XIIth (Saxon) Corps.

[59] Specifically, the part of the investment line on the northern side, stretching from the Marne River above to the Seine River below Paris, held by the Army of the Meuse, which includes the IV Corps, the Guard, and the XII (Saxon) Corps.

[60] "Kirchhof" seems to stand in German not only for our "churchyard," but also for our "graveyard," in which latter there need be no church. In the case of Le Bourget the church stands in the village street—the reader will remember de Neuville's striking picture—and the graveyard lies outside the shabby village, and has the aspect of the modern "cemetery." That term has therefore been used.

[60] "Kirchhof" in German refers not only to our "churchyard" but also to our "graveyard," which doesn’t necessarily need to have a church. In Le Bourget, the church is located on the village street—the reader will recall de Neuville's impressive painting—and the graveyard is situated outside the rundown village, resembling a modern "cemetery." That's why this term has been used.

[61] Details as to the personnel of the artillery and engineer commands of the siege operations will be found on a later page.

[61] Information about the personnel in charge of the artillery and engineering teams for the siege operations will be available on a later page.


The Eastern Army led by General Bourbaki.

While the French forces were engaged in constant fighting, in the north on the Seine and the Somme, in the south on the Loire and the Saône, General Bourbaki's army had nowhere made itself prominent. Since the 8th of December, when the 6th Cavalry Division had reported its presence at Vierzon, all trace of it had been lost. It was of course of the greatest importance to the supreme Command that it should know the whereabouts of so large an army; only the IInd German Army could acquire this information, and on the 22nd it received instructions to obtain the required enlightenment by means of reconnaissances.

While the French forces were constantly engaged in battles in the north along the Seine and the Somme, and in the south along the Loire and the Saône, General Bourbaki's army had not made any notable impact. Since December 8th, when the 6th Cavalry Division reported its presence in Vierzon, there had been no further sightings of it. It was obviously crucial for the High Command to know the location of such a large army; only the II German Army could gather this information, and on the 22nd it was given orders to obtain the necessary intelligence through reconnaissance.

On this errand General von Rantzau (commanding 25th Cavalry Brigade) set out from Montargis by the right bank of the Loire towards Briare, where he found that the French had abandoned their position on the 25th; in the course of the next few days he met them, and was defeated.

On this mission, General von Rantzau (in charge of the 25th Cavalry Brigade) left Montargis, traveling along the right bank of the Loire toward Briare, where he discovered that the French had vacated their position on the 25th. Over the next few days, he encountered them and was defeated.

The Hessian detachment was reinforced to a strength of three battalions, four squadrons and six guns, but was nevertheless driven back to Gien on the 1st of January. The French had displayed a force of several thousand Gardes-Mobiles, twelve guns, and a body of marine infantry. A noticeable fact was that some of the prisoners brought in belonged to the XVIIIth French Corps, which formed part of the Ist Army of the Loire.

The Hessian detachment was strengthened to three battalions, four squadrons, and six guns, but was still pushed back to Gien on January 1st. The French had shown a force of several thousand Gardes-Mobiles, twelve guns, and a group of marine infantry. It was notable that some of the prisoners brought in were from the XVIIIth French Corps, which was part of the 1st Army of the Loire.

A regiment of the 6th Cavalry Division sent out to reconnoitre into the Sologne, returned with the report that strong hostile columns were marching on Aubigny Ville. On the other hand, two waggon-drivers who had been taken prisoners declared that the French troops had been already moved from Bourges by rail, and the newspaper reports also pointed to the same conclusion; still, too much weight could not be attached to mere rumour as against circumstantial intelligence. It was therefore[267] assumed at Versailles that the Ist Army of the Loire was still about Bourges, and that General Bourbaki, when again in a condition to fight, would act in concert with General Chanzy.

A regiment from the 6th Cavalry Division sent out to scout the Sologne returned with the report that strong enemy forces were heading toward Aubigny Ville. Meanwhile, two wagon drivers who had been captured stated that the French troops had already been moved from Bourges by train, and newspaper reports also suggested the same. However, mere rumors could not be given too much weight against solid intelligence. Therefore, it was assumed at Versailles that the 1st Army of the Loire was still around Bourges, and that General Bourbaki, when ready to fight again, would coordinate with General Chanzy.

The two armies might attack the Germans at Orleans from opposite sides, or one might engage and detain them there, while the other marched to relieve the capital.

The two armies could launch an attack on the Germans at Orleans from opposite sides, or one could confront and hold them there while the other moved to support the capital.

This, in fact, was what General Chanzy had in view. Since the 21st of December he had been resting in quarters in and about Le Mans, where railways from four directions facilitated the bringing up of new levies. His troops had no doubt great hardships to contend with there. In lack of shelter for such great masses part had to camp out under canvas in the snow, and suffered severely from the intense cold. The hospitals were crammed with wounded and small-pox patients. On the other hand, this close concentration was favourable to the reorganization of the details and the restoration of discipline; and the news from Paris urged the General to renewed action.

This was exactly what General Chanzy had in mind. Since December 21st, he had been resting in quarters around Le Mans, where railways from four different directions made it easier to bring in new troops. His soldiers faced significant hardships there. With no shelter for such large groups, some had to camp out in tents in the snow and suffered greatly from the extreme cold. The hospitals were overcrowded with wounded soldiers and smallpox patients. On the flip side, this close concentration was beneficial for reorganizing the logistics and restoring discipline, and the news from Paris encouraged the General to take action again.

General Trochu had sent word that Paris unaided could not accomplish her freedom. Even if a sortie should prove successful, the necessary supplies for the maintenance of an army could not be carried with it, and therefore nothing but the simultaneous appearance of an army from without could meet the case. Now General Chanzy was quite ready to march on Paris, but it was indispensable that he should first know exactly what Generals Bourbaki and Faidherbe were doing.

General Trochu had informed that Paris couldn't achieve its freedom on its own. Even if a military offensive succeeded, the essential supplies to support an army couldn't be brought along, so the only solution was the coordinated arrival of an external army. Now, General Chanzy was fully prepared to advance on Paris, but it was crucial for him to first understand exactly what Generals Bourbaki and Faidherbe were up to.

It was clearly evident that concerted action on the part of three great Army Corps could only be devised and controlled by the chief power. The General therefore sent an officer of his Staff on the 23rd of December to Gambetta at Lyons, to express his conviction that only a combined and prompt advance could avert the fall of the capital. But the Minister believed that he[268] knew better. The first news of a quite different disposition of Bourbaki's army only reached General Chanzy on the 29th, when it was already entered upon. Nor in other respects did Gambetta's reply convey either distinct orders or sufficient information. "You have decimated the Mecklenburgers," wrote Gambetta, "the Bavarians no longer exist, the rest of the German Army is a prey to disquietude and exhaustion. Let us persevere, and we shall drive these hordes from our soil with empty hands." The plan of the Provisional Government was to be the one "which would most demoralize the German army."[62]

It was clear that coordinated action from three major Army Corps could only be organized and directed by the top leadership. So, the General sent a staff officer to Gambetta in Lyons on December 23rd to share his belief that only a united and quick advance could prevent the capital from falling. However, the Minister thought he knew better. The first report of a completely different arrangement of Bourbaki's army didn't reach General Chanzy until the 29th, by which time it was already in motion. Gambetta's reply also didn't provide clear orders or enough information. "You have decimated the Mecklenburgers," Gambetta wrote, "the Bavarians no longer exist, the rest of the German Army is in a state of anxiety and fatigue. Let’s hold on, and we will push these hordes from our land with empty hands." The plan of the Provisional Government was to implement the one "that would most demoralize the German army."[62]

Under instructions so obscure from the chief authority General Chanzy, relying on his own strength, determined to make his way to Paris without other assistance; but he soon found himself in serious difficulties.

Under vague orders from the top command, General Chanzy, trusting in his own abilities, decided to head to Paris without any additional help; however, he quickly found himself in major trouble.

On the German side there was no time to be lost in utilizing their position between the two hostile armies, advantageous as it was so long as those armies were not too near. The simultaneous attacks on the 31st December at Vendôme on the Loir, and at Briare on the Loire, seemed to indicate that the two were already acting on a concerted plan.

On the German side, there was no time to waste in making the most of their position between the two enemy armies, which was beneficial as long as those armies weren't too close together. The simultaneous attacks on December 31st at Vendôme on the Loir and at Briare on the Loire suggested that the two were already working together on a coordinated plan.

On New Year's day Prince Frederick Charles received telegraphic instructions to re-cross the Loir without delay, and strike at General Chanzy, as being the nearest and most imminently dangerous enemy. With this object the IInd Army was strengthened by the addition of the XIIIth Corps of the Grand Duke of Mecklenburg (17th and 22nd Divisions) and the 2nd and 4th Divisions of Cavalry. And in addition the 5th Cavalry Division was detailed to the duty of covering the right flank of the advance.

On New Year's Day, Prince Frederick Charles got a telegraph instructing him to quickly cross back over the Loire and target General Chanzy, who was the closest and the most immediate threat. To achieve this, the 2nd Army was reinforced with the XIII Corps from the Grand Duke of Mecklenburg (17th and 22nd Divisions) and the 2nd and 4th Cavalry Divisions. Additionally, the 5th Cavalry Division was assigned to protect the right flank of the advance.

Only the 25th (Hessian) Division was to be left in Orleans as a possible check on General Bourbaki, and to maintain observation on Gien. But as a further[269] provision, in case of need against a possible advance of the IInd Army of the Loire, General von Zastrow was ordered to the Armançon with the VIIth Corps;[63] and further the IInd Corps from the besieging lines was set in march to Montargis.

Only the 25th (Hessian) Division was to stay in Orleans as a potential check on General Bourbaki and to keep an eye on Gien. As an additional precaution against a possible advance of the II Army of the Loire, General von Zastrow was ordered to the Armançon with the VII Corps; and furthermore, the II Corps from the besieging lines was sent to Montargis.

Prince Frederick Charles' arrangement was to have his three corps assembled on the line Vendôme—Morée by 6th January, and to order the XIIIth from Chartres on Brou.

Prince Frederick Charles planned to have his three corps gathered along the Vendôme–Morée line by January 6th and to send the XIIIth from Chartres to Brou.

FOOTNOTES:

[62] "Qui démoralisera le plus l'armée Allemande."

[62] "Who will demoralize the German army the most."

[63] In effect, with only the Corps-headquarter and the 13th Division—the 14th Division being still in the north-east.

[63] Essentially, with just the Corps headquarters and the 13th Division—the 14th Division still being in the northeast.


The IInd Army's Advance to Le Mans.

The Germans had hoped to strike the enemy in his winter quarters; but General Chanzy had provided against surprise by a cordon of strong advanced positions. Nogent le Rotrou on his left was held by Rousseau's Division, and numerous bands of volunteers; from thence strong detachments were posted through Vibraye and St. Calais up to the Braye brook, where General Jouffroy had made a halt after the last attack on Vendôme; and on the right were General Barry at La Chartre and de Curten's Division at Château Renault.

The Germans had hoped to catch the enemy off guard during the winter; however, General Chanzy had prepared for this by setting up a line of strong forward positions. On the left, Nogent le Rotrou was defended by Rousseau's Division and several groups of volunteers. From there, strong detachments were deployed through Vibraye and St. Calais up to the Braye brook, where General Jouffroy had stopped after the last assault on Vendôme. On the right were General Barry at La Chartre and de Curten's Division at Château Renault.

Both wings of the German army came into collision with these forces on the 5th of January.

Both wings of the German army clashed with these forces on January 5th.

General Baumgarth (commanding 2nd Cavalry Brigade), on the German left, had assembled at St. Amand three battalions, two cavalry regiments and two batteries. The 57th regiment stormed Villeporcher in the direction of Château Renault, evacuated it in face of an attack by four French battalions, and finally recaptured and held it. This much, at any rate, was thus ascertained, that a not inconsiderable force of the enemy was assembled in front of the left wing of the German army now marching westward. While this movement was in prosecution General Baumgarth was[270] thenceforth to undertake its protection, and with this object he was reinforced by the addition of the 6th Cavalry Division and the 1st Cavalry Brigade.

General Baumgarth (in charge of the 2nd Cavalry Brigade), positioned on the German left, had gathered three battalions, two cavalry regiments, and two batteries at St. Amand. The 57th regiment attacked Villeporcher toward Château Renault, had to retreat due to an assault by four French battalions, but ultimately regained control and held the position. This confirmed that a significant enemy force was gathered in front of the left flank of the German army, which was moving westward. As this movement was ongoing, General Baumgarth was[270] tasked with its protection, and to achieve this, he was bolstered by the addition of the 6th Cavalry Division and the 1st Cavalry Brigade.

On the right wing the 44th Brigade, in its advance on Nogent le Rotrou, also had had a sharp encounter. It carried the enemy's position at La Fourche, and captured three guns, with a large number of prisoners. The main body of the Corps (the XIIIth) reached Beaumont les Autels and Brou, but the cavalry failed to penetrate the woods to the north of Nogent.

On the right flank, the 44th Brigade, while advancing on Nogent le Rotrou, had a tough clash. It took the enemy's position at La Fourche and captured three cannons, along with a significant number of prisoners. The main force of the Corps (the XIIIth) arrived at Beaumont les Autels and Brou, but the cavalry couldn't make it through the woods north of Nogent.

January 6th.—At six in the morning the advanced guard of General Baumgarth's detachment started on march to Prunay, but the main body could not follow, since it was attacked in force at about half-past nine. With the object of observing the enemy, the infantry had been scattered in detached posts in a wide extension from Ambloy to Villeporcher, and only a small reserve remained at La Noue. The fight soon assumed greater expansion, and the defence with difficulty maintained the line Les Haies—Pias, the turning of the German left flank being seriously threatened, upon which the 6th Cavalry Division moved up, but could only enter the fight with one horse battery. The reserve, however, moved up along the high road to Château Renault and repulsed the enemy, who had already forced his way into Les Haies. But when he renewed the attack in strong columns and developed four batteries against the place, the reserve was obliged to retire behind the Brenne.

January 6th.—At six in the morning, the advance team of General Baumgarth's unit began the march to Prunay, but the main group couldn't follow because it was heavily attacked around half-past nine. To keep an eye on the enemy, the infantry had been spread out in separate posts over a wide area from Ambloy to Villeporcher, leaving only a small reserve at La Noue. The fighting quickly escalated, and the defense struggled to hold the line from Les Haies to Pias, as the threat of the German left flank being outflanked increased. The 6th Cavalry Division was deployed but could only engage with one horse battery. However, the reserve advanced along the main road to Château Renault and pushed back the enemy, who had already managed to infiltrate Les Haies. But when the enemy launched another strong attack with large columns and positioned four batteries against the location, the reserve had to fall back behind the Brenne.

Meanwhile the 16th Regiment, which had already reached Ambloy on its march to Vendôme, turned back to St. Amand in support, and the just assembled 38th Infantry Brigade deployed between Neuve St. Amand and St. Amand with a strong force of cavalry on its flanks. But as by some mistake St. Amand was evacuated, Duke William of Mecklenburg (commanding 6th Cavalry Division) ordered a further retreat. The infantry, however, had already come to a halt at[271] Huisseau and took quarters there. The advanced guard turned into Ambloy; the cavalry fell back partly on that place and partly on Villeromain.

Meanwhile, the 16th Regiment, which had already made its way to Ambloy on its march to Vendôme, turned back to St. Amand for support, and the newly assembled 38th Infantry Brigade deployed between Neuve St. Amand and St. Amand with a strong cavalry force on its flanks. But due to some mistake, St. Amand was evacuated, prompting Duke William of Mecklenburg (in command of the 6th Cavalry Division) to order a further retreat. The infantry, however, had already stopped at[271] Huisseau and set up camp there. The advanced guard turned into Ambloy; the cavalry withdrew partly to that location and partly to Villeromain.

During the engagement about St. Amand the Xth Corps itself advanced on Montoire in two columns along the left bank of the Loire, leaving on its right a battalion in front of Vendôme to secure the debouche of the IIIrd Corps through that place.

During the engagement at St. Amand, the Xth Corps moved forward towards Montoire in two columns along the left bank of the Loire, leaving a battalion on its right in front of Vendôme to secure the exit for the IIIrd Corps through that area.

When the 20th Division reached St. Rimay at about one o'clock, it found the heights on the opposite side of the Loir occupied by General Barry's troops. The massed German batteries were brought up to the southern ridge of the valley and soon drove the French off the broad flats; but the defile of Les Roches in the front remained quite unassailable. The broken bridge at Lavardin, lower down the stream, was therefore made practicable by the pioneers. The 19th Division having meanwhile reached that place, several battalions crossed from the south side to attack Les Roches, and easily dislodged the French. As darkness came on, preventing any further advance, the Corps found quarters in and about Montoire.

When the 20th Division arrived at St. Rimay around one o'clock, it discovered that General Barry's troops had taken the heights on the other side of the Loir. The concentrated German artillery moved to the southern ridge of the valley and quickly forced the French off the wide plains; however, the Les Roches pass in front was still inaccessible. The damaged bridge at Lavardin, further down the river, was repaired by the engineers. Meanwhile, the 19th Division reached that location, and several battalions crossed from the south side to launch an attack on Les Roches, easily pushing the French out. As night fell, halting any further movements, the Corps found accommodations in and around Montoire.

The Commander of the IIIrd Corps had intended to make a halt on this day before Vendôme, and only push forward his advanced guard as far as the Azay brook; but this detachment soon met with so stout opposition, that the main force was compelled to advance to its assistance. General de Jouffroy, with intent to disengage General de Curten, had renewed the attack on Vendôme, and so the advanced guard of the 5th Division, approaching Villiers at about half-past one, found the 10th Jäger Battalion, which had accompanied the march of its Corps along the right bank of the Loir, engaged at that place in a sharp fight which had already lasted four hours. The advanced guard brought up its two batteries on to the plateau north of the village, and the 48th Regiment made its way forward to the slope of the lower Azay valley, the[272] broad flat meadows of which were commanded by the French long-range rifles and completely swept by the fire of the artillery. And here then the enemy came over to the attack in dense swarms of sharp-shooters.

The Commander of the IIIrd Corps planned to pause today before Vendôme and only send his advanced guard as far as the Azay brook; however, this detachment quickly faced strong opposition, forcing the main force to move forward to support it. General de Jouffroy, aiming to free General de Curten, renewed the attack on Vendôme, and as a result, the advanced guard of the 5th Division, arriving at Villiers around 1:30 PM, encountered the 10th Jäger Battalion, which had been marching alongside its Corps on the right bank of the Loir and was engaged in a fierce battle that had already lasted four hours. The advanced guard positioned its two batteries on the plateau north of the village, and the 48th Regiment made its way to the slope of the lower Azay valley, the[272]wide flat meadows of which were under the control of the French long-range rifles and heavily targeted by artillery fire. It was here that the enemy launched their attack in large groups of sharpshooters.

The 8th Regiment presently came up in support, and after a short fight took possession of Le Gué du Loir on its left flank; then the further reinforcement arrived of the 10th Infantry Brigade, and by degrees the number of Prussian guns increased to thirty-six. The French artillery could not endure their fire, and within half an hour it was possible to turn it on the hostile infantry. At about half-past four the German battalions crossed the valley, made themselves masters of the vineyards and farms on the opposite heights, and finally stormed Mazange. Under cover of the darkness the French retired to Lunay.

The 8th Regiment arrived to support, and after a brief battle, they took control of Le Gué du Loir on their left flank. Soon after, the 10th Infantry Brigade joined them, and gradually the number of Prussian guns increased to thirty-six. The French artillery couldn't withstand their fire, and within half an hour, they were able to return fire on the enemy infantry. Around 4:30 PM, the German battalions crossed the valley, seized the vineyards and farms on the opposite heights, and ultimately stormed Mazange. Under the cover of darkness, the French withdrew to Lunay.

Further to the right the advance guard of the 6th Division, having left Vendôme at eleven o'clock, found the battalion left by the Xth Corps at Courtiras fighting hard against a very superior force of the French. The 11th Brigade advanced on the Azay ravine, though not without heavy loss, and when at about half-past three the 12th also came up, and the artillery went to work vigorously, Azay was successfully stormed and the force established itself firmly on the heights beyond. Repeated counterstrokes of the enemy were repulsed in succession, and by five o'clock the fighting ended with the retirement of the French.

Further to the right, the advance guard of the 6th Division, having left Vendôme at eleven o'clock, found the battalion left by the Xth Corps at Courtiras fighting hard against a much larger force of the French. The 11th Brigade moved toward the Azay ravine, though not without significant losses, and when the 12th Brigade arrived around half-past three and the artillery started firing vigorously, Azay was successfully taken and the force secured its position on the heights beyond. The enemy's repeated counterattacks were pushed back one after another, and by five o'clock, the fighting ended with the French withdrawing.

The IIIrd Army Corps took up quarters between the Azay stream and the Loir. A detachment occupied Danzé, higher up the river. The Corps lost thirty-nine officers and above 400 men, but captured 400 prisoners.

The IIIrd Army Corps set up camp between the Azay stream and the Loir. A unit was stationed at Danzé, further up the river. The Corps lost thirty-nine officers and over 400 men, but took around 400 prisoners.

In the course of the day the IXth Corps crossed the upper Loir about Fréteval and St. Hilaire, without opposition, and advanced along the high road to St. Calais, as far as Busloup. The XIIIth remained at Unverre, Beaumont, and La Fourche.[273]

During the day, the IXth Corps crossed the upper Loir near Fréteval and St. Hilaire without facing any resistance, and moved along the main road to St. Calais, reaching as far as Busloup. The XIIIth stayed at Unverre, Beaumont, and La Fourche.[273]

Prince Frederick Charles had not been led into any change of purpose by the attack at St. Amand and the obstinate resistance at Azay. The XIIIth Corps was expected to reach Montmirail, and the XIth Epuisay, both on the 7th; the IIIrd was to continue the attack on the deep-cut channel of the Braye brook. But after the reverse experienced at St. Amand, the presence of a strong hostile force on the left flank could not be suffered to remain unregarded. Duke William had already been given verbal orders at the Head-quarter in Vendôme, to turn back forthwith to St. Amand with the 6th Cavalry Division, and in addition General von Voigts-Rhetz was ordered to support General Baumgarth if necessary with his whole Corps.

Prince Frederick Charles wasn’t swayed by the attack at St. Amand or the stubborn resistance at Azay. The XIII Corps was expected to reach Montmirail, and the XIth Epuisay, both on the 7th; the IIIrd was to keep attacking the deep-cut channel of the Braye brook. However, after the setback at St. Amand, they couldn’t ignore the presence of a strong enemy force on the left flank. Duke William had already received verbal orders at the headquarters in Vendôme to immediately go back to St. Amand with the 6th Cavalry Division, and additionally, General von Voigts-Rhetz was instructed to support General Baumgarth if needed with his entire Corps.

The country between the Loir and the Sarthe through which the Germans had to march, presents peculiar difficulties to an invading force, and affords marked advantages to the defence.

The area between the Loir and the Sarthe that the Germans had to march through poses specific challenges for an invading army and provides significant advantages for the defenders.

All the roads leading to Le Mans intersect at right angles, stream after stream flowing through broad and deeply cut meadow-valleys. Groves, villages, and châteaux with walled parks cover the highly cultivated upland; vineyards, orchards and gardens are enclosed by hedges, ditches or fences.

All the roads leading to Le Mans meet at right angles, with streams flowing through wide and deep meadow valleys. Groves, villages, and châteaux with walled parks dot the carefully cultivated uplands; vineyards, orchards, and gardens are surrounded by hedges, ditches, or fences.

Hence almost the whole burthen of the impending fighting would have to be borne by the infantry; nowhere was there space for the deployment of cavalry, and the use of artillery needs must be extremely limited, since in a country so greatly enclosed guns could only singly be brought into action. The enemy's central position could be approached by only four main roads, and the communications between the marching columns, starting at the least some thirty miles apart, would be confined to the cross roads, almost impassable from the severity of the season and the hostility of the inhabitants. Any lateral mutual support was at first quite out of the question.

Hence almost the entire burden of the upcoming fighting would have to be carried by the infantry; there was no space for the cavalry to be deployed, and the use of artillery would have to be very limited, since in such a confined country, guns could only be brought into action one at a time. The enemy's central position could only be approached by four main roads, and the connections between the marching columns, which were starting at least thirty miles apart, would be restricted to the cross roads, nearly impassable due to the harshness of the season and the hostility of the locals. Any lateral mutual support was completely out of the question at first.

Under such conditions the movements could only[274] be guided by general instructions, and even the leaders of lower grades had to be left free to act at their own individual discretion. Specific orders for each day, though they would of course be issued, could not in many cases be possibly carried out. In the Army Headquarter it could not be foreseen in what situation each individual corps might find itself after a day's fighting. Reports could only come in very late at night, and the orders drawn up however early would often arrive only after the troops, because of the shortness of the day, had already set out on the march.

Under these circumstances, movements could only[274] be guided by general instructions, and even lower-ranked leaders had to be allowed to act on their own judgment. Specific orders for each day would still be issued, but in many cases, they couldn't realistically be followed. At Army Headquarters, it was impossible to predict what situation each individual corps might face after a day's fighting. Reports would only arrive very late at night, and the orders prepared early often wouldn’t reach the troops until after they had already begun their march due to the day's brevity.

January 7th.—In obedience to orders from the Army Headquarter, General Voigts-Rhetz on the 7th sent the part of the 19th Division which had already reached Vendôme, back to St. Amand in reinforcement. The 38th Brigade had again entered that place early in the day, and General von Hartmann, taking over its command, advanced along the Château Renault high road, the cavalry moving on both flanks.

January 7th.—Following orders from Army Headquarters, General Voigts-Rhetz on the 7th sent the part of the 19th Division that had already reached Vendôme back to St. Amand as reinforcements. The 38th Brigade had re-entered that location early in the day, and General von Hartmann, taking command, moved forward along the Château Renault highway, with cavalry on both flanks.

The column first struck the enemy near Villechauve at mid-day. A thick fog prevented the employment of the artillery, and it was at the cost of heavy loss that Villechauve, Pias, and various other farmsteads were captured. Villeporcher and the adjacent villages remained in possession of the French, who at about two o'clock advanced by the high road to the attack with several battalions. The weather had cleared, and it was soon evident that this offensive was only intended to mask the beginning of the enemy's retreat to the westward. The troops took quarters where they stood, and the reinforcements forwarded to them remained at St. Amand.

The column first engaged the enemy near Villechauve around noon. A thick fog made it impossible to use the artillery, and there were heavy losses in capturing Villechauve, Pias, and several other farmsteads. Villeporcher and the nearby villages stayed in French hands, and at about two o'clock, they advanced along the main road with several battalions for an attack. The weather had cleared up, and it quickly became clear that this offensive was just meant to cover the start of the enemy's retreat to the west. The troops settled in where they were, and the reinforcements sent to them remained at St. Amand.

The Xth Corps, awaiting the return of the latter, remained in its quarters about La Chartre; only the 14th Cavalry Brigade went on up to La Richardière to establish connection with the IIIrd Corps. But it did not succeed in taking the village with dismounted troopers.[275]

The Xth Corps, waiting for the other group to return, stayed in their quarters near La Chartre; only the 14th Cavalry Brigade moved on to La Richardière to link up with the IIIrd Corps. However, they weren't able to capture the village with their dismounted soldiers.[275]

General von Alvensleben[64] hoped to overtake the French on the hither side of the glen of Braye, and by turning their left wing to drive them on to the Xth Corps, whose co-operation had been promised. The IIIrd Corps advanced in the direction of Epuisay, leaving one brigade to garrison Mazange, and when tidings reached it on the march that the French had evacuated Lunay and Fortan, that brigade also followed by way of the latter village.

General von Alvensleben[64] aimed to catch the French just before the glen of Braye, and by flanking their left side, push them toward the Xth Corps, which had promised to support them. The IIIrd Corps moved toward Epuisay, leaving one brigade to secure Mazange, and when news came during their march that the French had abandoned Lunay and Fortan, that brigade also proceeded through Fortan.

Epuisay was found to be strongly held, and in the meantime the advanced guard of the IXth Corps, advancing from Busloup, also arrived there. But it was not till half-past one that the French were expelled from the little town, which they had strongly barricaded; and on the hither side of the Braye they renewed their resistance in the numerous hamlets and farmsteads. A long fire fight was kept up in the thick fog; but at length, at about four o'clock, the 12th Brigade pushed forward to the edge of the valley. The 9th Brigade took possession of Savigny without meeting any serious opposition, and Sargé was stormed in the dusk.

Epuisay was found to be well-defended, and in the meantime, the advanced guard of the IX Corps, coming from Busloup, also reached there. However, it wasn’t until 1:30 PM that the French were driven out of the little town, which they had heavily barricaded; and on this side of the Braye, they continued to resist in the many villages and farms. A prolonged firefight occurred in the thick fog; but finally, around 4 PM, the 12th Brigade pushed forward to the edge of the valley. The 9th Brigade took control of Savigny without facing any serious resistance, and Sargé was stormed at dusk.

The IIIrd Corps had lost forty-five men and had taken 200 prisoners. It found quarters behind the Braye, but threw forward outposts on its western bank. The IXth Corps found shelter in and about Epuisay, and thus, as a matter of fact, two corps were now crowded on one of the few available roads. The 2nd Cavalry Division went to the right, towards Mondoubleau, to make connection with the XIIIth Corps. The French retreated to St. Calais.

The III Corps had lost forty-five men and taken 200 prisoners. They set up camp behind the Braye but established outposts on its western bank. The IX Corps found shelter in and around Epuisay, so now, in reality, two corps were squeezed onto one of the few available roads. The 2nd Cavalry Division moved to the right, towards Mondoubleau, to connect with the XIII Corps. The French retreated to St. Calais.

The order from the Army Head-quarter that the XIIIth Corps was to march to Montmirail, had been issued on the presumption that it would have reached Nogent le Rotrou on the 6th, whereas in fact, as has[276] been shown, it had remained at La Fourche, Beaumont, and Unverre. The Grand Duke, who expected to experience a stout resistance, did not pass to the attack of Nogent till the 7th. When the 22nd Division arrived there, it found all the villages deserted in the Upper Huisne valley and was able to enter Nogent without any fighting at two o'clock. It took up quarters there, the 4th Cavalry Division at Thirion Gardais; and only an advanced guard followed the enemy. It found the wood near Le Gibet strongly occupied, and did not succeed in forcing it till after nightfall.

The order from Army Headquarters for the XIII Corps to march to Montmirail was based on the assumption that it would arrive at Nogent le Rotrou on the 6th. However, as has[276] been shown, it had actually stayed at La Fourche, Beaumont, and Unverre. The Grand Duke, expecting strong resistance, didn't launch an attack on Nogent until the 7th. When the 22nd Division got there, it found all the villages in the Upper Huisne valley deserted and was able to enter Nogent without any fighting at two o'clock. They set up camp there, with the 4th Cavalry Division at Thirion Gardais, and only an advanced guard followed the enemy. They found the woods near Le Gibet heavily occupied and didn’t manage to break in until after dark.

The French had retired to La Ferté Bernard.

The French had pulled back to La Ferté Bernard.

The 17th Division had at first followed in reserve. But at one o'clock, in consequence of the reports brought in, the Grand Duke detached it southward to Authon; and in order to follow the Head-quarter instructions as closely as possible he did at least push a detachment of two battalions, two cavalry regiments, and one battery towards Montmirail, under the command of General von Rauch.

The 17th Division initially stayed in reserve. But at one o'clock, due to the incoming reports, the Grand Duke sent it south to Authon. To stick to the Headquarters' orders as closely as possible, he did send a detachment of two battalions, two cavalry regiments, and one battery towards Montmirail, led by General von Rauch.

January 8th.—Finding on the morning of the 8th that the enemy was not advancing to the attack of St. Amand, General von Hartmann at nine o'clock sent back the troops which had crossed the river to his support. At ten o'clock also he received instructions to join the Xth Corps; but the French still continued to hold Villeporcher and the forest lying behind it, and were also drawn up across the Château Renault high road in a very advantageous position behind the Brenne. The General recognized the necessity of making a decisive stand here, and took the best means to that end by acting himself on the offensive. Supported by the fire of his battery, and accompanied by the cavalry on either flank, six companies of the 60th Regiment marched on Villeporcher, drove back its defenders in flight into the forest of Château Renault, and took 100 prisoners. On the left the 9th Uhlans drove the Chasseurs d'Afrique before them. Not till darkness[277] had set in did General von Hartmann proceed in the direction of Montoire.

January 8th.—On the morning of the 8th, noticing that the enemy wasn't advancing to attack St. Amand, General von Hartmann sent back the troops that had crossed the river for his support at nine o'clock. At ten o'clock, he also received orders to join the Xth Corps; however, the French continued to hold Villeporcher and the forest behind it, and had positioned themselves advantageously across the Château Renault highway, utilizing the cover of the Brenne. The General saw the need to make a decisive stand here, so he took the initiative to go on the offensive. Backed by his battery's fire and flanked by cavalry, six companies of the 60th Regiment advanced on Villeporcher, forcing its defenders to flee into the Château Renault forest and capturing 100 prisoners. Meanwhile, the 9th Uhlans pushed the Chasseurs d'Afrique back. It wasn't until darkness[277] fell that General von Hartmann moved towards Montoire.

General von Voigts-Rhetz had already set out from thence very early in the day. The night's frost had covered the roads with ice, which cruelly impeded all movements of troops. The road on the right bank of the Loir was in many places broken up. It passed through a succession of narrow defiles, and on emerging from these the advanced guard found itself face to face with a force of about 1000 Gardes-Mobiles, who had taken up a position in front of La Chartre. Their mitrailleuses were soon forced to a hasty retreat by the fire of two field-guns, but it was only after a prolonged struggle that the infantry, moving with difficulty, succeeded at 4 o'clock in entering the town, where it took up quarters. Two battalions which were sent further on the road, had to fight for their night's shelter, and all through the night were exchanging shots with the enemy at close quarters, of whom 230 were taken prisoners.

General von Voigts-Rhetz had already left early in the day. The overnight frost had turned the roads icy, making troop movements very difficult. The road along the right bank of the Loir was damaged in many spots. It went through a series of narrow passes, and when the advance guard finally emerged, they faced about 1000 Gardes-Mobiles who had positioned themselves in front of La Chartre. Their machine guns had to retreat quickly due to the fire from two field guns, but after a long struggle, the infantry managed to enter the town at 4 o'clock, where they settled in. Two battalions that were sent further down the road had to fight for a place to rest for the night and were engaged in close combat with the enemy all night, capturing 230 prisoners.

The 39th Brigade, which left Ambloy in the morning, could follow the corps only as far as Sougé.

The 39th Brigade, which left Ambloy in the morning, could only follow the corps as far as Sougé.

General von Schmidt with the 14th Cavalry Brigade was sent to the right, to try to make connection with the IIIrd Corps. He was received at Vancé with a sharp fire. The leading squadron made way for the horse battery, and a volley of grape-shot from the foremost gun drove the dismounted hostile Cuirassiers behind the hedges. When two more guns were brought up into position, their shell fire dispersed in every direction a long column of cavalry.

General von Schmidt with the 14th Cavalry Brigade was sent to the right to try to connect with the III Corps. He was met at Vancé with heavy fire. The leading squadron cleared the way for the horse battery, and a blast of grape-shot from the front gun drove the dismounted enemy Cuirassiers back behind the hedges. When two more guns were positioned, their shell fire scattered a long column of cavalry in every direction.

Colonel von Alvensleben pursued the French cavalry with the 15th Uhlan Regiment till he came upon a body of infantry guarding the Etang-fort brook. The brigade halted at Vancé, after putting about 100 French hors de combat.

Colonel von Alvensleben chased the French cavalry with the 15th Uhlan Regiment until he encountered a group of infantry protecting the Etang-fort brook. The brigade stopped at Vancé, after taking around 100 French hors de combat.

Of the IIIrd Corps the 6th Division had moved forward[278] through St. Calais. The French tried to hold the cuttings on the greatly broken up roads; but they nowhere awaited a serious attack, and made off, for the most part in carts which were in waiting. The 5th Division, proceeding on a parallel front on the left, met with no opposition; but the state of the roads made the march extremely difficult. The corps halted on the hither side of Bouloire. The IXth Corps came up behind it into St. Calais.

Of the III Corps, the 6th Division advanced[278] through St. Calais. The French attempted to hold the cuttings on the severely damaged roads, but they didn't expect a serious attack and mostly escaped in waiting carts. The 5th Division, moving on a parallel front to the left, faced no opposition; however, the condition of the roads made the march very challenging. The corps stopped on this side of Bouloire. The IX Corps came up behind it into St. Calais.

The Grand Duke had moved both Divisions of the XIIIth Corps on La Ferté Bernard. On their way they came across none but stragglers, but they found the roads so utterly cut up that not till four in the afternoon did they reach the place, where they took up quarters. The French had retired to Connerré. The 4th Cavalry Division was to secure the right flank on the further advance, but could not get as far forward as Bellême; on the other hand, General von Rauch's (commanding 15th Cavalry Division) detachment despatched leftward towards Montmirail, surprised the French in Vibraye, and took possession of the bridge over the Braye.

The Grand Duke had moved both Divisions of the XIII Corps to La Ferté Bernard. On their way, they only encountered stragglers, and the roads were so badly damaged that they didn’t arrive until four in the afternoon, where they set up camp. The French had retreated to Connerré. The 4th Cavalry Division was supposed to secure the right flank for the next move but couldn’t advance as far as Bellême; meanwhile, General von Rauch's detachment from the 15th Cavalry Division, sent left towards Montmirail, surprised the French in Vibraye and took control of the bridge over the Braye.

By the evening of this day the two flank Corps of the German Army were at an equal distance from Le Mans, both on the same high road which crosses the district of the Quere from La Ferté Bernard in a southerly direction through St. Calais and La Chartre; the IIIrd Corps was further in advance, separated from each of them by the interval of a long march. A closer concentration of the forces could be attained only by a further advance along the converging highways. Prince Frederick Charles therefore issued an order at ten o'clock that evening, for the Xth Corps to march next day to Parigné l'Evêque, the IIIrd to Ardenay, and the XIIIth on to the heights of Montfort, the advanced guard of each to be pushed forward beyond these respective points. The IXth, in the centre, was to follow, while General von Hartmann[279] was to protect Vendôme with the 38th Brigade and the 1st Division of Cavalry.

By the evening of this day, the two flanking Corps of the German Army were equidistant from Le Mans, both along the same main road that runs through the Quere district from La Ferté Bernard southward through St. Calais and La Chartre. The III Corps was further ahead, separated from each by a long march. A closer concentration of forces could only be achieved by advancing further along the converging roads. Prince Frederick Charles, therefore, issued an order at ten o'clock that evening for the X Corps to march the next day to Parigné l'Evêque, the III Corps to Ardenay, and the XIII Corps to the heights of Montfort, with the advanced guard of each pushed forward beyond these points. The IX Corps, in the center, was to follow, while General von Hartmann[279] was to protect Vendôme with the 38th Brigade and the 1st Division of Cavalry.

But the distances prevented the flanking corps advancing from La Chartre and La Ferté from reaching their respective destinations, and, on the 9th of January, snow-storms, ice-bound roads, and thick fog further combined to make their progress arduous beyond conception.

But the distances held back the flanking units moving from La Chartre and La Ferté from getting to their destinations, and, on January 9th, snowstorms, icy roads, and dense fog made their progress even more difficult than imaginable.

January 9th.—General von Hartmann marched the 38th Infantry Brigade on Château Renault, and entered the town at one o'clock, to find that Curten's French Division had started early in the morning for St. Laurent.

January 9th.—General von Hartmann led the 38th Infantry Brigade into Château Renault, arriving in the town at one o'clock, only to discover that Curten's French Division had set out for St. Laurent early that morning.

The incomplete Xth Corps moved this day in two columns; the detachment of General von Woyna (commanding 39th Infantry Brigade) was to march from Pont de Braye by Vancé, the remainder of the corps from La Chartre by way of Brives to Grand Lucé.

The incomplete Xth Corps moved today in two columns; General von Woyna's detachment (in charge of the 39th Infantry Brigade) was to march from Pont de Braye via Vancé, while the rest of the corps moved from La Chartre through Brives to Grand Lucé.

The 20th Division had scarcely set out by this route from L'Homme, when it encountered shell and mitrailleuse-fire. Here there happened for once to be room for three batteries to advance, but in the heavy snow-fall aim was out of the question. The infantry, however, by degrees drove the enemy out of sundry hamlets and farmsteads, and back across the Brives. To pursue him beyond that stream a makeshift bridge needed first to be thrown across with some loss of time, and then Chahaignes was to be seized. But in the narrow valley which had to be now traversed a vigorous resistance was to be counted on. The state of the road was such that the artillerymen and cavalry had to dismount and lead their horses. The General in command rode on a gun-carriage; his staff went on foot. Some horses which had fallen in front presently stopped the way for the whole column; and it therefore became necessary to send back all the Corps-artillery, which was to try next day to come on by way of Vancé.

The 20th Division had barely set out on this route from L'Homme when it ran into shell and machine-gun fire. For once, there was enough space for three batteries to move forward, but with the heavy snowfall, aiming was impossible. However, the infantry gradually pushed the enemy out of several villages and farms, back across the Brives. To chase them beyond that stream, a makeshift bridge had to be built first, which would take some time, and then Chahaignes needed to be taken. But in the narrow valley that had to be crossed now, intense resistance was expected. The road was in such bad shape that the artillerymen and cavalry had to dismount and lead their horses. The General in charge was on a gun carriage, while his staff walked. Some fallen horses in front eventually blocked the entire column, making it necessary to send back all the Corps-artillery, which would try to come through Vancé the next day.

To facilitate the march of the 20th Division, General[280] von Woyna had been instructed to deviate from his direct road and attack the enemy's left. When he approached the valley the fighting had fallen silent, and the detachment turned back to Vancé; but at Brives at about half-past three the main column met with fresh resistance, being received with a brisk fire from the heights north-east of the village. Not even the infantry could move outside of the high road, so there was no alternative to a frontal advance along it. A closed attack by the 39th Brigade broke up and routed the enemy. At half-past six in the evening, when quite dark, Colonel von Valentini set out for St. Pierre with four battalions, and took there 100 French prisoners and a loaded train of 100 waggons. The Xth Corps spent the night with only its advance in Brives and Vancé, but its quarters reached back nearly to the valley of the Loir. Nor had the 14th Brigade of Cavalry been able to make any further headway.

To help the 20th Division advance, General[280] von Woyna was told to change his route and attack the enemy’s left flank. As he got closer to the valley, the fighting stopped, and the detachment headed back to Vancé. However, around 3:30 PM at Brives, the main column faced new resistance, being greeted with a sharp gunfire from the heights northeast of the village. Even the infantry couldn’t move off the main road, so there was no choice but to push forward along it. A concerted attack by the 39th Brigade disrupted and drove off the enemy. At 6:30 PM, when it was pretty dark, Colonel von Valentini moved out for St. Pierre with four battalions, capturing 100 French prisoners and a loaded train of 100 wagons. The Xth Corps spent the night with only its advance stationed in Brives and Vancé, but its quarters stretched nearly back to the valley of the Loir. The 14th Brigade of Cavalry also hadn't made any additional progress.

Of the IIIrd Corps the 6th Division had marched by the high road through Bouloire, with the artillery corps; the 5th on the left along the by-roads. The advanced guard of the 6th Division, after a lively fire-fight, expelled the enemy from his positions in front of Ardenay, but there at two o'clock had to encounter a determined resistance. After General de Jouffroy had withdrawn from St. Calais to the southward, General Chanzy pushed forward Paris' Division to secure the high road leading from thence to Le Mans. It had taken up a position near Ardenay, occupying the château on the right, and on the left posting four guns and two mitrailleuses near La Butte. To oppose these there was only room on the road for two German guns, which, however, in the course of half an hour silenced the mitrailleuses, and carried on the unequal contest with the greatest obstinacy. At about four o'clock five companies of the 12th Brigade stormed the château of Ardenay, while others, crossing the meadowland to the right, forced their way through a patch of[281] wood towards La Butte. As night came on the French tried to effect a general attack along the chaussée; but this was repulsed, and the Brandenburgers[65] plunged through the heavy fire of the defenders, and without firing a shot took La Butte and Ardenay with a rush and a cheer. The French were thrown back into the valley of the Narais, losing many prisoners.

Of the III Corps, the 6th Division had marched along the main road through Bouloire, accompanied by the artillery corps; the 5th Division took the left side along the back roads. The advance guard of the 6th Division, after an intense firefight, pushed the enemy out of their positions in front of Ardenay, but at two o'clock faced strong resistance. After General de Jouffroy retreated from St. Calais to the south, General Chanzy advanced Paris' Division to secure the main road leading to Le Mans. They set up near Ardenay, occupying the château on the right, while on the left they positioned four guns and two machine guns near La Butte. In response, there was only space on the road for two German guns, which, after half an hour, silenced the machine guns and continued the uneven battle with great determination. Around four o'clock, five companies from the 12th Brigade stormed the château of Ardenay, while others crossed the meadowland to the right, pushing through a wooded area towards La Butte. As night fell, the French attempted a full-scale attack along the highway, but this was repelled. The Brandenburgers charged through the heavy fire from the defenders and, without firing a shot, took La Butte and Ardenay with a rush and a cheer. The French were pushed back into the Narais valley, suffering heavy losses.

On the right a detachment of one battalion, two squadrons, and two guns, accompanied the 6th Division. It drove before it franctireur bodies, but at La Belle Inutile met with more serious resistance. The post was, however, carried by the 24th Regiment, which made prize of a large ammunition and provision train, and took above 100 unwounded prisoners. Count zu Lynar moved into the village for its defence.

On the right, a group consisting of one battalion, two squadrons, and two guns supported the 6th Division. They pushed back the irregular forces but faced stronger resistance at La Belle Inutile. However, the 24th Regiment captured the post, seizing a large supply of ammunition and provisions, and took over 100 unwounded prisoners. Count zu Lynar went into the village to defend it.

The 5th Division met with no opposition, but the state of the roads caused extreme delay to its progress. It was not till the afternoon that its head reached the Narais at Gué de l'Aune and took up quarters there and rearward to St. Mars de Locquenay. Its advanced guard went on, however, to La Buzardière, thus forming the absolute head of the whole army. Parigné l'Evêque, on its left flank, was found to be held by the enemy.

The 5th Division faced no resistance, but the condition of the roads caused significant delays in its progress. It wasn't until the afternoon that its front reached the Narais at Gué de l'Aune and set up quarters there and further back at St. Mars de Locquenay. Its advanced guard continued on to La Buzardière, thus establishing the front of the entire army. Parigné l'Evêque, on its left side, was found to be held by the enemy.

The IXth Corps followed the IIIrd to Bouloire.

The 9th Corps followed the 3rd to Bouloire.

Orders from head-quarters had not yet reached La Ferté when, at nine in the morning, the Grand Duke set the XIIIth Corps in motion on Connerré. Soon after midday the 17th Division came upon the French near Sceaux, and in a struggle wherein it slowly gained ground, drove them first out of the village precincts and then off the road. The French, who[282] had retreated to Connerré by a forced night march, lost above 500 prisoners in this small affair. But the short day was closing in, and the advanced guard halted at dusk at Duneau. A detachment going further forward found Connerré occupied by the French, and many watch-fires blazing in the valley of the Due. The main body of the infantry found quarters in and about Sceaux.

Orders from headquarters hadn’t reached La Ferté yet when, at nine in the morning, the Grand Duke set the XIII Corps in motion towards Connerré. Soon after midday, the 17th Division encountered the French near Sceaux, and in a struggle where it slowly gained ground, pushed them out of the village and off the road. The French, who had retreated to Connerré by a forced night march, lost over 500 prisoners in this small engagement. But night was approaching, and the advance guard stopped at Duneau as dusk fell. A detachment that went further ahead found Connerré occupied by the French, with many campfires burning in the valley of the Due. The main body of the infantry settled in and around Sceaux.

Rauch's detachment, ordered to rejoin the Corps, took possession of Le Croset and of the bridge over the Due in front of that village, and also expelled the French from Thorigné.

Rauch's unit, instructed to reunite with the Corps, took control of Le Croset and the bridge over the Due in front of that village, and also drove the French out of Thorigné.

The French stayed in Connerré only till the evening; then, leaving a company in occupation, they continued their retreat. This necessarily led from the left bank of the Huisne through the quarters taken up by the IIIrd German Corps, which was disturbed all night by wandering detachments of the enemy, even at Nuillé, where the Divisional headquarters lay.

The French stayed in Connerré only until the evening; then, after leaving a group to hold the position, they continued their retreat. This meant moving from the left bank of the Huisne through the areas occupied by the IIIrd German Corps, which was disturbed all night by roaming enemy units, even at Nuillé, where the Divisional headquarters were located.

On the extreme right the 4th Cavalry Division occupied Bellême, after driving out the French battalion which had been in occupation there.

On the far right, the 4th Cavalry Division took over Bellême after forcing the French battalion that had been stationed there to leave.

Thus on this day the centre of the IInd Army had fought its way to within about nine miles of Le Mans; while the two wings were still some distance behind. As it was probable that the French would accept battle in a prepared position behind the Huisne, it seemed advisable to await the arrival of the Xth and XIIIth Corps; but on the other hand, this would also give the enemy time to strengthen himself. Were an immediate attack determined on, the two Divisions which had been delayed respectively at Château Renault and Le Chartre, could scarcely reach Le Mans in time, and the rest of the army would be involved everywhere in a disadvantageous contest with the hostile bodies which were being driven back concentrically on that place. Prince Frederick Charles therefore ordered the IIIrd Corps to push on through Ardenay; the Xth was to[283] advance to Parigné, and the XIIIth on St. Mars la Bruyère, though these points could scarcely be reached from the positions actually occupied by the respective Corps this same evening (9th).

Thus, on this day, the center of the II Army fought its way to within about nine miles of Le Mans, while the two flanks were still quite a bit behind. Since it was likely that the French would engage in battle from a fortified position behind the Huisne, it seemed wise to wait for the X and XIII Corps to arrive; however, this would also give the enemy time to reinforce their positions. If an immediate attack was decided upon, the two Divisions that had been delayed at Château Renault and Le Chartre would hardly make it to Le Mans in time, and the rest of the army would be caught in a disadvantageous fight against the enemy forces being pushed back towards that location. Prince Frederick Charles therefore ordered the III Corps to move through Ardenay; the X Corps was to advance to Parigné, and the XIII Corps to St. Mars la Bruyère, though these locations would likely be hard to reach from the current positions of the respective Corps that same evening (9th).

As we have seen, the French army now assembled about Le Mans had been acting on the offensive on January 6th, when General Jouffroy had advanced on Vendôme, and de Curten on St. Amand. But so early as the 7th the French found themselves reduced to the defensive along their whole front, some 50 miles in length. General Rousseau, on the left wing, had evacuated Nogent le Rotrou, and, without being pressed, began his retreat by a night march to Connerré. In the centre, the trough of the Braye was wrested from General Jouffroy; he quitted St. Calais, not rearward on Le Mans, but southward to join General Barry. On the right, General Curten had abandoned Château Renault, and set out, unpursued, on the line through Château du Loir. To effect some concert in the operations of the three Divisions of his right wing, General Chanzy placed them under the superior orders of Admiral Jauréguiberry. He pushed forward the Division Paris on Ardenay by the high road General Jouffroy had uncovered, and on the left wing he reinforced General Rousseau by stationing three Divisions more on either side of his line of retreat. General Jouffroy was to retire to Parigné l'Evêque, and a Division was sent to meet him there and at Changé.

As we have seen, the French army gathered around Le Mans had been on the offensive on January 6th, when General Jouffroy advanced on Vendôme, and de Curten moved toward St. Amand. But by the 7th, the French found themselves defending along their entire 50-mile front. General Rousseau, on the left wing, evacuated Nogent le Rotrou and began his retreat to Connerré by night without being pressured. In the center, General Jouffroy lost control of the Braye and left St. Calais, not heading back to Le Mans, but moving south to join General Barry. On the right, General Curten abandoned Château Renault and set off, unpursued, toward Château du Loir. To coordinate the operations of the three divisions on his right wing, General Chanzy put them under the command of Admiral Jauréguiberry. He moved the Paris Division forward on Ardenay along the main road that General Jouffroy had uncovered, and on the left wing, he reinforced General Rousseau by stationing three more divisions on either side of his retreat route. General Jouffroy was to retreat to Parigné l'Evêque, and a division was sent to meet him there and at Changé.

General de Curten succeeded on the 9th in checking the progress of the German left wing for some time about Chahaignes; but the Division Paris was driven back through Ardenay, and General Rousseau, thus beset in Connerré, evacuated that village the same evening. The two Divisions of the right wing were behind as far as Jupilles and Neuillé Pont Pierre.

General de Curten managed to slow down the advance of the German left wing near Chahaignes on the 9th; however, the Division Paris was pushed back through Ardenay, and General Rousseau, surrounded in Connerré, abandoned the village that same evening. The two divisions on the right wing were held back as far as Jupilles and Neuillé Pont Pierre.

Under these circumstances General Chanzy ordered that on the 10th the Division Jouffroy should fall back on Parigné l'Evêque, but that the Division Paris should[284] once more move forward on Ardenay. He sent the remaining three Divisions of the XXIst Corps to meet General Rousseau, with instructions that he was to retake Connerré and Thorigné.

Under these circumstances, General Chanzy ordered that on the 10th, the Jouffroy Division should retreat to Parigné l'Evêque, while the Paris Division should[284] advance again towards Ardenay. He dispatched the remaining three Divisions of the XXIst Corps to join General Rousseau, instructing him to reclaim Connerré and Thorigné.

The offensive movements thus planned by both sides developed into the fierce battle which, on the German side, was fought out single-handed by the IIIrd Corps.

The planned offensive actions by both sides turned into a fierce battle, which was fought solely by the III Corps on the German side.

FOOTNOTES:

[64] Lieut.-General Alvensleben II, commanding IIIrd Army Corps, not to be confounded with Infantry-General Alvensleben I, commanding IVth Corps.

[64] Lieutenant General Alvensleben II, who is in charge of the III Army Corps, should not be confused with Infantry General Alvensleben I, who commands the IV Corps.

[65] Brandenburg is the territorial province of the IIIrd Army Corps. It was the nucleus of the Prussian monarchy, and the Hohenzollerns were Margraves and then Electors of Brandenburg for 300 years before they became Kings of Prussia. The IIIrd is unquestionably the most distinguished Corps of the Prussian line. The late Prince Frederick Charles long commanded it.

[65] Brandenburg is the provincial territory of the IIIrd Army Corps. It was the center of the Prussian monarchy, and the Hohenzollerns served as Margraves and then Electors of Brandenburg for 300 years before they became Kings of Prussia. The IIIrd is undoubtedly the most prestigious Corps of the Prussian army. The late Prince Frederick Charles once commanded it.


Battle in front of le Mans.

(10th, 11th, and 12th of January.)

January 10th.The Fighting about Parigné and Changé.—Owing to the peculiar nature of the country, deep columns could not deploy without great loss of time. General von Alvensleben therefore advanced in the centre with the 9th and 11th Infantry Brigades on Changé from Gué de l'Aune and Ardenay, moving on a broad front in comparatively small separate bodies. On the right the 12th marched by the high road to Le Mans; on the left the 10th was to start from Volnay when Parigné should be found abandoned by the French, and leaving that place on its left, was also to converge on Changé.

January 10th.The Fighting about Parigné and Changé.—Due to the unique landscape, large forces couldn't spread out without wasting a lot of time. General von Alvensleben therefore moved forward in the center with the 9th and 11th Infantry Brigades toward Changé from Gué de l'Aune and Ardenay, advancing in a wide formation with relatively small, separate units. On the right, the 12th Brigade marched along the main road to Le Mans; on the left, the 10th Brigade was set to depart from Volnay once the French had vacated Parigné, and leaving that area on its left, was also to head toward Changé.

Parigné had, in fact, been deserted by the French, but had been reoccupied before daybreak by a brigade of the Division Deplanque; and even before the German troops had started, the far-advanced outposts towards the forest of Loudon were smartly attacked. The greater part of the 9th Brigade had to be deployed by degrees between Blinières and the point of the forest, but only seven guns could be brought into action against the numerous French artillery. General von Stülpnagel decided to reserve his strength for the struggle at Changé, and to carry on merely a stationary fight[285] here, which must be inevitably decided as soon as the 10th Brigade should make its appearance on the left.

Parigné had actually been abandoned by the French, but it was retaken before dawn by a brigade from the Division Deplanque; even before the German troops began their advance, the far-out outposts near the forest of Loudon were quickly attacked. Most of the 9th Brigade had to be positioned gradually between Blinières and the edge of the forest, but only seven guns could be activated against the heavy French artillery. General von Stülpnagel chose to conserve his strength for the fight at Changé and to engage in a static battle[285] here, which would inevitably be resolved as soon as the 10th Brigade arrived on the left.

That brigade, delayed by the badness of the roads, did not arrive by way of Challes till noon; but it brought two batteries to reinforce the German artillery strength, which now vigorously prepared the infantry attack on the high-lying Parigné. Half an hour later the battalions rushed on the place with shouts of "Hurrah Brandenburg!" taking a gun which the enemy had abandoned, and two mitrailleuses still in action. When the French returned to try to recover them they were again repulsed, and sacrificed another gun, two colours, and several waggons. After losing 2150 prisoners they fled to the shelter of the forest of Ruaudin. General von Stülpnagel left two battalions at Parigné to maintain observation in that quarter, and hurried on to Changé in two columns. In front of this village, at about three o'clock, the 11th Brigade met with a violent resistance at the Gué Perray brook from the other brigade of Deplanque's Division. The 2nd Battalion of the 35th Regiment lost nine officers and above 100 men in a severe struggle at Les Gars. The General in command, who was on the spot, dislodged both flanks of the enemy from his strong position, and on the left two companies succeeded in crossing the stream at La Goudrière.

That brigade, delayed by the poor condition of the roads, didn't arrive through Challes until noon; however, it brought two batteries to strengthen the German artillery, which was now actively preparing for the infantry assault on the elevated Parigné. Half an hour later, the battalions charged towards the location with shouts of "Hurrah Brandenburg!" capturing a gun that the enemy had abandoned and two still-operational machine guns. When the French returned to try to take them back, they were repelled again and lost another gun, two flags, and several wagons. After losing 2,150 prisoners, they fled to the safety of the Ruaudin forest. General von Stülpnagel left two battalions at Parigné to keep an eye on that area and quickly moved on to Changé in two columns. In front of this village, around three o'clock, the 11th Brigade encountered fierce resistance at the Gué Perray brook from the other brigade of Deplanque's Division. The 2nd Battalion of the 35th Regiment suffered nine officers and over 100 men in a tough fight at Les Gars. The commanding General, who was on-site, pushed both flanks of the enemy out of their strong position, and on the left, two companies managed to cross the stream at La Goudrière.

These at four o'clock now fell in with the advanced guard of the 9th Brigade, which Colonel Count von der Groeben was bringing up from Parigné, having taken possession of the Château of Girardrie on the way. When the companies of the 11th Brigade sent to the right reached Auvigné simultaneously, the "General Advance" was sounded. Auvigné was stormed, the bridge north of Gué la Hart was crossed, and that village carried after a hard fight. Over 1000 prisoners more were taken from the flying French.

At four o'clock, they ran into the leading troops of the 9th Brigade, which Colonel Count von der Groeben was bringing up from Parigné after taking control of the Château of Girardrie along the way. When the companies of the 11th Brigade, sent to the right, reached Auvigné at the same time, the "General Advance" sounded. Auvigné was attacked, they crossed the bridge north of Gué la Hart, and captured that village after a tough battle. Over 1,000 more prisoners were taken from the retreating French.

It was already dark, but Changé, the goal of the struggle, was not yet reached. But when a barricade[286] outside the village had been won it was found that the 10th Brigade was already in possession. This brigade, on its way along the high road from Parigné, had met with resistance at the Châteaux Chef Raison and Paillerie. Having only two guns, it failed to silence the French artillery, but General von Stülpnagel left there only a battalion in observation, and hurried forward with part of the brigade to reinforce the fight at Gué la Hart; the other portion was directed against Changé. Here the French had already been for the most part dismissed to quarters, but they soon assembled and made a prompt and determined resistance. There ensued an embittered street-fight, which ended in about an hour's time in the surrender of the whole garrison of 800 men, who had been crowded together into the market-place.

It was already dark, but Changé, the goal of the struggle, had not yet been reached. However, when a barricade[286] outside the village was taken, it turned out that the 10th Brigade was already in control. This brigade, traveling along the main road from Parigné, faced resistance at Châteaux Chef Raison and Paillerie. With only two guns, they couldn't silence the French artillery, but General von Stülpnagel left just one battalion to keep an eye on things and quickly moved part of the brigade to reinforce the fight at Gué la Hart; the other part was directed towards Changé. Here, the French had mostly been sent to their quarters, but they quickly regrouped and mounted a strong resistance. A bitter street fight followed, which wrapped up about an hour later with the surrender of the entire garrison of 800 men, who had been packed into the market square.

The 12th Brigade had at last left Ardenay at eleven o'clock; it advanced along the high road without opposition as far as St. Hubert, where an abandoned commissariat train was seized. Having there aligned itself with the rest of the Corps it halted for a while, but after one o'clock was fired upon by French artillery; and the enemy again advancing along the highway, General von Buddenbrock[66] on his part passed to the attack, and drove back the enemy out of Champagné, in part across the Huisne, and in part to the heights behind the village. Two guns successfully dealt with the fire of the French artillery near Lune d'Auvours, and then the infantry expelled the French from that shelter also.

The 12th Brigade finally left Ardenay at eleven o'clock. They moved along the main road without facing any resistance until they reached St. Hubert, where they seized an abandoned supply train. After joining up with the rest of the Corps, they paused for a bit, but after one o'clock, they came under fire from French artillery. As the enemy advanced along the highway, General von Buddenbrock[66] launched an attack, pushing the enemy out of Champagné, partly across the Huisne and partly to the heights behind the village. Two cannons effectively countered the fire from the French artillery near Lune d'Auvours, and then the infantry drove the French out of that cover as well.

Further to the right a German battalion had taken St. Mars la Bruyère after a slight skirmish, and was subsequently joined there by General Count zu Lynar's detachment.

Further to the right, a German battalion had captured St. Mars la Bruyère after a brief skirmish and was later joined there by General Count zu Lynar's unit.

Fighting thus with equal skill and success the IIIrd Corps had indeed already lost 450 men; but it had brought in more than 5000 prisoners, and had won many trophies of which it had a right to be proud.

Fighting with equal skill and success, the III Corps had already lost 450 men; however, it had captured over 5000 prisoners and had gained many trophies that it had every right to be proud of.

The Xth Corps had started this day from Vancé and Brives, and unobstructed indeed by the enemy, but along very heavy roads, reached Grand Lucé at two o'clock. Here it took up quarters.

The Xth Corps had started this day from Vancé and Brives, and was not hindered by the enemy. However, they traveled along very rough roads and reached Grand Lucé at two o'clock. Here, they set up camp.

The IXth Corps remained at Nuillé.

The IX Corps stayed at Nuillé.

Of the XIIIth Corps the 17th Division had continued its advance along the left bank of the Huisne, and found Connerré already deserted by the French. But on the further side of the river the heights of Cohernières, the railway station, and the wood to the north, were occupied by the 2nd Division of the French XXIst Corps. General von Rauch led two battalions to the attack from the south, in which shared the 22nd Division from the east, having crossed the Huisne at Sceaux and taken the direction of Beillé by the right bank. A stubborn resistance was encountered, and the fight swayed to and fro till darkness fell. The Château of Couléon, indeed, and several villages at the foot of the wooded heights were taken, but the French maintained their hold on the heights and their position at Cohernières.

Of the 13th Corps, the 17th Division continued its advance along the left bank of the Huisne and found Connerré already abandoned by the French. However, on the other side of the river, the heights of Cohernières, the railway station, and the forest to the north were occupied by the 2nd Division of the French 21st Corps. General von Rauch led two battalions in an attack from the south, joined by the 22nd Division from the east, which had crossed the Huisne at Sceaux and headed towards Beillé along the right bank. They faced strong resistance, and the battle shifted back and forth until night fell. The Château of Couléon and several villages at the base of the wooded heights were captured, but the French kept their grip on the heights and their position at Cohernières.

The 17th Division had meanwhile continued its advance along roads frozen as smooth as glass, and reached La Belle Inutile; the 22nd passed the night at Beillé.

The 17th Division had meanwhile kept moving forward on roads that were frozen solid and as smooth as glass, and arrived at La Belle Inutile; the 22nd spent the night at Beillé.

This division had in the morning sent a detachment sideward to Bonnétable, whither the 4th Cavalry Division now proceeded. The 12th Cavalry Brigade followed to Bellême. Colonel von Beckedorff then continued his advance to Chanteloup, whence he drove out the French in spite of an obstinate defence.

This division had sent a unit in the morning to Bonnétable, where the 4th Cavalry Division was headed next. The 12th Cavalry Brigade followed to Bellême. Colonel von Beckedorff then moved forward to Chanteloup, where he expelled the French despite their stubborn defense.

General Chanzy had determined to risk a decisive battle in front of Le Mans. Curten's Division had not yet reached him, and only a part of Barry's had come up, but on the other hand the army from the camp of Conlie, in strength some 10,000 men, had arrived. The right wing of the French position rested its flank on the Sarthe near Arnaye[67]; it extended for more than four[288] miles along the Chemin aux Bœufs, and continued in a slight curve leftward to the Huisne. Barry's Division, already weakened by previous reverses, and General Lalande's National Guards—undisciplined and badly armed troops—were posted on the extreme right which was the least threatened. Deplanque's and Roquebrune's Divisions, Desmaison's Brigade and Jouffroy's Division, held the centre and left, the last body in the first instance opposite to General von Alvensleben. Behind this line Bouëdec's Division and Colonel Marty's detachment constituted a reserve. In all from 50,000 to 60,000 men under the command of Admiral Jauréguiberry, with full ranks and well commanded, crowded the entrenched front of the most important section of the line—that between the two rivers (Sarthe and Huisne). Five Divisions more, under the command of General de Colomb, lined the right bank of the Huisne for a distance of about eight and a half miles, the Division Paris was at Yvré; Gougeard's Division, also holding the heights of Auvours on the hither side, was northward of Champagné; then came Rousseau's Division at Montfort and Pont de Gesnes, and finally, Collin's Division in hook-formation about Lombron. Besides these Villeneuve's Division, quite on the flank, fronted toward Chanteloup.

General Chanzy had decided to take the risk of a decisive battle in front of Le Mans. Curten's Division hadn't reached him yet, and only part of Barry's had arrived, but on the plus side, the army from the camp of Conlie, which was about 10,000 strong, had made it to the scene. The right wing of the French position was anchored on the Sarthe near Arnaye[67]; it stretched for over four[288] miles along the Chemin aux Bœufs and then curved slightly to the left toward the Huisne. Barry's Division, already weakened by earlier defeats, along with General Lalande's National Guards—unruly and poorly equipped troops—were stationed at the extreme right, which was the least threatened position. Deplanque's and Roquebrune's Divisions, Desmaison's Brigade, and Jouffroy's Division occupied the center and left, the last of which faced General von Alvensleben directly. Behind this line, Bouëdec's Division and Colonel Marty's detachment formed the reserve. In total, there were between 50,000 and 60,000 men under Admiral Jauréguiberry's command, well-staffed and well-led, positioned along the fortified front of the most critical section of the line—the area between the two rivers (Sarthe and Huisne). Five additional Divisions, led by General de Colomb, lined the right bank of the Huisne for about eight and a half miles; the Division Paris was stationed at Yvré, Gougeard's Division held the heights of Auvours on this side, north of Champagné; then came Rousseau's Division at Montfort and Pont de Gesnes, and finally, Collin's Division in a hook formation around Lombron. Additionally, Villeneuve's Division was positioned off to the flank, facing toward Chanteloup.

January 11th.—On this day the IIIrd German Army Corps was directly opposed to the main body of the French forces. It could not for the present hope for any assistance from the corps of the flanks, and had before it the certainty of an arduous struggle.

January 11th.—On this day, the IIIrd German Army Corps faced the main body of the French forces directly. They couldn't expect any help from the flanking corps for now and were certain they were in for a tough fight.

On the left, the Xth Corps was still this morning at Grand Lucé, and on the right the XIIIth Corps had been detained on the previous day by the obstinate resistance of the French, who had held their own between Les Cohernières and La Chapelle, and occupied Le Chêne in their front.

On the left, the Xth Corps was still at Grand Lucé this morning, and on the right, the XIIIth Corps had been held up the day before by the stubborn resistance of the French, who had managed to hold their ground between Les Cohernières and La Chapelle, and occupied Le Chêne in front of them.

The troops of the 22nd Division had necessarily lost[289] their formations and become mixed up in the course of the struggle in the wood, and it was not till they had been re-formed and the enemy's position had been reconnoitred by both the Divisional Commanders that the attack was renewed at about eleven o'clock.

The troops of the 22nd Division had inevitably lost[289] their formations and gotten mixed up during the fighting in the woods. It wasn't until they were regrouped and the enemy's position was scouted by both Divisional Commanders that the attack was resumed around eleven o'clock.

Two battalions of the 17th Division and one battery were left in observation in front of Pont de Gesnes, on the southern bank of the Huisne; on the northern side, the Mecklenburg battalions stormed Cohernières in the afternoon after a sharp contest, and in conjunction with the Hessians forced their way westward up to the Gué and on towards Lombron about four o'clock.

Two battalions from the 17th Division and one battery were stationed to keep watch in front of Pont de Gesnes, on the southern bank of the Huisne. Meanwhile, on the northern side, the Mecklenburg battalions attacked Cohernières in the afternoon after a fierce fight, and together with the Hessians, pushed westward up to the Gué and towards Lombron around four o'clock.

Further to the right two companies of the 90th Regiment (22nd Division) meanwhile took Le Chêne by a closed attack on the obstinate defenders; the 83rd Regiment, after a sharp fire fight, stormed the farmsteads of Flouret and La Grande Métairie. Colonel von Beckedorff, on being relieved at Chanteloup by the 4th Cavalry Division, had driven the French out of St. Célerin, and he then advanced to La Chapelle-St. Rémy on the right of the Division, which occupied wide quarters behind the points it had seized.

Further to the right, two companies from the 90th Regiment (22nd Division) took Le Chêne by launching a coordinated attack on the stubborn defenders. The 83rd Regiment, after an intense firefight, attacked the farms of Flouret and La Grande Métairie. Colonel von Beckedorff, having been relieved at Chanteloup by the 4th Cavalry Division, had pushed the French out of St. Célerin and then moved forward to La Chapelle-St. Rémy on the division's right side, which was stationed comfortably behind the positions it had captured.

The Mecklenburg Grenadiers had held their own for a long time at Le Gué and La Brosse against superior numbers attacking from Pont de Gesnes; but the main body of the 17th Division was retired in the evening further back to Connerré.

The Mecklenburg Grenadiers had been holding their ground for a long time at Le Gué and La Brosse against larger forces attacking from Pont de Gesnes; however, the main part of the 17th Division pulled back in the evening to Connerré.

The more completely that General von Alvensleben had to rely solely on his own command, the more essential it was to keep the troops composing it closely concentrated. But a strong force of the enemy was now on his flank, almost indeed in his rear, on the heights of Auvours, where it was only kept at bay by his 12th Brigade, which therefore for the present was not free to advance.

The more General von Alvensleben had to rely only on his own command, the more important it was to keep his troops tightly together. However, a large enemy force was now on his side, almost actually behind him, on the heights of Auvours, where it was only held back by his 12th Brigade, which therefore wasn’t free to move forward for the time being.

And here it was that the battle first really began. The French had repossessed themselves of Champagné,[290] and had deployed artillery on the heights behind it. When their fire had been subdued by four guns of the brigade, two battalions advanced to an attack on the village. It was not till after an obstinate street-fight, that the enemy at eleven o'clock was driven back to the heights, and the bridge over the Huisne carried. General von Buddenbrock now let the two battalions remain in observation, sent a third to Lune d'Auvours, and at noon started with the rest of the brigade to rejoin the Corps.

And this is where the battle truly began. The French had taken back Champagné,[290] and had set up their artillery on the heights behind it. After four of our guns suppressed their fire, two battalions moved in to attack the village. It wasn't until after a stubborn street fight that by eleven o'clock, we pushed the enemy back to the heights and seized the bridge over the Huisne. General von Buddenbrock then kept the two battalions on watch, sent a third to Lune d'Auvours, and around noon set off with the rest of the brigade to rejoin the Corps.

Meanwhile the conflict had been raging with such fury all along the front of the latter that at twelve o'clock Prince Frederick Charles sent orders from St. Hubert to General Voigts-Rhetz, to hurry forward by the shortest roads to the battle-field with the Xth Corps; and at the same time General von Manstein was instructed to seize the heights of Auvours with the IXth.

Meanwhile, the conflict was raging so fiercely across the front that at noon, Prince Frederick Charles sent orders from St. Hubert to General Voigts-Rhetz to rush to the battlefield using the quickest routes with the Xth Corps; at the same time, General von Manstein was instructed to take the heights of Auvours with the IXth.

It was already one o'clock when the advanced guard of the IXth climbed up the hollow way, deep in snow, followed by two battalions of the 12th Brigade, and by two batteries straining every nerve. The infantry plunged forward through the wood, strongly held as it was by the enemy, straight on Villiers; the skirmishers of the Fusilier battalion of the 11th Regiment seized three mitrailleuses in action, and when the French had abandoned the village, turned them against the wood.

It was already one o'clock when the forward units of the IXth division made their way up the snowy hollow, followed by two battalions from the 12th Brigade and two batteries pushing hard. The infantry charged ahead through the woods, which the enemy had firmly controlled, heading straight for Villiers. The skirmishers from the Fusilier battalion of the 11th Regiment captured three machine guns that were in action, and once the French had vacated the village, they redirected them towards the woods.

Further to the left, at about three o'clock, two battalions of the 85th Regiment from the main body of the 18th Division, were directed on the western end of the ridge, supported by the Jägers and two batteries which were brought up near Les Hêtres. To cover them two companies moved on La Lune, and baulked for the moment the hostile rush along the high road. But against these movements the French opened a heavy fire from their commanding batteries behind Yvré. Regardless thereof the Holsteiners[68] on the[291] left charged on a hostile battery and seized three of its guns. On the right they took possession of the neighbouring farmsteads; and soon after five the French abandoned the whole plateau as far as its western edge.

Further to the left, around three o'clock, two battalions of the 85th Regiment from the main body of the 18th Division were directed toward the western end of the ridge, supported by the Jägers and two artillery batteries that were brought up near Les Hêtres. To provide cover, two companies moved toward La Lune and temporarily stopped the enemy's advance along the main road. However, in response to these movements, the French opened heavy fire from their commanding artillery behind Yvré. Despite this, the Holsteiners[68] on the[291] left charged at an enemy battery and captured three of its guns. On the right, they occupied the nearby farms, and shortly after five, the French withdrew from the entire plateau up to its western edge.

Over it, however, a strong counter-attack was delivered in the evening, when part of Gougeard's Division charged up the slope from Yvré. Its further advance was arrested; but the French could not be prevented from remaining there during the evening and night. Nevertheless, this offensive struggle on the part of the 18th Division had relieved the pressure on the rear and flank of the IIIrd Corps. It received the further order in the evening to secure the passage over the Huisne for use next day. Three battalions and one battery immediately crossed over to the northern bank and drove from the bridge the hostile detachments in its vicinity. The Division lost 275 men.

Over it, though, a strong counter-attack was launched in the evening, when part of Gougeard's Division charged up the slope from Yvré. Their further advance was stopped; however, the French couldn’t be kept from staying there throughout the evening and night. Still, this offensive effort by the 18th Division had eased the pressure on the rear and flank of the IIIrd Corps. They received an additional order in the evening to secure the crossing over the Huisne for use the next day. Three battalions and one battery immediately crossed to the northern bank and drove off the enemy detachments near the bridge. The Division lost 275 men.

General von Alvensleben had delayed the advance of the IIIrd Corps till eleven o'clock, in anticipation of the arrival of the 12th Brigade.

General von Alvensleben had postponed the advance of the III Corps until eleven o'clock, waiting for the 12th Brigade to arrive.

During the night (10—11th) the French had completed their entrenchments on the skirts of the wood and had taken up their position there; they also lined the heights on the further side of the river with numerous batteries. Thus a frontal attack must involve heavy loss, and it was impossible to out-flank lines so extensive. General von Alvensleben therefore decided on advancing at first only against the enemy's left wing, and assigned to that task the 11th Brigade. The 10th and 9th remained in reserve for the present about Changé and Gué la Hart. The 12th, released at Mont-Auvours, was indeed marching up, but on[292] circuitous ways, because the high road was everywhere entirely commanded by the batteries on the heights.

During the night of the 10th to the 11th, the French finished building their fortifications at the edge of the woods and set up their positions there. They also positioned numerous artillery batteries on the heights across the river. A direct attack would result in severe losses, and it was impossible to flank such extensive lines. General von Alvensleben therefore decided to initially advance only against the enemy's left flank, assigning the 11th Brigade to that mission. The 10th and 9th Brigades remained in reserve for now around Changé and Gué la Hart. The 12th Brigade, released from Mont-Auvours, was on its way, but taking a roundabout route since the main road was completely covered by the batteries on the heights.

The 11th Brigade, scarcely 3000 strong, followed the course of the Gué Perray streamlet up to the northern end of the wood. To protect it against the French columns threatening it from the heights, the 35th Regiment had to form front towards the brook and also occupied the Château of Les Arches. The 20th Regiment tried to get forward by the cattle-path, and while holding firmly the Château of Les Noyers and the bridge there over the Huisnes, drove back the enemy by sheer hard fighting to Les Granges. But he presently returned so considerably reinforced that the whole brigade had to be gradually brought up into the fighting line. Les Granges was lost and retaken several times with heavy loss, particularly of officers; but the Brandenburgers fought on staunchly.

The 11th Brigade, barely 3,000 soldiers strong, followed the Gué Perray stream up to the northern edge of the woods. To guard against the French troops looming from the heights, the 35th Regiment had to face the brook and also occupied the Château of Les Arches. The 20th Regiment attempted to advance along the cattle path, and while firmly holding the Château of Les Noyers and the bridge over the Huisnes, they pushed back the enemy with intense fighting to Les Granges. However, they soon returned with significant reinforcements, forcing the entire brigade to gradually join the frontline. Les Granges was lost and retaken multiple times with heavy casualties, especially among the officers; but the Brandenburgers fought on resolutely.

On the left of the 11th the 10th Brigade now made its appearance, coming up from Changé at one o'clock. After an hour-long bloody struggle the 52nd Regiment made itself master of the farm of Le Pavillon, of the wooded slope in front, and the farm of Grand Anneau. Strong columns advancing from Pontlieue were driven back, two batteries dashed up into the Chassepôt fire to within 800 paces of Le Tertre; yet the 12th Regiment did not succeed in getting into the farmstead till two battalions of the 9th Brigade from Changé had come up to its assistance. The farmstead whose possession was so obstinately disputed was taken by storm at about five o'clock, with the co-operation of the Grenadiers of the 8th Life-Regiment.

On the left of the 11th, the 10th Brigade showed up, coming in from Changé at one o'clock. After an hour of intense fighting, the 52nd Regiment secured the farm of Le Pavillon, the wooded slope in front, and the farm of Grand Anneau. Strong columns pushing in from Pontlieue were pushed back, and two batteries rushed into the Chassepôt fire, getting to within 800 paces of Le Tertre; however, the 12th Regiment couldn’t take the farm until two battalions of the 9th Brigade from Changé arrived to help. The farm, which was fiercely contested, was finally taken by storm at about five o'clock, with support from the Grenadiers of the 8th Life-Regiment.

The 52nd Regiment, having expended all its ammunition, had to retire, but the Grenadier battalions pushed further forward on the cattle-path, where two French guns in action were captured after a bloody mêlée; and the enemy's repeated attempts to recover them[293] were steadily frustrated. A hostile battery which had been brought up westward of the wood was driven back by quick fire.

The 52nd Regiment, having used up all its ammunition, had to fall back, but the Grenadier battalions pressed on along the cattle path, where they captured two French guns during a fierce skirmish; the enemy's several attempts to take them back were consistently thwarted. A hostile battery that had been positioned to the west of the woods was pushed back by rapid gunfire.[293]

As the 35th Regiment had to be brought forward from the Gué Perray brook to support the 20th, the French had recovered possession of Les Arches. The 12th Brigade, only three battalions strong, arrived there from Auvours at two o'clock. The 64th Regiment recaptured the château after a short fight. The overwhelming artillery and musketry fire from the heights on the further side of the river prevented the German artillery from coming into action, and it was only with great difficulty and a heavy sacrifice of gunners that the pieces were brought away again; but every attack on the château by the French from Yvré was steadily repulsed.

As the 35th Regiment had to be moved up from the Gué Perray brook to back up the 20th, the French had taken back control of Les Arches. The 12th Brigade, which only had three battalions, arrived from Auvours at two o'clock. The 64th Regiment retook the château after a brief fight. The intense artillery and gunfire from the heights on the other side of the river prevented the German artillery from firing back, and it was only with great effort and heavy losses among the gunners that the weapons were taken away again; however, every attempt by the French to attack the château from Yvré was consistently pushed back.

It was now quite dark, and only the fire of the cannon still lasted. The IIIrd Corps had taken 600 prisoners, but had also lost 500 men. It had fought its way into the heart of the French position, and its outposts were in the closest proximity to the enemy's front. And now strong, though late, reinforcements arrived.

It was now pretty dark, and the only thing still going was the fire from the cannon. The III Corps had captured 600 prisoners but had also lost 500 men. It had pushed its way into the heart of the French position, and its outposts were right up against the enemy's front. And now, strong but late, reinforcements arrived.

The Xth Corps had marched from Grand Lucé to the westward in the morning, to gain the high road from Tours to Le Mans, but slippery roads again delayed its march, so that it only reached Teloche in the afternoon.

The Xth Corps had marched west from Grand Lucé in the morning to reach the main road from Tours to Le Mans, but slippery roads once again held up their progress, and they didn't reach Teloche until the afternoon.

The cannon thunder heard to the northward left no doubt that General von Alvensleben was engaged in arduous fighting. The orders sent at noon from the Army Headquarter in St. Hubert sped to General Voigts-Rhetz; but that officer rightly judged that his appearance would now have a more telling effect on the enemy's flank than on the field where the IIIrd Corps was engaged. So in spite of the exhausted state of his men, who had had no opportunity to cook on the way, he at once pushed forward without halting.[294]

The cannon fire heard to the north made it clear that General von Alvensleben was involved in tough fighting. The orders sent at noon from Army Headquarters in St. Hubert reached General Voigts-Rhetz; however, that officer correctly assessed that his arrival would have a greater impact on the enemy's flank than on the area where the III Corps was fighting. So, despite his men being exhausted and having had no chance to cook during the journey, he immediately pushed forward without stopping.[294]

To protect himself against Curten's Division on the watch for him from Château du Loir, he despatched a battalion to Ecommoy. It was received with firing from the houses, surrounded on all sides in the darkness, and compelled to withdraw from the place; but it then kept the road clear in the rear of the corps.

To protect himself from Curten's Division, which was looking for him from Château du Loir, he sent a battalion to Ecommoy. They were met with gunfire from the houses, surrounded on all sides in the dark, and had to pull back from the area; however, they then managed to keep the road clear behind the corps.

The head of the 20th Division found Mulsanne but feebly defended, and drove the detachment back beyond the cutting of La Monnerie.

The leader of the 20th Division found Mulsanne in a weak state and pushed the unit back past the La Monnerie cut.

The nature of the country which here had to be traversed greatly favoured the enemy. Ditches and fences afforded his marksmen complete cover, farmsteads and copses furnished excellent defensive positions. Only eight guns could at first be brought to bear against the enemy's artillery; but nevertheless four Westphalian and Brunswick[69] battalions steadily repelled the French, and by nightfall reached Point du Jour. The fight first became stationary on the cattle-path in front of Les Mortes Aures. Here the French swept the whole foreground with a continuous rolling fire from tiers of shelter-trenches rising one above the other.

The landscape of the area they had to cross heavily favored the enemy. Ditches and fences provided complete cover for their sharpshooters, while farmhouses and small woods offered strong defensive spots. Initially, only eight cannons could be used against the enemy's artillery; however, four battalions from Westphalia and Brunswick[69] consistently pushed back the French and reached Point du Jour by nightfall. The battle began to stall on the cattle path in front of Les Mortes Aures. Here, the French unleashed a relentless barrage from multiple layers of trenches stacked on top of each other.

The fight swayed to and fro for a long time, but finally the German left gained ground. The 1st Battalion of the 17th Regiment rushed on the enemy, who delivered his fire at point blank range and then made for the wood. And when now the 1st Battalion of the 56th Regiment advanced from Point du Jour, its drums beating the charge, the French carried away their mitrailleuses and evacuated Les Mortes Aures.

The battle swung back and forth for a long time, but eventually the German left started to gain ground. The 1st Battalion of the 17th Regiment charged at the enemy, who fired at them from very close range before retreating into the woods. When the 1st Battalion of the 56th Regiment advanced from Point du Jour, their drums beating for the charge, the French took their machine guns and evacuated Les Mortes Aures.

This battalion had received orders from the Commanding General to settle the business with the bayonet. Captain von Monbart led it on locked up close at the charging pace; all the detachments at hand joined it, and in spite of a heavy fire from the wood [295]La Tuilerie was reached by half-past eight; and here the 40th Brigade deployed, while the 37th stood ready to support it in front of Mulsanne. The enemy drifted away in the darkness. The constant roll of wheels, the noise of departing railway trains and the confusion of cries indicated a retreat. Yet the prisoners who were constantly being brought in, with one accord reported that a strong force was still encamped in the forest. Numerous watch-fires blazed there through the night, and instead of resting, it seemed evident that the hostile troops were preparing to engage in fresh attempts. At half-past ten the outposts reported the approach of a strong force from Pontlieue.

This battalion received orders from the Commanding General to resolve the situation with a bayonet charge. Captain von Monbart led it in tightly at a charging pace; all nearby detachments joined in, and despite heavy fire from the woods, La Tuilerie was reached by 8:30. Here, the 40th Brigade deployed, while the 37th stood ready to support it in front of Mulsanne. The enemy retreated into the darkness. The ongoing sound of wheels, the noise of departing trains, and the chaos of voices indicated a withdrawal. Yet, the prisoners being brought in consistently reported that a substantial force was still camped in the forest. Numerous campfires blazed through the night, and rather than resting, it seemed clear that the enemy troops were gearing up for more attacks. At 10:30, the outposts reported the approach of a strong force from Pontlieue.

Hitherto it had been only the little-to-be-relied-on National Guards under General Lalande at this point with whom the German troops in this quarter of the field had had to deal; but the Admiral now sent Bouëdec's Division against La Tuilerie, and ordered General Roquebrune to support his advance.

So far, the German troops in this part of the field had only been dealing with the unreliable National Guards under General Lalande; however, the Admiral now sent Bouëdec's Division to La Tuilerie and ordered General Roquebrune to back them up.

For a full hour the Prussian battalions in first line were scourged with rifle fire in front and flank, and pelted by a hail-storm of projectiles, but no serious attack occurred.

For a full hour, the Prussian battalions in the front line were hit hard by gunfire from the front and side, and bombarded by a storm of projectiles, yet no significant attack took place.

According to French reports, the officers strove in vain to bring forward their troops; but the latter constantly hung back. A later assault made by Gardes-Mobiles was equally fruitless.

According to French reports, the officers tried in vain to advance their troops, but the latter consistently held back. A later attack by the Gardes-Mobiles was just as unsuccessful.

But still there was to be no rest. At two in the morning the din of fighting again made itself heard on the right. Deplanque's Division had been disturbed by a flank detachment of the 40th Brigade. This body was advancing by the road from Ruaudin to Pontlieue, to be at hand in case of need; without returning the enemy's fire, it had driven out the holders of Epinettes, and had established itself there close to the cattle-path.

But still, there was no rest. At two in the morning, the noise of fighting broke out again on the right. Deplanque's Division had been interrupted by a side movement from the 40th Brigade. This group was moving along the road from Ruaudin to Pontlieue, ready to assist if necessary; without firing back at the enemy, it had kicked out the defenders of Epinettes and had set up position there, close to the cattle-path.

January 12th.—For the impending struggle of the following day only the IIIrd and Xth Corps could be counted on. The other two Corps could only co-operate[296] indirectly by holding engaged a part of the hostile forces.

January 12th.—For the upcoming battle the next day, only the III and X Corps could be relied on. The other two Corps could only help indirectly by keeping some of the enemy forces occupied[296].

Of the XIIIth Corps the 17th Division was to advance by Lombron to St. Corneille, without committing itself to a contest with the enemy still holding the bank of the Huisne; the 22nd was ordered from La Chapelle to Savigné. The Gué brook was to be lightly held, and part of the artillery was to remain at Connerré with the 7th Brigade of Cavalry.

Of the 13th Corps, the 17th Division was to move forward through Lombron to St. Corneille, without getting into a fight with the enemy still holding the bank of the Huisne; the 22nd was ordered to move from La Chapelle to Savigné. The Gué brook was to be lightly defended, and some of the artillery was to stay at Connerré with the 7th Brigade of Cavalry.

On advancing it was found that the enemy had already abandoned Lombron, Pont de Gesnes, and Montfort. Arms and equipments thrown away betrayed how hurried had been the flight. Many stragglers were brought in prisoners, and it was not till reaching the Merdereau brook at noon, that the 17th Division met with opposition. The Château of Hyre and St. Corneille were won about four o'clock by an enveloping attack, and 500 French were taken prisoners. The enemy was then driven back behind the Parance brook, where the advanced guard halted at dusk.

As they moved forward, it became clear that the enemy had already evacuated Lombron, Pont de Gesnes, and Montfort. Abandoned weapons and gear showed how rushed their escape had been. Many deserters were captured, and it wasn't until they reached the Merdereau brook around noon that the 17th Division encountered resistance. The Château of Hyre and St. Corneille were captured around four o'clock through a surrounding attack, and 500 French troops were taken prisoner. The enemy was then pushed back behind the Parance brook, where the advance guard stopped for the night.

Colonel von Beckedorff's detachment of the 22nd Division marched through Chanteloup from Sillé, throwing back the enemy on La Croix, where a large body of hostile troops made a stand. But when, after a long halt, the main body of the Division came up, it at once passed to the attack. Entire formed bodies of French here laid down their arms, and 3000 men with many officers became prisoners.

Colonel von Beckedorff's unit from the 22nd Division marched through Chanteloup from Sillé, pushing back the enemy at La Croix, where a large group of hostile troops held their ground. However, when the main part of the Division arrived after a long break, they immediately launched an attack. Many organized French units surrendered, and 3,000 soldiers along with numerous officers became prisoners.

An attempt of the cavalry to advance across the Sarthe to break up the railway on the further side of the river was, however, unsuccessful.

An attempt by the cavalry to cross the Sarthe and disrupt the railway on the other side of the river was unsuccessful.

The whole force occupying the heights of Auvours surrendered to the IXth Corps. The 35th Brigade marched up to Villiers, but patrols sent ahead soon reported that the French had retired across the Huisne. When the noise of fighting was heard at mid-day from St. Corneille, the brigade in question was[297] ordered to proceed northward to support the 17th Division engaged there. The 84th Regiment, passing through La Commune, lent efficient assistance in the attack on Château Hyre. Outposts were left on the Parance for the night, but the main body of the 35th Brigade returned to Fatines, and the 36th took up quarters between Villiers and St. Mars la Bruyère.

The entire force on the heights of Auvours surrendered to the IXth Corps. The 35th Brigade marched up to Villiers, but patrols sent ahead quickly reported that the French had retreated across the Huisne. When the sounds of fighting were heard around noon from St. Corneille, the brigade was[297] ordered to head north to support the 17th Division that was engaged there. The 84th Regiment, passing through La Commune, provided effective support in the attack on Château Hyre. Outposts were set up on the Parance for the night, but the main body of the 35th Brigade returned to Fatines, while the 36th took up positions between Villiers and St. Mars la Bruyère.

By the battle of the previous day the position of the French before Le Mans had been forced; but they still stood firm behind the Huisnes, and as their left wing had been driven in on their centre, the latter section had been considerably strengthened. There still remained the stream to be crossed, and the steep slope to be climbed, where every row of the vineyards in terraced ascent was held by strong firing lines, and the crest of which was crowned with batteries. The passage of the Huisnes near Ivré, on the left, was covered by entrenchments with special carefulness, and the ground in front of the wood of Pontlieue had been made impassable in many places by abatis. Against such a position the artillery could be of little and the cavalry of no service, while deep snow hampered every movement of the infantry. General von Alvensleben therefore decided on standing for the present on the defensive with his right wing, while he prepared to support the advance of General von Voigts-Rhetz with his left.

By the battle the day before, the French position in front of Le Mans had been breached; however, they remained firmly behind the Huisnes. Since their left wing had been pushed back toward the center, that part had been significantly reinforced. There was still a stream to cross and a steep slope to climb, where every row of terraced vineyards was held by strong firing lines, and the top was fortified with artillery. The crossing of the Huisnes near Ivré on the left was carefully protected by entrenchments, and the area in front of the Pontlieue woods had been made impassable in many spots by abatis. In such a position, artillery was of little use, and cavalry was completely ineffective, while deep snow hindered all infantry movements. General von Alvensleben therefore decided to stay on the defensive with his right wing for now while preparing to support General von Voigts-Rhetz's advance with his left.

The troops were roused from their short rest at six in the morning. Two French companies made their way towards the bridge at Château Les Noyers with powder-bags, but they were compelled to retreat, leaving the explosives behind them. At eight o'clock the French made a determined attack on the outposts of the 12th Regiment in the wood, and drove them in on Le Tertre. Again a combat raged furiously about this farmstead, which was almost demolished by shell fire. One by one the last battalions of the 10th Brigade were drawn into the struggle, to replace[298] bodies which, their ammunition exhausted, had to retire. Only four guns could be used with effect, but by eleven o'clock the enemy's fire gradually died away, and he was seen to retire on Pontlieue. The battalions of the left wing pursued, and came out on the Parigné road in immediate touch with the Xth Corps.

The troops were woken from their brief rest at six in the morning. Two French companies headed towards the bridge at Château Les Noyers with explosives, but they had to retreat, leaving the bombs behind. At eight o'clock, the French launched a strong attack on the outposts of the 12th Regiment in the woods, pushing them back towards Le Tertre. Once again, a fierce battle erupted around this farm, which was nearly destroyed by shell fire. One by one, the remaining battalions of the 10th Brigade were brought into the fight to replace[298] units that had to fall back due to running out of ammunition. Only four guns could be used effectively, but by eleven o'clock, the enemy's fire started to die down, and they were seen withdrawing towards Pontlieue. The left flank battalions gave chase and reached the Parigné road, making contact with the Xth Corps.

General von Voigts-Rhetz had left two battalions at Mulsanne, for his protection from the direction of Ecommoy; the whole Corps, after many detachments had been unavoidably detailed from it, was assembled by about half-past seven for a further advance on Pontlieue. The main body of the 20th Division closed up by the Mulsanne road on La Tuilerie. Three battalions of the 19th Division massed at Ruaudin to strengthen the sideward detachments in Epinettes, while two battalions with the 14th Cavalry Brigade and the Corps' artillery, which could find no opening in the region further to the left, moved up by the roads from Parigné.

General von Voigts-Rhetz had stationed two battalions at Mulsanne for protection against Ecommoy. The entire Corps, after several detachments had been necessarily sent out, gathered around half-past seven for a further advance on Pontlieue. The main body of the 20th Division closed in via the Mulsanne road towards La Tuilerie. Three battalions of the 19th Division gathered at Ruaudin to support the side detachment in Epinettes, while two battalions along with the 14th Cavalry Brigade and the Corps' artillery, which couldn't find a path further left, moved up along the roads from Parigné.

The reinforcement meanwhile arrived from Ruaudin, and General von Woyna made his way without hindrance through the forest to La Source, where he halted at one o'clock, his front parallel with that of the 20th Division. A heavy battery of the latter had already driven away the French mitrailleuses in front of Pontlieue. On the right a light battery of the 19th Division was brought up to La Source, and ten horse-artillery guns on to the road from Parigné. The atmosphere was, however, so thick that their fire could only be directed by the map.

The reinforcements arrived from Ruaudin, and General von Woyna made his way through the forest to La Source without any issues, reaching there at one o'clock, aligning his front with that of the 20th Division. A heavy battery from the 20th had already pushed back the French machine guns positioned near Pontlieue. To the right, a light battery from the 19th Division was brought up to La Source, along with ten horse-artillery guns positioned on the road from Parigné. However, the air was so thick that their fire could only be aimed using the map.

At two o'clock General von Kraatz advanced in close column on Pontlieue, whither General von Woyna was now also marching. The southern part of the village was taken after a slight resistance; but on the further side of the Huisne the French held the houses along the river-bank, and just as the Germans approached the bridge it was blown up. The demolition, however, was not complete, and the foremost battalions got across[299] over the débris to reach the enemy. Two made their way into the high street of Pontlieue, one turned left to the railway station, whence were heard signals for departing trains. Nothing interposed to hinder the railway bridge here from being blown up, and thus many prisoners were taken, besides 150 provision waggons and 1000 hundred-weight of flour.

At two o'clock, General von Kraatz moved forward in close formation towards Pontlieue, where General von Woyna was also headed. The southern part of the village was captured after minimal resistance, but on the other side of the Huisne, the French held the buildings along the riverbank. Just as the Germans reached the bridge, it was detonated. However, the destruction wasn't complete, and the leading battalions crossed over the wreckage to engage the enemy. Two of them made their way into the main street of Pontlieue, while one turned left towards the train station, where train departure signals could be heard. Nothing stopped the railway bridge from being blown up, resulting in many prisoners being taken along with 150 supply wagons and 1,000 hundredweight of flour.[299]

The artillery fire was immediately directed on the town of Le Mans.

The artillery fire was quickly aimed at the town of Le Mans.

Meanwhile the detachments of the IIIrd Corps, which had become mixed up in the forest fight, had re-formed. After a ration of meat, the first for three days, had been served out to the troops, the 10th Brigade resumed its march. The Brandenburg Jäger Battalion crossed the river by the paper-mill of L'Epau, and two batteries strengthened from Château Funay the artillery fire directed on Le Mans.

Meanwhile, the units of the III Corps, which had gotten tangled up in the forest fight, regrouped. After receiving a ration of meat, their first in three days, the 10th Brigade continued its march. The Brandenburg Jäger Battalion crossed the river by the paper mill at L'Epau, and two batteries reinforced from Château Funay increased the artillery fire aimed at Le Mans.

When presently the infantry entered the town, a fierce struggle began in the streets, which were entirely blocked by the French trains. Entrance into individual houses had to be cleared by artillery fire; a large number of French were taken prisoners, and a vast quantity of waggons were seized. The fighting lasted till nightfall, and then the Xth Corps and half of the IIIrd took up alarm quarters in the town. The 6th Division took possession of Yvré, which the enemy had abandoned, and threw out foreposts to Les Noyers and Les Arches on the further side of the Huisne.

When the infantry entered the town, a fierce battle broke out in the streets, which were completely blocked by French supply trains. They had to use artillery fire to clear the way into individual houses; a large number of French soldiers were taken prisoner, and a significant number of wagons were captured. The fighting continued until nightfall, after which the Xth Corps and half of the IIIrd set up temporary quarters in the town. The 6th Division took control of Yvré, which the enemy had abandoned, and established outposts at Les Noyers and Les Arches on the other side of the Huisne.

The actions fought by the French on this day, had been engaged in for the sole purpose of gaining time for the extrication of the army.

The actions taken by the French on this day were carried out solely to buy time for the army's escape.

On learning from Admiral Jauréguiberry that every effort to get the troops to advance had failed, and that the last reserves were shattered, General Chanzy had at eight in the morning issued orders for a general retreat on Alençon, where the Minister of War had arranged for the arrival of two Divisions of the XIXth Corps from Carentan.[300]

Upon hearing from Admiral Jauréguiberry that all attempts to advance the troops had failed and that the last reserves were broken, General Chanzy issued orders for a full retreat to Alençon at eight in the morning, where the Minister of War had arranged for the arrival of two Divisions of the XIXth Corps from Carentan.[300]

The advance of the IInd Army to Le Mans had been a series of seven days' incessant fighting. It was made at a season when the winter was in extremest severity. Ice and snow-drifts had rendered every movement one long struggle. Bivouacking was out of the question; and the troops had to seek their night shelter often at a distance of some miles in rear; their reassembling in the morning cost precious hours, and the shortness of the day then prevented their taking full advantage of their successes. Whole battalions were employed in guarding the prisoners. The roads were in such a state that the trains of the army could not be brought up; officers and men alike marched insufficiently clothed and on scanty rations. But zeal, endurance, and discipline conquered every difficulty.

The advance of the II Army to Le Mans was marked by seven days of relentless fighting. It took place during a time of extreme winter weather. Ice and snow drifts turned every movement into a struggle. Camping out was impossible, so the troops often had to find shelter several miles behind the front lines at night. Reassembling in the morning took precious hours, and the short days limited their ability to fully capitalize on their victories. Entire battalions were tasked with guarding the prisoners. The roads were in such poor condition that the army’s supply trains couldn’t make it through; both officers and soldiers marched in inadequate clothing and on minimal rations. But their enthusiasm, endurance, and discipline overcame every challenge.

The army had sacrificed in this prolonged struggle 3200 men and 200 officers, the larger half belonging to the IIIrd Corps alone. Many companies fought under the command of non-commissioned officers.

The army had sacrificed 3,200 men and 200 officers in this extended struggle, with the majority from the III Corps alone. Many companies were led by non-commissioned officers.

The French estimated their losses at 6200 men, and 20,000 taken prisoners; seventeen guns, two colours, and an abundant supply of matériel remained as trophies in the hands of the victors.

The French estimated their losses at 6,200 men and 20,000 taken prisoner; seventeen cannons, two banners, and a large amount of equipment were left as trophies for the victors.

After exertions so severe the troops imperatively needed some rest. The instructions from the supreme Headquarter were that the operations were not to be extended beyond a certain limit; and it was possible that the services of the IInd Army might almost immediately be required on the Seine and the Loire. Prince Frederick Charles therefore determined to follow up the retreating enemy with only a small force.

After such intense efforts, the troops urgently needed some rest. The orders from the top Headquarters were that the operations should not go beyond a certain limit; and it was possible that the IInd Army's services might soon be needed at the Seine and the Loire. Prince Frederick Charles therefore decided to pursue the retreating enemy with only a small force.

On the French side, that each Corps might have a separate road for the retreat to Alençon, two Corps had necessarily to draw out westward in the first instance. On the evening of the last day's fight the XVIth Corps reached Chauffour on the Laval road, and the XVIIth Conlie on the road to Mayenne, each covered by its rear-guard. The XXIst was assembled at Ballon,[301] on the left bank of the Sarthe. From these points all were to march in a northerly direction. General Chanzy still deluded himself with the hope of coming up by Evreux to the assistance of the besieged capital. He would have had thus to make a wide circuit—an arc by moving on the chord of which the Germans could easily have anticipated him; and in a country where all arms were available, his army, in the condition to which it was now reduced, must have inevitably been destroyed. Ultimately the defeated French army retired in the direction to the westward of the Sarthe.

On the French side, for each Corps to have a separate route for the retreat to Alençon, two Corps had to initially pull back westward. On the evening of the last day’s battle, the XVIth Corps reached Chauffour on the Laval road, and the XVIIth reached Conlie on the road to Mayenne, each protected by its rear-guard. The XXIst was gathered at Ballon,[301] on the left bank of the Sarthe. From these locations, they were all set to march north. General Chanzy still held onto the hope of reaching Evreux to help the besieged capital. He would have needed to take a wide route—an arc on which the Germans could easily have predicted his movements; and in a situation where all military resources were available, his army, in its weakened state, would have inevitably been wiped out. Ultimately, the defeated French army withdrew west of the Sarthe.

After the distribution of rations and forage, General von Schmidt set forth at mid-day on the 13th with four battalions, eleven squadrons, and ten guns, and reached Chauffour after some skirmishing. The XIIIth Corps advanced to the Sarthe, the 17th Division sending its outposts across the river at Neuville, and the 22nd drove the French out of Ballon, whence they retired in full flight to Beaumont. The XXIst French Corps had taken up quarters this day at Sillé. The National Guards of Brittany fled wildly to Coron, and thence made homeward toward their own province. They were joined by the troops left in camp at Conlie, after the camp there had been plundered. The XVIIth Corps also went off, without halting by the Vègre as it had been ordered to do, but retreating direct on Ste. Suzanne. The XVIth withdrew on Laval, leaving Barry's Division at Chassillé as rear-guard. Numbers of abandoned waggons and cast-away arms, everywhere testified to the demoralization of the defeated forces.

After handing out supplies and food for the horses, General von Schmidt set out at noon on the 13th with four battalions, eleven squadrons, and ten guns, eventually reaching Chauffour after some minor battles. The XIIIth Corps moved toward the Sarthe, with the 17th Division sending its scouts across the river at Neuville, while the 22nd forced the French out of Ballon, causing them to flee to Beaumont. The XXIst French Corps had settled in at Sillé that day. The National Guards of Brittany panicked and ran to Coron, then headed back to their own province. They were joined by the troops left behind in camp at Conlie, after that camp had been looted. The XVIIth Corps also retreated, not stopping at the Vègre as planned, but heading straight for Ste. Suzanne. The XVIth Corps pulled back to Laval, leaving Barry's Division at Chassillé as a rear guard. Numerous abandoned wagons and discarded weapons scattered everywhere showed just how demoralized the defeated forces had become.

On the 14th the French were driven out of Chassillé. The XVIth Corps had by this time almost entirely lost its organization; it retired during the night to St. Jean sur Erve. In the camp at Conlie were found 8000 stands of arms and 5,000,000 cartridges, as well as various other war matériel.

On the 14th, the French were pushed out of Chassillé. By this time, the XVI Corps had nearly completely lost its organization; it withdrew during the night to St. Jean sur Erve. In the camp at Conlie, they found 8,000 weapons and 5,000,000 cartridges, along with various other military supplies.

The Grand Duke had marched on Alençon along the right bank of the Sarthe. The French in Beaumont[302] made a feeble resistance to the advanced guard of the 22nd Division, and lost 1400 prisoners.

The Grand Duke had marched on Alençon along the right bank of the Sarthe. The French in Beaumont[302] put up a weak resistance against the advance of the 22nd Division and lost 1,400 prisoners.

On the following day General von Schmidt advanced further on the road to Laval, but found that the French had concentrated at St. Jean and posted a strong force of artillery on the heights behind the Erve. The Oldenburg Regiment[70] forced its way as far as the church of the little town, and the Brunswickers drove the enemy back on Ste. Suzanne, higher up the river, but there the pursuit ended.

On the next day, General von Schmidt moved further along the road to Laval but discovered that the French had gathered at St. Jean and positioned a strong artillery force on the hills behind the Erve. The Oldenburg Regiment[70] pushed its way to the church in the small town, and the Brunswickers drove the enemy back towards Ste. Suzanne, further up the river, but the pursuit stopped there.

Barry's and Deplanque's Divisions, according to the French estimate, had now no more than 6000 fighting men, and Curten's Division had still not yet come up, but this strength was considerably superior to that of the weak German detachment confronting it. The rest of the Xth Corps was moving up in support, but had as yet only reached Chasillé. A battalion advancing from Conlie came into conflict at Sillé with the XXIst French Corps assembled there, and sustained heavy loss. The 22nd Division of the XIIIth Corps also met with serious opposition before reaching Alençon, from the National Guards and the volunteers under Lipowski; and the attack on the town was postponed till next day.

Barry's and Deplanque's Divisions, according to the French estimate, now had around 6,000 combat-ready soldiers, and Curten's Division still hadn't arrived, but this number was significantly greater than that of the weak German units facing them. The rest of the Xth Corps was advancing to support but had only made it to Chasillé so far. A battalion moving from Conlie clashed at Sillé with the XXIst French Corps gathered there and suffered heavy losses. The 22nd Division of the XIIIth Corps also encountered strong resistance before reaching Alençon, from the National Guards and the volunteers led by Lipowski; therefore, the attack on the town was postponed until the next day.

But on the following morning the French positions in Alençon as well as in Sillé and St. Jean were abandoned. Those places were at once occupied by the Germans, and General von Schmidt marched forward, close up to Laval. Numerous stragglers from the retreating army were taken prisoners.

But the next morning, the French positions in Alençon, as well as in Sillé and St. Jean, were deserted. The Germans quickly took over those locations, and General von Schmidt advanced, getting close to Laval. Many stragglers from the retreating army were captured.

Behind the Mayenne, whither now Curten's Division had arrived, the remnants of the IInd Army of the Loire re-assembled. Reduced to half its original strength, and its morale gravely shaken, it could but be unfit for service for a long time to come, and the object of the German advance on Le Mans was fully attained.

Behind the Mayenne, where Curten's Division had now arrived, the remaining forces of the II Army of the Loire regrouped. Reduced to half their original strength and with their morale seriously damaged, they would be unfit for duty for a long time, and the German advance on Le Mans had fully achieved its goal.

To the north of Paris, however, the French were meanwhile threatening a renewed offensive. It was necessary to draw in on the Somme the portions of the Ist Army which were still on the Lower Seine; and orders came from the supreme Head-quarter that the XIIIth Corps of the IInd Army should march on Rouen.

To the north of Paris, the French were meanwhile threatening a renewed offensive. It was necessary to pull back the parts of the 1st Army that were still on the Lower Seine to the Somme; and orders came from the supreme Headquarters for the 13th Corps of the 2nd Army to march on Rouen.

On the Upper Loire also French detachments had advanced against the Hessian posts about Briare, and had driven them back, on the 14th, to Ouzouer; while from the Sologne came a report of the advance of a newly-formed French Army Corps—the XXVth.

On the Upper Loire, French troops had also moved forward against the Hessian positions near Briare and had pushed them back, on the 14th, to Ouzouer; meanwhile, a report from Sologne indicated the advancement of a newly-formed French Army Corps—the XXVth.

The German IXth Corps, after evacuating and destroying the camp at Conlie, was therefore sent to Orleans in support. The remainder of the IInd Army, the IIIrd and Xth Corps with the three cavalry divisions—in a strength of about 27,000 foot, 9000 horse, and 186 guns—was assembled by Prince Frederick Charles round Le Mans. The cavalry in observation on the front and flanks had several small skirmishes, but no further serious hostilities were attempted.

The German IXth Corps, after evacuating and destroying the camp at Conlie, was then sent to Orleans for support. The rest of the II Army, including the IIIrd and Xth Corps along with three cavalry divisions—totaling about 27,000 infantry, 9,000 cavalry, and 186 guns—was gathered by Prince Frederick Charles around Le Mans. The cavalry on the front and flanks engaged in several small skirmishes, but no significant hostilities were attempted thereafter.

The 4th Cavalry Division held Alençon on the right, and on the left General von Hartmann entered Tours without any opposition.

The 4th Cavalry Division held Alençon on the right, and on the left, General von Hartmann entered Tours without any opposition.

FOOTNOTES:

[66] Commanding 6th Division, IIIrd Corps.

[66] Leading the 6th Division, III Corps.

[67] "Arnage" on the map and in the Staff History.

[67] "Arnage" on the map and in the Staff History.

[68] The "Holsteiners" mentioned in the text were two battalions of the 85th Regiment, which belonged to the 36th Brigade, 18th Division, IXth Army Corps, whose territorial region consists of Schleswig-Holstein, the Hanse towns, Mecklenburg, &c.

[68] The "Holsteiners" referred to in the text were two battalions of the 85th Regiment, part of the 36th Brigade, 18th Division, IXth Army Corps, which is based in Schleswig-Holstein, the Hanseatic towns, Mecklenburg, etc.

[69] The 17th and 92nd Regiments comprising the 46th Brigade commanded by General von Diringshofen.

[69] The 17th and 92nd Regiments made up the 46th Brigade led by General von Diringshofen.

[70] The 91st Regiment, 37th Brigade, 10th Army Corps, whose recruiting ground is Hanover, Oldenburg, and Brunswick. The Hanoverian Corps consists mainly of the regiments of the old Hanoverian army of the kingdom long ruled by British sovereigns; an army whose valour, proved side by side with British troops on countless battle-fields from Minden and Dettingen to the Peninsula and Waterloo, culminated in its final battle on the glorious but luckless field of Langensalza.

[70] The 91st Regiment, 37th Brigade, 10th Army Corps, which recruits from Hanover, Oldenburg, and Brunswick. The Hanoverian Corps is mainly made up of the regiments from the old Hanoverian army that was long under British rule; an army whose bravery was proven alongside British troops on countless battlefields from Minden and Dettingen to the Peninsula and Waterloo, culminating in its last battle on the glorious but unfortunate field of Langensalza.


OCCURRENCES NORTHWARD OF PARIS DURING JANUARY.

At the beginning of the New Year a considerable part of the Ist German Army was engaged in besieging[304] Péronne, which had afforded a safe crossing-point for the debouche of the French on the southern bank of the Somme. General Barnekow held the little place invested with the 3rd Reserve Division and the 31st Infantry Brigade. Previously it had only been kept under observation by cavalry, but circumstances had temporarily given it importance. What of the VIIIth Corps formerly on the Somme was available formed a wide curve from Amiens northward as far as Bapaume, to cover the siege.

At the start of the New Year, a large portion of the 1st German Army was busy besieging[304] Péronne, which had provided a safe crossing point for the French forces on the southern bank of the Somme. General Barnekow had the small town surrounded with the 3rd Reserve Division and the 31st Infantry Brigade. Before this, it had only been monitored by cavalry, but the situation had temporarily made it significant. The part of the VIIIth Corps that was still on the Somme formed a broad curve stretching from Amiens north to Bapaume, to support the siege.

The Ist Corps, posted at Rouen for the time, consisted only of three brigades; but the 4th was on the march thither from before Péronne, where it had been relieved. No reinforcement of the Ist Army had been effected. The 14th Division, after reducing Mézières and, soon after, Rocroy, had received fresh orders from Versailles which transferred it to another part of the theatre of war.

The Ist Corps, stationed at Rouen for the moment, only had three brigades; however, the 4th was on its way there from in front of Péronne, where it had been replaced. No reinforcements had been sent to the Ist Army. The 14th Division, after capturing Mézières and shortly after Rocroy, had received new orders from Versailles that assigned it to a different area of the battlefield.

General Faidherbe had concentrated his troops behind the Scarpe, from their resting quarters south of Arras, and had begun his forward march on January 2nd. He advanced with the XXIInd Corps to the relief of Péronne by way of Bucquoy. The XXIIIrd followed by the high road to Bapaume. About half-past ten Derroja's Division of the former Corps obliged the 3rd Cavalry Division, as well as those battalions of the 32nd Brigade which had been attached to it, to fall back on Miraumont, followed, however, only as far as Achiet le Petit.

General Faidherbe had gathered his troops behind the Scarpe, after their rest period south of Arras, and had started his advance on January 2nd. He moved forward with the XXIInd Corps to support Péronne via Bucquoy. The XXIIIrd Corps followed along the main road to Bapaume. Around 10:30, Derroja's Division from the former Corps forced the 3rd Cavalry Division, along with the battalions of the 32nd Brigade that were attached to it, to retreat to Miraumont, but they only fell back as far as Achiet le Petit.

The other Division, under General Bessol, did not advance towards Achiet le Grand till the afternoon. There it was opposed for several hours by two companies of the 68th, a sub-division of Hussars, and two guns, which only retired in the evening on Avesnes. The French did not follow up the detachment, but threw out outposts about Bihucourt.

The other division, led by General Bessol, didn't move towards Achiet le Grand until the afternoon. They faced off for several hours against two companies from the 68th, a small group of Hussars, and two cannons, which only pulled back in the evening towards Avesnes. The French didn’t pursue the detachment but set up outposts around Bihucourt.

Payen's Division deployed on the high road at Béhagnies, and its batteries opened fire on Sapignies, where,[305] however, General von Strubberg had posted five battalions. These repulsed the attack, and at two o'clock entered Béhagnies with a rush, took 240 prisoners, and prepared the village for defence. The enemy withdrew to Ervillers, and there once again drew out, but attempted no further attack.

Payen's Division set up on the main road at Béhagnies, and its artillery started firing on Sapignies, where,[305] however, General von Strubberg had stationed five battalions. They pushed back the attack, and at two o'clock, they stormed into Béhagnies, captured 240 prisoners, and got the village ready for defense. The enemy retreated to Ervillers and organized again there but didn’t launch any further attacks.

The other Division of the French XXIIIrd Corps, consisting of mobilized National Guards under General Robin, moved forward on the left on Mory. There were only one battalion and a squadron of Hussars to oppose it. By extending their line on the heights of Beugnâtre, the German detachment succeeded in deceiving the enemy in regard to its weakness. The latter marched and counter-marched, and also brought up artillery, but did not attempt an attack, and remained at Mory.

The other division of the French 23rd Corps, made up of mobilized National Guards under General Robin, advanced on the left toward Mory. There was only one battalion and a squadron of Hussars to face them. By stretching their line across the heights of Beugnâtre, the German detachment managed to mislead the enemy about their vulnerability. The enemy marched back and forth and brought up artillery but didn't try to attack and stayed at Mory.

The 30th German Brigade and the 3rd Cavalry Division assembled for the night in and about Bapaume. The 29th Brigade occupied the neighbouring villages on the right and the left of the Arras road.

The 30th German Brigade and the 3rd Cavalry Division gathered for the night in and around Bapaume. The 29th Brigade took over the nearby villages on both sides of the Arras road.

Battle of Bapaume.January 3rd.—General Faidherbe had brought his forces close up to the position which covered the investment of Péronne. His four Divisions consisted of fifty-seven battalions, which were opposed by only seventeen German battalions. He decided on the 3rd to push on in four columns to Grévillers and Biefvillers, on the high road, and to Favreuil on the east.

Battle of Bapaume.January 3rd.—General Faidherbe had moved his troops close to the location that surrounded the siege of Péronne. His four divisions made up fifty-seven battalions, facing just seventeen German battalions. On the 3rd, he decided to advance in four columns towards Grévillers and Biefvillers along the main road, and to Favreuil to the east.

But General von Goeben was not inclined to give up his position at Bapaume. Under cover of a force in occupation of Favreuil, General von Kummer in the morning assembled the 30th Brigade in front of Bapaume, and behind it the 29th, of which, however, three battalions were left in the villages to left and to right. A reserve was established further to the rear at Tronsloy, whither the 8th Rifle Battalion, with two batteries, was detached; and General von Barnekow received orders to[306] hold three battalions and the 2nd Foot Detachment in readiness at Sailly Saillisel, without raising the blockade. Finally the detachment under Prince Albrecht, jun.—three battalions, eight squadrons, and three batteries—advanced on Bertincourt, near to the subsequent battle-field. In this disposition, in bitterly cold and sullen weather, the attack of the French was awaited.

But General von Goeben wasn't willing to give up his position at Bapaume. Under the cover of forces occupying Favreuil, General von Kummer gathered the 30th Brigade in front of Bapaume in the morning, with the 29th Brigade behind it, though three battalions were left in the villages on both sides. A reserve was set up further back at Tronsloy, where the 8th Rifle Battalion, along with two batteries, was assigned. General von Barnekow was ordered to keep three battalions and the 2nd Foot Detachment ready at Sailly Saillisel without lifting the blockade. Finally, the unit under Prince Albrecht, Jr.—consisting of three battalions, eight squadrons, and three batteries—moved towards Bertincourt, close to the future battlefield. In this setup, amid bitterly cold and gloomy weather, they awaited the French attack.

General Count von der Groeben had already sent the 7th Cavalry Brigade against the enemy's right flank, but it did not succeed in forcing its way through the villages occupied by the hostile infantry.

General Count von der Groeben had already dispatched the 7th Cavalry Brigade to attack the enemy's right flank, but it was unable to break through the villages held by the opposing infantry.

On the right wing the Division Robin was at Beugnâtre met by so sharp a fire from two battalions of the 65th Regiment and two horse batteries which had joined them from Transloy, that it withdrew again on Mory. The garrison of Favreuil was reinforced by two battalions and two batteries against the approach of the Division Payen, which was marching by the high road to the eastward of that place. The first French gun moving out from Sapignies was immediately destroyed, but several batteries soon became engaged on both sides, and the French forced their way into Favreuil and St. Aubin.

On the right wing, Division Robin was at Beugnâtre when it faced intense fire from two battalions of the 65th Regiment and two horse batteries that had come from Transloy, forcing it to pull back to Mory. The garrison at Favreuil received reinforcements of two battalions and two batteries in anticipation of Division Payen, which was advancing along the main road east of that location. The first French gun leaving Sapignies was quickly destroyed, but multiple batteries soon engaged on both sides, and the French managed to break into Favreuil and St. Aubin.

The 40th Regiment advanced on these places at noon from Bertincourt, and after a lively action re-occupied them; but had to evacuate Favreuil again, and took up a position alongside of the 2nd Guard Uhlan regiment and a horse battery sideward of Frémicourt, which secured the right flank of the Division.

The 40th Regiment moved toward these locations at noon from Bertincourt and, after a spirited battle, took them back; however, they had to leave Favreuil again and set up a position next to the 2nd Guard Uhlan regiment and a horse battery beside Frémicourt, which protected the right flank of the Division.

On the left, the Division Bessol had driven the weak garrison out of Biefvillers. The 1st Battalion of the 33rd Regiment, which moved forward to retake that place, became hotly engaged; it lost all but three of its officers, and had to retire upon Avesnes. The Division Derroja also took part in this fight. The French now brought up a strong force of artillery, and extended their firing-line to the south nearly as far as the road to Albert.[307]

On the left, Division Bessol pushed the weak garrison out of Biefvillers. The 1st Battalion of the 33rd Regiment, which advanced to reclaim the location, became heavily engaged; it lost all but three of its officers and had to retreat to Avesnes. Division Derroja also participated in this battle. The French then brought in a strong artillery force and expanded their firing line to the south, nearly reaching the road to Albert.[307]

Therefore, at mid-day, General von Kummer decided to confine himself to the local defence of Bapaume. At the cost of serious loss, the artillery covered the drawing in thither of the infantry. The 1st Heavy Battery, which was the last to withdraw, lost 2 officers, 17 men, and 36 horses; its guns could only be brought out of action with the help of the infantry.

Therefore, at noon, General von Kummer decided to focus on the local defense of Bapaume. At great cost, the artillery covered the infantry as they pulled back. The 1st Heavy Battery, which was the last to retreat, lost 2 officers, 17 men, and 36 horses; its guns could only be pulled out of action with the infantry's assistance.

In Bapaume the 29th Brigade now prepared for an obstinate defence of the old city wall, and the 30th assembled behind the place. The French advanced leisurely as far as the suburb. Then ensued a long pause in the fighting. General Faidherbe hoped to take the town by further encompassing it, without exposing it to a bombardment followed by a storm. A brigade of the Division Derroja endeavoured to advance through Tilloy, but met there with stubborn resistance from the Rifle Battalion and two batteries which had come up from Péronne. At the same time twenty-four guns of the batteries which had retired behind Bapaume opened fire on the advancing columns, which then withdrew, at half-past three, across the road to Albert. They soon resumed the attack, and succeeded in entering Tilloy. All the neighbouring batteries now opened fire upon this village. General von Mirus, who on the advance of the 3rd Cavalry Division had been left behind in Miraumont, saw no enemy in his front there, but heard the fighting at Bapaume, and advanced from the west, as did General von Strubberg from the town, to renew the attack. The French did not await their arrival, and were driven back out of the suburb and also Avesnes. The French Divisions spent the night at Grévillers, Bihucourt, Favreuil, and Beugnâtre, thus surrounding Bapaume on three sides. The day had cost the Germans 52 officers and 698 men, and the French 53 officers and 2066 men.

In Bapaume, the 29th Brigade was now gearing up for a determined defense of the old city wall, while the 30th Brigade gathered behind the site. The French moved forward slowly as far as the suburb. Then there was a long pause in the fighting. General Faidherbe hoped to capture the town by further surrounding it, without exposing it to a bombardment that would lead to an assault. A brigade from the Division Derroja attempted to push through Tilloy but faced strong resistance from the Rifle Battalion and two batteries that had moved up from Péronne. At the same time, twenty-four guns from the batteries that had retreated behind Bapaume opened fire on the advancing forces, causing them to pull back across the road to Albert at half-past three. They soon launched another attack and managed to enter Tilloy. All the nearby batteries then targeted this village. General von Mirus, who had been left behind in Miraumont during the advance of the 3rd Cavalry Division, saw no enemy in front of him but heard the fighting at Bapaume. He moved in from the west, as did General von Strubberg from the town, to renew the offensive. The French did not wait for their arrival and were pushed back from the suburb and also Avesnes. The French Divisions spent the night at Grévillers, Bihucourt, Favreuil, and Beugnâtre, thus surrounding Bapaume on three sides. The day had cost the Germans 52 officers and 698 men, while the French lost 53 officers and 2066 men.

But only by exerting the whole available strength of the VIIIth Corps had it been possible to withstand the preponderating attack of the enemy. It had[308] not yet been possible to replenish the Corps' supply of ammunition, and General von Goeben decided to immediately move back the fighting ground to behind the Somme. This movement was actually in process when the patrols brought information that the enemy was also evacuating the neighbouring villages.

But only by using all the available strength of the VIII Corps was it possible to withstand the overwhelming attack of the enemy. It had[308] not yet been possible to restock the Corps' supply of ammunition, and General von Goeben decided to quickly move the fighting line back to behind the Somme. This movement was already in progress when the patrols reported that the enemy was also pulling out of the nearby villages.

The French troops, as yet unaccustomed to the vicissitudes of warfare, had suffered extremely from the previous day's fighting and the severe cold of the ensuing night. General Faidherbe could perceive that the forces before Péronne had been brought forward to Bapaume, and that the Germans thus reinforced would take the offensive. His chief object, the interruption of the siege of Péronne, had been obtained, and the General thought it best not to endanger that result by a second encounter. He led his Corps back in the direction of Arras. Of the German cavalry detachments following up the retirement the 8th Cuirassiers succeeded in breaking a French square. The 15th Division withdrew behind the Somme, immediately below Péronne, and the Saxon cavalry joined the right wing at St. Quentin.

The French troops, still not used to the ups and downs of warfare, had suffered greatly from the fighting the day before and the severe cold that followed that night. General Faidherbe noticed that the forces in front of Péronne had been moved to Bapaume, and that the Germans, now strengthened, would take the offensive. His main goal, to interrupt the siege of Péronne, had been achieved, and the General decided it was best not to risk that success by engaging in another battle. He led his Corps back toward Arras. Among the German cavalry units pursuing the retreat, the 8th Cuirassiers managed to break a French formation. The 15th Division fell back behind the Somme, just below Péronne, while the Saxon cavalry joined the right flank at St. Quentin.

Fighting on the Lower Seine.January 4th.—Exactly at the same time the other Corps of the Ist Army was in conflict with the enemy on the Lower Seine. The French had not undertaken any new enterprise on the right bank of the river, but on the left bank they held the wooded heights of Bois de la Londe, which overhang the southern outlet of the Seine after its encircling the peninsula of Grand Couronne. Here General von Bentheim,[71] with a view of gaining room in this direction, had assembled half the Ist Army Corps, and advanced on the 4th of January on Les[309] Moulineaux. Before daybreak Lieut.-Colonel von Hüllessem surprised the enemy's outposts there, stormed the rock-crowned fortalice of Château Robert le Diable, and took prisoners the defenders who had sought refuge amid the ruins of the castle. The heights of Maison Brulet were then scaled under the heavy fire of the enemy, and two of his guns were taken. After a renewed resistance at St. Ouen the French withdrew on Bourgachard in the afternoon, pursued towards six in the evening by a half squadron of dragoons, two guns, and a company carried on waggons, which took from them two 12-pounders posted at the entrance of Rougemontier, killing the gunners and capturing an ammunition waggon.

Fighting on the Lower Seine.January 4th.—At the same time, the other Corps of the Ist Army was engaged in combat with the enemy on the Lower Seine. The French had not launched any new operations on the right bank of the river, but on the left bank, they occupied the wooded heights of Bois de la Londe, which overlook the southern exit of the Seine after it curves around the Grand Couronne peninsula. Here, General von Bentheim,[71] aiming to gain ground in this area, had gathered half of the Ist Army Corps and advanced on January 4th towards Les[309] Moulineaux. Before dawn, Lieutenant Colonel von Hüllessem surprised the enemy's outposts there, stormed the rock-crowned fortress of Château Robert le Diable, and captured the defenders who had taken refuge among the ruins of the castle. The heights of Maison Brulet were then seized under heavy enemy fire, and two of their guns were taken. After renewed resistance at St. Ouen, the French retreated toward Bourgachard in the afternoon, pursued by about half a squadron of dragoons, two guns, and a company transported on wagons, which captured two 12-pounders stationed at the entrance of Rougemontier, killing the gunners and seizing an ammunition wagon.

After a slight skirmish the enemy was also driven out of Bourgtheroulde and thrown back in the direction of Brionne. The French right wing at Elbeuf during the night hastily withdrew from a position rendered precarious by the wavering of the other detachments. The affair cost 5 officers and 160 men. The loss of the French must have been equal, besides which they lost 300 prisoners and 4 guns.

After a brief battle, the enemy was driven out of Bourgtheroulde and pushed back toward Brionne. During the night, the French right wing at Elbeuf quickly retreated from a position that had become risky due to the instability of the other units. The skirmish resulted in 5 officers and 160 men lost. The French losses were likely similar, plus they also lost 300 prisoners and 4 cannons.

General Roye posted his troops behind the Rille on the line Pont-Audemer—Brionne, but the Germans now held Bourgachard, Bourgtheroulde, and Elbeuf strongly garrisoned, with three battalions at Grand-Couronne in readiness to furnish support. The other troops returned to Rouen. An attempted advance of the French on the same day by the northern bank of the Seine had been arrested in front of Fauville, whence they again withdrew towards Harfleur.

General Roye positioned his troops behind the Rille along the line from Pont-Audemer to Brionne, but the Germans had a strong hold on Bourgachard, Bourgtheroulde, and Elbeuf, with three battalions at Grand-Couronne ready to provide support. The remaining troops went back to Rouen. An attempt by the French to advance the same day along the northern bank of the Seine was stopped in front of Fauville, leading them to retreat again towards Harfleur.

Meanwhile it had not escaped the observation of the VIIIth Army Corps that this time the French did not seek the cover of the northern fortresses, but that they had halted south of Arras, thus betraying an intention shortly to renew the attack on the force investing Péronne.[310]

Meanwhile, the VIIIth Army Corps noticed that this time the French weren't seeking shelter in the northern fortresses, but had stopped south of Arras, revealing their intention to soon launch another attack on the forces surrounding Péronne.[310]

General von Goeben therefore decided to return to the northern bank of the Somme, to cover that operation, and there to take up a flanking position whose front the enemy would have to cross in his advance.

General von Goeben decided to go back to the northern bank of the Somme to support that operation and to take a flanking position that the enemy would have to cross in their advance.

On January 6th, after the troops had been permitted one day's rest and the ammunition had been replenished, the 30th Brigade moved to Bray, the 29th to Albert. In close vicinity to the enemy was the 3rd Cavalry Division at Bapaume, behind it the Guard Cavalry Brigade. For the protection of the left flank Lieut.-Colonel von Pestel[72] occupied Acheux, and from the investing Corps the 3rd Reserve Division moved westward of Péronne to Feuillères. The Corps-Artillery remained for the time on the left bank of the Somme, since it almost seemed as if the enemy intended to direct his attack on Amiens.

On January 6th, after the troops had a day to rest and the ammunition was restocked, the 30th Brigade headed to Bray, while the 29th went to Albert. Close to the enemy was the 3rd Cavalry Division in Bapaume, with the Guard Cavalry Brigade behind it. To protect the left flank, Lieut.-Colonel von Pestel[72] occupied Acheux, and from the investing Corps, the 3rd Reserve Division moved west of Péronne to Feuillères. The Corps-Artillery stayed for now on the left bank of the Somme, since it seemed like the enemy was planning to focus their attack on Amiens.

But during the next day the French did not undertake anything of importance, and on the 9th Péronne fell.

But the next day, the French didn’t do anything significant, and on the 9th, Péronne fell.

Reduction of Péronne.January 9th.—For fourteen days this little place had been invested by eleven battalions, sixteen squadrons, and ten batteries. Flooded meadows on one side, and on the other walls with medieval towers, had secured it against a surprise; but for the rest it was commanded on all sides by overhanging heights.

Péronne siege.January 9th.—For fourteen days, this small town had been surrounded by eleven battalions, sixteen squadrons, and ten batteries. Flooded fields on one side and medieval tower walls on the other had protected it from surprise attacks; however, it was still overlooked on all sides by rising heights.

Although the fire of fifty-eight field guns had not done it much damage, yet in any case it must have been very soon discontinued for want of ammunition. A bombardment with captured French siege-artillery remained without result. The fortress stoutly maintained its fire, and its garrison of only 3500 men even attempted sorties.

Although the fire from fifty-eight field guns didn’t inflict much damage, it would have had to stop soon due to a lack of ammunition. A bombardment using captured French siege artillery didn’t achieve anything. The fortress held strong and its garrison of only 3,500 men even made attempts to launch sorties.

As before mentioned, on the day of the battle of[311] Bapaume, a portion of the besieging troops had been necessarily withdrawn to the support of the VIIIth Army Corps, and in the uncertainty as to the result of this fight it had been imperative to take precautions for the safety of the siege material. The troops that remained behind stood ready to march, and part of the heavy guns had been withdrawn. But the garrison maintained a waiting attitude.

As mentioned earlier, on the day of the battle of[311] Bapaume, some of the besieging troops had to be pulled back to support the VIIIth Army Corps, and with the outcome of this fight uncertain, it was essential to take measures to protect the siege equipment. The remaining troops were prepared to march, and some of the heavy artillery had been moved away. However, the garrison remained on standby.

Two days later arrived a siege-train of fifty-five heavy guns which had been brought together at La Fère. A second, of twenty-eight French siege-pieces, was on the way from Mézières. The preliminaries of a regular siege were undertaken, and when at length on the 8th of January a large ammunition-convoy arrived, the commandant was summoned to give up a defence that had now become hopeless.

Two days later, a convoy with fifty-five heavy guns arrived, which had been assembled at La Fère. A second convoy, with twenty-eight French siege guns, was on its way from Mézières. The preparations for a full siege began, and when a large supply convoy arrived on January 8th, the commander was called to surrender, as the defense had become futile.

On the 10th of January, General von Barnekow entered the fortress, which was found amply provided with arms, ammunition and provisions. The garrison were made prisoners.

On January 10th, General von Barnekow entered the fortress, which was well stocked with weapons, ammunition, and supplies. The garrison was taken prisoner.

On the 7th of January, his Majesty the King had assigned General von Manteuffel to another section of the theatre of war, and had given the supreme command of the Ist Army to General von Goeben.

On January 7th, his Majesty the King assigned General von Manteuffel to a different part of the battlefield and gave the overall command of the 1st Army to General von Goeben.

Freed from concern as to Péronne, that General's only duty thenceforward was to insure the protection of the investment of Paris. For this purpose the Somme, whose passages were all in the hands of the Germans, formed a natural bulwark, behind which the attack even of a greatly superior enemy could be awaited. And some reinforcements now arrived for the VIIIth Army Corps. The peaceful condition of the Lower Seine allowed of two infantry regiments and two batteries being sent from thence to Amiens. By instructions from the supreme Head-quarter an infantry brigade of the Meuse Army was held in readiness, which in case of need was to be sent up by rail to reinforce the Ist Army.

Freed from worrying about Péronne, that General's only duty from then on was to ensure the protection of the investment of Paris. For this purpose, the Somme, with all its crossings in German hands, served as a natural barrier behind which they could wait for an attack, even from a much stronger enemy. Some reinforcements arrived for the VIIIth Army Corps. The peaceful situation in the Lower Seine allowed for two infantry regiments and two batteries to be sent from there to Amiens. By orders from the main headquarters, an infantry brigade from the Meuse Army was kept ready, which would be sent by rail to reinforce the 1st Army if needed.

It was still uncertain whither the enemy would direct[312] his stroke. General von Goeben, therefore, spread his forces behind the Somme on a prolonged extension of some forty-five miles, still holding fast the points gained in front of the river, to meet the contingency of his having to renew the offensive. In the middle of the month, the detachments of the Ist Corps under the command of General Count von der Groeben occupied Amiens, Corbie, and the line of the Hallue as a flank position. The 15th Division, holding Bray firmly, took up quarters south of that village. Next to it, on the left of Péronne, was the 3rd Reserve Division, right of it were the 16th Division and the 3rd Reserve Cavalry Brigade, holding Roisel and Vermand to the front. The 12th Cavalry Division was at St. Quentin.

It was still unclear where the enemy would strike[312]. General von Goeben, therefore, spread his forces behind the Somme over a stretch of about forty-five miles, still holding the positions gained in front of the river to prepare for the possibility of needing to go on the offensive again. In the middle of the month, the detachments of the 1st Corps, led by General Count von der Groeben, occupied Amiens, Corbie, and the Hallue line as a flank position. The 15th Division, firmly holding Bray, set up camp south of the village. Next to it, on the left of Péronne, was the 3rd Reserve Division, with the 16th Division and the 3rd Reserve Cavalry Brigade on its right, holding Roisel and Vermand in front. The 12th Cavalry Division was stationed at St. Quentin.

The French army had already begun to advance on the Cambrai high-road, and its XXIInd Corps had pushed back the 3rd Cavalry Division first out of Bapaume and then out of Albert behind the Hallue. The XXIIIrd followed by the same road, and their objective really appears to have been Amiens. But a reconnaissance had exposed the difficulty of attacking in that direction, besides which a telegram from the War Minister announced that the Army of Paris within the next few days was to make a last supreme effort to burst the bonds of the investment, and the Army of the North was enjoined to divert, as far as possible, the enemy's forces from the capital, and draw them on itself.

The French army had already started moving along the Cambrai highway, and its 22nd Corps had pushed back the 3rd Cavalry Division first out of Bapaume and then out of Albert behind the Hallue. The 23rd followed the same route, and their real goal seemed to be Amiens. However, a reconnaissance revealed the challenges of attacking that way, and a telegram from the War Minister stated that the Army of Paris was set to make a final push to break free from the siege within the next few days. The Army of the North was instructed to divert the enemy's forces away from the capital as much as possible and to draw them towards itself.

In accordance with these orders General Faidherbe decided to advance without delay on St. Quentin, whither the Brigade Isnard was already marching from Cambrai. An attack on their right wing, consisting for the time solely of cavalry, directly threatened the communications of the Germans, while the vicinity of the northern forts afforded the French army shelter and also greater liberty of action.

In line with these orders, General Faidherbe decided to move forward without delay toward St. Quentin, where Brigade Isnard was already on the march from Cambrai. An attack on their right flank, which at that moment was made up only of cavalry, directly jeopardized the Germans' communication lines, while the nearby northern forts provided the French army protection and also more freedom of movement.

But General von Goeben had foreseen such a leftward movement of the enemy, and concentrated all his forces to meet it.[313]

But General von Goeben had anticipated this leftward movement of the enemy and gathered all his forces to counter it.[313]

The convalescents who were fit for service joined the ranks. Only weak detachments were left at Amiens, and because of the approach of the XIIIth Corps from the Sarthe to the Lower Seine, it was now safe to transfer the 3rd Grenadier Regiment and a heavy battery from thence to the Somme.

The recovering soldiers who were ready for duty joined the ranks. Only a few weak units remained in Amiens, and due to the arrival of the XIIIth Corps from the Sarthe to the Lower Seine, it was now safe to move the 3rd Grenadier Regiment and a heavy battery from there to the Somme.

The departure of the French from Albert and the march of their Corps on Combles and Sailly Saillisel were soon reported by the cavalry in observation. The newly-formed Brigade Pauly occupied Bapaume, and the Brigade Isnard entered St. Quentin, whence General zur Lippe (commanding the 12th (Saxon) Cavalry Division detailed from the Army of the Meuse) retired on Ham in accordance with orders. General von Goeben now moved eastward, using the roads on both banks of the Somme so that he might the sooner reach the enemy.

The French left Albert and their troops moved towards Combles and Sailly Saillisel, which was quickly reported by the observing cavalry. The newly formed Brigade Pauly took over Bapaume, and Brigade Isnard entered St. Quentin, where General zur Lippe (in charge of the 12th (Saxon) Cavalry Division assigned from the Army of the Meuse) withdrew to Ham as ordered. General von Goeben then headed east, utilizing the roads on both sides of the Somme to reach the enemy more quickly.

January 17th.—The 12th Cavalry Brigade moved further to the right on La Fère, the 16th Division to Ham. The 3rd Reserve Division and the Guard Cavalry Brigade arrived at Nesle; the 15th Division and the Corps Artillery, at Villers Carbonnel. An Army-Reserve had been formed of the troops last brought up from Rouen, and it followed to Harbonnières. On the northern bank, the detachment under Count von der Groeben moved to the vicinity of Péronne.

January 17th.—The 12th Cavalry Brigade moved further right toward La Fère, while the 16th Division headed to Ham. The 3rd Reserve Division and the Guard Cavalry Brigade arrived at Nesle; the 15th Division and the Corps Artillery reached Villers Carbonnel. An Army Reserve was formed from the troops that had just come up from Rouen, and it moved on to Harbonnières. On the northern bank, the unit led by Count von der Groeben advanced toward the area near Péronne.

The four French Divisions had so far advanced on Vermand as to be able to unite next day near St. Quentin. The XXIIIrd Corps was to move straight upon the town, the XXIInd to cross the Somme lower down, and take up a position south of St. Quentin.

The four French divisions had advanced far enough on Vermand to be able to unite the next day near St. Quentin. The XXIII Corps was set to move directly toward the town, while the XXIInd would cross the Somme further downstream and establish a position south of St. Quentin.

January 18th.—On the German side, the 16th and the 3rd Reserve Division moved by the south bank of the Somme to Jussy and Flavy, the Army-Reserve to Ham. The 12th Cavalry Division at Vendeuil found the country east of the Oise still free from the enemy.

January 18th.—On the German side, the 16th and the 3rd Reserve Division advanced along the south bank of the Somme to Jussy and Flavy, with the Army-Reserve moving to Ham. The 12th Cavalry Division at Vendeuil discovered that the area east of the Oise was still clear of enemy forces.

With the object of obtaining touch of the approaching enemy, the 15th Division was on its part to cross[314] the Somme at Brie, and, together with the troops of General Count von der Groeben, to advance on Vermand and Etreillers. General von Kummer was enjoined, in case he found that the French had taken up a position, merely to watch them and to follow them should they retire northward, but should they march towards the south, to attack them with all his force.

To get in touch with the approaching enemy, the 15th Division was set to cross[314]the Somme at Brie and, along with General Count von der Groeben's troops, advance on Vermand and Etreillers. General von Kummer was instructed that if he found the French had taken a position, he should just observe them and follow if they retreated northward, but if they marched south, he should attack them with all his forces.

At half-past ten, the 29th Brigade came up on the hither side of Tertry with the rear-guard of the XXIInd Corps and its trains. The Hussars charged one of the battalions guarding the latter, and drove the waggons in the greatest disorder back on Caulaincourt, but had to abandon prisoners and prize under the fire of the approaching infantry. The French brigade had turned about, and it advanced to an attack on Trescon. This was resisted by the 65th Regiment and three batteries until after two o'clock, when General du Bessol reached the scene of the fight and ordered the French brigade to resume its march on St. Quentin.

At 10:30, the 29th Brigade arrived on this side of Tertry with the rear-guard of the 22nd Corps and its supplies. The Hussars charged one of the battalions protecting the supplies and sent the wagons retreating in chaos back towards Caulaincourt, but they had to leave behind prisoners and loot due to the advancing infantry. The French brigade had turned around and began to attack Trescon. This was held off by the 65th Regiment and three batteries until after 2:00, when General du Bessol arrived at the battlefield and ordered the French brigade to continue its march towards St. Quentin.

The XXIIIrd had also halted and detached a brigade against the left flank of the 15th Division. This, however, on reaching Cauvigny Farm, came upon two German battalions, which after a protracted fire-fight pursued the retreating enemy and entered Caulaincourt at half-past three, making 100 prisoners and capturing fourteen provision-waggons.

The 23rd had also stopped and sent a brigade to the left side of the 15th Division. However, when they got to Cauvigny Farm, they encountered two German battalions, which after a long firefight chased down the retreating enemy and entered Caulaincourt at 3:30, taking 100 prisoners and capturing fourteen supply wagons.

Meanwhile Count von der Groeben had hurried forward at the sound of firing. The General realized that he could help most efficaciously by marching straight on Vermand. Four batteries came into action against Pœuilly, which was occupied by the enemy, and when the 4th Grenadier Regiment passed to the assault the French retreated, losing some prisoners. Many Gardes-Mobiles were dispersed by the Uhlans. About Vermand the whole of the XXIIIrd Corps was now in the act of beginning to march off.

Meanwhile, Count von der Groeben rushed forward at the sound of gunfire. The General understood that he could be most effective by heading straight for Vermand. Four artillery batteries began firing at Pœuilly, which was held by the enemy, and when the 4th Grenadier Regiment launched its assault, the French fell back, capturing some prisoners. Many Gardes-Mobiles were scattered by the Uhlans. Around Vermand, the entire XXIII Corps was now in the process of starting to march out.

Count von der Groeben therefore posted his troops behind the Pœuilly bottom, thereby retarding the withdrawal[315] of the enemy by forcing him to halt and form front against each display of pressure. The 15th Division took up quarters about Beauvois and Caulaincourt.

Count von der Groeben therefore positioned his troops behind the Pœuilly bottom, slowing down the enemy's retreat by forcing them to stop and organize against each show of force. The 15th Division set up camp around Beauvois and Caulaincourt.[315]

The sole aim of the French Generals on this day seemed to be to reach St. Quentin. They neglected the opportunity of falling with their two Corps upon the single 15th Division. The XXIIIrd Corps passed the night in and westward of St. Quentin, and the XXIInd, after crossing the Somme at Séraucourt, southward of the town. A further advance either on Paris or on the German lines of communications depended now, when the latter had approached so close, on the issue of a battle; and this General Faidherbe wished to await at St. Quentin.

The main goal of the French generals that day seemed to be reaching St. Quentin. They missed the chance to attack the single 15th Division with their two corps. The XXIII Corps spent the night in and west of St. Quentin, while the XXII Corps, after crossing the Somme at Séraucourt, moved south of the town. Any further advance toward Paris or the German supply lines now depended on the outcome of a battle, and General Faidherbe wanted to wait for this at St. Quentin.

It was important to hold on here in case the sortie of the Paris Army should result in success. The ground offered certain advantages—the heights in front of the town gave a free range of fire and afforded a sheltered position for the reserves. It was true that the Somme divided the army in two halves, but the bridge of St. Quentin made mutual assistance possible. The enemy also occupied both sides of the river, and including the Isnard and Pauly Brigades which had come up, he finally counted 40,000 men, opposed to an enemy numerically weaker.[73] The Germans, all told, numbered exactly 32,580 combatants, of whom nearly 6000 were cavalry.

It was crucial to hold the position in case the Paris Army's attack was successful. The terrain had certain advantages—the heights in front of the town provided a clear line of fire and offered a protected spot for the reserves. While the Somme River split the army in two, the St. Quentin bridge allowed for mutual support. The enemy also occupied both banks of the river, and with the addition of the Isnard and Pauly Brigades, they had a total of 40,000 troops, facing an enemy that was outnumbered. The Germans, in total, had exactly 32,580 soldiers, nearly 6,000 of whom were cavalry.[73]

FOOTNOTES:

[71] Who had succeeded General Manteuffel in the command of the Ist Corps, when at the beginning of December the latter found oppressive the command of a Corps along with the Command-in-Chief of the Ist Army.

[71] Who took over from General Manteuffel in leading the 1st Corps when, at the start of December, he felt overwhelmed by the responsibility of commanding a Corps along with being the Commander-in-Chief of the 1st Army.

[72] Commanding the 7th (Rhineland) Uhlan Regiment, the officer who so long and so gallantly defended Saarbrücken on his own responsibility in the earliest days of the war.

[72] Leading the 7th (Rhineland) Uhlan Regiment, the officer who bravely defended Saarbrücken on his own initiative during the first days of the war.

[73] Whether the author intends, in the two first sentences of this paragraph, that the advantages of the St. Quentin position should be enjoyed by Faidherbe or Goeben, appears somewhat obscure. The third sentence certainly refers to the German Army, as the succeeding one clearly shows. But this being so, there is a discrepancy between the text and the Staff History, as regards the side which the bridge of St. Quentin would serve in the battle. The following is quoted from that work: "Moreover, the German troops were separated by the Somme, whilst the bridges at St. Quentin enabled the French Corps to afford one another easy support."

[73] It's a bit unclear whether the author means for the advantages of the St. Quentin location to be enjoyed by Faidherbe or Goeben in the first two sentences of this paragraph. The third sentence definitely refers to the German Army, as the next one clearly indicates. However, this creates a conflict between the text and the Staff History regarding which side the St. Quentin bridge would benefit in the battle. The following is quoted from that work: "Moreover, the German troops were separated by the Somme, while the bridges at St. Quentin allowed the French Corps to easily support one another."


Battle of St. Quentin.

(January 19th.)

General von Goeben had ordered the general attack for this day.

General von Goeben had commanded the overall attack for today.

Covered by the occupation of Séraucourt, General von Barnekow advanced along the southern bank of the Somme, with the 16th and the 3rd Reserve Divisions from Jussy through Essigny; the 12th Cavalry Division advanced on the road leading from La Fère.

Covered by the occupation of Séraucourt, General von Barnekow moved along the southern bank of the Somme, with the 16th and the 3rd Reserve Divisions from Jussy through Essigny; the 12th Cavalry Division advanced on the road from La Fère.

The French columns were still on the march to take up their position with its rear towards the town; and Grugies was already occupied by them. While the 32nd German Brigade advanced northward of Essigny the Reserve Division halted behind the village, and the 31st Brigade at a quarter to ten advanced on Grugies.

The French columns were still moving to set up their position facing away from the town, and Grugies was already taken by them. While the 32nd German Brigade moved north of Essigny, the Reserve Division stopped behind the village, and at 9:45, the 31st Brigade advanced on Grugies.

This attack was taken in flank on its left by the French Brigade Gislain, which had meanwhile occupied the hamlets of Contescourt and Castres. It was met in front by the Brigades Foerster and Pittié which had promptly come into action.

This attack was carried out on its left flank by the French Brigade Gislain, which had meanwhile taken over the hamlets of Contescourt and Castres. It was confronted head-on by the Brigades Foerster and Pittié, which quickly engaged in action.

The fire of the German batteries was at once returned vigorously from Le Moulin de Tout Vent. At eleven o'clock the second battalion of the 69th Regiment marched in company columns across the entirely open ground against the heights on the hither side of Grugies; but the attempt, renewed four times, was frustrated by the destructive cross-fire of the enemy. The ammunition of the isolated battalion was nearly exhausted, and only when followed by six fresh companies of the 29th Regiment did it succeed in forcing the French back, after a desperate hand-to-hand fight: but the latter held their ground in front of Grugies and in the sugar-factory there.

The German artillery's fire was quickly met with a strong response from Le Moulin de Tout Vent. At eleven o'clock, the second battalion of the 69th Regiment marched in formation across the completely open ground toward the heights just before Grugies. However, their efforts, repeated four times, were thwarted by the deadly cross-fire from the enemy. The ammunition for the isolated battalion was nearly depleted, and it was only with the support of six fresh companies from the 29th Regiment that they managed to push the French back after a fierce hand-to-hand battle. Nonetheless, the French held their position in front of Grugies and in the sugar factory there.

On the right wing, the 12th Cavalry Division were advancing on the La Fère road. The French Brigade Aynès, hitherto held in reserve, rushed forward at the double to encounter it, and as Count zur Lippe had at[317] disposition but one battalion of infantry, his advance at first was arrested at Cornet d'Or. But when at noon the Division was joined by reinforcements from Tergnier, the Saxon rifles stormed the park by the high-road, and the Schleswig-Holstein Fusiliers carried La Neuville. The French, with the loss of many prisoners, were vigorously pursued back to the suburb of St. Quentin, where first they found shelter.

On the right flank, the 12th Cavalry Division was moving forward on the La Fère road. The French Brigade Aynès, which had been held in reserve, charged forward quickly to confront them. Since Count zur Lippe only had one battalion of infantry available, his advance was initially halted at Cornet d'Or. However, when the Division received reinforcements from Tergnier at noon, the Saxon rifles stormed the park along the main road, and the Schleswig-Holstein Fusiliers captured La Neuville. The French, suffering the loss of many prisoners, were aggressively chased back to the St. Quentin suburb, where they finally found shelter.

Meantime, the 31st Brigade was engaged in a hot fight on both sides of the railway-line in front of Grugies; behind its right wing was the 32nd in the hollow ground on the high-road, where it suffered severely from the enemy's shell-fire; and on the left, the detachment advancing from Séraucourt did not succeed in entering Contescourt. And now the French made so determined and overwhelming an attack from Grugies, that the 16th Division had to be withdrawn as far as Essigny.

Meanwhile, the 31st Brigade was caught in a fierce battle on both sides of the railway line in front of Grugies; behind its right flank, the 32nd was positioned in the low ground along the main road, where it faced heavy enemy shellfire; and on the left, the unit advancing from Séraucourt failed to enter Contescourt. At this point, the French launched such a strong and relentless attack from Grugies that the 16th Division had to pull back all the way to Essigny.

When after noon General Faidherbe joined the XXIIIrd Corps, he had reason to hope that the XXIInd Corps would be able to maintain its position. But certainly the most important result was to be looked for on the northern section of the battle-field.

When after noon General Faidherbe joined the XXIIIrd Corps, he had reason to hope that the XXIInd Corps would be able to hold its position. But clearly, the most significant outcome was expected on the northern section of the battlefield.

Here the Division Robin had taken up a position between Fayet and Francilly. The Brigade Isnard had marched up it on its left, and the Brigade Lagrange of the Division Payen extended as far as the Somme. The Brigade Michelet remained in reserve, and the Brigade Pauly at Gricourt secured the communications rearward.

Here the Division Robin had positioned itself between Fayet and Francilly. The Brigade Isnard had moved up to its left, while the Brigade Lagrange of the Division Payen stretched all the way to the Somme. The Brigade Michelet stayed in reserve, and the Brigade Pauly at Gricourt secured the communications to the rear.

On the German left, so early as eight o'clock, General Count von der Groeben set out from Pœuilly with eight battalions and twenty-eight guns and advanced along the Roman road; the Cavalry Brigade accompanied the march on the left.

On the German left, as early as eight o'clock, General Count von der Groeben left Pœuilly with eight battalions and twenty-eight guns and moved along the Roman road; the Cavalry Brigade supported the march on the left.

The East-Prussians[74] immediately hurled the French back from Holnon, cleared them out of Selency, and[318] then advanced against Fayet and on to the heights of Moulin Coutte. A gun in action, ammunition-waggons, and many prisoners were there taken from the enemy.

The East Prussians[74] quickly pushed the French back from Holnon, drove them out of Selency, and[318] then moved forward against Fayet and up to the heights of Moulin Coutte. They captured an operational gun, ammunition wagons, and took many prisoners from the enemy.

By degrees the twenty-eight guns were massed on the Windmill Height and entered into a contest with the artillery of the Division Robin. But in the course of half an hour the ammunition failed, since the waggons which had been sent on the previous day to the ammunition column of the VIIIth Corps had not yet come up with the reserve supply. The batteries, which were moreover suffering from infantry fire, had to retire to Holnon, and as Francilly, immediately on the flank and to the rear, was still occupied by the enemy, a further advance was temporarily postponed.

Gradually, the twenty-eight guns were concentrated on Windmill Height and began a battle with the artillery of Division Robin. However, after about half an hour, they ran out of ammunition because the wagons sent the day before to the VIIIth Corps’ ammunition column hadn’t arrived with the backup supply. The batteries, also taking fire from infantry, had to fall back to Holnon, and since Francilly, directly to the side and behind them, was still held by the enemy, any further advance had to be put on hold for now.

On the right, General von Kummer with the 15th Division, marching from Beauvois, had reached Etreillers at ten. The King's Hussars cut in upon the enemy's horse in retreat, and drove them back upon L'Epine de Dallon, and the 29th Brigade entered Savy. North of that place three batteries opened fire against the artillery of the Division Payen, and then the 65th Regiment passed to the attack of the forward-lying copses. The smaller one to the south was carried, but here, as at Francilly, the Brigade Isnard maintained itself in the larger one to the north.

On the right, General von Kummer with the 15th Division, marching from Beauvois, arrived in Etreillers at ten. The King's Hussars engaged the retreating enemy cavalry and pushed them back towards L'Epine de Dallon, while the 29th Brigade entered Savy. North of that location, three artillery batteries opened fire on the Division Payen's artillery, and then the 65th Regiment launched an attack on the forward woods. The smaller one to the south was taken, but here, like at Francilly, the Brigade Isnard held its ground in the larger wood to the north.

At noon the Brigade Lagrange also advanced once more on the small copse and forced its way into it for a short time, but was again driven back by the 65th.

At noon, Brigade Lagrange advanced once more on the small copse and managed to get inside it for a short time, but was pushed back again by the 65th.

The 33rd Regiment was posted in readiness on the threatened right flank of the 29th Brigade, and near it stood in action two heavy batteries of the Corps Artillery just arrived at Savy. At the same time the 30th Brigade also advanced through Roupy on the right of the 29th.

The 33rd Regiment was positioned and ready on the threatened right flank of the 29th Brigade, and nearby, two heavy batteries of the Corps Artillery that had just arrived at Savy were in action. At the same time, the 30th Brigade also moved forward through Roupy on the right side of the 29th.

Meanwhile Colonel von Massow at one o'clock renewed the offensive on the much more advanced left wing. Six companies of the 44th Regiment advanced on Fayet, and after firing into them at the shortest range,[319] drove the French from the place. Two batteries followed, and resumed action against the enemy's great artillery position at Moulin de Cépy.

Meanwhile, Colonel von Massow launched the attack again at one o'clock on the much more advanced left flank. Six companies of the 44th Regiment moved towards Fayet, and after firing at them from very close range,[319] forced the French to retreat from the area. Two batteries followed and resumed fire against the enemy's large artillery position at Moulin de Cépy.

General Paulze D'Ivoy, who saw the communications of his Corps with Cambrai in such imminent danger, had already called up the Brigade Michelet from its reserve post west of the town, and thus reinforced now advanced on Fayet. The Prussian detachments that were in the place had to be withdrawn to Moulin Coutte; but the further advance of the enemy towards these heights was arrested by a flank attack from Selency, and at the same time the farmstead of Bois des Roses was carried. The French again withdrew on Fayet.

General Paulze D'Ivoy, who saw that his Corps's communication with Cambrai was in serious danger, had already called up the Michelet Brigade from its reserve position west of the town, and now reinforced, advanced on Fayet. The Prussian detachments in the area had to be pulled back to Moulin Coutte; however, the enemy's further advance toward these heights was halted by a flank attack from Selency, and at the same time, the farmstead at Bois des Roses was taken. The French then withdrew again to Fayet.

There, at Francilly, and in the northern copses, they still held their own at half-past one, while at that hour, on the German side, all three brigades had been brought up into the fighting-line. The Army-Reserve had arrived from Ham at Roupy, but General von Goeben, who from the latter place had been watching the slow progress of the 16th Division, had already sent it at eleven o'clock through Séraucourt to the support of that Division.

There, at Francilly and in the northern woods, they were still holding their ground at one-thirty, while at that time, on the German side, all three brigades had been moved into the front line. The Army Reserve had arrived from Ham at Roupy, but General von Goeben, who had been observing the slow progress of the 16th Division from there, had already sent it at eleven o’clock through Séraucourt to support that Division.

Colonel von Boecking (commanding the Army-Reserve), with his three battalions, three squadrons, and two batteries, advanced from Séraucourt against Contescourt. Hastening forward with the cavalry, he brought his artillery promptly into action; and then the 41st Regiment, immediately on its arrival, passed to the attack. The battalion of the 19th Regiment which was already on the spot, joined in the fighting, and the enemy with the loss of many prisoners, was at one o'clock driven out of Contescourt and of Castres as well, towards the heights of Grugies. Against these heights the fire of the artillery, which had gradually been increased to thirty guns, was now directed.

Colonel von Boecking, leading the Army Reserve, with his three battalions, three squadrons, and two batteries, moved from Séraucourt toward Contescourt. He quickly advanced with the cavalry and had his artillery ready for action. Then, as soon as the 41st Regiment arrived, they launched an attack. The battalion from the 19th Regiment, already on the scene, joined the fight, and by one o'clock, the enemy, suffering heavy losses and many prisoners, was pushed out of both Contescourt and Castres, retreating toward the heights of Grugies. The artillery, which had been steadily increased to thirty guns, was now aimed at these heights.

Bent on further disputing the position, General Lecomte brought up several battalions from the brigades of Pittié and Aynès for the reinforcement of the Brigade[320] Gislain. The East-Prussian Regiment (41st) succeeded, nevertheless, by half-past two o'clock, in hurling the enemy by an outflanking attack from the heights into the hollow in front of Grugies. Colonel von Boecking's vigorous attack made itself felt throughout the whole front of fight.

Determined to challenge the situation, General Lecomte brought in several battalions from the brigades of Pittié and Aynès to reinforce the Brigade[320] Gislain. Despite this, the East-Prussian Regiment (41st) managed, by half-past two o'clock, to push the enemy back with an outflanking attack from the heights into the valley in front of Grugies. Colonel von Boecking's strong assault was felt across the entire battlefront.

With a view to renewing a general advance, General von Barnekow had ordered up his last reserves from Essigny, when towards three o'clock the Brigade Pittié unexpectedly pushed forward an attack along the railway line. Its right scourged by artillery fire from Castres, it found its left taken at unawares by the charge of five squadrons of reserve cavalry from the Urvilliers hollow. Simultaneously Colonel von Hartzberg advanced with the 32nd Brigade, and drove the enemy back to Moulin de Tout Vent.

To renew a general offensive, General von Barnekow had called up his last reserves from Essigny, when around three o'clock, Brigade Pittié unexpectedly launched an attack along the railway line. Its right was battered by artillery fire from Castres, while its left was caught off guard by a charge from five squadrons of reserve cavalry from the Urvilliers hollow. At the same time, Colonel von Hartzberg advanced with the 32nd Brigade and pushed the enemy back to Moulin de Tout Vent.

The Brigade Foerster, south of Grugies, had still held out stubbornly, although now seriously threatened on the right from Giffécourt, as well as by the 12th Cavalry Division on its left flank. Its left flank now completely uncovered by the retreat of the Brigade Pittié, and its last strength exhausted by a long struggle, the brigade found itself finally forced to evacuate its long-held position. The 31st Brigade advanced along the railway-line as far as the sugar-factory, and Colonel von Boecking drove the last French detachments out of Grugies. He then prepared with his artillery the attack upon Moulin de Tout Vent. Against these heights the 41st Regiment, the battalions already ordered up from Essigny, and the 32nd Brigade advanced to a concentric attack. The French did not prolong their resistance, and indeed were already in retreat. The entire German fighting line, with the 12th Cavalry Division on its right, moved forward on the town, which was now reached by the fire of the artillery posted at Gauchy. The cavalry repeatedly broke in on the retreating hostile bodies; and the railway-station and suburb, in which was found only the rear-guard of[321] the XXth French Corps, was occupied after a short struggle.

The Foerster Brigade, south of Grugies, had stubbornly held its ground, although it was now seriously threatened on the right by Giffécourt and by the 12th Cavalry Division on its left flank. With its left flank completely exposed due to the retreat of the Pittié Brigade and its last strength drained from a long fight, the brigade was ultimately forced to abandon its long-held position. The 31st Brigade moved forward along the railway line to the sugar factory, and Colonel von Boecking drove the last French units out of Grugies. He then prepared his artillery for an attack on Moulin de Tout Vent. The 41st Regiment, along with the battalions summoned from Essigny and the 32nd Brigade, launched a coordinated assault against those heights. The French didn’t extend their resistance and were already on the retreat. The entire German front, with the 12th Cavalry Division on its right, advanced toward the town, which was now under fire from the artillery located at Gauchy. The cavalry repeatedly broke into the retreating enemy forces, and the railway station and suburb, where only the rear guard of the XXth French Corps was found, were occupied after a brief struggle.

Whilst on the southern section of the battle-field the action took this turn, on the northern side the attacks were also being pushed.

While on the southern part of the battlefield the action took this turn, on the northern side the attacks were also being intensified.

By two o'clock the 28th Regiment advancing from Roupy by the road from Ham had carried the farmstead of L'Epine de Dallon; and almost simultaneously Count von der Groeben's infantry came up to renew the offensive.

By two o'clock, the 28th Regiment, coming from Roupy via the road from Ham, had taken the farmstead of L'Epine de Dallon; and nearly at the same time, Count von der Groeben's infantry arrived to resume the attack.

Whilst on the right some companies of the 4th and 44th Regiments opposed the advance of French detachments from the larger copse, Major von Elpons with six companies of the Crown Prince Grenadiers, advanced from Holnon and Selency upon Francilly, and, notwithstanding the hot fire of the defenders, forced an entrance into this very straggling village, in which many prisoners were made. As, however, the East-Prussian Regiment then advanced further south of the Roman road, it had in its turn to sustain a formidable attack.

While on the right, some units from the 4th and 44th Regiments held back the French detachments coming from the larger woods, Major von Elpons, leading six companies of the Crown Prince Grenadiers, moved in from Holnon and Selency towards Francilly. Despite the intense fire from the defenders, they managed to break into this sprawling village, capturing many prisoners. However, as the East-Prussian Regiment pushed further south of the Roman road, it faced a strong counterattack.

To cover its threatened line of retreat, the Brigade Michelet once more advanced from Fayet, and the Brigade Pauly also marched from Gricourt upon Moulin Coutte. This position, which had in the meantime been strengthened by artillery, was, however, obstinately held by the 44th Regiment, and when the Grenadier companies poured in leftward towards the Roman road, the enemy's attack was here also repulsed.

To secure its vulnerable escape route, Brigade Michelet advanced again from Fayet, and Brigade Pauly also moved from Gricourt towards Moulin Coutte. This position, which had been reinforced with artillery in the meantime, was stubbornly defended by the 44th Regiment. When the Grenadier companies surged leftward toward the Roman road, the enemy's assault was pushed back here as well.

Meanwhile the 29th Brigade, followed by the 30th, had already advanced in the direction of St. Quentin, the 33rd Regiment on its right and the 65th Regiment on the left. The latter regiment now took complete possession of the larger copse, and forty-eight guns were brought up on both sides of the road from Savy. The further advance of the infantry was effected in column of companies and on an extended line, because of the heavy shell fire of the French. The Brigades of Lagrange[322] and Isnard did not await the shock, but at four o'clock retired on St. Quentin with the loss of one gun.

Meanwhile, the 29th Brigade, followed by the 30th, had already moved toward St. Quentin, with the 33rd Regiment on its right and the 65th Regiment on the left. The 65th Regiment took full control of the larger copse, and forty-eight guns were set up on both sides of the road from Savy. The infantry advanced in company columns and on an extended line due to the intense shelling from the French. The Brigades of Lagrange[322] and Isnard didn’t wait for the attack but retreated to St. Quentin at four o'clock, losing one gun in the process.

Their artillery once more took up a position at Rocourt, but at five o'clock had to abandon it abruptly, and the French now confined themselves to the defence of the barricaded accesses into the St. Martin suburb of St. Quentin.

Their artillery once again positioned itself at Rocourt, but at five o'clock, they had to leave it suddenly, and the French now focused on defending the barricaded entrances to the St. Martin suburb of St. Quentin.

Six Prussian batteries were brought up against these, and the 29th Brigade for some time maintained a stationary fire fight on the strongly held buildings and gardens; but presently several companies from Rocourt established themselves in the suburb, in which street-fighting was still continued, even after Lieutenant-Colonel von Hüllessem had succeeded in crossing the canal bridge and entering the town itself.

Six Prussian artillery units were brought in against these, and the 29th Brigade held a steady firefight on the heavily defended buildings and gardens for a while; but soon, several companies from Rocourt set up positions in the suburb, where street fighting continued even after Lieutenant-Colonel von Hüllessem managed to cross the canal bridge and enter the town itself.

By four o'clock, General Faidherbe had already the conviction that the XXIIIrd Corps would probably be unable to hold its ground. In this event his choice was limited to the alternative of a night retreat, or of being shut up in St. Quentin. He had not yet formed a decision, when he met in the town General Lecointe, who reported that he had abandoned the defence of the left bank of the Somme. Thanks to the resistance still maintained by the XXIIIrd Corps on the north, the XXIInd was enabled to retire unmolested on Le Cateau.

By four o'clock, General Faidherbe was already convinced that the XXIII Corps would likely be unable to hold its position. In this case, his options were limited to either a nighttime retreat or being trapped in St. Quentin. He hadn't made a decision yet when he ran into General Lecointe in the town, who informed him that he had given up the defense of the left bank of the Somme. Thanks to the ongoing resistance from the XXIII Corps in the north, the XXIInd was able to retreat to Le Cateau without any trouble.

The Commanding General now ordered General Paulze d'Ivoy to retire on that place, but the latter only received the order at six in the evening, when the brigades of the right wing—Pauly's and Michelet's—had already started of their own accord for Cambrai. The more obstinately the two remaining brigades now defended the suburb of St. Martin, the more ominous for them must prove the result of the action. Attacked in rear by the battalions of Colonel von Boecking, the greater portion were made prisoners. The 41st Regiment alone took prisoners 54 officers and 2260 men, besides capturing 4 guns. General Faidherbe[323] himself only escaped the same fate by the help of the inhabitants.

The Commanding General now ordered General Paulze d'Ivoy to retreat to that location, but he only received the order at six in the evening, when the brigades from the right wing—Pauly's and Michelet's—had already set out for Cambrai on their own. The more stubbornly the two remaining brigades defended the suburb of St. Martin, the more dire the outcome of the battle must have seemed for them. Attacked from behind by Colonel von Boecking's battalions, most of them were captured. The 41st Regiment alone took 54 officers and 2,260 men prisoner, in addition to seizing 4 guns. General Faidherbe[323] himself narrowly escaped the same fate with the help of the local residents.

The action ended at half-past six in the evening, and the troops passed the night in the town and in the captured villages.

The action wrapped up at 6:30 PM, and the troops spent the night in the town and in the seized villages.

The hard-won victory had cost the Germans 96 officers and 2304 men; 3000 wounded Frenchmen were found on the battle-field, and the number of unwounded prisoners exceeded 9000.

The hard-won victory had cost the Germans 96 officers and 2,304 men; 3,000 wounded French soldiers were found on the battlefield, and the number of unwounded prisoners exceeded 9,000.

According to theory, the pursuit should invariably clinch the victory—a postulate assented to by all, and particularly by civilians; and yet in practice it is seldom observed. Military history furnishes but few instances, such as the famous one of Belle Alliance. It requires a very strong and pitiless will to impose fresh exertions and dangers upon troops who have marched, fought and fasted for ten or twelve hours, in place of the longed-for rest and food. But even given the possession of this will, the question of pursuit will yet depend on the circumstances under which the victory has been won. It will be difficult of execution when all the bodies on the field of battle, as at Königgrätz, have become so intermixed that hours are required to re-form them into tactical cohesion; or when, as at St. Quentin, all, even the troops last thrown into the action, have become so entangled that not one single tactically complete body of infantry remains at disposition. Without the support of such a body, cavalry at night will be seriously detained before every obstacle and each petty post of the enemy, and thus alone its exertions will rarely be repaid.[75]

According to theory, pursuing should always secure the victory—a belief accepted by everyone, especially civilians; yet in practice, it rarely happens. Military history offers only a few examples, like the famous one at Belle Alliance. It takes a very strong and ruthless will to demand further efforts and dangers from troops who have marched, fought, and gone without food for ten or twelve hours, instead of getting the rest and meals they long for. But even with that will, the success of the pursuit will depend on the conditions under which the victory was achieved. It will be hard to pull off when all the bodies on the battlefield, as at Königgrätz, have become so mixed that it takes hours to reorganize them into a cohesive tactical unit; or when, as at St. Quentin, even the troops last sent into battle are so tangled that not one complete tactical unit of infantry is available. Without the support of such a unit, cavalry at night will struggle to get past every obstacle and minor enemy post, and therefore its efforts will often go unrewarded.[75]

General von Goeben did not pursue the defeated enemy till the following day. His advanced cavalry ranged up to the suburb of Cambrai and the glacis of Landrecies, without meeting with any resistance, and merely brought in some hundreds of stragglers. The Infantry Divisions followed to within four miles of Cambrai. Against this fortress nothing could be undertaken through want of siege material, and there was no military advantage to be derived in extending further north. Among the news to hand it was reported that a considerable portion of the French Army of the North had retired upon Lille, Douai and Valenciennes. As fresh enterprises on its part were consequently not to be expected, General von Goeben brought his force back to the Somme, where towards the end of the month it took up rest quarters between Amiens and St. Quentin.

General von Goeben didn’t chase the defeated enemy until the next day. His advanced cavalry reached the suburb of Cambrai and the outskirts of Landrecies without facing any resistance and only managed to capture a few hundred stragglers. The Infantry Divisions moved up to within four miles of Cambrai. There was nothing that could be done against this fortress due to a lack of siege equipment, and there was no military benefit in pushing further north. Among the news received, it was reported that a significant portion of the French Army of the North had retreated to Lille, Douai, and Valenciennes. Since no further actions were expected from them, General von Goeben pulled his forces back to the Somme, where toward the end of the month, they settled into rest quarters between Amiens and St. Quentin.

On the Lower Seine, the Grand Duke of Mecklenburg entered Rouen with the XIIIth Corps on the 25th, after having encountered on the march only a few franctireurs. Although General Loysel had increased his force to a strength of nearly 30,000 by reinforcements from Cherbourg, he had remained entirely inactive.

On the Lower Seine, the Grand Duke of Mecklenburg entered Rouen with the XIII Corps on the 25th, after encountering only a few snipers during the march. Even though General Loysel had bolstered his forces to nearly 30,000 with reinforcements from Cherbourg, he had stayed completely inactive.

General von Goeben had in view the transfer to the Army of the Somme of that portion of the Ist Corps still about Rouen; but this was disapproved of by telegram from the supreme Head-quarter, which on political grounds ordered its continued retention there.

General von Goeben planned to move the part of the 1st Corps that was still around Rouen to the Army of the Somme; however, this was rejected by a telegram from the supreme Headquarters, which ordered that it be kept there for political reasons.

FOOTNOTES:

[74] Companies of the Crown Prince's Grenadier Regiment (the 1st of the Prussian line), and of the East Prussian Infantry Regiment No. 44, belonging respectively to the 1st and 3rd Brigades, 1st Division, Ist Army Corps.

[74] Companies of the Crown Prince's Grenadier Regiment (the 1st of the Prussian line) and the East Prussian Infantry Regiment No. 44, part of the 1st and 3rd Brigades of the 1st Division, 1st Army Corps.

[75] Moltke, although not quite inexperienced in the practical conduct of war on a large scale, would scarcely have ventured to express himself as above, if he had studied the teachings of The Soldier's Pocket-Book. The distinguished author of that profound and accurate treatise writes of pursuits in quite a different tone. "You have won a great battle," writes Lord Wolseley, "and the enemy are in full retreat; run after him; hammer him with guns; charge him with cavalry; harass him with mounted infantry; pass round his flanks, and keep pushing him and hitting him from morning until night. Caution is out of place when you have a beaten army before you. Wellington never delivered any crushing blow, because he failed to pursue."

[75] Moltke, while not completely inexperienced in managing large-scale warfare, probably wouldn't have expressed himself that way if he had paid attention to the lessons in The Soldier's Pocket-Book. The respected author of that insightful and precise work discusses pursuits in a much different tone. "You’ve won a significant battle," writes Lord Wolseley, "and the enemy is retreating; go after them; bombard them with artillery; charge them with cavalry; harass them with mounted infantry; move around their sides, and keep pushing and striking them from morning until night. Caution has no place when you’re facing a defeated army. Wellington never delivered a decisive blow, because he failed to pursue."


Events in the South-Eastern War Zone up to January 17th.

Siege of Belfort.—In the south-eastern theatre of war, the forces detailed to operate against Belfort[325] had been only gradually brought together under cover of the XIVth Army Corps.

Siege of Belfort.—In the southeastern theater of war, the troops assigned to attack Belfort[325] had been slowly assembled under the protection of the XIV Army Corps.

The town is surrounded by a bastioned enceinte. The citadel has a wide command, built as it is on lofty rocks, which, to increase the development of fire, are encircled by successive tiers of works in terrace-formation. On the left bank of the Savoureuse, newly constructed lines of defence protected the suburb and railway station. On the high adjacent ridge to the north-east the forts of La Miotte and La Justice, with the enclosing lines connecting them with the main fortress, formed a spacious intrenched camp. Hostile occupation of the lofty eminences of the two Perches (Hautes and Basses) would certainly endanger the whole defensive position, dominating as they did even the citadel from the south at a distance of only 1100 yards, and whence the works on the left bank of the river could be brought under fire. But two forts of masonry had been constructed on the Perches before the advent of the enemy, and further to strengthen the defence the nearest copses and villages, as for instance Pérouse and Danjoutin, had been intrenched.

The town is surrounded by a fortified wall. The citadel has a great vantage point, built on high rocks that are surrounded by multiple levels of terraced fortifications to enhance firepower. On the left bank of the Savoureuse, newly built defensive lines protect the suburb and railway station. On the high ridge to the northeast, the forts of La Miotte and La Justice, along with the connecting lines to the main fortress, created a large entrenched camp. If the enemy took control of the high ground of the two Perches (Hautes and Basses), it would definitely threaten the entire defense position, as they could overlook even the citadel from just 1100 yards away, allowing them to target the works on the left bank of the river. However, two masonry forts were built on the Perches before the enemy arrived, and to further strengthen the defense, the nearby woods and villages, like Pérouse and Danjoutin, were also fortified.

The fortress was by no means deficient in bomb-proof accommodation. Its armament consisted of 341 heavy guns, and it was provisioned for five months.

The fortress had plenty of bomb-proof facilities. It was armed with 341 heavy guns and stocked with supplies for five months.

When immediately after the opening of the campaign, the VIIth French Corps vacated Alsace, only about 5000 Gardes-Mobiles remained in Belfort, but its garrison, increased by calling in National Guards, now exceeded 17,000.

When the VIIth French Corps left Alsace right after the campaign began, only about 5,000 Gardes-Mobiles were left in Belfort, but with the addition of National Guards, the garrison now had more than 17,000 troops.

The vigilant Commandant, Colonel Denfert, laid great stress on the maintenance in force of the environs in his front. The advanced posts were every day assigned to fresh operations, which the artillery of the fortress had to cover at extreme ranges.

The watchful Commandant, Colonel Denfert, placed a lot of emphasis on keeping the surrounding area secure. Every day, new operations were assigned to the forward posts, which the fortress's artillery had to support from long distances.

On the opposite side, General von Tresckow (commanding 1st Reserve Division) had available at the outset, a force of not more than twenty weak battalions of Landwehr, five squadrons and six field-batteries, in[326] all barely 15,000 men. He had at first to confine himself to a mere investment. The troops, intrenched in the villages round a wide circumference, had to repel many sorties.

On the other side, General von Tresckow (in charge of the 1st Reserve Division) initially had a force of no more than twenty understrength battalions of Landwehr, five squadrons, and six field batteries, totaling barely 15,000 men. He had to start out by limiting himself to a simple encirclement. The troops, fortified in the villages around a large area, had to fend off many attacks.

Orders were received from the supreme Headquarter to set about the regular siege of the place. General von Mertens was charged with the direction of the engineer operations, and Lieut.-Col. Scheliha with that of the artillery attack. The difficulties of the undertaking were obvious. The rocky nature of the soil could not but increase the labour of throwing up earthworks, and the cold season was approaching. The attack could be carried on successfully only from the south against the main work—the formidable citadel. Only fifty heavy guns were available for the time, and the infantry strength was not sufficient to efficiently invest the place on all sides.

Orders came from the supreme headquarters to begin the regular siege of the location. General von Mertens was responsible for overseeing the engineering operations, while Lieut.-Col. Scheliha was in charge of the artillery assault. The challenges of this operation were clear. The rocky terrain would make it even harder to construct defensive positions, and the cold season was approaching fast. The attack could only effectively proceed from the south against the main structure—the powerful citadel. There were only fifty heavy guns available at the moment, and the infantry numbers were not enough to effectively surround the area on all sides.

In these circumstances, there devolved on General von Tresckow the task of attempting the reduction of Belfort by a mere bombardment. Towards this purpose the attack was chiefly directed from the west, in which quarter, after the enemy's garrison had been driven out of Valdoye, the infantry occupied Essert and Bavilliers, as well as the adjacent wooded heights. On December 2nd seven batteries were constructed on the plateau between these two villages by 3000 men, under cover of two battalions. The hard-frozen ground added to the difficulties of the work; yet, notwithstanding the moonlight night, the operations would appear to have escaped the attention of the besieged. When on the following morning the sun had dispersed the fog and made visible the objects, fire was opened.

In these circumstances, General von Tresckow was tasked with trying to reduce Belfort through bombardment. The main attack came from the west, where, after the enemy's garrison was driven out of Valdoye, the infantry occupied Essert and Bavilliers, along with the nearby wooded heights. On December 2nd, seven batteries were set up on the plateau between these two villages by 3,000 men, with cover from two battalions. The hard-frozen ground made the work even more difficult; however, despite the moonlit night, the operations seemed to have gone unnoticed by the besieged. When the sun rose the next morning and cleared the fog, the targets became visible, and fire was opened.

The fortress replied at first but feebly, but afterwards with increasing vigour from the entire line of works, even from Forts La Miotte and La Justice at a range of 4700 yards, and the losses in the trenches were considerable.[327]

The fortress initially responded weakly, but then began to fire back more vigorously from the entire line of defenses, even from Forts La Miotte and La Justice, which were 4700 yards away, and the casualties in the trenches were significant.[327]

Four more batteries in front of Bavilliers were armed, and on the fall of La Tuilerie the infantry pressed on to within 170 yards of the enemy's most advanced trenches. The artillery fire caused a conflagration in the town; but the ammunition was soon exhausted, whilst the lofty citadel maintained unchecked an effective fire, and repeated sorties on the part of the garrison had to be repelled. It was now clear, since no decisive result had followed the methods hitherto resorted to, that only by a regular attack could that be attained.

Four more batteries were set up in front of Bavilliers, and after the fall of La Tuilerie, the infantry pushed forward to within 170 yards of the enemy's closest trenches. The artillery fire started a fire in the town, but the ammunition ran out quickly, while the tall citadel continued to fire effectively without interruption, and the garrison launched several attacks that had to be repelled. It was now clear that, since no decisive outcome had come from the approaches used so far, only a coordinated attack could achieve that.

On the south Colonel von Ostrowski on December 13th had carried the French positions of Adelnans and the wooded heights of Le Bosmont and La Brosse. On the eastern point of the latter two batteries, and on its northern skirt four additional batteries had been thrown up, not without great difficulty arising from thaw having made the ground a swamp. On January 7th, fifty guns opened fire. The superiority of the artillery of the attack was soon manifest. Fort Bellevue suffered severely, and notably the fire from Basses Perches was entirely silenced.

On the south, Colonel von Ostrowski captured the French positions at Adelnans and the wooded heights of Le Bosmont and La Brosse on December 13th. On the eastern side of those two locations, and on the northern edge, four additional batteries were constructed, which was quite challenging due to the thaw turning the ground into a swamp. On January 7th, fifty guns started firing. The superiority of the attacking artillery quickly became clear. Fort Bellevue took heavy damage, and the fire from Basses Perches was completely silenced.

But it was of grave importance that the village of Danjoutin, strongly garrisoned and intrenched by the enemy, stood in the way of a further advance. During the night of the 8th January seven companies attacked this position, and also from the northward at the same time took possession of the railway-embankment. With empty rifles the Landwehr hurled themselves against the enemy in the face of a hot fire, and charged along the village street up to the church. The supports hastening from the fortress were driven back at the railway-embankment, but the fight about the buildings in the southern quarter of the village lasted till towards noon. Of the defenders, twenty officers and 700 men were taken prisoners.

But it was extremely important that the village of Danjoutin, heavily fortified and entrenched by the enemy, obstructed any further advance. During the night of January 8th, seven companies attacked this position, and simultaneously took control of the railway embankment from the north. Armed only with empty rifles, the Landwehr charged at the enemy despite intense gunfire and fought their way down the village street towards the church. The reinforcements rushing from the fortress were pushed back at the railway embankment, but the battle for the buildings in the southern part of the village continued until around noon. Of the defenders, twenty officers and 700 soldiers were captured.

Typhus and small-pox had broken out in Belfort; and in the besieging force also the number of the sick reached a considerable figure, caused by arduous work[328] in inclement weather. Most of the battalions could only muster 500 men, and this weakness led General von Tresckow to devote half his force to the lighter duty of protecting the investment from without, principally towards the south.

Typhus and smallpox had erupted in Belfort; and among the besieging troops, the number of sick also grew significantly, due to the hard work in bad weather. Most of the battalions could only gather 500 men, and this weakness prompted General von Tresckow to assign half his forces to the easier task of protecting the siege from the outside, mainly to the south.[328]

Trustworthy intelligence estimated the French strength at Besançon at 62,000. Although hitherto entirely inactive, this force now seemed in strong earnest to press on to the relief of the hard-pressed fortress by the line of the Doubs. On this line was the fortified château of Montbéliard, held by one German battalion, and armed with heavy guns. Between the Doubs and the Swiss frontier about Delle stood General Debschitz with eight battalions, two squadrons, and two batteries, and General von Werder concentrated the XIVth Corps at Noroy, Aillevans, and Athésans, to oppose with all his strength any interruption of the siege of Belfort.

Reliable intelligence estimated the French force at Besançon to be 62,000. Although they had been completely inactive until now, this force now appeared determined to push forward to relieve the besieged fortress along the Doubs River. Along this route was the fortified château of Montbéliard, held by a single German battalion and equipped with heavy artillery. Between the Doubs and the Swiss border near Delle was General Debschitz with eight battalions, two squadrons, and two batteries, while General von Werder assembled the XIV Corps at Noroy, Aillevans, and Athésans to firmly resist any disruption to the siege of Belfort.

From January 5th onwards there ensued a series of engagements in front of Vesoul, as the result of which the enemy advanced from the south and west to within four miles of that town. There could be no doubt that very considerable forces were engaged in this advance. East also of the Ognon, the enemy's posts were advanced beyond Rougemont, although in lesser force. In these actions 500 prisoners were made; and it was at once evident that besides the XVIIIth, the XXIVth and XXth Corps also formed part of Bourbaki's army; a circumstance which threw a sudden light upon a totally changed phase of the war.

From January 5th onward, a series of battles took place in front of Vesoul, leading the enemy to push up from the south and west to within four miles of the town. It was clear that substantial forces were involved in this advance. To the east of the Ognon, the enemy's positions moved past Rougemont, though with a smaller contingent. In these clashes, 500 prisoners were taken; and it became immediately obvious that in addition to the XVIII Corps, the XXIV and XX Corps were also part of Bourbaki's army, revealing a sudden shift in the dynamics of the war.

Transfer of the French Army of the East to the South-Eastern Seat of War, end of December.—As had been expected by the supreme Headquarter at Versailles, about the beginning of January an attempt had been made to bring about combined action on the part of Generals Chanzy and Bourbaki. As we have already seen, the advance of the former had been thwarted by Prince Frederick Charles on the Loir, and Bourbaki[329] had actually made preparations for an advance by Montargis to the relief of Paris. But he delayed its execution until the 19th December, when the IInd German Army had already returned to Orleans from its expedition to Le Mans. General Bourbaki had now to realize that the IInd Army would fall on the flank of his projected movement, and he thus the more readily concurred in another plan, devised by the Delegate de Freycinet, and approved of by the Dictator Gambetta.

Transfer of the French Army of the East to the South-Eastern Theater of War, late December.—As expected by the headquarters at Versailles, around the beginning of January, an attempt was made to coordinate actions between Generals Chanzy and Bourbaki. As we've seen, Chanzy's advance was blocked by Prince Frederick Charles on the Loir, while Bourbaki[329] had actually prepared to move from Montargis to relieve Paris. However, he delayed this plan until December 19th, by which time the Second German Army had already returned to Orleans from its campaign at Le Mans. General Bourbaki now had to acknowledge that the Second Army would strike the flank of his planned movement, which made him more willing to agree to an alternative plan developed by Delegate de Freycinet and approved by Dictator Gambetta.

This was for the XVth Corps to remain about Bourges and to cover that town in intrenched positions about Vierzon and Nevers; the XVIIIth and XXth were to proceed to Beaune by railway, and, when raised to a strength of 70,000 by an union with Garibaldi and Crémer, to occupy Dijon. The newly-formed XXIVth Corps was also to be moved by railway from Lyons to Besançon, where, with the forces already there, a strength of 50,000 would be attained. In co-operation with the "invincibles of Dijon," it then would be easy to raise the siege of Belfort "without even striking a blow." It was expected that the mere existence of this mass of considerably above 100,000 men would avert any attacks upon the Northern fortresses; in any case, there was the certainty of severing the enemy's various lines of communication, and the later prospect also of combined action with Faidherbe.

This was for the XV Corps to stay around Bourges and defend that town with fortified positions near Vierzon and Nevers; the XVIII and XX Corps were to take the train to Beaune, and, once they joined forces with Garibaldi and Crémer to reach a strength of 70,000, they would occupy Dijon. The newly-formed XXIV Corps was also set to be transported by train from Lyon to Besançon, where, combined with the existing troops there, they would reach a total of 50,000. Working together with the "invincibles of Dijon," it would then be easy to lift the siege of Belfort "without even fighting." It was anticipated that just the presence of this force of over 100,000 men would prevent any attacks on the Northern fortresses; in any case, there was a guarantee of cutting off the enemy's various lines of communication, along with the future possibility of coordinated action with Faidherbe.

The railway transport of Bourbaki's army from the Loir to the Saône had already commenced by December 23rd. In the absence of all preparations, many interruptions and breaks-down in the traffic naturally occurred, and the troops suffered severely from the intense cold and from being insufficiently cared for. When Chagny and Châlons sur Saône had been reached, and it was ascertained that the Germans had already evacuated Dijon, it was decided to again entrain the troops so as to bring them nearer to Besançon; whence arose a fresh delay, and it was only in the beginning of the new year that the Army of the East stood in readiness[330] between Dijon and Besançon. The XVth Corps was now also ordered thither, but fourteen days were required for its transportation.

The railway movement of Bourbaki's army from the Loire to the Saône had already started by December 23rd. Due to a lack of preparations, there were many interruptions and breakdowns in the transport, and the troops suffered greatly from the extreme cold and inadequate care. Once they reached Chagny and Châlons sur Saône, and it was confirmed that the Germans had already left Dijon, it was decided to load the troops onto trains again to get them closer to Besançon. This caused another delay, and it was only at the start of the new year that the Army of the East was ready[330] between Dijon and Besançon. The XVth Corps was also ordered there, but it took fourteen days to transport them.

The comprehensive plan of M. Freycinet, and his sanguine expectations, were essentially favoured by the circumstance that the transfer of those great bodies of troops to a remote section of the field of war had remained concealed for a fortnight from the IInd Army, as well as from the XIVth Corps, and consequently from the chief Head-quarter. Rumours and newspaper articles had no doubt given somewhat earlier hints, but General von Werder's telegram of January 5th was the first really authentic announcement by which it was known beyond doubt that the Germans now stood face to face with an entirely altered aspect of the military situation. In Versailles the appropriate dispositions and arrangements were promptly made, and steps taken for the formation of a new Army of the South.

The detailed plan of M. Freycinet, along with his optimistic expectations, was mainly supported by the fact that the movement of those large troop units to a distant part of the battlefield had been kept hidden for two weeks from the II Army, as well as the XIV Corps, and consequently from the main headquarters. While rumors and news articles had likely provided some earlier hints, General von Werder's telegram on January 5th was the first truly official notification confirming that the Germans were now facing a completely changed military situation. In Versailles, the necessary arrangements and preparations were quickly made, and actions were initiated to create a new Army of the South.

There was available for this purpose the IInd Corps at Montargis, and half of the VIIth under General von Zastrow at Auxerre, which during this period of uncertainty had been constantly moving to and fro between the Saône and Yonne, according as the one or the other quarter appeared to be threatened. The chief command of these two Corps, to which was afterwards added that of the XIVth, was entrusted to General von Manteuffel. General von Werder could not be immediately reinforced, and for a time the XIVth Corps was thrown upon its own resources.

There were the IInd Corps available for this purpose at Montargis, and half of the VIIth under General von Zastrow at Auxerre, which during this period of uncertainty had been constantly moving back and forth between the Saône and Yonne, depending on which area seemed to be at risk. The main command of these two Corps, to which the XIVth was later added, was given to General von Manteuffel. General von Werder couldn't be reinforced right away, so for a while, the XIVth Corps had to rely on its own resources.

Notwithstanding their superiority of strength, the French did more manœuvring than fighting. General Bourbaki aimed at outflanking the left wing of the XIVth Corps, and thus entirely cutting it off from Belfort. On January 5th the XVIIIth Corps advanced by Grandvelle, and the XXth by Echenoz le Sec, on Vesoul; but, as we have seen, they there met with opposition, and as the XXIVth Corps sent to the right to Esprels[331] learned that Villersexel was occupied by the Germans, Bourbaki determined upon a still more easterly and circuitous route. On the 8th the two Corps of the left wing marched off to the right, the XVIIIth to Montbozon, the XXth to Rougemont; the XXIVth went back to Cuse. At the same time General Crémer received orders to move from Dijon on Vesoul. On the 9th the XXIVth and XXth Corps were at Vellechevreux and Villargent on the Arcey-Villersexel road, while the head of the XVIIIth Corps reached Villersexel and Esprels.

Despite their strength, the French focused more on maneuvering than actual combat. General Bourbaki planned to outflank the left side of the XIV Corps, completely cutting it off from Belfort. On January 5th, the XVIII Corps moved forward from Grandvelle, and the XX Corps from Echenoz le Sec towards Vesoul; however, they faced resistance there. The XXIV Corps, which went right to Esprels, discovered that Villersexel was occupied by the Germans, prompting Bourbaki to choose an even more eastern and indirect route. On the 8th, the two Corps from the left wing headed to the right, with the XVIII Corps moving to Montbozon and the XX Corps to Rougemont; the XXIV Corps returned to Cuse. At the same time, General Crémer was ordered to move from Dijon towards Vesoul. On the 9th, the XXIV and XX Corps were positioned at Vellechevreux and Villargent along the Arcey-Villersexel road, while the front of the XVIII Corps reached Villersexel and Esprels.

General von Werder had no alternative but to follow this sideward movement in all haste. He ordered the Baden Division to Athésans, the 4th Reserve Division to Aillevans, and Von der Goltz's Brigade to Noroy le Bourg. The trains were put in march to Lure.

General von Werder had no choice but to quickly follow this sideways movement. He ordered the Baden Division to Athésans, the 4th Reserve Division to Aillevans, and Von der Goltz's Brigade to Noroy le Bourg. The trains were set in motion to Lure.

Action of Villersexel, January 9th.—Accordingly at seven in the morning the Reserve Division was sent on from Noroy to Aillevans, and began bridging the Ognon to admit of the continuation of the march. A flanking detachment of the 25th Regiment sent to the right, was fired on near Villersexel, and the attempt to carry the stone bridge at that place failed shortly after. The French with two and a half battalions occupied the town, situated on a height on the further bank of the river. Shortly afterwards reinforcements came up on the German side. Two batteries opened fire upon the place and upon the still advancing bodies of the enemy. The 25th Regiment crossed the river by the suspension bridge and broke into the walled park and into the château. At one o'clock the French were driven out of the town with the loss of many prisoners, and a pause in the fighting ensued.

Villersexel Action, January 9th.—At 7 a.m., the Reserve Division moved from Noroy to Aillevans and started building a bridge over the Ognon to allow the march to continue. A flanking group from the 25th Regiment was sent to the right and came under fire near Villersexel, and the attempt to capture the stone bridge there failed shortly after. The French were holding the town with two and a half battalions, located on a height on the far bank of the river. Soon after, reinforcements arrived on the German side. Two batteries opened fire on the town and on the advancing enemy troops. The 25th Regiment crossed the river using the suspension bridge and broke into the walled park and the château. By 1 p.m., the French were driven out of the town, suffering many prisoners, and a pause in the fighting followed.

The Prussian force during the fighting had been seriously threatened on its flank by the advance from Esprels of the 1st Division of the French XVIIIth Corps,[332] with the artillery-reserve. General von der Goltz, however, opposed it by occupying the village of Moimay. He also sent to Villersexel nine companies of the 30th Regiment, to relieve the 25th Regiment there, so as to allow the latter to rejoin its own Division in the further march. His combined brigade was eventually to form the rear-guard of the whole movement.

The Prussian forces during the fighting were seriously threatened on their side by the advance from Esprels of the 1st Division of the French XVIII Corps,[332] along with the artillery reserve. General von der Goltz countered this by occupying the village of Moimay. He also sent nine companies of the 30th Regiment to Villersexel to replace the 25th Regiment there, allowing the latter to rejoin its own Division for the next march. His combined brigade was ultimately meant to serve as the rear guard for the entire movement.

General von Werder, who observed the considerable force in which the French were advancing on Villersexel from the south, concluded that there was less to be gained by forcing his own passage across the Ognon than by opposing that of the French, since the river covered his line of approach to Belfort. He therefore recalled the infantry already issuing to the southward from the town, and withdrew the batteries to the northern side of the river. Here the main body of the 4th Reserve Division took up a defensive position, and the Baden Division was called in on its march at Arpenans and Lure, as a much-needed reinforcement to the former.

General von Werder, who watched the significant force the French were bringing towards Villersexel from the south, decided that it would be more beneficial to block the French advance than to force his own way across the Ognon, as the river protected his route to Belfort. He therefore recalled the infantry that was moving south from the town and pulled back the artillery to the north side of the river. Here, the main body of the 4th Reserve Division took up defensive positions, and the Baden Division was redirected from its march at Arpenans and Lure to provide much-needed support to the former.

It was already evening when large columns of the French advanced on Villersexel and shelled the town.

It was already evening when large groups of the French moved toward Villersexel and bombarded the town.

Favoured by the darkness, they penetrated into the park and château, from which the German garrison had already been withdrawn; and as the general condition of things did not seem to necessitate the occupation of Villersexel, the responsible officers ordered the evacuation of the town. Though hard pressed by the enemy, this movement had been nearly completed, when orders arrived from General von Werder to hold the town.

Favored by the darkness, they entered the park and château, from which the German garrison had already been pulled back; and since the overall situation didn't seem to require the occupation of Villersexel, the officers in charge ordered the evacuation of the town. Although they were under pressure from the enemy, this evacuation was almost finished when orders came from General von Werder to hold the town.

At once four battalions from the Reserve Division advanced to the renewed attack. The 25th Regiment turned about at the bridge over the Ognon and joined them. The Landwehr rushed into the ground floor of the straggling château, but the French defended themselves in the upper floors and the cellars. On the staircase and in the passages of the already burning[333] buildings there ensued a hot and changeful combat, and the fight was maintained in the streets. Not till the General in command took the matter in hand, and himself ordered it to be broken off, were dispositions made at one o'clock in the morning for a gradual retirement, which was completed by three. The Reserve Division then recrossed the bridge at Aillevans, and occupied St. Sulpice on the right.

At that moment, four battalions from the Reserve Division moved forward for a renewed attack. The 25th Regiment turned around at the bridge over the Ognon and joined them. The Landwehr charged into the ground floor of the sprawling château, but the French fought back from the upper floors and the cellars. On the staircase and in the hallways of the already burning [333] buildings, there was intense and chaotic fighting, which continued in the streets. It wasn't until the commanding General got involved and ordered the attack to be called off that plans were made for a gradual withdrawal starting at one o'clock in the morning, which was finished by three. The Reserve Division then crossed back over the bridge at Aillevans and occupied St. Sulpice on the right.

General von der Goltz had held Moimay until evening.

General von der Goltz had held Moimay until the evening.

Of the XIVth Corps only 15,000 had been engaged, of whom 26 officers and 553 men had fallen. The French losses amounted to 27 officers and 627 men; and they also left behind in the hands of the Germans 700 unwounded prisoners. The French troops which chiefly took part in the operations were the XVIIIth and XXth Corps; the XXIVth Corps, on account of the fighting in its rear, had suspended its march to Arcey through Sevenans. Detachments of the gradually incoming XVth Corps advanced from southward in the direction of Belfort.

Of the XIV Corps, only 15,000 had been involved, with 26 officers and 553 men lost. The French losses were 27 officers and 627 men; they also left 700 unwounded prisoners in German hands. The main French forces involved in the operations were the XVIII and XX Corps; the XXIV Corps had halted its march to Arcey through Sevenans due to fighting in its rear. Units of the incoming XV Corps advanced from the south toward Belfort.

On the morning of January 10th, General von Werder massed his Corps in the vicinity of Aillevans, ready to engage the enemy should the latter attempt an advance through Villersexel. But no attack was made, and so the march could be resumed that same morning. As a matter of fact, the French with three Corps were as near to Belfort as the Germans were with three Divisions. To cover the departure the Reserve Division took up a position at Athésans, and on the following day all the forces reached and occupied the line of the Lisaine. On the right wing about Frahier and Chalonvillars stood the Baden Division; in the centre, the Reserve Brigade between Chagey and Couthenans; on the left, the Reserve Division at Héricourt and Tavey. On the south, General von Debschitz stood in observation at Delle, and Colonel von Bredow at Arcey; towards the west Colonel von Willisen was at[334] Lure with the detachment of eight companies, thirteen squadrons, two batteries, which had come up from Vesoul.

On the morning of January 10th, General von Werder gathered his Corps near Aillevans, prepared to confront the enemy if they tried to advance through Villersexel. However, no attack occurred, so the march resumed that same morning. In fact, the French forces with three Corps were as close to Belfort as the Germans were with three Divisions. To secure the departure, the Reserve Division positioned itself at Athésans, and the next day all forces reached and occupied the line of the Lisaine. On the right wing, around Frahier and Chalonvillars, was the Baden Division; in the center, the Reserve Brigade was located between Chagey and Couthenans; on the left, the Reserve Division was at Héricourt and Tavey. To the south, General von Debschitz was observing from Delle, and Colonel von Bredow was at Arcey; to the west, Colonel von Willisen was at [334] Lure with a detachment of eight companies, thirteen squadrons, and two batteries that had arrived from Vesoul.

General von Werder had in fact, succeeded in interposing his force between the enemy and Belfort.

General von Werder had actually managed to position his troops between the enemy and Belfort.

The French commander, under the intoxicating impression of a victory, had resigned himself to inactivity. "General Billot," he reported to the Government at Bordeaux, "has occupied Esprels and maintains himself there." We know that he was never attacked there at all, and that he did not succeed in driving away General von der Goltz from the vicinity of Moimay. "General Clinchant has carried Villersexel with extraordinary dash;" but the fight of the 9th was, as regards the Germans, maintained with only a portion of the XIVth Corps, to cover the right flank of the main body on its march. Whilst, then, this movement of the latter was prosecuted with the utmost energy, the French army remained passive for two days, ready for action and in the confident expectation that the enemy described as beaten, would come on again to fight for the supremacy. Not until the 13th did the XXIVth Corps advance on Arcey, the XXth on Saulnot, and the XVIIIth follow to Sevenans. The XVth was to support an attack on Arcey by way of Ste. Marie.

The French commander, caught up in the excitement of a victory, had settled into inaction. "General Billot," he reported to the Government in Bordeaux, "has taken Esprels and is holding it." We know he was never attacked there and that he didn't manage to push General von der Goltz away from the area around Moimay. "General Clinchant has taken Villersexel with impressive boldness;" however, the fighting on the 9th, from the Germans' perspective, was conducted with only part of the XIVth Corps, to protect the right flank of the main forces during their march. While this movement continued with great energy, the French army stayed inactive for two days, on standby and confidently expecting that the enemy, labeled as defeated, would come back to fight for control. It wasn't until the 13th that the XXIVth Corps moved towards Arcey, the XXth towards Saulnot, and the XVIIIth followed to Sevenans. The XVth was set to support an attack on Arcey via Ste. Marie.

General von Werder had utilized this interval, while the troops were hastening forward, in ascertaining the eligibility of the Lisaine position and in a consultation with General von Tresckow in rear of it.

General von Werder had taken this time, while the troops rushed ahead, to assess the suitability of the Lisaine position and to have a discussion with General von Tresckow behind it.

A detailed inspection showed that at Frahier the Lisaine, there but an unimportant streamlet, flows through a broad grassy hollow, and thence to Chagey through steep wooded slopes. About Héricourt the valley opens out into a wide plain, which is however commanded by the rocky heights of Mont Vaudois. Lower down the wooded heights line the river as far as Montbéliard, which with the Allaine brook forms a[335] strong point of support and the extremity of the line.

A close inspection revealed that at Frahier, the Lisaine is just a small stream that flows through a wide grassy area and then towards Chagey through steep wooded hills. Near Héricourt, the valley expands into a large plain, which is overshadowed by the rocky cliffs of Mont Vaudois. Further down, wooded hills line the river all the way to Montbéliard, which along with the Allaine brook forms a[335] strong point of support and the end of the line.

The wooded character of the plain west of the Lisaine would necessarily increase the assailants' difficulties in the deployment of large infantry masses and a strong artillery line. It is true that during the prevailing severe cold the river was everywhere frozen over; but only two high-roads led through the forest into the valley from the direction by which the French army was advancing, one to Montbéliard, the other to Héricourt. The other accesses were narrow, hollow roads rendered difficult of use by frost.

The wooded nature of the plain west of the Lisaine would definitely make it harder for attackers to position large groups of infantry and establish a strong line of artillery. It's true that during the harsh cold, the river was completely frozen; however, there were only two main roads that went through the forest into the valley from the direction the French army was coming from—one toward Montbéliard and the other toward Héricourt. The other routes were narrow, sunken roads that were made difficult to navigate by the frost.

General von Tresckow had already armed the most important points with siege guns, the castle of Montbéliard with six, and the neighbouring height of La Grange Dame with five heavy cannon. Seven were placed on Mont Vaudois and near Héricourt; besides these, twenty-one others commanded the valley of the Allaine southward as far as Delle.

General von Tresckow had already fortified the key positions with siege guns, equipping the castle of Montbéliard with six and the nearby hill of La Grange Dame with five heavy cannons. Seven were stationed on Mont Vaudois and near Héricourt; in addition to these, twenty-one others oversaw the Allaine valley southward all the way to Delle.

All the troops that could be spared from the investing force were also withdrawn from before Belfort. Still there remained the important consideration that the available forces might not suffice to entirely cover the whole of the Lisaine line. The right wing was the locally weakest portion of the whole position, but here there was the least to be apprehended, the enemy's main attack, since the many needs of the numerous but inadequately equipped French army made the nearest possible vicinity of one of the railroads a necessity. The Vesoul line by way of Lure was broken in many places, and the Besançon line led towards the strong left wing. The country north of Chagey might therefore more weakly be held, and a reserve was formed of the largest part of the Baden Division, which was distributed in rear of the centre and left about Mandrevillars, Brévilliers and Charmont.

All the troops that could be spared from the siege force were also pulled back from Belfort. However, there was still an important concern that the available forces might not be enough to fully cover the entire Lisaine line. The right wing was the weakest part of the entire position, but it was also the area with the least risk of the enemy's main attack, as the many needs of the large but under-equipped French army made being close to one of the railroads necessary. The Vesoul line via Lure was damaged in several places, and the Besançon line led toward the strong left wing. Therefore, the area north of Chagey could be held with fewer troops, and a reserve was formed from the largest portion of the Baden Division, which was positioned behind the center and left around Mandrevillars, Brévilliers, and Charmont.

The respite accorded by the enemy was turned to account with the utmost zeal in the construction of[336] rifle-pits and of battery emplacements, the establishment of telegraph and relay lines, the improvement of roads and the replenishment of supplies and ammunition.

The break granted by the enemy was used to full advantage with great enthusiasm in building [336] rifle pits and battery positions, setting up telegraph and relay lines, improving roads, and restocking supplies and ammunition.

January 13th.—On the morning of the 13th the advanced posts of the 3rd Reserve Division were now attacked at Arcey, Ste. Marie and Gonvillars. They were instructed to withdraw before a superior force, but to hold their own long enough to compel the deployment of the hostile columns. The combat with French artillery coming up at wide intervals was therefore prolonged for a considerable time; then, after a three hours' resistance, a new position was taken up behind the Rupt brook, and the retirement on Tavey delayed until four in the afternoon. The advanced guard of General von der Goltz, after a whole brigade had deployed against it, also took up a position at Chavanni on a parallel front with that at Couthenans.

January 13th.—On the morning of the 13th, the forward units of the 3rd Reserve Division were attacked at Arcey, Ste. Marie, and Gonvillars. They were ordered to pull back in the face of a stronger force but were supposed to hold their ground long enough to force the enemy columns to deploy. The engagement with French artillery, which arrived at various intervals, lasted quite a while; then, after three hours of resistance, a new position was established behind the Rupt brook, and the withdrawal to Tavey was postponed until four in the afternoon. The advanced guard of General von der Goltz, after a whole brigade had positioned against it, also took a position at Chavanni on a parallel front with Couthenans.

Before the Allaine front the French did not succeed in driving General von Debschitz's advanced posts out of Dasle and Croix.

Before the Allaine front, the French were unable to push General von Debschitz's forward positions out of Dasle and Croix.

January 14th.—On the 14th General von Willisen with fifty dismounted Dragoons drove back the enemy advancing on Lure, and then retired with his detachment on Ronchamp.

January 14th.—On the 14th, General von Willisen and fifty dismounted Dragoons pushed back the enemy attacking Lure, then withdrew with his unit to Ronchamp.

The French army did not yet on this day undertake a serious attack. It stood with the XVth, XXIVth, and XXth Corps, closely concentrated opposite the German left and centre at a distance of scarcely four-and-a-half miles. The German right was supposed by General Bourbaki to rest upon Mont Vaudois. His plan was to cross the Lisaine in force above this point of support, and by thus turning the hostile flank to facilitate a frontal attack. The XVIIIth Army Corps and the Division Crémer were assigned to this service. A drawback to this judicious arrangement was, that the two above-mentioned bodies designed by the officer in supreme command to open the fight on the 14th, would[337] have the longest distance to march to their task. On this day the leading troops of the XVIIIth Army Corps barely succeeded in reaching the vicinity of Lomont through difficult hill and woodland region, and Crémer's Brigade[76] had only then begun to advance from Vesoul. A postponement to the 15th was thereupon determined.

The French army didn't launch a serious attack on this day. It positioned itself with the 15th, 24th, and 20th Corps, closely gathered opposite the German left and center, just about four-and-a-half miles away. General Bourbaki believed that the German right was anchored at Mont Vaudois. His strategy was to push a large force across the Lisaine above this support point and, by flanking the enemy, make it easier for a frontal assault. The 18th Army Corps and Crémer's Division were tasked with this mission. A downside to this well-thought-out plan was that the two units chosen by the commanding officer to initiate the attack on the 14th had to travel the longest distance to get to their objective. On that day, the leading troops of the 18th Army Corps barely managed to reach the area near Lomont through challenging hills and woodland, while Crémer's Brigade had only just started moving out from Vesoul. Therefore, it was decided to postpone the attack to the 15th.

On the German side, a general attack by the greatly superior enemy was hourly expected, and General von Werder felt himself bound to send by telegraph to Versailles a representation of the extreme seriousness of his position. The rivers, being frozen over, were passable, and the duty of covering Belfort deprived him of freedom of movement and endangered the existence of his corps. He earnestly prayed that the question should be weighed, whether the investment of Belfort should continue to be maintained.

On the German side, a full-scale attack by the much stronger enemy was expected at any moment, and General von Werder felt he had to send a telegram to Versailles detailing how serious his situation was. The rivers were frozen, making them crossable, and the responsibility of defending Belfort limited his ability to move and put his corps at risk. He sincerely urged that the matter be considered whether the siege of Belfort should continue.

In the supreme Head-quarter it was considered that any further retirement of the XVth[77] Army Corps would have the immediate effect of raising the siege of Belfort, and causing the loss of the considerable material which had been provided therefor; that it was impossible to foresee where such further retirement would end; and that it could but delay the co-operation of the army advancing by forced marches under General von Manteuffel. At three o'clock on the afternoon of 15th January a positive order was despatched to General von Werder to accept battle in front of Belfort. He was, as was only fair, relieved of the moral responsibility of the consequences of a possibly disastrous issue. But before this order reached him, the General had already come to the same resolution.

In the main headquarters, it was felt that any further withdrawal of the XVth[77] Army Corps would immediately lift the siege of Belfort and result in the loss of significant resources that had been set aside for it. They believed it was impossible to predict where such a withdrawal might lead and that it would only delay the support of the army marching rapidly under General von Manteuffel. At three o'clock in the afternoon on January 15th, a clear order was sent to General von Werder to engage in battle in front of Belfort. He was, quite reasonably, freed from the moral responsibility of the potential consequences of a possibly disastrous outcome. However, before this order reached him, the General had already made the same decision.

FOOTNOTES:

[76] Slip of the pen for "Division."

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Typo for "Division."

[77] So in text; a slip of the pen, or printer's error, for the XIVth Corps, which von Werder commanded. There was no XVth Corps in 1871.

[77] So in text; a slip of the pen, or printer's error, for the 14th Corps, which von Werder commanded. There was no 15th Corps in 1871.


Battle at Lisaine.

(January 15th to 17th.)

January 15th.—On the morning of the 15th of January, two Divisions of the French XVth Corps, strengthened by artillery, advanced on Montbéliard; a third followed in reserve. The East-Prussian Landwehr battalions, which had pushed forward to the Mont Chevis Farm and Ste. Suzanne, held their position for a long time, advanced on their part to the attack, and drove the heads of the enemy's columns back upon the Rupt brook. But when the latter in the afternoon deployed in greater force along the edge of the wood, the Landwehr advanced posts were at two o'clock ordered back to the left bank of the Lisaine. The town of Montbéliard, entirely commanded by the surrounding heights, was also voluntarily evacuated, only its fortified castle being held. But east of Montbéliard General von Glümer with the 1st Baden Brigade had taken up a position, and had brought up four field-batteries alongside the siege guns on the plateau of La Grange Dame.

January 15th.—On the morning of January 15th, two divisions of the French 15th Corps, supported by artillery, advanced on Montbéliard; a third division followed in reserve. The East-Prussian Landwehr battalions, which had moved forward to the Mont Chevis Farm and Ste. Suzanne, held their position for a long time, launched their own attack, and pushed back the enemy's advance columns toward the Rupt brook. However, in the afternoon, when the French deployed in larger numbers along the edge of the woods, the Landwehr's forward posts were ordered back to the left bank of the Lisaine at two o'clock. The town of Montbéliard, fully exposed to the surrounding heights, was also voluntarily abandoned, with only its fortified castle remaining in defense. But to the east of Montbéliard, General von Glümer and the 1st Baden Brigade had established a position, bringing up four field batteries alongside the siege guns on the plateau of La Grange Dame.

Towards the close of the day the French, after a continuous but ineffective bombardment from eight batteries, took possession of the town, but did not make any further advance.

Towards the end of the day, the French, after a persistent but ineffective shelling from eight batteries, took control of the town, but did not move forward any further.

Neither had they prospered in their attempt to cross the Lisaine at Béthoncourt. An officer and sixty men, who had sought cover within a walled graveyard from the sharp fire of the defenders, were taken prisoners.

Neither did they succeed in their attempt to cross the Lisaine at Béthoncourt. An officer and sixty men, who had sought refuge in a walled graveyard from the intense fire of the defenders, were captured.

Further to the north the French XXIVth Corps continued to advance, but it was two o'clock before its columns were able to deploy from the wood. Four battalions did, indeed, succeed in taking possession of the village of Bussurel on the western bank of the Lisaine, but their further advance was frustrated by the fire of the defenders in cover behind the railway[339] embankment, and by that of the Baden battalions and batteries brought up from the main reserve.

Further north, the French XXIV Corps kept moving forward, but it wasn't until two o'clock that its units could spread out from the woods. Four battalions managed to seize the village of Bussurel on the western bank of the Lisaine, but their progress was blocked by the defenders hidden behind the railway embankment, as well as by the Baden battalions and artillery brought in from the main reserve.

Héricourt, on the great high road from Besançon and only little more than four miles from Belfort, became a point of special importance in the German fighting line. Here in front of the Lisaine the right wing of the 4th Reserve Division struck the enemy.

Héricourt, along the main road from Besançon and just over four miles from Belfort, became a key location in the German front line. Here, in front of the Lisaine, the right wing of the 4th Reserve Division engaged the enemy.

The little wooded knoll of Mougnot, which forms a sort of bridge-head to the narrow gorge through which the road passes, had been fortified by the pioneers with abatis, battery emplacements and rifle-pits, the town in its rear prepared for defence, and the base of the heights on either of its sides faced with artillery. Four East-Prussian Landwehr battalions were in touch on the right with the Reserve Brigade, which held the slope of Mont Vaudois as far as Luze.

The small wooded hill of Mougnot, which acts like a bridgehead to the narrow gorge that the road goes through, was fortified by the pioneers with obstacles, battery positions, and rifle pits. The town behind it was set up for defense, and the base of the hills on both sides was equipped with artillery. Four battalions of the East Prussian Landwehr were connected on the right with the Reserve Brigade, which held the slope of Mont Vaudois all the way to Luze.

About ten o'clock the French deployed their artillery on the bare heights close to the line of approach in the vicinity of Trémoins. Upon their infantry advancing leftwards through Byans, the German detachment which till then had been left in Tavey fell back on Héricourt in reserve, and the enemy's first attack on Mougnot was shattered by the resistance of its defenders, and by the fire of sixty-one guns on the further bank of the river. The attempt was not repeated that day, and the French confined themselves to a heavy but ineffective cannonade.

About ten o'clock, the French set up their artillery on the bare heights near the approach to Trémoins. As their infantry moved left through Byans, the German unit that had been stationed in Tavey retreated to Héricourt as a reserve. The first French attack on Mougnot was stopped by the defenders' resistance and the fire from sixty-one guns on the opposite bank of the river. They didn’t try again that day, and the French limited their efforts to a heavy but ineffective barrage.

According to the instructions issued by General Bourbaki, the XXth Corps was to await the result of the great outflanking movement which was to be carried out by General Billot with the XVIIIth Corps and Crémer's Division. As, however, these had not yet put in an appearance, the Army-Reserve had to be brought up leftward to Coisevaux to protect General Clinchant's flank.

According to the instructions from General Bourbaki, the XX Corps was supposed to wait for the outcome of the major flanking maneuver that General Billot would execute with the XVIII Corps and Crémer's Division. However, since they hadn't shown up yet, the Army Reserve had to be moved left to Coisevaux to protect General Clinchant's flank.

The orders from the Army Head-quarter had not reached the XVIIIth Corps until midnight. It had moreover to accomplish a difficult march by deeply[340] snowed-up woodland paths. This entailed crossings, not only between the flank columns of its 1st and 3rd Divisions, but even with the Division Crémer at Lyoffans. This Division had only by dint of the greatest exertion reached Lure during the night, and could not get further on to Béverne until nine in the morning. A fresh delay was occasioned by the order to bring up in front of the infantry the artillery—even the reserve artillery which was marching in the very rear; and thus it happened that the XVIIIth Corps did not succeed in deploying two of its Divisions opposite Luze and Chagey till between 12 and 2 in the afternoon.

The orders from Army Headquarters didn’t reach the XVIII Corps until midnight. They had to make a difficult march through heavily snow-covered woodland paths. This included crossings not just between the 1st and 3rd Division flank columns, but also with Division Crémer at Lyoffans. This Division had only with great effort reached Lure during the night and couldn’t move on to Béverne until nine in the morning. A further delay was caused by the order to bring the artillery, even the reserve artillery which was at the very back, in front of the infantry. As a result, the XVIII Corps wasn’t able to deploy two of its Divisions opposite Luze and Chagey until between 12 and 2 in the afternoon.

The 1st Division occupied Couthenans with one battalion, and brought up five batteries on the reverse slope of the heights to the north of that place. But the fire from the opposite bank prevented their further progress, and in a short time several of the batteries had but two guns left fit for action, although the Germans, in view of the difficulty of replenishment, used their ammunition as sparingly as possible. At three o'clock there was a pause in the artillery fight, which however was resumed energetically on the arrival of reinforcements, when the artillery of the XXIVth Corps coming from Byans took part in it. An infantry attack on a large scale was not yet attempted.

The 1st Division took control of Couthenans with one battalion and set up five artillery batteries on the back slope of the hills to the north of the area. However, gunfire from the opposite bank halted their advance, and soon several of the batteries had only two operational guns left. The Germans, facing challenges in resupplying, used their ammo very carefully. At three o'clock, there was a break in the artillery fight, but it kicked back into gear with renewed energy once reinforcements arrived, including artillery from the XXIVth Corps coming from Byans. A large-scale infantry attack had not yet been launched.

There was scarcely more vigour in the advance of the 3rd Division against Chagey, which was occupied only by a Baden battalion; yet it was from here that the outflanking movement of the German right wing by turning Mont Vaudois was to be gone upon. The wood reached to the first houses of the village, and the only difficulty was the climb up the steep face of the height. Two French battalions suddenly burst from the gorge south of it, and drove in the Baden outposts; the further attack was to have been supported from Couthenans on the south, but the infantry advancing from thence found itself forced to turn back by the fire from the opposite bank. Only by a renewed effort did[341] the Zouaves succeed in entering Chagey, where a stubborn fight raged in and around the houses. Meanwhile two Baden battalions came up, who, at five o'clock, drove the enemy out of the village back into the wood. Fresh reinforcements hastened to the support of the latter from the reserve near by, the short winter's day was over, and here during the night the French attempted nothing further. The 2nd Division of the French Corps had only advanced as far as Béverne, the cavalry had not moved from Lyoffans.

The 3rd Division barely put any more energy into advancing against Chagey, which was occupied by just a Baden battalion. However, this was the starting point for the German right wing's flanking movement by going around Mont Vaudois. The woods extended to the first houses of the village, and the only challenge was the steep climb up the hill. Suddenly, two French battalions charged out from the gorge to the south and pushed back the Baden outposts. The follow-up attack was supposed to be supported from Couthenans to the south, but the infantry there had to retreat due to fire from the opposite bank. Only through another effort did the Zouaves manage to get into Chagey, where a fierce fight broke out in and around the houses. Meanwhile, two Baden battalions arrived and, at five o'clock, pushed the enemy out of the village and back into the woods. Fresh reinforcements rushed to support them from nearby reserves, the short winter day came to an end, and the French did not make any further attempts during the night. The 2nd Division of the French Corps only reached Béverne, and the cavalry had not moved from Lyoffans.

The Division Crémer, despite its late arrival at Lure, had continued the march in the early morning. After the above-mentioned crossings and resultant delays the 1st Brigade advanced on Etobon, and there at noon it engaged in a fight with a Baden detachment under the command of General von Degenfeld. When the 2nd Brigade also came up, the 1st moved forward through the Bois de la Thure, with intent to cross the Lisaine above Chagey. Parts of the roads had first to be made practicable by the pioneers, involving considerable delay. The 2nd Brigade then followed in the dark, having left a detachment in observation at Etobon. A fresh collision with some Baden detachments determined General Crémer to extinguish all the watch-fires. His troops remained under arms throughout the hard winter night.

The Division Crémer, despite arriving late at Lure, continued the march early in the morning. After the previously mentioned crossings and resulting delays, the 1st Brigade advanced on Etobon and engaged in a fight with a Baden detachment led by General von Degenfeld at noon. When the 2nd Brigade also arrived, the 1st pushed forward through the Bois de la Thure, aiming to cross the Lisaine above Chagey. Some parts of the roads needed to be cleared by the pioneers, which caused significant delays. The 2nd Brigade then followed in the dark, having left a detachment to observe at Etobon. A new clash with some Baden detachments prompted General Crémer to put out all the campfires. His troops stayed on alert throughout the harsh winter night.

On the German side, all the troops not on guard duty found shelter in the neighbouring villages, the pioneers only being kept at work with their pickaxes. The actions had cost both sides about 600 men, without bringing about any decisive result; but every day was a gain to the defenders.

On the German side, all the troops not on guard duty took cover in the nearby villages, with only the pioneers working with their pickaxes. The fighting had resulted in about 600 casualties for both sides, without leading to any decisive outcome; however, each day was a victory for the defenders.

General Von Werder, on the heights north of Héricourt, had received constant reports regarding the course of the fighting from the General Staff officers sent out in various directions, by which he was able to regulate the abstraction from the reserves of reinforcements to the fighting line. The diminution of the[342] ammunition was a cause of anxiety, since a consignment announced from Baden had not yet arrived.

General Von Werder, on the hills north of Héricourt, had been getting regular updates about the fighting from the General Staff officers sent out in different directions. This information allowed him to manage the withdrawal of reinforcements from the reserves to the front lines. The shortage of ammunition was a concern, especially since a shipment expected from Baden had not yet arrived.

General Bourbaki informed his Government that he had taken Montbéliard, it was true without the castle, had occupied the villages on the west bank of the Lisaine, and that he would attack on the 16th. He had learned from General Billot that the German right wing extended considerably beyond Mont Vaudois, whence he inferred that important reinforcements had reached the enemy, whose strength he estimated at 80,000 to 100,000 men. Nevertheless he anticipated a fortunate issue for the outflanking operation by fetching a yet wider compass to the left.

General Bourbaki informed his government that he had taken Montbéliard, though it was true he hadn't captured the castle. He had occupied the villages on the west bank of the Lisaine and planned to attack on the 16th. He learned from General Billot that the German right wing extended significantly beyond Mont Vaudois, leading him to conclude that important reinforcements had reached the enemy, whose strength he estimated at 80,000 to 100,000 men. Nevertheless, he expected a successful outcome for the flanking operation by moving even further to the left.

January 16th.—At half-past six on the morning of the 16th the Germans again stood to arms in the positions of the previous day.

January 16th.—At 6:30 in the morning on the 16th, the Germans were once again ready for action in the same positions as the day before.

The French again began the attack with their right wing. From the loopholed houses they fired on the Landwehr company holding the castle of Montbéliard, causing some loss among the latter as well as among the gunners. The summons to surrender was disregarded, and the fire of the fortress artillery was used to such good purpose against two batteries which showed themselves on the neighbouring height, that these were obliged to retire, leaving behind them two guns. Neither could they advance from a new position they had taken up at the farm of Mont Chevis, and where they had been reinforced by three batteries, against the fire from La Grange Dame, although the cannonade continued until dark. No attempt was made from Montbéliard to pierce the German line.

The French launched another attack with their right flank. They fired from the fortified houses at the Landwehr company stationed at the castle of Montbéliard, resulting in some casualties among them and the gunners. The call to surrender was ignored, and the fortress artillery was effectively used against two enemy batteries positioned on the nearby height, forcing them to retreat and leaving behind two cannons. They also couldn't advance from their new position at the Mont Chevis farm, where they had been reinforced by three batteries, despite the artillery fire from La Grange Dame continuing until dark. There was no attempt from Montbéliard to break through the German lines.

Further to the left the reinforced 1st Division of the French XVth Corps advanced on Béthoncourt. At one o'clock the fire of its artillery from Mont Chevis and Byans obliged a Baden battery to limber up, and it was then directed on the village. Large bodies had been massed in the neighbouring forest, from out which at three o'clock they advanced. General[343] Glümer had meantime despatched reinforcements to the threatened front. Two determined attempts pushed close up to the village were frustrated by the destructive artillery and rifle fire of the defenders. A third attack made with a whole brigade at four o'clock, was not permitted even to approach. The losses on the French side were considerable, and the snowy field was strewn with the fallen. Some unwounded prisoners were also taken.

Further to the left, the reinforced 1st Division of the French XV Corps advanced on Béthoncourt. At one o'clock, the artillery fire from Mont Chevis and Byans forced a Baden battery to leave its position, and it was then aimed at the village. Large groups had been gathered in the nearby forest, from which they advanced at three o'clock. General[343] Glümer had meanwhile sent reinforcements to the threatened front. Two determined attempts to get close to the village were thwarted by the devastating artillery and rifle fire of the defenders. A third attack, made with a whole brigade at four o'clock, was not allowed to approach at all. The losses on the French side were significant, and the snowy field was littered with the fallen. Some unwounded prisoners were also captured.

One Division of the XXIVth French Corps had taken up a covered position in the woods behind Byans, and as it had already occupied Bussurel on the previous day, the German defensive position here in the rear of the railway embankment appeared to be threatened from the immediate vicinity. The General in command therefore sent General Keller with two Baden Fusilier battalions and one heavy battery from Brévilliers in this direction. The latter joined the two batteries which had been engaged on the slope of the hill since morning. The fire of five of the enemy's batteries was soon silenced by the unerring projectiles from the German guns. At noon the French artillery retired from Byans, leaving there also two guns, which could only be brought away later. The infantry, one Division strong, had only threatened to pierce the line, without proceeding to carry out the attempt.

One division of the 24th French Corps had taken cover in the woods behind Byans, and since they had already occupied Bussurel the day before, the German defensive position behind the railway embankment seemed to be at risk from very close by. The General in charge therefore sent General Keller with two Baden Fusilier battalions and one heavy battery from Brévilliers in this direction. The latter joined the two batteries that had been active on the slope of the hill since morning. The fire from five of the enemy's batteries was soon silenced by the precise shots from the German guns. By noon, the French artillery retreated from Byans, leaving behind two guns that could only be removed later. The infantry, strong with one division, had only threatened to break through the line, without actually attempting it.

The XXth Corps brought up two Divisions against the line Héricourt—Luze. A thick fog covered the valley, and the early cannonade was at first scarcely answered by the Germans. To obtain some insight into the intentions of the enemy, two companies advanced to the height west of St. Valbert, and surprised the enemy moving up from Byans with so rapid a fire that he turned back. But soon after, at half-past nine, several battalions burst out from Tavey against the Mougnot. Two attacks were frustrated by the steady resistance of the Landwehr battalions, and a third attempt directed against the southern exit from Héricourt[344] did not succeed. About four o'clock fresh masses of infantry again gathered against the Mougnot, but coming under fire from Mont Salamou, they shrank from further attacks, and confined themselves till evening to an ineffective cannonade.

The XXth Corps deployed two divisions against the Héricourt—Luze line. A thick fog blanketed the valley, and the initial cannon fire was barely responded to by the Germans. To gain some understanding of the enemy's plans, two companies moved up to the heights west of St. Valbert and caught the enemy advancing from Byans off guard with such a quick barrage that they retreated. However, soon after, at half-past nine, several battalions launched an assault from Tavey towards the Mougnot. Two attacks were thwarted by the steadfast resistance of the Landwehr battalions, and a third attempt aimed at the southern exit from Héricourt[344] also failed. Around four o'clock, fresh waves of infantry regrouped against the Mougnot, but after coming under fire from Mont Salamou, they backed off from further attacks and limited themselves to an ineffective shelling until evening.

At Chagey two Divisions of the XVIIIth Corps found themselves face to face with the Germans. They did not attempt anything.

At Chagey, two divisions of the XVIII Corps came face to face with the Germans. They didn’t take any action.

The little spirit with which on January 16th the action along the whole front from Montbéliard to Chagey was conducted, pointed to the conclusion that the French were everywhere awaiting the issue of the scheme of out-flanking the German right wing.

The slight energy with which the action on January 16th unfolded across the entire front from Montbéliard to Chagey indicated that the French were everywhere anticipating the outcome of the plan to out-flank the German right wing.

This task now devolved on General Crémer. The 2nd Division of the XVIIIth Corps joined him at Etobon.

This task now fell to General Crémer. The 2nd Division of the XVIII Corps joined him at Etobon.

Two Divisions advanced thence on Chenebier, where General von Degenfeld stood with two battalions, two batteries, and one squadron. There could be no doubt as to the result. At eleven o'clock the Division Penhoat of the XVIIIth Corps advanced to encompass the place on the west and north, and the Division Crémer, for the purpose of barring the defenders' line of retreat on Belfort, advanced on the south, where the wood of La Thure covered his approach. The batteries of both Divisions were brought up in the afternoon on its northern edge, where they opened fire. After they had been in action for two hours, the infantry masses advanced from three sides. Under General Crémer's personal leading the Baden Fusiliers were driven from the southern to the northern part of the village, and as his encompassment therein through the wood of Montedin was practicable, General von Degenfeld, after an obstinate resistance, at three o'clock was obliged to take up his retreat in a northerly direction through Frahier. Thence he again turned south-east and took up a position in front of Chalonvillars, about the high-lying windmill of Rougeot, where,[345] at six o'clock, he was joined by Colonel Bayer with reinforcements. The French did not pursue; the Division Crémer, which had lost 1000 men, retired, on the contrary, into the wood of La Thure, while Penhoat's Division confined itself to the occupation of Chenebier.

Two Divisions moved forward to Chenebier, where General von Degenfeld was stationed with two battalions, two batteries, and one squadron. The outcome was clear. At eleven o'clock, the Penhoat Division of the XVIII Corps advanced to encircle the area from the west and north, while the Crémer Division moved in from the south to block the defenders' escape route to Belfort, using the La Thure woods to hide their approach. In the afternoon, both Divisions brought their batteries to the northern edge and opened fire. After two hours of action, infantry units advanced from three sides. Under General Crémer's direct leadership, the Baden Fusiliers were pushed from the southern part of the village to the northern part. Since encircling them through the Montedin woods was feasible, General von Degenfeld, after a tough fight, had to retreat northward through Frahier at three o'clock. He then turned southeast and set up a position in front of Chalonvillars, near the high windmill of Rougeot, where, at six o'clock, he was joined by Colonel Bayer with reinforcements. The French did not follow; instead, the Crémer Division, having lost 1,000 men, retreated into the La Thure woods, while Penhoat's Division took control of Chenebier.

Thus the German line of defence was nowhere broken on this day; still, its extreme right wing had been driven back to within little more than three miles of Belfort.

Thus the German defense line was not broken anywhere on this day; however, its far right wing had been pushed back to within just over three miles of Belfort.

The fortress celebrated the success of the French arms by a victory-salute, but made no serious sortie on the investing forces, weakened as they were by the despatch of reinforcements; and the latter, on their side, quietly continued the construction of batteries.

The fortress marked the success of the French forces with a victory salute, but didn’t make any significant attack on the surrounding troops, even though those troops were weakened by the sending off of reinforcements; meanwhile, the reinforcements calmly continued building their artillery positions.

General von Werder, anxious above all things to re-establish the fighting position on his right wing, could however only gather in as a general reserve four battalions, four squadrons, and two batteries, bringing up these from the least exposed places and even from Belfort, to Brévilliers and Mandrevillars. At eight o'clock in the evening General Keller was ordered to retake Chenebier. On this errand he left Mandrevillars with two Baden battalions, reached Moulin Rougeot at midnight, and found Frahier already occupied by Colonel Bayer.

General von Werder, eager to re-establish the fighting position on his right flank, could only assemble a general reserve of four battalions, four squadrons, and two batteries, bringing them in from the least exposed areas and even from Belfort to Brévilliers and Mandrevillars. At eight o'clock in the evening, General Keller was ordered to retake Chenebier. For this mission, he left Mandrevillars with two Baden battalions, reached Moulin Rougeot at midnight, and found Frahier already occupied by Colonel Bayer.

January 17th.—On this morning eight battalions, two squadrons, and four batteries were assembled in Frahier. Three of the battalions advanced on the northern, three on the southern part of Chenebier; the others remained in reserve at the windmill, where also three 15 cm. cannon were to be stationed.

January 17th.—On this morning, eight battalions, two squadrons, and four batteries came together in Frahier. Three of the battalions moved toward the northern part of Chenebier, three headed for the southern part, while the others stayed in reserve at the windmill, where three 15 cm cannons were also set to be positioned.

At half-past four a.m. the first column, advancing in dead silence, surprised an outpost of the enemy's at Echevanne, but it was unavoidable that its rifle fire should make the French in Chenebier aware of the danger by which they were menaced. In the wood north of the village, the Germans met with serious resistance; and the danger that in the darkness and[346] the dense undergrowth the troops might fall on each other obliged their withdrawal to the outer edge of the wood.

At 4:30 a.m., the first group, moving in complete silence, caught an enemy outpost off guard at Echevanne. However, their gunfire inevitably alerted the French troops in Chenebier to the threat they faced. In the woods north of the village, the Germans encountered significant resistance. The risk of their troops colliding in the darkness and thick underbrush forced them to pull back to the outer edge of the woods.

The other column, advancing in the valley of the Lisaine, had quickened its pace from Moulin Colin as soon as the first shots were heard. The 2nd battalion of the 4th Baden Regiment rushed with cheers into the southern part of Chenebier, where a great confusion ensued. But daybreak showed that the heights on the west of the village were strongly occupied, and that columns of all arms were approaching from Etobon. At 8.30 Colonel Payen had to resolve on retirement from the half-conquered village, carrying with him 400 prisoners, and on taking up a position at the Bois de Féry, to cover the road to Belfort through Chalonvillars.

The other column, moving through the valley of the Lisaine, picked up speed from Moulin Colin as soon as the first shots were fired. The 2nd battalion of the 4th Baden Regiment charged into the southern part of Chenebier, erupting in cheers, which caused a lot of chaos. But when dawn broke, it became clear that the heights to the west of the village were heavily defended, and that units from all branches were coming in from Etobon. By 8:30, Colonel Payen had to decide to pull back from the partially captured village, taking with him 400 prisoners, and establish a position at Bois de Féry to protect the road to Belfort via Chalonvillars.

At the same time the right column, strengthened by a battalion from the reserve, renewed the attack on the wood, and after a struggle which lasted for two hours with heavy losses on both sides, at last took possession of it. But the attempt to penetrate into the barricaded and strongly-defended village was vain. A destructive fire met every attack; a single round of mitrailleuse fire, for instance, struck down twenty-one men of the Baden assailants. At three o'clock in the afternoon General Keller therefore assembled his troops at Frahier, where they were supported by four batteries.

At the same time, the right column, reinforced by a battalion from the reserve, launched a renewed attack on the woods. After a two-hour struggle with heavy losses on both sides, they finally took control of it. However, their attempt to break into the barricaded and well-defended village was unsuccessful. A fierce gunfire met every assault; for example, a single round of machine gun fire took down twenty-one attackers from Baden. At three o'clock in the afternoon, General Keller then gathered his troops at Frahier, where they were backed by four artillery batteries.

With such inferior strength, and after failing in this attempt, it was useless to think of driving back the enemy beyond Chenebier; the only course to pursue was to hinder his further advance on Belfort. And this object was fully accomplished; the French did not pursue. Instead of out-flanking the German right, they seemed chiefly concerned for their own left. They defended Chenebier stoutly, but gave up all further offensive movements.

With such weak strength, and after failing in this attempt, it was pointless to consider pushing the enemy back beyond Chenebier; the only path forward was to stop them from advancing further toward Belfort. This goal was completely achieved; the French did not pursue. Instead of trying to out-flank the German right, they seemed mainly focused on their own left. They defended Chenebier fiercely but abandoned any further offensive actions.

While awaiting the expected success of the out-flanking movement, General Bourbaki's intention seems to have been merely to occupy the enemy[347] along his front and to hold him fast where he stood. Even during the night the Germans were alarmed at Béthoncourt and before Héricourt, while they, on their part, disturbed the French at Bussurel and in the Bois de La Thure. The infantry fire went on for hours, and numerous detachments had to spend the bitter winter's night under arms. In the morning two Divisions of the XVIIIth French Corps advanced on Chagey and Luze, but their batteries, although supported by the artillery of the Army Reserve, they could not advance against those of the Germans, and repeated attacks on those villages were unsuccessful. After one o'clock a cannonade only was maintained here. In front of Héricourt also there was an exchange of shell fire, and Bussurel, held by the French, was set on fire.

While waiting for the anticipated success of the flanking movement, General Bourbaki's goal seemed to be simply to occupy the enemy[347] along his front and keep him in place. Even during the night, the Germans were alarmed at Béthoncourt and in front of Héricourt, while they, in turn, disturbed the French at Bussurel and in the Bois de La Thure. The infantry fire continued for hours, and many detachments had to endure the harsh winter night on alert. In the morning, two divisions of the XVIIIth French Corps advanced on Chagey and Luze, but despite their batteries being supported by the artillery of the Army Reserve, they couldn't push against the Germans' positions, and repeated attacks on those villages were unsuccessful. After one o'clock, only cannon fire was maintained here. In front of Héricourt, there was also an exchange of shell fire, and Bussurel, held by the French, was set on fire.

To drive the French out of Montbéliard, the town was fired on from La Grange Dame and from the Château, but ceased when the inhabitants begged forbearance on the assurance that the place was evacuated, which subsequently proved not quite true. Ten battalions of the French XVth Corps advanced from the woods in the forenoon, and tried to push on past Montbéliard, but suffered severely from the flanking fire of the heavy guns at La Grange Dame, and only a handful got into the valley of the Lisaine. The western exits from Montbéliard, and the heights immediately behind it, remained in French possession, but the offensive movements ceased at about two in the afternoon.

To drive the French out of Montbéliard, the town was shot at from La Grange Dame and the Château, but stopped when the residents begged for mercy, claiming that the place was empty, which later turned out to be not entirely true. Ten battalions of the French XV Corps came out of the woods in the morning and tried to push through Montbéliard, but were heavily impacted by the flanking fire from the cannons at La Grange Dame, and only a few made it into the valley of the Lisaine. The western exits from Montbéliard and the hills right behind it stayed under French control, but the attacks stopped around two in the afternoon.

Further to the south, General von Debschitz's posts in front of Allaine had easily repulsed the French assailants.

Further south, General von Debschitz's positions in front of Allaine had easily pushed back the French attackers.

On the German side there was now the conviction that no further attack would be attempted.

On the German side, there was now the belief that no more attacks would be made.

The condition of the French troops, not yet inured to war, was, in fact, very critical. They had been obliged to bivouac in the bitterly cold nights, sometimes under arms, and for the most part without food. Their losses[348] were not inconsiderable, and the superior officers whom the commanding General assembled at three in the afternoon, in the neighbourhood of Chagey, expressed their objections to a yet more extensive outflanking attempt to the left, since supplies would be utterly impossible, and the risk would be entailed of the Germans seizing the line of the communications of the army through Montbéliard. Then came the news that the heads of General von Manteuffel's Corps had already reached Fontaine-Française, and were also approaching Gray.

The condition of the French troops, who were not yet used to war, was really critical. They had to camp in the bitterly cold nights, sometimes while armed and mostly without food. Their losses[348] were significant, and the senior officers gathered by the commanding General at three in the afternoon near Chagey voiced their concerns about another major maneuver to outflank to the left, as it would make supply impossible and increase the risk of the Germans taking control of the army's communication lines through Montbéliard. Then, news came that the front lines of General von Manteuffel's Corps had already reached Fontaine-Française and were also moving toward Gray.

In these circumstances General Bourbaki considered he must resolve on a retreat. He telegraphed to the Government that by the advice of his generals, and to his deep regret, he had been compelled to take up a position further in the rear, and only hoped that the enemy might follow him. Hence this experienced general could have felt no doubt that his army, its attack on the Lisaine, once gone to wreck, could only escape from a very critical position by an immediate retreat.

In these circumstances, General Bourbaki decided he had to retreat. He sent a telegram to the government stating that, based on his generals' advice and with great regret, he had to move his position further back and hoped that the enemy would follow. Therefore, this experienced general was certain that his army, after its failed attack on the Lisaine, could only get out of a very critical situation by retreating immediately.

January 18th.—This morning the Germans were under arms in their positions of the previous day, the French still in full force before the whole front. It was significant that they were busy in the construction of earthworks. They had evacuated Montbéliard the evening before in disorderly retreat, and now held the country west of the place in strength and entrenched.

January 18th.—This morning, the Germans were in their positions from the day before, while the French still maintained a strong presence across the entire front. It was noteworthy that they were busy building earthworks. The day before, they had pulled back from Montbéliard in a chaotic retreat, and now they held the area to the west of the town firmly and were well entrenched.

During this day nothing occurred but a cannonade and small skirmishes. General Keller having been reinforced came up on the right, and as the enemy retired to Etobon he was able to re-occupy Chenebier in the afternoon. Further north, Colonel von Willisen again marched on Ronchamp. In the centre Coutenans was taken possession of, and the enemy driven out of Byans by artillery fire; but on the other hand the Germans could not yet penetrate the belt of forest. On the southern bank of the Allaine[349] General von Debschitz's detachments drove the enemy back beyond the line Exincourt-Croix.

During this day, there was nothing but cannon fire and small skirmishes. General Keller, having received reinforcements, moved to the right, and as the enemy retreated to Etobon, he was able to retake Chenebier in the afternoon. Further north, Colonel von Willisen once again marched toward Ronchamp. In the center, Coutenans was occupied, and artillery fire forced the enemy out of Byans; however, on the other hand, the Germans could not yet break through the forest. On the southern bank of the Allaine[349], General von Debschitz's forces pushed the enemy back beyond the Exincourt-Croix line.

In the three days' fighting on the Lisaine the Germans lost 1200, the French from 4000 to 5000 men.

In the three days of fighting on the Lisaine, the Germans lost 1,200 soldiers, while the French lost between 4,000 and 5,000 men.

In spite of much necessary detaching, and of the threatening proximity of the enemy, the siege-works against Belfort were uninterruptedly carried on, and as soon as the complement of the investing forces was again made up, General von Werder followed the retiring French to Etobon, Saulnot and Arcey.

In spite of the need to detach forces and the looming threat of the enemy nearby, the siege operations against Belfort continued without interruption. As soon as the full complement of the investing forces was reestablished, General von Werder pursued the retreating French to Etobon, Saulnot, and Arcey.


The shelling of Paris.

(January, 1871.)

In the place of the IInd Corps, which had been assigned to the German Army of the South, there had come up into the Paris front the Ist Bavarian Corps, of which Gambetta had said, "The Bavarians no longer exist." It had made so good use of its time of rest in quarters south of Longjumeau that by the beginning of the New Year it was already restored to a strength of 17,500 men, with 108 guns. It was positioned on both banks of the Seine between the VIth Prussian Corps and the Würtemberg Division. The Würtembergers reached from Ormesson to the Marne, from which river the Saxons extended rightward to the Sausset brook, so as to narrow the front of the Guard Corps now that the Morée was frozen over and afforded no cover.

In place of the II Corps, which had been assigned to the German Army of the South, the I Bavarian Corps had moved up to the Paris front. Gambetta had remarked, "The Bavarians no longer exist." They had made effective use of their downtime in quarters south of Longjumeau, and by the beginning of the New Year, they had rebuilt their strength to 17,500 men, with 108 guns. They were positioned on both sides of the Seine between the VI Prussian Corps and the Württemberg Division. The Württembergers extended from Ormesson to the Marne, while the Saxons reached to the Sausset brook to narrow the front of the Guard Corps now that the Morée was frozen and provided no cover.

The duty of watching so vast a place of arms as Paris had made great demands on the endurance of the troops.

The responsibility of keeping an eye on such a large military area like Paris had put a lot of strain on the soldiers' endurance.

The French had gradually so extended their entrenchments outwards from Villejuif and Bruyères, that they threatened to outflank the IInd Bavarian Corps. To thwart such a flank attack the VIth Corps[350] was obliged to keep a strong force constantly in readiness at L'Hay.

The French had gradually extended their defenses outwards from Villejuif and Bruyères, threatening to outflank the II Bavarian Corps. To prevent such a flank attack, the VI Corps[350] had to keep a strong force ready at L'Hay.

It need not be said that the supporting troops on the south front could nowhere be safe from the fire of the heavy fortress guns, nor the foreposts from that of the Chassepôts. The latter consequently often could not be relieved for several days, and the relief was usually effected at night. The less the success of the French arms in the open field, the more lavish were they in the expenditure of ammunition from their works. Mont Valérien hurled its giant shells to a distance of from four to five miles, but this incessant cannonade, to the din of which the ear was soon accustomed, did little damage.

It goes without saying that the supporting troops on the south front were never truly safe from the fire of the heavy fortress guns, nor were the outposts safe from the Chassepôts. As a result, they often couldn't be relieved for several days, and relief usually happened at night. The less successful the French forces were in open combat, the more they tended to use up ammunition from their positions. Mont Valérien launched its massive shells up to four to five miles away, but this constant bombardment, which people quickly got used to, caused little damage.

The Artillery Attack on the Southern Front.—Till Mont Avron was taken, the Germans had only been able to oppose field guns to French fortress artillery. But early in January their preparations were at last so far forward that seventeen batteries, long since completed, could be armed with heavy guns against the south front of Paris. A battery stood apart on the left flank in the park of St. Cloud to the north of Sèvres; four were close together on the steep slope of the height west of the Château Meudon; five on the edge of the plateau of Moulin de la Tour, where the mill, serving to guide the aim of the enemy, had been blown up. Four more batteries occupied a lower position between Fontenay and Bagneux. Two, between Chevilly and La Rue, served as protection against a flank movement from Villejuif, with the field artillery of the IInd Bavarian and VIth Corps. Dressing-stations were prepared, and intermediate depôts were supplied with reserve ammunition from the great magazines at Villacoublay.

The Artillery Strike on the Southern Front.—Until Mont Avron was captured, the Germans had only been able to use field guns against the French fortress artillery. But in early January, their preparations were finally advanced enough that seventeen batteries, which had long been finished, could be equipped with heavy guns aimed at the southern front of Paris. One battery was set apart on the left flank in the park of St. Cloud, north of Sèvres; four were closely positioned on the steep slope of the height west of the Château Meudon; five were at the edge of the Moulin de la Tour plateau, where the mill, which helped guide the enemy's aim, had been destroyed. Four more batteries were positioned lower between Fontenay and Bagneux. Two, between Chevilly and La Rue, acted as protection against a potential flank movement from Villejuif, alongside the field artillery from the II Bavarian and VI Corps. Dressing stations were set up, and intermediate depots were stocked with reserve ammunition from the main magazines at Villacoublay.

Under Generals von Kameke[78] and Prince Hohenlohe[351][79] Colonels von Rieff and von Ramm conducted the artillery attack, General Schulz commanded the engineer attack. The men served twenty-four hours in the batteries, and then had two days' rest. The officers had but one day's rest.

Under Generals von Kameke[78] and Prince Hohenlohe[351][79] Colonels von Rieff and von Ramm led the artillery attack, while General Schulz oversaw the engineering assault. The troops served for twenty-four hours in the batteries and then took two days off. The officers only had one day of rest.

The heavy guns were brought up on January 3rd, by day, into the batteries which lay covered, without any interference; into all the others during the night, after the enemy's outposts had been driven in. Thus on the morning of the 4th 98 guns were ready to open fire: of these 28 were directed on Issy, 28 on Vanves, and 18 on Montrouge, 10 against the emplacements between the first two forts. But a thick fog hid every object, and it was not till January 5th at 8.30 in the morning, that the signal shot was given for opening fire.

The heavy guns were moved up on January 3rd, during the day, to the batteries that were covered, without any interference; all the others were set up during the night after pushing back the enemy's outposts. So, by the morning of the 4th, 98 guns were ready to fire: 28 were aimed at Issy, 28 at Vanves, and 18 at Montrouge, with 10 targeting the positions between the first two forts. However, a thick fog obscured everything, and it wasn't until January 5th at 8:30 in the morning that the signal shot was fired to begin the attack.

January 5th.—The enemy promptly replied. There were in Fort Valérien 106 guns, in Issy 90, in Vanves 84, and in Montrouge 52; there were about 70 in the sectors of the enceinte concerned and at Villejuif, 16-cm. guns for the most part; so the attack at first was heavily taxed. But when at about noon all its batteries came into action, the situation gradually improved and the greater accuracy of the German fire told. Fort Issy had almost entirely ceased firing by two o'clock, nine guns were dismounted in Vanves, and its garrison had lost thirty men; only Montrouge still replied with vigour. The fire was now taken up by the guns of the enceinte, but the forts never again gained[352] the upper hand of the attack. Some gunboats appearing about Point du Jour very soon had to retire. The field artillery of the IInd Bavarian and VIth Corps also co-operated so energetically that no attack was attempted from the works at Villejuif, nor was a single shot fired on the batteries at Bagneux. A number of wall-pieces and long-range Chassepôts taken from the enemy did such good service that the French abandoned more and more of their rayon. The German outposts took possession of the trenches of Clamart, and in the course of the night reversed them against the defence.

January 5th.—The enemy quickly responded. There were 106 guns in Fort Valérien, 90 in Issy, 84 in Vanves, and 52 in Montrouge; about 70 in the affected sectors and at Villejuif, mostly 16-cm. guns; so the initial attack faced significant challenges. However, around noon, when all its batteries opened fire, the situation began to improve, and the greater accuracy of the German fire made a difference. Fort Issy had nearly stopped firing by two o'clock, nine guns were taken out in Vanves, and its garrison had lost thirty men; only Montrouge still fought back strongly. The guns of the enceinte then took over the fire, but the forts never regained control over the attack. Some gunboats that appeared around Point du Jour had to withdraw quickly. The field artillery of the II Bavarian and VI Corps worked together so effectively that no attack was made from the works at Villejuif, nor was a single shot fired at the batteries in Bagneux. Several wall-mounted and long-range Chassepôts captured from the enemy performed so well that the French increasingly retreated from their positions. The German outposts took control of the trenches at Clamart and during the night turned them against the defenders.

Only a couple of 15-cm. shells were thrown into the city itself as a serious warning; the first thing to be done was to batter down the outworks, and for some few days the firing was exclusively directed on these. A stubborn return fire came from Montrouge and from a mortar-battery in a very advantageous position behind the high railway embankment to the east of Issy; and especially from the south front of the enceinte, nearly four and a half miles long in a straight line. Foggy weather on some days necessitated the suspension or entire cessation of firing. But meanwhile the foreposts had advanced to within 815 and 490 yards of Forts Issy and Vanves respectively. New batteries were constructed further forward, and armed with thirty-six guns from those evacuated in rear.

Only a couple of 15-cm shells were launched into the city itself as a serious warning; the first priority was to take down the outer defenses, and for a few days, the firing was solely focused on these. A heavy return fire came from Montrouge and from a mortar battery in a very advantageous position behind the high railway embankment to the east of Issy; particularly from the southern side of the fortifications, which were nearly four and a half miles long in a straight line. Foggy weather on some days forced a pause or complete stop in the firing. Meanwhile, the forward positions had moved within 815 and 490 yards of Forts Issy and Vanves respectively. New batteries were built further ahead and equipped with thirty-six guns from those that had been evacuated from the rear.

January 10th.—The French garrison meanwhile was again displaying great activity. On January 10th it succeeded in the dark hours in surprising the weakly-held post of Clamart. Three battalions were now posted in the place, and a shelter-trench some 1300 yards long was dug connecting Clamart with Châtillon.[80]

January 10th.—The French garrison was once again showing a lot of energy. On January 10th, they managed to catch the lightly defended post of Clamart off guard during the night. Three battalions were now stationed there, and a trench about 1300 yards long was dug to link Clamart with Châtillon.[80]

January 13th.—The IInd Army of Paris was still outside the city on the east and north fronts from Nogent to Aubervillers. After some small alarms, on the evening of the 13th strong bodies advanced from Courneuve and Drancy against Le Bourget under cover of a heavy fire from the forts. But the troops in occupation there were on the alert, and being soon reinforced by several companies, repulsed the attempts of the French to storm it, repeated as they were until two o'clock in the morning.

January 13th.—The Second Army of Paris was still positioned outside the city on the east and north fronts from Nogent to Aubervilliers. After a few minor skirmishes, on the evening of the 13th, large groups advanced from Courneuve and Drancy toward Le Bourget, shielded by heavy fire from the forts. However, the troops stationed there were alert, and after being bolstered by several companies, they successfully repelled the French attempts to storm the area, which continued until two o'clock in the morning.

January 14th.—On this day the French made a renewed sortie on Clamart with 500 marine infantry and several battalions of National Guards. These last assembled at the adjacent railway-station with a great deal of noise, and their approach was reported about midnight. The fight lasted a full hour, and ended with the retreat, or rather flight, of the assailants. Patrols followed them close up to the trenches of Issy.

January 14th.—On this day, the French launched another attack on Clamart with 500 marine infantry and several battalions of National Guards. The National Guards gathered at the nearby train station with a lot of commotion, and their arrival was reported around midnight. The battle lasted a full hour and concluded with the retreat, or more accurately, the flight of the attackers. Patrols pursued them right up to the trenches of Issy.

The ranges were so great that hitherto the fire from the enceinte was not yet subdued. Battery No. 1, lying isolated in the Park of St. Cloud, suffered most, being fired upon from two bastions of the enceinte, from Point du Jour, and from Mont Valérien. The steep cliff behind the battery facilitated the aim of the enemy. Its parapet was repeatedly shattered, and it was only the most zealous devotion which enabled the struggle to be continued at this point. The enemy also concentrated a heavy fire on batteries Nos. 19 and 21, pushed forward into a position specially threatening to Fort Vanves. The long-range fire from the[354] enceinte dropped from a high angle close behind the parapet, breaking through the platforms, and inflicting serious injuries on a great many gunners. The powder-magazines blew up in two of the batteries, and both the battery commanders and several other superior officers were wounded.

The distances were so vast that the fire from the fortification wasn’t yet under control. Battery No. 1, sitting isolated in the Park of St. Cloud, took the brunt of the attack, being targeted from two bastions of the fortification, from Point du Jour, and from Mont Valérien. The steep cliff behind the battery helped the enemy aim better. Its parapet was repeatedly destroyed, and it was only the dedicated efforts of the crew that allowed them to keep fighting in this location. The enemy also focused heavy fire on batteries Nos. 19 and 21, which had moved into a position that posed a special threat to Fort Vanves. The long-range fire from the[354] fortification came in at a steep angle just behind the parapet, breaking through the platforms and causing serious injuries to many gunners. The powder magazines exploded in two of the batteries, wounding both the battery commanders and several other senior officers.

On the east front of Paris, the fifty-eight German guns remaining there after the reduction of Mont Avron were opposed by 151 of the enemy. The former nevertheless soon proved their superiority; the forts only occasionally came into action; the French withdrew their outposts up to the works, and altogether vacated the peninsula of St. Maur. By degrees the heavy siege-guns could be removed from their previous positions to the Morée brook.

On the east side of Paris, the fifty-eight German guns that remained after the Mont Avron conflict faced 151 enemy guns. However, the German guns quickly showed their dominance; the forts engaged in action only occasionally. The French pulled back their outposts to the defenses and completely abandoned the St. Maur peninsula. Gradually, the heavy siege guns could be moved from their earlier positions to the Morée brook.

The forts on the south front had meanwhile suffered severely. The ruin in Issy was visible to the naked eye; fires broke out there repeatedly, and the powder-magazine had to be cleared out at great risk in the night of January 16th. Fort Vanves had lost seventy men; it opened fire usually every morning, but soon became silent. Montrouge, on the contrary, on some days still fired over 500 rounds from eighteen guns. But here, too, the casemates no longer afforded any shelter, and one of the bastions lay a heap of ruins.

The forts on the south front had meanwhile taken a big hit. The destruction in Issy was obvious; fires broke out there repeatedly, and the powder magazine had to be cleared out at great risk on the night of January 16th. Fort Vanves had lost seventy men; it typically opened fire every morning, but soon went quiet. Montrouge, on the other hand, still fired over 500 rounds from eighteen guns on some days. However, even there, the casemates no longer provided any protection, and one of the bastions was just a pile of rubble.

In spite of the steady fire from the enceinte, a part of Paris itself was disturbed by the 15-cm. shells. An elevation of 30 degrees, obtained by a special contrivance, sent the projectiles into the heart of the city. From 300 to 400 shells were fired daily.

In spite of the constant bombardment from the fortifications, part of Paris itself was affected by the 15-cm shells. A special device that achieved an elevation of 30 degrees launched the projectiles right into the center of the city. Between 300 and 400 shells were fired each day.

Under the pressure of "public opinion" the Government, after repeated deliberations, decided once more on a new enterprise in force, to be directed this time against the German batteries about Châtillon. The collective superior commanders agreed, indeed, that sorties could promise no success without the co-operation of a relieving army from the outside; but, on the 8th,[355] Gambetta had announced the "victory" of the Army of the North at Bapaume, and further had promised that both the Armies of the Loire should advance. Hereupon General Trochu advised that at least the moment should be awaited when the investing army before Paris should be weakened by having to detach anew part of its strength; but he was opposed by the other members of the Government, especially by Monsieur Jules Favre. That gentleman declared that the Maires of Paris were indignant at the bombardment, that the representatives of the city must be allowed some insight into the military situation, and, above all, that negotiations ought long since to have been entered into.

Under the pressure of "public opinion," the Government, after multiple discussions, decided once again on a new military action, this time targeting the German batteries near Châtillon. The collective senior commanders agreed that sorties would be unlikely to succeed without support from an outside relieving army; however, on the 8th,[355] Gambetta announced the "victory" of the Army of the North at Bapaume and also promised that both Armies of the Loire would advance. In response, General Trochu suggested waiting for the moment when the encircling army around Paris would be weakened by having to detach some of its forces; however, he was opposed by the other government members, especially Monsieur Jules Favre. Favre stated that the mayors of Paris were outraged by the bombardment, that the city's representatives should be given some insight into the military situation, and, most importantly, that negotiations should have started long ago.

Finally, on January 15th, it was determined that the German lines should be broken through at Montretout, Garches, and Buzanval.

Finally, on January 15th, it was decided that the German defenses should be breached at Montretout, Garches, and Buzanval.

While confusion and dissensions thus prevailed in Paris, the unity of the German nation, under the Emperor William, was solemnly proclaimed at Versailles.

While confusion and disagreements were happening in Paris, the unity of the German nation, under Emperor William, was officially announced at Versailles.

FOOTNOTES:

[78] Previously commanding the XIVth Infantry Division.

[78] Formerly in charge of the XIVth Infantry Division.

[79] Previously commanding the artillery of the Guard Corps, the well-known military author, best known in England as "Prince Kraft." The slight ambiguity in the text may be removed by the more specific statement that General von Kameke was Chief Director of the Engineer attack, Prince Kraft Chief Director of the Artillery attack on Paris as a whole. On the south front Colonel von Rieff commanded the siege artillery, Major-General Schulz was Engineer-in-chief. On the north and east fronts within the Army of the Meuse Colonels Bartsch and Oppermann had the corresponding commands. Colonel von Ramm is nowhere mentioned in the official distribution of the respective staffs.

[79] Previously leading the artillery of the Guard Corps, the well-known military author, recognized in England as "Prince Kraft." The slight ambiguity in the text can be clarified by noting that General von Kameke was the Chief Director of the Engineer attack, while Prince Kraft was the Chief Director of the Artillery attack on Paris overall. On the southern front, Colonel von Rieff led the siege artillery, and Major-General Schulz served as the Engineer-in-chief. On the northern and eastern fronts within the Army of the Meuse, Colonels Bartsch and Oppermann held similar commands. Colonel von Ramm is not mentioned anywhere in the official distribution of the respective staffs.

[80] A casual reader might perhaps infer from these curt sentences, that the French, having possessed themselves by surprise of the weak German post of Clamart, placed in it a garrison of three battalions. The facts were, that the French battalion was scarcely in possession of Clamart when it abandoned village and redoubt; whereupon, to guard against any future attempt on the place on the part of the French, the Germans occupied the village with three battalions and the redoubt with two companies; and further to ensure the security of the position, since it was one of some importance, connected it with Châtillon in the manner described.

[80] A casual reader might think from these brief statements that the French, having unexpectedly taken over the weak German post at Clamart, stationed a garrison of three battalions there. However, the reality is that the French battalion barely secured Clamart before they abandoned both the village and the fortification. In response, to prevent any future attempts by the French to reclaim the position, the Germans occupied the village with three battalions and the fort with two companies. To further ensure the safety of this important position, they linked it to Châtillon as described.


Battle of Mont Valérien.

(January 19th.)

The sortie was planned to take place on January 19th. On that day, as we have seen, General Faidherbe advanced as far as St. Quentin on the way to Paris, and the army which was to make the sortie stood on the eastern and northern fronts of the capital. The attempt to break through was, however, made in the opposite direction. But in fact, the peninsula of Gennevilliers was now the only ground on which large masses of troops could still be deployed without being exposed for hours while they were being assembled, to the fire of the German artillery.[356]

The sortie was set for January 19th. On that day, as we know, General Faidherbe moved toward St. Quentin on his way to Paris, while the army designated for the sortie was positioned on the eastern and northern fronts of the city. However, the attempt to break through was made in the opposite direction. In reality, the Gennevilliers peninsula was the only area where large numbers of troops could still be deployed without being exposed for hours to the German artillery fire while they were being assembled.[356]

Two days previously the mobilized National Guards had already relieved the three Divisions of the sortie-Army from the positions they had held; and those Divisions, collectively 90,000 strong, were to move to the attack in three columns simultaneously. General Vinoy on the left, supported by the fire from the enceinte, was to carry the height of Montretout; General Bellemare in the centre was to push forward through Garches; General Ducrot on the right by way of the Château of Buzanval.

Two days earlier, the mobilized National Guards had already taken over the positions held by the three divisions of the sortie army; and those divisions, totaling 90,000 troops, were set to launch an attack in three columns at the same time. General Vinoy on the left, backed by fire from the fortifications, was to take the height of Montretout; General Bellemare in the center was to advance through Garches; General Ducrot on the right would go via the Château of Buzanval.

The attack was set to begin at six in the morning, but blocks occurred at the bridges of Asnières and Neuilly, as no specific orders had been issued for regulating the crossing. When at seven o'clock the signal to advance was made from Mont Valérien, only the advance of General Vinoy's force was ready, the other columns had not yet deployed, and the last detachments tailed back as far as Courbevoix. Before they had reached their rendezvous-points the left wing was already marching on St. Cloud with fifteen battalions.

The attack was scheduled to start at six in the morning, but there were blockages at the bridges of Asnières and Neuilly because no specific orders had been given to manage the crossings. By seven o'clock, when the signal to advance was given from Mont Valérien, only General Vinoy's force was prepared; the other columns hadn’t yet spread out, and the last units were still backed up all the way to Courbevoix. Before they could get to their meeting points, the left wing was already moving towards St. Cloud with fifteen battalions.

These at first met only isolated posts and patrols, eighty-nine men in all, who rushed into the open gorge of the redoubt of Montretout, and there made a stand for some time; they then fought their way out with great bravery, but some of them were taken prisoners. There, and in the northern part of St. Cloud, the French promptly prepared for defence.

These initially encountered only isolated posts and patrols, a total of eighty-nine men, who charged into the open gorge of the Montretout redoubt and held their ground for a while; they then fought their way out courageously, though some were captured. There, and in the northern part of St. Cloud, the French quickly readied themselves for defense.

The centre column under General Bellemare also took possession without difficulty of the height of Maison du Curé.

The center column under General Bellemare also took control without any issues of the height of Maison du Curé.

Not till now, at nearly nine o'clock, did the first supports of the German forepost line appear on the scene. Till within a short time the observatories had been able to report nothing but "thick fog;" but reports from the right and left wings announced that a serious attack was threatened on the whole front from St. Cloud to Bougival. The Vth Corps was now alarmed, and General von Kirchbach betook himself to the 9th[357] Division. On the German right, in the park of St. Cloud, stood the 17th Brigade; on the left, behind the Porte de Longboyau, the 20th; the other troops of the Corps marched from their quarters in Versailles and the villages to its north, to Jardy and Beauregard. The Crown Prince ordered six battalions of the Guard Landwehr and a Bavarian Brigade to Versailles, and himself rode to the Hospice of Brezin; the King went to Marly.

Not until now, at almost nine o'clock, did the first elements of the German outpost line show up. Until recently, the observation posts had only been able to report "thick fog," but reports from the right and left flanks indicated that a major attack was looming across the entire front from St. Cloud to Bougival. The 5th Corps was now on high alert, and General von Kirchbach headed over to the 9th[357] Division. On the German right, in the St. Cloud park, the 17th Brigade was stationed; on the left, behind the Porte de Longboyau, was the 20th Brigade; the other troops of the Corps moved from their quarters in Versailles and the nearby villages to Jardy and Beauregard. The Crown Prince ordered six battalions of the Guard Landwehr and a Bavarian Brigade to Versailles and personally rode to the Hospice of Brezin; the King headed to Marly.

The French meanwhile had seized the foremost houses of Garches, and made their eastward way here and there through the breaches in the wall into the park of the Château of Buzanval. The 5th Jäger Battalion, supported by single companies of the 58th and 59th Regiments, hurried forward and drove the enemy back out of Garches, occupied the cemetery on its north, and still reached the advanced post of La Bergerie just at the right time. The other bodies under General von Bothmer (commanding 17th Brigade, 9th Division, Vth Corps), by order from the commanding General, maintained a stationary fight on the skirts of the park of St. Cloud, to gain time. About half-past nine they repulsed an attack by Bellemare's column, arrested the advance of the enemy along the Rue Impériale of St. Cloud, and themselves took the offensive from the Grille d'Orleans and the Porte Jaune. Five French battalions unsuccessfully assaulted La Bergerie. A section of Engineers tried with great devotion to demolish the wall surrounding the court, but the frozen dynamite did not explode, and the Jägers held the position steadfastly throughout the day.

The French had taken control of the main buildings in Garches and were making their way east through the gaps in the wall into the park of the Château of Buzanval. The 5th Jäger Battalion, backed by individual companies from the 58th and 59th Regiments, rushed forward and pushed the enemy back out of Garches, occupied the cemetery to the north, and managed to reach the forward position at La Bergerie just in time. The other units under General von Bothmer (who was in charge of the 17th Brigade, 9th Division, Vth Corps) were ordered by the commanding General to hold their ground at the edges of the park of St. Cloud to buy some time. Around 9:30, they repelled an attack from Bellemare's column, stopped the enemy's advance along the Rue Impériale in St. Cloud, and launched their own offensive from the Grille d'Orleans and the Porte Jaune. Five French battalions tried and failed to take La Bergerie. A team of engineers worked hard to demolish the wall around the court, but the frozen dynamite didn’t detonate, and the Jägers held their position firmly throughout the day.

The attacks of the French had hitherto been undertaken without assistance from their artillery. The batteries of General Vinoy's advance had been seriously delayed by crossing with the centre column, and were now detained at Briqueterie to meet the contingency of a repulse. General Bellemare's batteries tried to get up the slope of the height of Garches, but the[358] exhaustion of the teams made it necessary to take up a position at Fouilleuse. Meanwhile the batteries of the German 9th Division came up by degrees, and by noon thirty-six guns had opened fire. In St. Cloud a hot street-fight was going on.

The French attacks had so far been carried out without any support from their artillery. General Vinoy's advancing batteries faced significant delays after crossing paths with the center column and were now stuck at Briqueterie, preparing for a possible retreat. General Bellemare's batteries attempted to ascend the Garches heights, but the exhaustion of the teams forced them to settle at Fouilleuse. In the meantime, the German 9th Division's batteries gradually arrived, and by noon, thirty-six guns had started firing. In St. Cloud, a fierce street fight was in progress.

Only General Ducrot on the French right wing had opened the battle with his strong force of artillery, which came into position on both sides of Rueil. The tirailleurs then advanced and made their way through the park of Buzanval to its western boundary-wall, but were driven back by the 50th Fusilier Regiment which had hastened forward.

Only General Ducrot on the French right wing had started the battle with his powerful artillery, which was set up on both sides of Rueil. The skirmishers then moved forward and made their way through the park of Buzanval to its western wall, but were pushed back by the 50th Fusilier Regiment, which had rushed over.

At half-past ten the chief attack ensued at this point, supported by part of the central column. It found only an under-officer's post at Malmaison, but at the eastern exit from Bougival near La Jouchère and Porte de Longboyau, it encountered the already reinforced line of posts of the 20th Infantry Brigade. General von Schmidt (commanding 10th Infantry Division) still held back at Beauregard the reserve of the 10th Division. A murderous fire from the well-covered German infantry broke the onset of the French, and converted it by mid-day into a stationary fire fight, in which the German artillery also took part with great effect. Two batteries of the 10th Division at St. Michel were reinforced by two Guard batteries brought up from St. Germain to Louvenciennes; a third came into action near Chatou and forced an armour-plated train halted at the railway station north of Rueil to retire rapidly to Nanterre. Four batteries of the IVth Corps finally opened fire from Carrières, heedless of the fire of Valérien, and shelled the dense masses of hostile infantry halted in rear of Rueil.

At 10:30, the main attack began at this location, supported by part of the central column. It found only a minor outpost at Malmaison, but at the eastern exit from Bougival near La Jouchère and Porte de Longboyau, it faced the already strengthened line of posts of the 20th Infantry Brigade. General von Schmidt, who commanded the 10th Infantry Division, still held back the division's reserve at Beauregard. Intense fire from the well-protected German infantry halted the French advance and turned it by midday into a static firefight, where German artillery also joined in with significant impact. Two batteries from the 10th Division stationed at St. Michel were supported by two Guard batteries that were brought up from St. Germain to Louvenciennes; a third joined in near Chatou and forced an armored train that had stopped at the railway station north of Rueil to retreat quickly to Nanterre. Four batteries from the IV Corps finally opened fire from Carrières, ignoring the fire from Valérien, and shelled the large groups of enemy infantry positioned behind Rueil.

At two o'clock the French decided on renewing the attack. When two of their batteries had shelled Porte de Longboyau a brigade marched on that point, and a second on the western wall of the park of the Château Buzanval; a third followed in support. Not less bold[359] than unsuccessful was the attempt of a section of Engineers, one officer and ten men, to blow up part of the wall; they all fell together. The attacking columns had advanced to within 200 paces, when thirteen German companies at the moment met them, broke and stopped their rush by pouring fire into them at short range, and presently routed the hostile columns in disorder, in spite of the devoted exertions of the officers.

At two o'clock, the French decided to launch another attack. After two of their artillery batteries had shelled Porte de Longboyau, a brigade advanced on that point, while another targeted the western wall of the Château Buzanval park; a third brigade followed to provide support. A section of Engineers, consisting of one officer and ten men, made a bold but unsuccessful attempt to blow up part of the wall; they all fell together. The attacking forces had moved within 200 paces when they encountered thirteen German companies, which opened fire at short range, halting their advance and ultimately routing the French columns in a disorganized retreat, despite the dedicated efforts of the officers.

The French, however, still found a strong protection in the park-wall, which had been prepared for defence with great skill and with the utmost rapidity; and the advance of several companies from Brezin and La Bergerie on this wall was repulsed with heavy loss.

The French, however, still found strong protection in the park wall, which had been prepared for defense with great skill and speed; the advance of several companies from Brezin and La Bergerie against this wall was pushed back with heavy losses.

But the strength of the French attack was already broken. So early as three o'clock a movement of retreat was observable in their left wing, and as dusk fell the French centre began to withdraw from the heights of Maison du Curé. When Colonel von Köthen pursued, with a small force, several battalions indeed fronted, and even threatened a sharp counter-attack; but timely support arrived from La Bergerie, Garches, and Porte Jaune, and, backed by the fire of the batteries, the pursuit was followed up. The King's Grenadiers drove back the enemy to the vicinity of Fouilleuse.

But the strength of the French attack was already weakened. By three o'clock, you could see their left wing starting to retreat, and as night fell, the French center began to pull back from the heights of Maison du Curé. When Colonel von Köthen pursued them with a small force, several battalions did face off and even threatened a sharp counter-attack; however, timely support arrived from La Bergerie, Garches, and Porte Jaune, and with the backing of the artillery, the pursuit continued. The King's Grenadiers pushed the enemy back toward the area near Fouilleuse.

The Germans, however, had not yet succeeded in repossessing themselves of the Montretout redoubt. The chief hindrance arose from their having been unable to advance through the town of St. Cloud. As, however, the possession of this position was indispensable for the protection of the right wing, General von Kirchbach gave orders that it was to be retaken either that evening or early next morning.

The Germans still hadn’t managed to take back the Montretout redoubt. The main obstacle was that they couldn’t move through the town of St. Cloud. However, since holding this position was crucial for defending the right flank, General von Kirchbach ordered that it needed to be retaken either that evening or the next morning.

General von Sandrart (commanding 9th Infantry Division) decided on immediate action, and at eight that evening five battalions went forward on this duty. Only a few French were found in the redoubt and were[360] taken prisoners; but in the town the struggle was severe. Finally the Germans had to restrict themselves to blockading the houses held temporarily by the enemy. The French also clung to the outer park-wall of Buzanval throughout the night. The Guard Landwehr and the Bavarian Brigade were therefore assigned quarters in Versailles, to form a strong reserve at hand in case of need on the following day. The remainder of the troops withdrew into their former quarters.

General von Sandrart (in charge of the 9th Infantry Division) decided to take immediate action, and at eight that evening five battalions moved out to carry out this mission. Only a few French troops were found in the redoubt and were[360] taken prisoner; however, the fighting in the town was intense. Ultimately, the Germans had to confine their efforts to blockading the houses temporarily occupied by the enemy. The French also held onto the outer park wall of Buzanval throughout the night. The Guard Landwehr and the Bavarian Brigade were therefore assigned to quarters in Versailles, to provide a strong reserve for the next day if needed. The rest of the troops returned to their previous quarters.

At half-past five General Trochu had issued the order for a retreat. He perceived that the prolongation of the struggle could afford no success, especially as the National Guards were becoming insubordinate. The brave defenders of St. Cloud were forgotten in these directions. They did not surrender till the day after, when artillery was brought against the houses they occupied. And the park-wall was not relinquished till the following morning.

At 5:30, General Trochu gave the order to retreat. He realized that continuing the fight wouldn’t lead to any success, especially since the National Guards were becoming disobedient. The courageous defenders of St. Cloud were overlooked in these decisions. They didn’t surrender until the next day when artillery was brought against the buildings they were in. The park wall wasn’t given up until the following morning.

The French attack of January 19th was wrecked even before it had reached the main position of the defenders. The reserves in readiness on the German side had not needed to be brought into action. The Vth Corps alone had driven back an enemy of four times its own strength. It lost 40 officers and 570 men; the loss of the French in killed and wounded was 145 officers and 3423 men, besides 44 officers and 458 men taken prisoners.

The French attack on January 19th was crushed even before it reached the main defensive position. The German reserves didn’t even need to be deployed. The Vth Corps alone pushed back an enemy that was four times its size. They lost 40 officers and 570 soldiers; the French casualties in killed and wounded were 145 officers and 3,423 soldiers, along with 44 officers and 458 soldiers taken prisoner.

When the fog lifted at about eleven o'clock on the morning of the 20th, their long columns were seen retreating on Paris across the peninsula of Gennevilliers.

When the fog cleared around eleven o'clock on the morning of the 20th, their long lines were visible retreating towards Paris across the Gennevilliers peninsula.


Prosecution of the Artillery Attack on Paris until the Armistice.

After the repulse of this last struggle for release on the part of the garrison, the extension of the artillery attack to the north front of the defensive position was now determined on. The siege guns no longer needed against the minor French fortresses and on the Marne had been parked for this object at Villiers le Bel. The Army of the Meuse had prepared abundant material for the construction of batteries, and had collected a waggon park of above 600 vehicles. Twelve batteries had already been built in the lines between Le Bourget and the Lake of Enghien, the arming of which followed, for the most part, under cover of night. On January 21st eighty-one heavy guns were ready for action, and Colonel Bartsch opened fire at nine that morning on Forts La Briche, Double Couronne, and de l'Est.

After the failure of the last attempt by the garrison to break free, it was decided to expand the artillery attack to the northern front of the defense. The siege guns, no longer needed for the smaller French fortresses and along the Marne, had been stationed at Villiers le Bel for this purpose. The Army of the Meuse had prepared plenty of supplies for building batteries and had gathered a convoy of over 600 vehicles. Twelve batteries had already been constructed in the area between Le Bourget and the Lake of Enghien, with most of the armament happening under the cover of night. On January 21st, eighty-one heavy guns were ready for action, and Colonel Bartsch opened fire at nine that morning on Forts La Briche, Double Couronne, and de l'Est.

The forts, which opposed the attack with 143 heavy guns, replied vigorously, and on the following day the thick weather prevented the German batteries from resuming their fire till the afternoon. But the ground in front was abandoned by the French, and the outposts of the Guards and IVth Corps took possession of Villetaneuse and Temps Perdu. During the nights the fire was directed on St. Denis, with every endeavour to spare the Cathedral, and many conflagrations occurred. By the 23rd the vigorous prosecution of the cannonade had materially subdued the fire of the defence. La Briche was wholly silenced, and the other forts only fired occasional salvos. During the night of the 25th four batteries were advanced to within 1300 and 950 yards respectively of the enemy's main works. The engineer attack also could now be undertaken, and a series of new batteries was constructed, which, however, were never used.[362]

The forts, which defended against the attack with 143 heavy guns, responded aggressively, and the next day thick weather kept the German batteries from firing again until the afternoon. However, the French abandoned the ground in front, and the outposts of the Guards and IV Corps took control of Villetaneuse and Temps Perdu. Throughout the nights, the fire was aimed at St. Denis, making every effort to avoid damaging the Cathedral, and many fires broke out. By the 23rd, the intense cannonade had significantly reduced the enemy's defensive fire. La Briche was completely silenced, and the other forts only fired occasional rounds. On the night of the 25th, four batteries were moved to within 1300 and 950 yards of the enemy's main positions. The engineer attack could now also proceed, and a series of new batteries was built, although they were never used.[362]

The effect of this bombardment of only six days' duration was decisive. The forts had suffered extraordinarily. In contrast to those of the south front they were destitute of the powerful backing of the enceinte, and they lacked, too, bomb-proof shelter. The provisional bomb-proofs were pierced by shells, the powder-magazines were in the greatest danger, and the garrisons had nowhere any more cover. The inhabitants of St. Denis fled to Paris in crowds, and the impaired immunity from storm of the sorely battered works was an insuperable obstacle to a longer maintenance of the defence. This northern attack cost the Germans one officer and 25 men; the French stated their loss at 180.

The impact of this bombardment, which lasted only six days, was decisive. The forts were severely damaged. Unlike those on the south front, they didn't have the strong support of the surrounding fortifications, and they also lacked bomb-proof shelters. The temporary bomb shelters were hit by shells, the powder magazines were in serious danger, and the garrisons had no more cover. The residents of St. Denis fled to Paris in droves, and the weakened defenses of the heavily damaged structures made it impossible to sustain the defense any longer. The northern attack cost the Germans one officer and 25 soldiers; the French reported their loss as 180.

The fire of the forts on the east front was kept under, and the Würtemberg Field Artillery sufficed to prevent the enemy from renewing his foothold on the peninsula of St. Maur.

The fire from the forts on the east front was contained, and the Würtemberg Field Artillery was enough to stop the enemy from re-establishing a presence on the peninsula of St. Maur.

The south front meanwhile suffered more and more from the steady bombardment. The enceinte and the sunken mortar batteries behind the ceinture railway were still active, but in the forts the barracks were reduced to ruins, partly battered in and partly burnt down, and the garrisons had to take shelter in the emptied powder-magazines. The covered ways could no longer be traversed safely, the parapets afforded no protection. In Vanves the embrasures were filled up with sandbags; in the southern curtain of Issy five blocks of casemates had been pierced by shells penetrating the shielding walls. Even the detached gorge-walls of Vanves and Montrouge were destroyed, forty guns were dismounted, and seventy gun carriages wrecked.

The south front was increasingly affected by the ongoing bombardment. The walls and the sunken mortar batteries behind the railway were still operational, but in the forts, the barracks were in ruins—partly collapsed and partly burned down—and the garrisons had to find refuge in the empty powder magazines. The covered pathways were no longer safe to cross, and the parapets offered no protection. In Vanves, the openings were filled with sandbags; in the southern curtain of Issy, five blocks of casemates were damaged by shells breaking through the protective walls. Even the detached gorge walls of Vanves and Montrouge were destroyed, with forty guns taken down and seventy gun carriages damaged.

The whole condition of France, political and military, and above all the situation in Paris, was such as to cause the Government the gravest anxiety.

The entire state of France, both politically and militarily, especially the situation in Paris, was causing the Government serious concern.

Since the return of Monsieur Thiers from his diplomatic tour, it was certain that no mediatory interposition[363] by any foreign power could be expected. The distress of the capital had become more and more severe. Scarcity and high prices had long borne heavily on its population; provisions were exhausted, and even the stores of the garrison had been seriously encroached on. Fuel was lacking in the lasting cold, and petroleum was an inefficient substitute for gas. When the long-deferred bombardment of the south side of Paris was had recourse to, the people took refuge in the cellars or fled to the remoter quarters of the city; and when it was also begun on the northern side the inhabitants of St. Denis crowded into the capital.

Since Monsieur Thiers returned from his diplomatic trip, it was clear that no foreign power would intervene as a mediator. The distress in the capital had become increasingly severe. People had been struggling with scarcity and high prices for a long time; supplies were running out, and even the stores meant for the garrison had been significantly depleted. There was a shortage of fuel during the prolonged cold, and petroleum was an inadequate replacement for gas. When the long-delayed bombardment of the southern part of Paris finally began, people sought refuge in cellars or fled to more distant areas of the city. When the bombardment also started on the northern side, the residents of St. Denis flocked into the capital.

The great sortie of the 19th had proved a total failure, and no relief was to be hoped for from outside since Gambetta had sent news of the disaster at Le Mans. The Paris Army, of whose inactivity he complained, was reduced to a third of its original strength by cold, sickness, and desertion, and the heart taken out of it by repeated miscarriages. Its horses had to be slaughtered to provide meat for the inhabitants, and General Trochu declared any further offensive movements to be quite hopeless; the means even of passive resistance were exhausted.

The major mission of the 19th turned out to be a complete failure, and there was no hope for help from outside because Gambetta had reported the disaster at Le Mans. The Paris Army, which he criticized for not taking action, was down to a third of its original size due to cold, illness, and desertion, and its morale was shattered by ongoing failures. Their horses had to be killed to provide meat for the residents, and General Trochu stated that any further attempts to take action were entirely futile; they had run out of resources for even basic resistance.

Hitherto the Government had been able to keep the populace in good humour by highly-coloured reports, but now the disastrous state of affairs could no longer be concealed. All its projects were now denounced.

Until now, the Government had managed to keep the public in a good mood with exaggerated reports, but now the disastrous situation could no longer be hidden. All its plans were now criticized.

There was a large class of people in Paris who were but little affected by the general distress. Numbers of civilians had been armed for the defence of their country and were fed and well paid by the authorities, without having too much to do in return. They were joined by all the dubious social elements, which found their reckoning in the disorganized situation. These had been quite satisfied with the condition which the 4th of September had created, and a little later they[364] displayed themselves in the hideous form of the Commune. Already some popular gatherings had been dispersed only by force of arms, and even a part of the National Guard were not free from mutinous tendencies. The revolutionary clubs, too, supported by the press, clamoured for further enterprises, even a sortie en masse of all the inhabitants of Paris. Thus the feeble Government, dependent as it was on popular favour alone, was under pressure from the impossible demands of an ignorant mob on the one hand, and, on the other, the inexorable force of actual facts.

There was a large group of people in Paris who weren’t really affected by the general distress. Many civilians had been armed to defend their country and were being fed and well-paid by the authorities, without having to do much in return. They were joined by various questionable social elements that found opportunities in the disorganized situation. They were quite happy with the conditions created on September 4th and shortly after, they[364] emerged in the ugly form of the Commune. Some public gatherings had already been dispersed only through force, and even part of the National Guard had shown signs of mutiny. The revolutionary clubs, backed by the press, were demanding more action, even a mass exit of all the inhabitants of Paris. Thus, the weak Government, reliant only on public favor, was caught between the impossible demands of an uninformed mob on one side and the harsh reality of the situation on the other.

There was absolutely no expedient possible but the capitulation of the capital; every delay intensified the necessity, and enforced the acceptance of harder terms. Unless all the railways were at once thrown open for the transport of supplies from a very wide area, the horrors of famine would inevitably fall on a population of more than two million souls; and later it might not be practicable to cope with the emergency. Yet no one dared utter the fatal word "capitulation," no one would undertake the responsibility for the inevitable.

There was no option left but to surrender the capital; every delay made the situation more urgent and forced the acceptance of tougher terms. Unless all the railways were immediately opened for transporting supplies from a large area, the horrors of famine would surely hit a population of over two million people; and later, it might be impossible to deal with the crisis. Yet no one dared say the dreaded word "surrender," and no one wanted to take responsibility for what was unavoidable.

A great council of war was held on the 21st. In it all the elder Generals pronounced any further offensive measures to be quite impossible. It was proposed that a council of the younger officers should also be held, but no decision was arrived at. As, however, some one must be made answerable for every misfortune, General Trochu, originally the most popular member of the Government, was dismissed from his position as Governor, and the chief military command was entrusted to General Vinoy. General Ducrot resigned his command.

A major war council took place on the 21st. During this meeting, all the senior Generals agreed that any further offensive actions were completely unfeasible. There was a suggestion to hold a council of the younger officers as well, but no conclusions were reached. Since someone had to be held responsible for every setback, General Trochu, who had once been the most popular member of the Government, was removed from his role as Governor, and the top military command was handed over to General Vinoy. General Ducrot stepped down from his command.

All this did nothing to improve the situation, so on the 23rd, Monsieur Jules Favre made his appearance at Versailles to negotiate in the first instance for an armistice.

All this did nothing to improve the situation, so on the 23rd, Monsieur Jules Favre showed up at Versailles to initially negotiate for a ceasefire.

On the German side there was readiness to meet this request; but of course some guarantee had to be forthcoming[365] that the capital, after having been reprovisioned, would not renew its resistance. The surrender of the forts, inclusive of Mont Valérien and the town of St. Denis, as well as the disarmament of the enceinte was demanded and acceded to.

On the German side, there was a willingness to agree to this request; but of course, there had to be some guarantee that the capital, after being restocked, would not resume its resistance. The surrender of the forts, including Mont Valérien and the town of St. Denis, as well as the disarmament of the surrounding area, was required and accepted.[365]

Hostilities were to be suspended on the evening of the 26th, so far as Paris was concerned, and all supplies to be freely given. A general armistice of twenty-one days was then to come in force on the 31st of January, exclusive, however, of the departments of Doubs, Jura, and Côte d'Or, and the fortress of Belfort, where for the time operations were still being carried on, in which both sides were hopeful of success.

Hostilities were set to pause on the evening of the 26th regarding Paris, and all supplies were to be provided without restriction. A general ceasefire lasting twenty-one days was to take effect on the 31st of January, although this did not include the departments of Doubs, Jura, and Côte d'Or, as well as the fortress of Belfort, where operations were still ongoing and both sides were optimistic about their chances of success.

This armistice gave the Government of National Defence the time necessary for assembling a freely-elected National Assembly at Bordeaux, which should decide whether the war should be continued, or on what conditions peace should be concluded. The election of the deputies was unimpeded and uninfluenced even in the parts of the country occupied by the Germans.

This truce allowed the Government of National Defense the time it needed to gather a freely elected National Assembly in Bordeaux, which would determine whether to continue the war or under what conditions to negotiate peace. The election of the representatives was unaffected and uninfluenced, even in areas of the country occupied by the Germans.

The regular forces of the Paris garrison, troops of the line, marines, and Gardes-Mobiles, had to lay down their arms at once; only 12,000 men and the National Guard were allowed to retain them for the preservation of order inside the city. The troops of the garrison were interned there during the armistice; on its expiry they were to be regarded as prisoners. As to their subsequent transfer to Germany, where every available place was already overflowing with prisoners, the question was postponed in expectation of a probable peace.

The regular forces of the Paris garrison, line troops, marines, and Gardes-Mobiles had to surrender their weapons immediately; only 12,000 men and the National Guard were permitted to keep theirs to maintain order in the city. The garrison troops were held there during the armistice; once it ended, they were to be considered prisoners. As for their later transfer to Germany, where every available space was already packed with prisoners, that decision was put on hold while waiting for a likely peace.

The forts were occupied on the 29th without opposition.

The forts were seized on the 29th without any resistance.

There were taken over from the Field Army of Paris 602 guns, 1,770,000 stand of arms, and above 1000 ammunition waggons; from the fortress 1362 heavy guns, 1680 gun-carriages, 860 limbers, 3,500,000 cartridges, 4000 hundred-weight of powder, 200,000 shells, and 100,000 bombs.[366]

There were taken over from the Field Army of Paris 602 guns, 1,770,000 weapons, and over 1,000 ammunition wagons; from the fortress 1,362 heavy guns, 1,680 gun carriages, 860 limbers, 3,500,000 cartridges, 4,000 hundredweight of powder, 200,000 shells, and 100,000 bombs.[366]

The blockade of Paris, which had lasted 132 days, was over, and the greater part of the German forces which had so long stood fast under its walls, was released to end the war in the open field.

The blockade of Paris, which lasted 132 days, was over, and most of the German forces that had held out under its walls were free to finish the war in the open field.


The Southern Army's Operations under General von Manteuffel.

The two Army Corps under General von Manteuffel consisted altogether of fifty-six battalions, twenty squadrons, and 168 guns. When it arrived at Châtillon sur Seine on January 12th, the IInd Corps was on the right, and the VIIth on the left on an extension from Noyers Montigny of about forty-five miles. One brigade, under General von Dannenberg, which had already several times been in contact with portions of the French Army of the Vosges, was pushed forward to Vilaines and was charged with the duty of covering the right flank.

The two Army Corps led by General von Manteuffel included a total of fifty-six battalions, twenty squadrons, and 168 guns. When they reached Châtillon sur Seine on January 12th, the II Corps was on the right, and the VII Corps was on the left, extending about forty-five miles from Noyers Montigny. One brigade, commanded by General von Dannenberg, which had already encountered parts of the French Army of the Vosges several times, was sent forward to Vilaines and tasked with securing the right flank.

Several good roads led from the quarters specified in the direction of Dijon; to Vesoul, on the contrary, there were only bad tracks deep in snow over the southern slope of the wild plateau of Langres. The Commander-in-Chief, nevertheless, chose this direction, that he might as soon as possible afford General von Werder at least indirect assistance by approaching in the rear of the enemy threatening his brother-officer.

Several decent roads led from the specified locations toward Dijon; however, to Vesoul, there were only poor paths covered in deep snow across the southern slope of the rugged Langres plateau. The Commander-in-Chief, however, chose this route so that he could quickly provide General von Werder with at least indirect support by coming up behind the enemy that threatened his fellow officer.

The march had to pass midway between the towns of Dijon and Langres, both points strongly occupied by the French. Wooded heights and deep ravines separated the columns and precluded mutual support; each body had to provide for its individual safety in every direction. The troops had previously undergone severe fatigues, and badly as they needed rest not one halt-day could be granted, nor could the evil plight of their[367] boots and the horses' shoes be in any way remedied. On January 14th the march was begun in a thick fog and bitter cold, along roads frozen as smooth as glass.

The march had to go right between the towns of Dijon and Langres, both of which were heavily guarded by the French. Wooded hills and deep ravines split the columns, making it impossible for them to support each other; each group had to ensure its own safety in every direction. The troops had already gone through intense exhaustion, and although they desperately needed rest, not a single day could be taken off, nor could the terrible condition of their[367] boots and the horses' shoes be fixed in any way. On January 14th, the march started in thick fog and bitter cold, along roads frozen as smooth as glass.

The maintenance of supplies required special attention, and at first the 8th Brigade had to be left behind to secure the all-important railway-line Tonnerre—Nuits—Châtillon, until connections could be established by way of Epinal.

The supply upkeep needed special care, and initially the 8th Brigade had to stay back to secure the crucial railway line from Tonnerre to Nuits to Châtillon until connections could be made through Epinal.

On the very first day's march the advanced guard of the VIIth Corps had a fight before Langres. A force from the garrison of 15,000 men was driven in on the fortress with the loss of a flag, and a detachment had to be left behind in observation of the place. Under cover of it the VIIth Corps marched past the fortress next day, while the IInd advanced to the Ignon Brook.

On the first day of their march, the advance guard of the VII Corps engaged in a battle near Langres. A 15,000-man force from the garrison was pushed back into the fortress, losing a flag in the process, and a unit had to remain behind to keep an eye on the area. Taking advantage of this, the VII Corps moved past the fortress the next day, while the II Corps advanced to the Ignon Brook.

The weather changed during the night of the 15th. As a change from fourteen degrees of frost there came storm and rain. The water lay on the frozen roads, and it was with the greatest difficulty that the VIIth Corps reached Prauthoy, and the IInd Moloy, closing in to the left.

The weather took a turn on the night of the 15th. After fourteen degrees of frost, there was a storm and rain. Water collected on the icy roads, and it was extremely challenging for the VIIth Corps to get to Prauthoy, while the IInd Moloy moved in from the left.

On the 18th the left wing advanced South-East on Frettes and Champlitte, the right assembled at Is sur Tille, and its advanced guard, after a march of thirty-one miles, reached the bridges at Gray. On the flank and rear of the Corps there had been some trivial fighting, but the cruel march across the mountains had been accomplished, and the cultivated valley of the Saône was reached.

On the 18th, the left wing moved southeast towards Frettes and Champlitte, while the right gathered at Is sur Tille. Its advanced guard, after marching thirty-one miles, arrived at the bridges in Gray. There had been some minor skirmishes on the flank and rear of the Corps, but they had successfully completed the tough march across the mountains and reached the fertile Saône valley.

General von Manteuffel had already received news of the satisfactory course of the first day's fighting on the Lisaine. Later telegrams from General von Werder reported that the French Army of the East would probably be obliged to retire under difficulties, and the German commander at once determined to cut off its retreat by advancing to the Doubs below Besançon.[368]

General von Manteuffel had already heard good news about the first day's fighting on the Lisaine. Later messages from General von Werder indicated that the French Army of the East would likely have to retreat under challenging conditions, and the German commander immediately decided to block their escape by moving to the Doubs below Besançon.[368]

The defeated French army was still numerically greatly superior to the German force. The troops had to be again called upon for severe exertions. They were required once more to cross a thinly-populated mountainous region, where it would be a matter of great difficulty to procure food and the shelter needful during the bitter winter nights. Strong hostile forces had to be left in the rear at Langres, Dijon, and Auxonne, and that under very insufficient observation. However, in spite of every obstacle the advance in this new direction was begun on the 19th.

The defeated French army was still much larger than the German forces. The troops had to be called upon again for intense efforts. They were required to cross a sparsely populated mountainous area once more, where it would be very challenging to find food and shelter needed during the harsh winter nights. Strong enemy forces had to be left behind at Langres, Dijon, and Auxonne, and that with very little oversight. However, despite all the challenges, the advance in this new direction began on the 19th.

The first difficulty would have been the crossing of the Saône, here very deep and about sixty-six yards wide, and full of drifting ice, had not the advanced guard of the IInd Corps found Gray abandoned by the French and both the bridges uninjured; whereupon it occupied the town. The head of the VIIth Corps crossed the river by the intact railway-bridge at Savayeux, and by a pontoon bridge thrown across by the pioneers higher up.

The first challenge would have been crossing the Saône, which is quite deep, about sixty-six yards wide, and filled with drifting ice. However, the advanced guard of the II Corps found Gray deserted by the French, with both bridges intact; so they took over the town. The head of the VII Corps crossed the river using the undamaged railway bridge at Savayeux and a pontoon bridge set up by the pioneers further upstream.

On the following day both Corps advanced in a southerly direction, the VIIth to Gy, the IInd to Pesmes. Here the latter also now crossed the Ognon after driving off by artillery fire a French detachment which tried to oppose the construction of the bridges.

On the next day, both Corps moved south, with the VIIth heading to Gy and the IInd to Pesmes. The IInd also crossed the Ognon here after driving away a French unit that tried to stop the building of the bridges with artillery fire.

On the 21st, at half past two, the advanced guard of the IInd Corps found Dôle occupied by the enemy. General von Koblinski (commanding 5th Infantry Brigade) attacked at once. In spite of a violent street-fight in which the townspeople took part, the Grenadiers of the 2nd Regiment made their way through the town and on the further side seized a train of 230 waggons of provisions and military necessaries, intended for Besançon and left standing in the railway-station.

On the 21st, at 2:30 PM, the advanced guard of the 2nd Corps discovered that the enemy had taken over Dôle. General von Koblinski, who was in charge of the 5th Infantry Brigade, launched an attack immediately. Despite a fierce street battle involving the local residents, the Grenadiers of the 2nd Regiment managed to push through the town and, on the other side, captured a train with 230 wagons filled with supplies and military necessities that were meant for Besançon and were left standing at the railway station.

While the Doubs was thus crossed by the IInd Corps at this point, so the VIIth Corps opened itself a passage across the Ognon at Marmay and Pin.[369]

While the Doubs was crossed by the II Corps at this point, the VII Corps made its way across the Ognon at Marmay and Pin.[369]

General von Werder had been instructed to follow close on the heels of the retreating enemy, and while the latter still maintained his position on the front of the XIVth Corps, the 2nd Baden Brigade on the right wing had advanced to Etobon, while Colonel von Willisen with his twelve squadrons had moved out beyond Lure. On the left, Colonel von Zimmermann with the East-Prussian Landwehr had driven the French out of Ste. Marie. These detachments everywhere found cast-away arms and portions of equipment, and hundreds willingly gave themselves up as prisoners.

General von Werder had been ordered to closely follow the retreating enemy, and while the enemy still held their position in front of the XIV Corps, the 2nd Baden Brigade on the right flank advanced to Etobon, while Colonel von Willisen with his twelve squadrons moved out beyond Lure. On the left, Colonel von Zimmermann with the East Prussian Landwehr forced the French out of Ste. Marie. These units found abandoned weapons and bits of equipment everywhere, and hundreds willingly surrendered as prisoners.

During the next few days General von Werder effected a general left-wheel to the south. The right wing held Villersexel, and it was the left wing only that met the enemy in great masses at L'Isle sur le Doubs, and afterwards at Clerval and Baume les Dames.

During the next few days, General von Werder made a general left turn to the south. The right wing held Villersexel, and only the left wing engaged the enemy in large numbers at L'Isle sur le Doubs, and then at Clerval and Baume les Dames.

General Bourbaki had withdrawn from the Lisaine on the 18th. The XXIVth Corps only was left on the left bank of the Doubs, with orders to defend toward the north the defiles in the steep mountain-paths of the Lomont range eastward of Clerval; all the other troops withdrew between the Doubs and the Ognon, with the Division Crémer as rearguard. The Ognon might have formed a natural protection for the right flank of the French army, and orders had been given for the destruction of all the bridges over it; but we have seen how little they had been obeyed.

General Bourbaki had pulled back from the Lisaine on the 18th. Only the XXIV Corps remained on the left bank of the Doubs, tasked with defending the northern paths in the steep mountain trails of the Lomont range east of Clerval; all other troops retreated between the Doubs and the Ognon, with the Crémer Division acting as the rearguard. The Ognon could have provided a natural defense for the right flank of the French army, and orders were issued to destroy all the bridges over it; however, we have seen how poorly those orders were followed.

On the 21st the XVth and XXth Corps arrived in the neighbourhood of Baume les Dames, the XVIIIth at Marchaux; and here, having the stronghold of Besançon close at his back, General Bourbaki desired to await for the present the further movements of the enemy. In order that his forces should still muster in full strength, the commandant of Besançon was instructed to send forward to Blamont all the battalions of Mobiles-Guards he could spare so as to relieve the[370] XXIVth Corps. Nine battalions of mobilized National Guards had actually previously reached Besançon, which might have been substituted as desired, but they came armed with Enfield rifles, for which there was no ammunition in the fortress. Thus they would there only have added to the mouths to be filled, and General Rolland had simply sent them back again. The Intendant-General declared it impossible any longer to bring up the supplies ordered by him for the maintenance of the army; but what proved decisive was the news received this day that not only was the line of the Ognon lost, but that the Germans had already crossed the Doubs.

On the 21st, the 15th and 20th Corps arrived near Baume les Dames, with the 18th at Marchaux. With the stronghold of Besançon right behind him, General Bourbaki wanted to hold back for now and watch the enemy's next moves. To ensure his forces were at full strength, he ordered the commander of Besançon to send as many battalions of Mobile Guards to Blamont as he could spare to relieve the[370] 24th Corps. Nine battalions of mobilized National Guards had already reached Besançon but were armed with Enfield rifles, for which there was no ammunition available in the fortress. Therefore, they would have only increased the number of mouths to feed, and General Rolland simply sent them back. The Intendant-General reported that it was impossible to get the supplies he had ordered to support the army; however, what was most critical was the news received that day indicating not only was the Ognon line lost, but the Germans had also crossed the Doubs.

Under these circumstances the French Commander-in-Chief determined to continue his retreat on Besançon and there cross to the southern bank of the Doubs, so as not to be compelled to give battle with the river in his rear. The trains were sent off during the night, but above all things the XVth Corps was ordered at once to occupy Quingey with a whole division, and defend that position to extremity, in order to keep open the communications of the Corps with the interior. All the other Corps were to concentrate round Besançon, even the XXIVth, which consequently gave up the defence of the Lomont passes.

Under these circumstances, the French Commander-in-Chief decided to continue his retreat to Besançon and then cross to the southern bank of the Doubs to avoid fighting with the river behind him. The supply trains were sent out during the night, but most importantly, the XVth Corps was ordered to immediately occupy Quingey with an entire division and defend that position to the last, in order to maintain the Corps' communications with the interior. All the other Corps were to gather around Besançon, including the XXIVth, which therefore abandoned the defense of the Lomont passes.

General Bourbaki reported his situation to the Minister of War, who held out hopes of supporting him with the portion of the XVth Corps still remaining on the Loire. Assistance could have been more quickly and effectually given from Dijon.

General Bourbaki updated the Minister of War on his situation, who promised to support him with the part of the XV Corps still stationed on the Loire. Help could have been provided more quickly and effectively from Dijon.

The Government had assembled there a very considerable force to replace the Division Crémer gone to join the Army of the East, for the defence of the ancient capital of Burgundy and to constitute a point of support to the operations of General Bourbaki. A Corps of 20,000 men was assigned to the local defence; a very inappropriately-named Army of the Vosges, more than 40,000 strong, was to do duty in the field. But this was[371] of little effect in hindering the toilsome advance of the Germans over the mountains. The detachments in observation allowed themselves to be driven in by General von Kettler (commanding 8th Infantry Brigade), who followed the movement of both Corps on the right flank; and they retired on Dijon. Colonel Bombonnel, stationed at Gray, urgently begged for reinforcements to enable him to defend the passages of the Saône; his applications were refused because Dijon was in too great peril, and it was not till the Prussians had already crossed the river that "General" Garibaldi began to move.

The government had gathered a significant force there to replace the Division Crémer, which had gone to support the Army of the East, to defend the ancient capital of Burgundy and to serve as a support point for General Bourbaki's operations. A corps of 20,000 men was assigned to local defense; a very inaccurately named Army of the Vosges, with more than 40,000 troops, was meant to operate in the field. However, this was[371] largely ineffective in slowing the difficult advance of the Germans over the mountains. The observation detachments were pushed back by General von Kettler (who commanded the 8th Infantry Brigade), who tracked the movements of both corps on the right flank, and they retreated to Dijon. Colonel Bombonnel, stationed in Gray, urgently requested reinforcements to defend the Saône crossings; his requests were turned down because Dijon was in too much danger, and it wasn't until the Prussians had already crossed the river that "General" Garibaldi finally began to mobilize.

He set out on the 19th in three columns in the direction of Is sur Tille, where there still remained only part of the (German) 4th Infantry Division. But he advanced little more than four miles. Garibaldi subsequently confined himself to watching reconnoitring parties which advanced to meet him from the heights of Messigny, and he then retired on Dijon with his troops marching to the strains of the Marseillaise.

He set out on the 19th in three columns toward Is sur Tille, where only part of the (German) 4th Infantry Division was left. However, he advanced just over four miles. Garibaldi then focused on observing scouting parties that came to meet him from the heights of Messigny, and he later retreated to Dijon with his troops marching to the tune of the Marseillaise.

Nevertheless, the enemy was held in too small estimation in General Manteuffel's headquarter, when General von Kettler was simply ordered to go and take Dijon.

Nevertheless, General Manteuffel’s headquarters underestimated the enemy when General von Kettler was merely instructed to go and take Dijon.

The greatest care had been bestowed in strengthening the place. Numerous earthworks, and other erections specially constructed for defence protected it to the northward; more especially had Talant and Fontaine les Dijon been transformed into two detached forts and armed with heavy guns which commanded all the approaches on that side. The whole constituted a position which could be held against a much larger force than the five and a half battalions of the 8th Brigade with which General Kettler advanced to the attack.

The utmost attention was given to reinforcing the area. Various earthworks and other structures built specifically for defense shielded it on the north side; in particular, Talant and Fontaine les Dijon had been turned into two separate forts and equipped with heavy artillery that oversaw all the access points from that direction. Overall, it formed a position that could withstand a much larger force than the five and a half battalions of the 8th Brigade that General Kettler brought to the attack.

Fighting at Dijon, January 21st and 22nd.—This force had reached Turcey and St. Seine, and on the 21st advanced in two columns from the west on Dijon, still distant some fourteen miles. Major von[372] Conta from Is sur Tille on the north was approaching with a small reinforcement. The "Franctireurs de la Mort," the "Compagnie de la Revanche," and other volunteer bands as well as Mobiles-Guards were without much difficulty driven out of the villages on the way, and beyond the deep ravine of the Suzon; the village of Plombieres on the right, which was defended with spirit, was stormed, and Daix was carried on the left; but in front of the fortified position of the French, and within reach of the fire of their heavy batteries, the bold advance was forced to come to a stand. Major von Conta had also pushed on with continuous fighting, but failed to effect a junction with the brigade before dark. General von Kettler, recognizing the overwhelming superiority of the French, finally restricted himself to repulsing their sorties.

Fighting in Dijon on January 21st and 22nd.—This force had reached Turcey and St. Seine, and on the 21st advanced in two columns from the west toward Dijon, still about fourteen miles away. Major von [372] Conta was coming from Is sur Tille in the north with a small reinforcement. The "Franctireurs de la Mort," the "Compagnie de la Revanche," and other volunteer groups, along with Mobile Guards, were easily driven out of the villages along the route, and beyond the deep ravine of the Suzon; the village of Plombieres on the right, which was defended vigorously, was stormed, and Daix was captured on the left. However, in front of the fortified position of the French and within the range of their heavy batteries, the bold advance had to come to a halt. Major von Conta also pushed forward with ongoing fighting but was unable to join forces with the brigade before nightfall. General von Kettler, recognizing the overwhelming superiority of the French, ultimately focused on repelling their attacks.

The French lost seven officers and 430 men in prisoners alone; but the fighting also cost the brigade nineteen officers and 322 men. The troops had performed a severe march in bad weather along heavy roads, and had not been able to cook either before or after the fight; the ammunition could only be replenished from a convoy which was expected next day. Nevertheless General von Kettler did not hesitate to remain for the night in the positions he had gained immediately in front of the enemy, and then to seek shelter-quarters in the nearest villages.

The French lost seven officers and 430 soldiers just in prisoners; however, the battle also cost the brigade nineteen officers and 322 soldiers. The troops had gone through a tough march in bad weather on rough roads and hadn't been able to cook either before or after the fight; the ammo could only be restocked from a convoy that was expected the next day. Still, General von Kettler didn't hesitate to stay overnight in the positions he had taken right in front of the enemy and then to find shelter in the nearest villages.

The French allowed him to do so without any serious opposition. Inactivity so utter caused General von Kettler the suspicion that the main body of the enemy had probably withdrawn by Auxonne to the support of the Army of the East, and he determined to bring it back on Dijon by a renewed attack.

The French let him do this without any significant resistance. This complete inaction made General von Kettler suspect that the main enemy forces had likely pulled back to Auxonne to support the Army of the East, and he decided to push back toward Dijon with a renewed attack.

On the 23rd at eleven o'clock, by a flank march along the enemy's front, after his advanced guard had routed a detachment of Gardes-Mobiles, he reached the farm of Valmy on the Langres road, and advanced with his two batteries against the walled and strongly-held[373] village of Pouilly. Here, as was almost always the case when engaged in the defence of buildings, the French made a stout resistance. The 61st Regiment had to storm each house in turn, and it was not till the château was in flames that the strong body of defenders who had taken refuge in the upper floors, surrendered.

On the 23rd at eleven o'clock, by moving to the side along the enemy's front, after his forward troops had defeated a group of Gardes-Mobiles, he arrived at the farm of Valmy on the Langres road and pushed forward with his two batteries against the walled and heavily-defended[373] village of Pouilly. As was almost always the case when defending buildings, the French put up a fierce resistance here. The 61st Regiment had to take each house one by one, and it wasn't until the château was on fire that the large group of defenders who had taken cover on the upper floors surrendered.

Beyond this place the enemy were found deployed in an entrenched position between Talant, which had been converted into a fort, and a large factory-building on the high-road. Here the advance was checked till the remainder of the regiment came up from Valmy, and the defenders at various points were driven back on the suburb.

Beyond this area, the enemy were found set up in a fortified position between Talant, which had been turned into a fort, and a large factory along the main road. The advance was halted until the rest of the regiment arrived from Valmy, and the defenders were pushed back at various points toward the suburb.

It was evident that the French were still at Dijon in full force, and the object of the undertaking had therefore been attained. But now unfortunately a tragic episode occurred, for the storming of the factory was absolutely insisted on—a great building, almost impregnable against infantry unaided. When all the senior officers had been killed, a first-lieutenant, whose horse had been shot and he himself wounded, took the command of the 2nd battalion. No sooner had the 5th company, only forty strong, advanced from the neighbouring quarry, than it came under a hot fire from all sides. The leader was at once wounded, and the sergeant who carried the colour fell dead after a few steps; so did the second-lieutenant and the battalion adjutant, who had again raised the standard. It was passed from hand to hand, carried first by the officers then by the men; every bearer fell. The brave Pomeranians[81] nevertheless rushed on the building, but there was no entrance anywhere on that side, and at last the under-officer retreated on the quarry with the remnant of the[374] little band. Here, for the first time, the colour was missed. Volunteers went out again in the darkness to search for it, but only one man returned unwounded. It was not till afterwards that the French found the banner, shot to ribbons, in a pool of blood under the dead. This was the only German colour lost throughout the war, and only thus was this one lost.

It was clear that the French were still heavily present in Dijon, and the goal of the mission had been achieved. Unfortunately, a tragic event unfolded, as the assault on the factory was deemed absolutely necessary—a large building that was nearly impossible to take down without support. With all the senior officers gone, a first lieutenant, whose horse had been shot and who was himself injured, took charge of the 2nd battalion. As soon as the 5th company, just forty strong, advanced from the nearby quarry, they were hit with heavy fire from all directions. The leader was wounded immediately, and the sergeant carrying the flag was killed just a few steps forward; so were the second lieutenant and the battalion adjutant, who had raised the flag again. It was passed person to person, first by the officers and then by the soldiers; every bearer fell. The brave Pomeranians[81] charged at the building, but there was no way in from that side, and eventually, the under-officer retreated with the remaining members of the[374] small group to the quarry. For the first time, they realized the flag was missing. Volunteers went out again into the darkness to find it, but only one man returned without injury. It wasn't until later that the French discovered the tattered banner in a pool of blood beneath the dead. This was the only German flag lost throughout the war, and it was lost in this way alone.

The enemy took prisoners eight officers and 150 men, and the brigade sustained a fresh loss of sixteen officers and 362 men. It mustered at Pouilly, and remained under arms till eight o'clock to meet possible pursuit; only then were quarters taken in the neighbouring villages.

The enemy captured eight officers and 150 soldiers, and the brigade suffered a new loss of sixteen officers and 362 soldiers. It gathered at Pouilly and stayed alert until eight o'clock to prepare for any potential pursuit; only then did they settle into nearby villages.

Operations of the Army of the South.—The commission to take Dijon could not be executed; but the bold advance of this weak brigade cowed the hostile army into inactivity, so that General von Manteuffel was able to pursue his march unopposed.

Operations of the Southern Army.—The mission to take Dijon couldn't be carried out; however, the daring advance of this small brigade intimidated the enemy army into inaction, allowing General von Manteuffel to continue his march without opposition.

He had given to both his corps as their objective the enemy's line of retreat south of Besançon.

He had set the enemy's line of retreat south of Besançon as the objective for both of his corps.

From this fortress there were but few roads to the south of France available for troops, through the riven and rugged regions of the western Jura. The most direct connection was by the road and railway to Lons le Saulnier, on which Quingey and Byans were the most important barriers. Further to the east, but by a wide détour, a road runs by Ornans, Salins and Champagnole to St. Laurent and Morez. Several ways, however, radiate from Besançon and converge in Pontarlier, by using the passes peculiar to this range, called "Cluses," which pierce transversely the mountain chains and afford the valleys intercommunication. From Pontarlier one road only runs past Mouthe, and along the Swiss frontier in awkward proximity thereto.

From this fortress, there were only a few routes available for troops heading south into France, through the broken and rugged areas of the western Jura. The most direct link was via the road and railway to Lons le Saulnier, with Quingey and Byans serving as the main obstacles. Further east, but taking a long detour, a road leads from Ornans, Salins, and Champagnole to St. Laurent and Morez. However, several paths branch out from Besançon and meet in Pontarlier, utilizing the unique passes of this range, called "Cluses," which cut across the mountain chains and allow for communication between the valleys. From Pontarlier, only one road goes past Mouthe and runs along the Swiss border, which is uncomfortably close.

January 22nd.—On this day the advanced guard of the 13th Division marched from Audeux to St. Vit, and after breaking up the railway and plundering[375] a number of loaded waggons, down the riverside to Dampierre. On the way four bridges over the Doubs were found uninjured and were taken possession of. The advanced guard of the 14th Division moved from Emagny to observe Besançon. The IInd Corps closed on Dôle and pushed reconnoitring parties across the river.

January 22nd.—On this day, the advance team of the 13th Division marched from Audeux to St. Vit, and after tearing up the railway and looting[375] several loaded wagons, they moved down the riverside to Dampierre. Along the way, they found four bridges over the Doubs intact and took control of them. The advance team of the 14th Division moved from Emagny to keep an eye on Besançon. The II Corps approached Dôle and sent out scouting parties across the river.

January 23rd.—The concentric movement of all the bodies of the German army was continued.

January 23rd.—The coordinated movement of all the units of the German army continued.

General Debschitz, approaching from the north, in passing Roches found only the abandoned camping ground of the French XXIVth Corps. The 4th Reserve Division occupied L'Isle without opposition, and met no resistance till it reached Clerval and Baume.

General Debschitz, coming from the north, found only the abandoned campsite of the French XXIVth Corps as he passed through Roches. The 4th Reserve Division took L'Isle without any opposition and faced no resistance until it arrived at Clerval and Baume.

On the Ognon the Baden Division drove the French out of Montbozon.

On the Ognon, the Baden Division pushed the French out of Montbozon.

In the centre of the army the VIIth Corps pushed the advanced guard of the 14th Division forward on Dannemarie, near Besançon. A fight ensued there in the form only of a cannonade which lasted till night. The 13th Division, again, which had crossed the Doubs at Dampierre, advanced on Quingey.

In the center of the army, the VII Corps pushed the advanced guard of the 14th Division forward towards Dannemarie, near Besançon. A battle broke out there, taking the form of a cannon fire that lasted until nightfall. The 13th Division, meanwhile, which had crossed the Doubs at Dampierre, advanced on Quingey.

For want of rolling stock it had been possible to forward only one French brigade by railway, and the last trains were received at the Byans station with Prussian shells. These troops were in so bad case that they were unable even to place outposts. They abandoned Quingey almost without a struggle, and their hurried retreat on Besançon and beyond the Loue, stopped the advance of reinforcements already on the way. Thus 800 prisoners and a train of 400 convalescents fell into the hands of the Prussian advanced guard, who at once broke up the railway at Abbans-dessous.

Due to a lack of rolling stock, only one French brigade could be sent by train, and the last trains arrived at the Byans station under fire from Prussian shells. These troops were in such bad shape that they couldn't even set up outposts. They gave up Quingey almost without a fight, and their hasty retreat toward Besançon and beyond the Loue halted the advance of reinforcements that were already on their way. As a result, 800 prisoners and a train of 400 convalescents were captured by the Prussian advanced guard, who immediately disrupted the railway at Abbans-dessous.

On the right wing, the head of the IInd Corps advanced by the valley of the Loue on the southern bank. Several cuttings on this road had been prepared for defence, but were found undefended. It was at Villers Farlay that it first encountered a strong body of the enemy.[376]

On the right wing, the leader of the II Corps moved forward through the Loue valley on the southern bank. Several positions along this route had been set up for defense but were found unguarded. It was at Villers Farlay that it first faced a significant force of the enemy.[376]

On the evening of this day, of the French forces the XXth Corps was on the north and the XVIIIth on the west of Besançon, at the distance of about four miles. Cavalry, artillery and the train were passing through the town or encamped on the glacis of the fortress. The XXIVth Corps was on the march thither, and the 2nd and 3rd Divisions of the XVth were in possession of the southern bank of the Doubs about Baume and Larnod; but the 1st Division had not succeeded in holding Quingey. Thus the most direct and important line of communications of the French army was cut, and its position, by this fresh mischance, seriously compromised. Impracticable projects and counsels from Bordeaux poured in freely, but did not mend matters; and on the 24th General Bourbaki summoned the superior officers to a council of war.

On the evening of that day, the French forces had the XXth Corps to the north and the XVIIIth Corps to the west of Besançon, about four miles away. Cavalry, artillery, and supply trains were either moving through the town or camped on the fortress's glacis. The XXIVth Corps was marching to join them, and the 2nd and 3rd Divisions of the XVth were controlling the southern bank of the Doubs around Baume and Larnod, but the 1st Division failed to hold Quingey. This meant that the most direct and crucial communication line for the French army was cut, and the new setback seriously jeopardized their position. Unworkable plans and advice from Bordeaux kept coming in, but it didn’t help the situation; so on the 24th, General Bourbaki called the top officers for a council of war.

January 24th.—The Generals declared that they had scarcely more than half their men under arms, and these were more inclined to fly than to fight. General Pallu alone thought he might answer for the men of the army reserve. The Intendant-General reported that, without trenching on the magazines of the place, the supplies in hand would last for four days at most. General Billot was in favour of attempting to fight a way through to Auxonne, but he declined to take the command in chief which was offered him. The exhaustion of the troops and their evidently increasing insubordination gave little hope of the success of offensive operations. So there was no alternative but to retire on Pontarlier, as the Commander-in-Chief had proposed.

January 24th.—The Generals stated that they had barely half their soldiers ready for duty, and those that were seemed more ready to run than to fight. Only General Pallu believed he could vouch for the army reserve. The Intendant-General reported that, without using the supplies from the local stores, what was currently available would last at most four days. General Billot was in favor of trying to fight their way through to Auxonne, but he refused the offer to take command. The fatigue of the troops and their clear increase in disobedience offered little hope for successful offensive actions. So, the only option left was to retreat to Pontarlier, as the Commander-in-Chief had suggested.

This recourse, even, was seriously threatened. To relieve himself from pressure on the north, General Bourbaki ordered the XXIVth Corps to advance once more and hold the Lomont passes. On the south the XVth was to defend the deep mountain-ravine of the Loue, and General Crémer was more especially to cover the retreat of the army on the right[377] flank, which was most seriously threatened. For this difficult task, in addition to his own Division, a Division of the XXth Corps and the army reserve as the most trustworthy troops were placed under his command. The XVIIIth and the remainder of the XXth were to await marching-orders at Besançon.

This option was seriously at risk. To relieve the pressure in the north, General Bourbaki ordered the XXIV Corps to move forward again and secure the Lomont passes. In the south, the XV Corps was tasked with defending the steep mountain gorge of the Loue, while General Crémer was specifically assigned to protect the army's retreat on the right flank, which faced the greatest threat. For this challenging task, in addition to his own Division, he was given a Division from the XX Corps and the army reserve, the most reliable troops available. The XVIII Corps and the rest of the XX Corps were to wait for marching orders in Besançon.[377]

In the German Head-quarter, where of course the plans of the French could not be known, various possibilities had to be reckoned with.

In the German headquarters, where the French plans were obviously unknown, various possibilities had to be considered.

If the French remained at Besançon there would be no need to attack them there; the place was not suited for the accommodation of a large army, and its supplies could not long hold out. That they would again attempt to advance northwards was scarcely likely; by doing so they would be cutting loose from all their resources, and must encounter the larger part of the XIVth German Corps on the Ognon.

If the French stayed in Besançon, there would be no need to attack them there; the location wasn’t suitable for supporting a large army, and its supplies wouldn’t last long. It was unlikely that they would try to move north again; by doing that, they would be losing access to all their resources and would have to face most of the XIVth German Corps along the Ognon.

An attempt to break through to Dijon seemed more possible. But this would be opposed at St. Vit by the 13th Division, at Pesmes by Colonel von Willisen's detachment, and finally by General von Kettler.

An attempt to break through to Dijon seemed more doable. But this would be resisted at St. Vit by the 13th Division, at Pesmes by Colonel von Willisen's detachment, and finally by General von Kettler.

Thus a retreat on Pontarlier seemed the most likely course; and to hinder their further march from that place would in the first instance be the duty of the IInd Corps, while in the meantime the VIIth was observing the enemy massed in Besançon, and opposing his sorties on both sides of the river.

Thus, a retreat to Pontarlier seemed like the most likely option; and stopping their further advance from that location would initially be the responsibility of the II Corps, while in the meantime, the VII Corps was keeping an eye on the enemy gathered in Besançon and countering their attacks on both sides of the river.

The Commander-in-Chief therefore confined himself to giving general directions to his Generals, expressly authorizing them to act on their own judgment in eventualities which could not be foreseen.

The Commander-in-Chief therefore limited himself to providing general directions to his Generals, clearly allowing them to use their own judgment in situations that could not be anticipated.

General von Werder was instructed to advance by Marnay, and to place the 14th Division in touch with the Baden Division and Von der Goltz's Brigade, and then to distribute these bodies along the right bank of the Doubs. The 4th Reserve Division restored the bridges at L'Isle and Baume, and crossed over to the left bank. Colonel von Willisen was to join the VIIth[378] Corps to supply its lack of cavalry. The IInd Corps was assembled behind Villers Farlay.

General von Werder was ordered to move toward Marnay and connect the 14th Division with the Baden Division and Von der Goltz's Brigade, then deploy these units along the right bank of the Doubs. The 4th Reserve Division repaired the bridges at L'Isle and Baume and crossed to the left bank. Colonel von Willisen was assigned to the VIIth[378] Corps to make up for its shortage of cavalry. The IInd Corps gathered behind Villers Farlay.

January 25th.—Reconnaissances on a large scale were arranged for next day. The reconnaissance of the VIIth Corps resulted in a sharp fight at Vorges. The head of the IInd Corps met the enemy in front of Salins and at Arbois, but found that the latter had not yet reached Poligny.

January 25th.—Large-scale reconnaissance missions were planned for the next day. The reconnaissance by the VIIth Corps led to an intense battle at Vorges. The IInd Corps encountered the enemy in front of Salins and at Arbois, but discovered that the enemy had not yet reached Poligny.

January 26th.—The advanced guard of the IInd Corps advanced on Salins. The fronts of the high-perched forts of St. André and Belin near the town, looked toward Switzerland, but their fire commanded also on flank and rear the plain to the south and west on the enemy's line of march. Salins constituted a strong barrier on the road to St. Laurent, and as long as it was held would cover the line of retreat of columns marching from Besançon to Pontarlier.

January 26th.—The forward unit of the 2nd Corps moved towards Salins. The fronts of the high forts of St. André and Belin overlooking the town faced Switzerland, but their fire also covered the sides and rear of the plain to the south and west along the enemy’s path. Salins was a significant obstacle on the route to St. Laurent, and as long as it was held, it would protect the retreat of groups moving from Besançon to Pontarlier.

The two field-batteries of the advanced guard could, of course, do little against the heavy guns of the forts; but the Fusiliers of the 2nd Regiment advanced in rushes of small detachments up the narrow ravine, scaled its rugged faces, and, supported by the two Grenadier battalions, forced their way, about half-past two, into the railway-station and suburb of St. Pierre; but with the loss of 3 officers and 109 men.

The two field batteries of the advanced guard could, of course, do little against the heavy guns of the forts; but the Fusiliers of the 2nd Regiment moved forward in small groups up the narrow ravine, climbed its steep sides, and, backed by the two Grenadier battalions, managed to push their way, around 2:30, into the railway station and suburb of St. Pierre; but they lost 3 officers and 109 men.

Soon after General von Koblinski arrived by way of St. Thiébaud with the 42nd Regiment. As in consequence of the representations of the Mayor the commandant refrained from bombarding the town, the advanced guard was able to take up its quarters therein; the main body of the 3rd Division retreated from under the fire of the forts on Mouchard, and the defile remained closed again to further penetration. It was necessary to turn it by the south.

Soon after General von Koblinski arrived through St. Thiébaud with the 42nd Regiment. Because of the Mayor's requests, the commander decided not to bombard the town, allowing the advanced guard to settle in. The main body of the 3rd Division withdrew from the fire of the forts at Mouchard, and the pass stayed blocked to any further entry. It was necessary to go around it to the south.

In that direction the 4th Division had already marched to Arbois, its head further forward up to Pont d'Héry; it found Poligny and Champagnole on the right still unoccupied.[379]

In that direction, the 4th Division had already marched to Arbois, its lead further ahead up to Pont d'Héry; it found Poligny and Champagnole on the right still unoccupied.[379]

The VIIth Corps reconnoitred both banks of the Doubs, and found the enemy in strong positions at Busy and at Vorges.

The 7th Corps surveyed both sides of the Doubs and found the enemy in strong positions at Busy and Vorges.

The 4th Reserve Division advanced along the southern bank as far as St. Juan d'Adam, near Besançon; the remainder of the XIVth Corps marched on Etuz and Marnay.

The 4th Reserve Division moved forward along the southern bank all the way to St. Juan d'Adam, near Besançon; the rest of the XIV Corps continued on to Etuz and Marnay.

General von Kettler's report of the fighting on the 21st and 23rd determined General von Manteuffel to make a renewed attempt on Dijon. He detailed to this duty General Hann von Weyhern (commanding 4th Infantry Division, IInd Corps), placing him in command of the 8th Brigade, with Colonel von Willisen's troops and Degenfeld's Baden Brigade.

General von Kettler's report on the battles on the 21st and 23rd prompted General von Manteuffel to make another attempt on Dijon. He assigned this task to General Hann von Weyhern (in charge of the 4th Infantry Division, II Corps), putting him in command of the 8th Brigade, along with Colonel von Willisen's troops and Degenfeld's Baden Brigade.

On the French side, General Bressoles had started on the 24th, in obedience to orders, to take renewed possession of the passages of the Doubs and the Lomont defiles. He had, in the first instance, turned against Baume with d'Aries' Division; but as he did not succeed even in driving the German outposts out of Pont les Moulins, he retired to Vercel. In consequence of this, on the morning of the 26th, Carré's Division, which had found the passes of the Lomont unoccupied, also moved to Pierre Fontaine. Comagny's Division had already retreated to Morteau, and was making its way unmolested to Pontarlier.

On the French side, General Bressoles had started on the 24th, following orders, to reestablish control over the passages of the Doubs and the Lomont defiles. Initially, he had directed d'Aries' Division against Baume; however, since he couldn’t even push the German outposts out of Pont les Moulins, he pulled back to Vercel. As a result, on the morning of the 26th, Carré's Division, which found the Lomont passes unoccupied, also moved to Pierre Fontaine. Comagny's Division had already retreated to Morteau and was making its way to Pontarlier without any resistance.

General Bourbaki was greatly disturbed by this failure of his right wing; more perhaps than was needful, since, in fact, only one German division stood north of him, which at most could drive his rearguard on Pontarlier, while the main force of the enemy threatened him far more seriously on the west. He nevertheless ordered a renewed advance, on the 26th, of the XXIVth Corps, which was now to be supported by the XVIIIth. But the march through Besançon of the latter, through streets covered with ice, took up the whole of the day which should have been devoted to the attack, so that nothing came of the scheme.[380]

General Bourbaki was really upset by the failure of his right wing—maybe more than he needed to be—since there was only one German division to the north of him, which could at most push his rearguard back to Pontarlier. Meanwhile, the main enemy force posed a much more serious threat to his west. Still, he ordered the XXIVth Corps to advance again on the 26th, now supported by the XVIIIth. However, the march of the latter through Besançon on icy streets took the entire day that should have been used for the attack, so nothing came of the plan.[380]

The Army Reserve had reached Ornans, and stood there in readiness. The two other Divisions advanced on the road to Salins, but heard while on the march that the Germans had just carried that place. They then occupied in Déservillers and Villeneuve d'Amont, the roads leading from thence to Pontarlier.

The Army Reserve had arrived in Ornans and was standing by, ready. The other two Divisions moved forward on the road to Salins but learned during their march that the Germans had just taken that location. They then secured the roads in Déservillers and Villeneuve d'Amont that led from there to Pontarlier.

The War Minister, meanwhile, had decisively refused permission for the general retreat of the army, without any regard to the imperative necessities of the case.

The War Minister, meanwhile, had firmly denied permission for the general retreat of the army, without any consideration for the urgent needs of the situation.

The military dilettanteism which fancied it could direct the movements of the army from Bordeaux is characterized in a telegram of the afternoon of the 25th. Monsieur de Freycinet gives it as his "firm conviction"[82] that General Bourbaki, if he would concentrate his troops, and, if necessary come to an understanding with Garibaldi, would be strong enough to fight his way out, "either by Dôle, or by Mouchard, or by Gray, or by Pontailler" (north of Auxonne). The choice was left to him.

The military amateurism that thought it could control the army's movements from Bordeaux is highlighted in a telegram from the afternoon of the 25th. Monsieur de Freycinet confidently states that General Bourbaki, if he concentrates his troops and, if needed, collaborates with Garibaldi, would have enough strength to break free "either by Dôle, or by Mouchard, or by Gray, or by Pontailler" (north of Auxonne). The choice is up to him.

Still more amazing was the further suggestion that if indeed the state of the army prohibited a long march, it should be embarked on the railway at Chagey, under the eye, no doubt, of the pursuing enemy.

Still more amazing was the additional suggestion that if the army's condition really made a long march impossible, they should board the train at Chagey, probably under the watchful eyes of the enemy pursuing them.

Such communications could only avail to shatter the brave commander's self-confidence. The disastrous reports which poured in from all sides, and the state of the troops which he had seen for himself as the XVIIIth Corps marched through the town, crushed his last hope and led him to attempt his own life.

Such communications could only serve to destroy the brave commander's confidence. The awful reports that came in from all sides, along with the condition of the troops he had witnessed himself as the XVIIIth Corps marched through the town, crushed his final hope and drove him to try to take his own life.

The Commander had of course to bear the blame of the total failure of a campaign planned by Freycinet; his dismissal from the command was already on its way. General Clinchant was appointed in his stead, and under these disastrous circumstances took the command of the army.

The Commander, of course, had to take the blame for the complete failure of a campaign planned by Freycinet; his dismissal from command was already in progress. General Clinchant was appointed to take his place, and under these unfortunate circumstances, he took command of the army.

All the Generals were, no doubt, extremely reluctant[381] to bring their weary and dispirited troops into serious contact with the enemy. Every line of retreat was closely threatened, excepting only that on Pontarlier. The new Commander-in-Chief had no choice but to carry out the plans of his predecessor. He at once ordered the further march. He himself proceeded to Pontarlier. In that strong position he hoped to be able at least to give the troops a short rest. No large bodies of the Germans had been met with so far, the ammunition columns had got safely through, and if the defiles of Vaux, Les Planches, and St. Laurent could be reached and held in advance of the enemy there was still a possibility of escape to the southwards.

All the Generals were clearly very hesitant[381] to bring their tired and discouraged troops into serious contact with the enemy. Every escape route was heavily threatened, except for the one leading to Pontarlier. The new Commander-in-Chief had no choice but to follow the plans of his predecessor. He immediately ordered the march to continue. He himself went to Pontarlier. In that strong position, he hoped to at least give the troops a short break. So far, they hadn’t encountered any large German forces, the supply columns had made it through safely, and if they could reach and hold the passes of Vaux, Les Planches, and St. Laurent ahead of the enemy, there was still a chance of escaping south.

On the evening of the 27th, the Division Poullet was at Levier, nearest to the Germans; the two other Divisions under General Crémer, with the XVth and XXth Corps, were écheloned on the road from Ornans to Sombacourt; the XVIIIth Corps alone was on the eastern road through Nods. The XXIVth, in a miserable condition, had reached Montbenoît with its head at Pontarlier; two Divisions were still in Besançon.

On the evening of the 27th, the Poullet Division was in Levier, closest to the Germans; the other two Divisions under General Crémer, along with the XVth and XXth Corps, were positioned along the road from Ornans to Sombacourt; the XVIIIth Corps was the only one on the eastern road through Nods. The XXIVth, in poor shape, had arrived in Montbenoît with its front at Pontarlier; two Divisions were still in Besançon.

On this same day General von Fransecky collected the main body of the IInd Corps at Arbois, and reinforced General du Trossel's posts at Pont d'Héry.

On this same day, General von Fransecky gathered the main group of the II Corps at Arbois and strengthened General du Trossel's positions at Pont d'Héry.

The XIVth Corps relieved the 14th Division of the VIIth Corps at St. Vit; the latter advanced to the right of the 13th Division into the Loue angle, which the French had already abandoned.

The 14th Corps took over from the 14th Division of the 7th Corps at St. Vit; the latter moved to the right of the 13th Division into the Loue angle, which the French had already left.

On the north, General von Debschitz held Blamont and Pont du Roide, while General von Schmeling watched Besançon from St. Juan, and General von der Goltz marched on Arbois to form a reserve.

On the north, General von Debschitz controlled Blamont and Pont du Roide, while General von Schmeling observed Besançon from St. Juan, and General von der Goltz marched toward Arbois to establish a reserve.

January 28th.—Suspecting that the French were already on the march by Champagnole on St. Laurent, General Fransecky, to cut off from them that line of retreat, advanced on the following day in a southerly direction with the IInd Corps.

January 28th.—Thinking that the French were already moving through Champagnole on St. Laurent, General Fransecky advanced the next day in a southerly direction with the II Corps to cut off their line of retreat.

General du Trossel reached Champagnole without[382] opposition, and thence sent his cavalry along the road to Pontarlier. Lieutenant-Colonel von Guretzky arrived at Nozeroy with a squadron of the 11th Dragoons, and found the place occupied; but he made prize of fifty-six provision-waggons and the military-chest, taking the escort prisoners.

General du Trossel arrived in Champagnole without any resistance, and then he sent his cavalry down the road to Pontarlier. Lieutenant-Colonel von Guretzky got to Nozeroy with a squadron of the 11th Dragoons and discovered that the location was occupied; however, he captured fifty-six supply wagons and the military chest, taking the escort as prisoners.

The 5th and 6th Brigades advanced on Poligny and Pont du Navoy.

The 5th and 6th Brigades moved forward on Poligny and Pont du Navoy.

The 13th Division of the VIIth Corps, having been relieved at Quingey by the Baden troops, assembled at La Chapelle, while the 14th advanced on Déservillers. Its head found no enemy in Bolandoz, although his camp-fires were still smouldering; so that the main hostile army was not overtaken on that day.

The 13th Division of the VII Corps, after being relieved at Quingey by the Baden troops, gathered at La Chapelle, while the 14th moved forward to Déservillers. Its lead unit encountered no enemies in Bolandoz, even though the campfires were still smoldering; therefore, the main opposing army was not caught that day.

General Clinchant had in fact moved his Corps closer on Pontarlier. But it soon became evident that supplies were not procurable for any long stay there. General Crémer received orders that night to move forward at once to Les Planches and St. Laurent with three cavalry regiments standing already on the road to Mouthe. The mountain-roads were deep in snow, but by forced marching he reached the points designated on the following afternoon. The XXIVth Corps and a brigade of the Division Poullett followed next day, and the latter also occupied with two battalions the village of Bonneveaux at the entrance to the defiles of Vaux. On the evening of the 28th the rest of the French army stood as follows: the XVIIIth Corps was behind the Drugeon at Houtaud close before Pontarlier; the 1st Division of the XVth had advanced over the brook to Sombacourt, the 3rd Division was in the town. On the left the 2nd and 3rd Divisions of the XXth Corps held the villages from Chaffois to Frasne, and on the right the army reserve occupied Byans.

General Clinchant had actually moved his Corps closer to Pontarlier. But it quickly became clear that supplies weren't available for a long stay there. General Crémer received orders that night to move forward immediately to Les Planches and St. Laurent with three cavalry regiments already on the way to Mouthe. The mountain roads were deep in snow, but by marching hard, he reached the designated points the next afternoon. The XXIV Corps and a brigade from Division Poullett followed the next day, with the latter also taking over the village of Bonneveaux at the entrance to the Vaux passes with two battalions. By the evening of the 28th, the rest of the French army was positioned as follows: the XVIII Corps was behind the Drugeon at Houtaud, just before Pontarlier; the 1st Division of the XV Corps had moved over the brook to Sombacourt, while the 3rd Division was in the town. On the left, the 2nd and 3rd Divisions of the XXth Corps held the villages from Chaffois to Frasne, and on the right, the army reserve occupied Byans.

General von Manteuffel had ordered for the 29th a general advance on Pontarlier, where at last the French must certainly be found.

General von Manteuffel had ordered a general advance on Pontarlier for the 29th, where the French must surely be found at last.

January 29th.—Of the IInd Corps General Koblinsky[383] had set out from Poligny in the night. When he reached Champagnole and had assembled the whole of the 5th Brigade he moved forward therefrom at about seven o'clock. General du Trossel with the 7th Brigade also reached Censeau without finding the enemy.

January 29th.—General Koblinsky of the II Corps had left Poligny during the night. When he arrived at Champagnole and gathered all of the 5th Brigade, he moved forward around seven o'clock. General du Trossel with the 7th Brigade also got to Censeau without encountering the enemy.

On the right Colonel von Wedell marched from Pont du Navoy on Les Planches with four battalions of the 6th Brigade. He found only dismounted troopers, posts probably left by General Crémer which were easily dispersed by the Jägers. Detachments were then sent out in different directions, and everywhere met with scattered troops; but at Foncine le Bas the head of the XXIVth Corps was found, and Colonel von Wedell now blocked the last line of retreat which had remained to the French.

On the right, Colonel von Wedell marched from Pont du Navoy to Les Planches with four battalions of the 6th Brigade. He encountered only dismounted soldiers, likely outposts left by General Crémer, which the Jägers easily scattered. Detachments were then sent out in various directions and encountered scattered troops everywhere; however, at Foncine le Bas, they found the head of the XXIVth Corps, and Colonel von Wedell now blocked the last line of retreat for the French.

With the rest of the IInd Corps General von Hartmann marched unopposed on Nozeroy.

With the rest of the 2nd Corps, General von Hartmann marched freely on Nozeroy.

The 14th Division of the VIIth Corps had not received the order to advance on Pontarlier till somewhat late; it did not start from Déservillers until noon, and only reached Levier at three o'clock, where, at the same hour, the head of the 13th Division also arrived from Villeneuve d'Amont, the state of the roads having greatly delayed its march.

The 14th Division of the VIIth Corps didn’t get the order to move toward Pontarlier until pretty late; it didn’t leave Déservillers until noon and only got to Levier at three o'clock. At that same time, the head of the 13th Division also arrived from Villeneuve d'Amont, as the condition of the roads had significantly delayed its progress.

The advanced guard of three battalions, half a squadron, and one battery, had met only stragglers on the way, and General von Zastrow commanded it to push forward to the Drugeon brook. In the forest on the left of the road closed detachments of the enemy were retiring on Sombacourt, and Major von Brederlow with the 1st battalion of the 77th Regiment turned off to attack that village lying on the flank. The 2nd company under Captain von Vietinghof dashed into it through Sept Fontaines with loud cheers, and was at once closely surrounded by strong bodies of the enemy; but the other companies soon came to its assistance. The first Division of the XVth French Corps was here completely routed without the Army Reserve[384] close at hand in Byans having come to its support. Fifty officers, including two generals, and 2700 men were taken prisoners; ten guns, seven mitrailleuses, forty-eight waggons, 319 horses and 3500 stand of arms fell into the hands of the Hanoverian battalion[83] which was left in occupation of Sombacourt.

The advance guard, consisting of three battalions, half a squadron, and one battery, had only encountered stragglers on its way, so General von Zastrow ordered them to move forward to the Drugeon brook. In the forest to the left of the road, enemy detachments were retreating towards Sombacourt, and Major von Brederlow, leading the 1st battalion of the 77th Regiment, diverted to attack that village from the side. The 2nd company, commanded by Captain von Vietinghof, charged into the village through Sept Fontaines with loud cheers but was quickly surrounded by large groups of the enemy. Luckily, the other companies soon came to their aid. The first Division of the XVth French Corps was completely defeated here, with the Army Reserve in Byans unable to provide support. Fifty officers, including two generals, and 2,700 men were captured; ten guns, seven mitrailleuses, forty-eight wagons, 319 horses, and 3,500 weapons were seized by the Hanoverian battalion that remained in control of Sombacourt.

The rest of the advanced guard had meanwhile approached Chaffois, where the road opens out from the mountains into the wide valley of the Drugeon. That village, as we have seen, was occupied by the 2nd Division of the XXth Corps.

The rest of the advanced guard had meanwhile gotten closer to Chaffois, where the road widens as it comes down from the mountains into the expansive Drugeon valley. That village, as we have noted, was held by the 2nd Division of the 20th Corps.

Colonel von Cosel passed at once to the attack. Three companies of the 53rd Regiment surprised the French field-posts and took possession of the first houses of the village, but then the whole mass of the French XVIIIth Corps barred his further progress. By degrees all the available forces had to join in the fighting, and also reinforcements had to be brought up from the main body of the 14th Division. The fight lasted with great obstinacy for an hour and a half, when suddenly the French ceased firing and laid down their arms. They claimed that an armistice had already been agreed on.

Colonel von Cosel immediately launched the attack. Three companies from the 53rd Regiment caught the French field posts off guard and took control of the first houses in the village, but then the entire French XVIII Corps blocked any further advance. Gradually, all available forces had to join the battle, and reinforcements were also called up from the main group of the 14th Division. The fighting continued fiercely for an hour and a half, until suddenly the French stopped firing and surrendered their weapons. They stated that an armistice had already been arranged.

Monsieur Jules Favre had, in fact, telegraphed to Bordeaux at a quarter-past eleven on the night of the 28th, that an armistice of twenty-one days had been concluded, without adding, however, that, with his consent, the three eastern departments had been excluded from its operations. The information, in this imperfect form, was transmitted to the civil authorities by the Delegation at 12.15 of the 29th; but Monsieur Freycinet did not forward it to the military authorities, whom the matter principally concerned, till 3.30 in the afternoon.

Monsieur Jules Favre had, in fact, sent a telegram to Bordeaux at 11:15 PM on the night of the 28th, stating that a 21-day armistice had been agreed upon, but he didn’t mention that, with his approval, the three eastern departments had been left out of it. This incomplete information was passed on to the civil authorities by the Delegation at 12:15 PM on the 29th; however, Monsieur Freycinet didn’t forward it to the military authorities, who were the ones really concerned, until 3:30 PM that afternoon.

Thus could General Clinchant in all good faith transmit[385] to General Thornton, in command of the Divisions at Chaffois, a message which, as regarded the Army of the East, was altogether incorrect. The latter at once sent his staff officer to the Prussian advanced guard, which was still in action, who demanded the cessation of the firing in recognition of the official communication.

Thus General Clinchant could sincerely send[385] to General Thornton, in charge of the Divisions at Chaffois, a message that was completely inaccurate regarding the Army of the East. Thornton immediately dispatched his staff officer to the Prussian advanced guard, which was still engaged in combat, requesting that they stop firing in acknowledgment of the official communication.

General von Manteuffel had received in Arbois at five in the morning, full particulars from the supreme Head-quarter of the terms of the armistice, according to which the army of the South was to prosecute its operations to a final issue. An army order announcing this to all the troops was at once sent out, but did not reach the VIIth Corps till evening.

General von Manteuffel received detailed information in Arbois at five in the morning from the supreme headquarters about the terms of the armistice, which stated that the Southern army would continue its operations to a final conclusion. An army order informing all the troops was immediately dispatched, but it didn't reach the VII Corps until the evening.

Nothing was known there of any armistice; however, the tidings might be on the way, and General von Zastrow granted the temporary cessation of hostilities, and even sanctioned the release of his prisoners, but without their arms.

Nothing was known there about any ceasefire; however, the news might be coming soon, and General von Zastrow allowed a temporary halt to fighting and even approved the release of his prisoners, but without their weapons.

Chaffois, with the exception of a couple of farmsteads, remained in possession of the 14th Division, which found such quarters there as might be; the 13th occupied the villages from Sept Fontaines back to Déservillers.

Chaffois, aside from a few farmhouses, stayed under the control of the 14th Division, which made do with whatever accommodations were available; the 13th took over the villages from Sept Fontaines back to Déservillers.

January 30th.—In full confidence in the news from the seat of Government, General Clinchant, on the 30th, suspended the movements of his army. The newly-appointed Commander of the XXIVth Corps, General Comagny, also gave up his intended attempt to cut his way with 10,000 men at Foncine through Colonel von Wedell's weak brigade. The other Corps, after the unfortunate course of the fighting on the previous evening, had drawn in close on Pontarlier; but detachments of cavalry were sent out on the roads to Besançon and St. Laurent, to establish a line of demarcation and also to keep up communications with the fortress and with Southern France.

January 30th.—Fully trusting the news from the government, General Clinchant suspended his army's movements on the 30th. The newly-appointed Commander of the XXIVth Corps, General Comagny, also abandoned his planned attempt to push through Colonel von Wedell's weak brigade at Foncine with 10,000 men. The other Corps, after the unfortunate fighting the night before, had pulled back close to Pontarlier; however, cavalry detachments were sent out on the roads to Besançon and St. Laurent to establish a boundary line and maintain communication with the fortress and Southern France.

On receiving the army order at about eleven o'clock, General Zastrow gave notice to the enemy in his front[386] of the resumption of hostilities, but restricted his immediate demands to the complete evacuation of Chaffois, which was complied with. Otherwise the Corps remained inactive where it was.

On getting the army order around eleven o'clock, General Zastrow informed the enemy in front of him[386] that hostilities were resuming, but limited his immediate requests to the full evacuation of Chaffois, which they complied with. Otherwise, the Corps stayed inactive where it was.

Of the IInd Corps General du Trossel had set out very early from Censeau, but the appearance of a French flag of truce, and his fear of offending against the law of nations, here too occasioned considerable hesitation. The forest of Frasne was not clear of the French till evening. Lieutenant-Colonel von Guretzky made his way into the village with quite a small force, and took prisoners twelve officers and 1500 men who held it, with two colours. The 5th Brigade then also moved up into Frasne; the rest of the Corps occupied the same quarters as on the previous day.

Of the II Corps, General du Trossel left Censeau very early, but the sight of a French flag of truce and his concern about violating international law led to significant hesitation. The forest of Frasne wasn't cleared of the French until the evening. Lieutenant-Colonel von Guretzky entered the village with a small force and captured twelve officers and 1,500 men who were defending it, along with two colors. The 5th Brigade then moved into Frasne as well; the rest of the Corps stayed in the same quarters as the day before.

A flag of truce had presented itself at Les Planches, but Colonel von Wedell had simply dismissed the bearer. The outposts of the XIVth Corps did the same.

A flag of truce had shown up at Les Planches, but Colonel von Wedell had just brushed off the messenger. The outposts of the XIVth Corps did the same.

On the north of Pontarlier, General von Schmeling advanced to Pierre Fontaine, General von Debschitz to Maiche.

On the north side of Pontarlier, General von Schmeling moved toward Pierre Fontaine, while General von Debschitz headed to Maiche.

January 31st.—Early in the morning of this day the French Colonel Varaigne made his appearance at General von Manteuffel's head-quarters at Villeneuve, with the proposal that a cessation of hostilities for thirty-six hours should be agreed upon, till the existing condition of uncertainty should be removed; but this proposal was refused, as on the German side there were no doubts whatsoever. Permission was granted for the despatch of an application to Versailles, but it was at the same time explained that the movements of the Army of the South would not be suspended pending the arrival of the answer.

January 31st.—Early this morning, French Colonel Varaigne arrived at General von Manteuffel's headquarters in Villeneuve, suggesting a ceasefire for thirty-six hours to clear up the current uncertainty. However, this proposal was declined, as there were no doubts on the German side. Permission was given to send a request to Versailles, but it was also made clear that the movements of the Army of the South would continue while waiting for a response.

On this day, however, the IInd Army Corps marched only to Dompierre on a parallel front with the VIIth, its advanced guard pushing forward on the Drugeon to Ste. Colombe and La Rivière. Thence, in the evening, a company of the Colberg Grenadiers crossed the steep[387] mountain ridge and descended on La Planée, where it took 500 prisoners. A right-flank detachment of two battalions and one battery under Lieutenant-Colonel Liebe marched unopposed up the long pass of Bonnevaux to Vaux, and took prisoners 2 officers and 688 men. The enemy then abandoned the defile of Granges Ste. Marie and retired to St. Antoine in the mountains.

On this day, though, the II Army Corps marched only to Dompierre alongside the VII, with its advance guard pushing forward on the Drugeon to Ste. Colombe and La Rivière. Later that evening, a company of the Colberg Grenadiers crossed the steep[387] mountain ridge and descended on La Planée, capturing 500 prisoners. A right-flank detachment of two battalions and one battery under Lieutenant Colonel Liebe marched unopposed up the long pass of Bonnevaux to Vaux, taking 2 officers and 688 men as prisoners. The enemy then abandoned the Granges Ste. Marie pass and retreated to St. Antoine in the mountains.

The Corps had found every road strewn with cast-away arms and camp utensils, and had taken in all 4000 prisoners.

The Corps had found every road littered with discarded weapons and camping gear, and had taken in a total of 4,000 prisoners.

Of the VIIth Corps, as soon as the enemy had been informed of the resumption of hostilities, the 14th Division bent leftward on the Drugeon and up to La Vrine, whence a connection was effected with the 4th Reserve Division of the XIVth Corps in St. Gorgon. The 13th Division advanced to Sept Fontaines. Pontarlier was now completely surrounded, and General von Manteuffel fixed February 1st for the general attack thereon. The IInd Corps was to advance from the south-west, the VIIth from the north-west; General von der Goltz was to establish himself in front of Levier in reserve.

Of the VII Corps, once the enemy was notified about the resumption of hostilities, the 14th Division shifted left toward the Drugeon and up to La Vrine, where a connection was made with the 4th Reserve Division of the XIV Corps in St. Gorgon. The 13th Division moved forward to Sept Fontaines. Pontarlier was now completely surrounded, and General von Manteuffel scheduled February 1st for a full attack on it. The II Corps was set to advance from the southwest, while the VII Corps would come from the northwest; General von der Goltz was to position himself in front of Levier in reserve.

Meanwhile the French Commander-in-Chief had conceived doubts whether everything was quite right with the communications from his Government. All the mountain-passes leading to the south were now lost, and an escape in that direction was no longer to be hoped for. General Clinchant had already sent rearward the baggage and ammunition columns, the sick and worn-out men, through La Cluse under shelter of the forts of Joux and Neuv. And when in the afternoon a message from Bordeaux brought the intelligence that in fact the Army of the East had been excluded from the armistice, the Commander-in-Chief summoned his generals to a council of war. Every General present declared that he could no longer answer for his troops. General Clinchant himself therefore went out the same evening to Les Verrières, to conclude negotiations he had already opened, in virtue of which on the following day,[388] February 1st, the army was to cross the Swiss frontier by three roads.

Meanwhile, the French Commander-in-Chief began to doubt whether everything was going well with the communications from his Government. All the mountain passes leading south were now lost, and there was no longer any hope for an escape in that direction. General Clinchant had already sent the baggage and ammunition columns, along with the sick and exhausted men, through La Cluse, taking cover under the forts of Joux and Neuv. In the afternoon, a message from Bordeaux confirmed that the Army of the East had indeed been excluded from the armistice. The Commander-in-Chief called a meeting with his generals for a war council. Every General present stated that they could no longer take responsibility for their troops. Consequently, General Clinchant went out the same evening to Les Verrières to finalize negotiations he had already started, under which the army was set to cross the Swiss frontier by three routes on the following day, [388] February 1st.

To cover this retreat, the Army Reserve was to hold Pontarlier till all the baggage-trains should have passed La Cluse, while the XVIIIth Corps was to take up a covering position between the two forts. Defensive works there were at once set about. What of the XVth Corps on the way by Morez had failed in getting through with the cavalry was to try to cross into Switzerland at any available point.

To manage this retreat, the Army Reserve was tasked with holding Pontarlier until all the supply trains had passed La Cluse, while the XVIII Corps was supposed to take up a defensive position between the two forts. Defensive works were immediately started there. The XV Corps, which was trying to get through with the cavalry on the route by Morez, was to attempt to cross into Switzerland at any available point.

February 1st.—When the advanced guard of the IInd Corps now advanced on Pontarlier from Ste. Colombe, it met with but slight resistance at the railway station. The Colberg Grenadiers took possession of the town without a struggle, and captured many prisoners, but then found the road on the further side entirely blocked by guns and waggons. They could pass beyond on either side of the road only with difficulty through deep snow. Just in front of La Cluse the road winds between high rocky precipices into the wide basin of the Doubs, completely commanded by the isolated fortalice of Joux perched on the solid rock. On debouching into the open the foremost companies were received by a hot fire. Four guns, dragged up thither with the greatest exertions, could make no head against the heavy guns of the fort, and the French themselves here passed to the attack.

February 1st.—When the advance party of the IInd Corps moved on Pontarlier from Ste. Colombe, they encountered minimal resistance at the train station. The Colberg Grenadiers took control of the town without a fight and captured many prisoners, but then found the road ahead completely blocked by artillery and wagons. They could only navigate around the road with difficulty through deep snow. Just before La Cluse, the road winds between high rocky cliffs into the wide basin of the Doubs, which is completely dominated by the isolated fortress of Joux perched on solid rock. As the leading companies entered the open area, they were met with heavy gunfire. Four artillery pieces, brought up with great effort, were no match for the fort's heavy artillery, and the French forces here launched their own attack.

The Colberg Fusiliers had meanwhile climbed the heights to the left, followed by the 2nd Battalion of the Regiment and a battalion of the 49th Regiment, which drove the French out of the farmsteads on the rifted upland. The steep cliff on the right was also scaled, several rifle sub-divisions of the 49th climbed the acclivity up to La Cluse, and the Colberg Grenadiers advanced to the foot of Fort Neuv.

The Colberg Fusiliers had meanwhile ascended the heights to the left, followed by the 2nd Battalion of the Regiment and a battalion of the 49th Regiment, which expelled the French from the farms on the broken upland. The steep cliff on the right was also tackled, with several rifle sub-divisions of the 49th climbing up to La Cluse, and the Colberg Grenadiers moved forward to the base of Fort Neuv.

To take the strong fortalices by storm was obviously impossible, and furthermore because of the nature of the ground the fugitive enemy could scarcely be overtaken[389] in force. Of the French, 23 officers and 1600 men were taken prisoners, with 400 loaded waggons; of the Germans, 19 officers and 365 men had fallen, mostly of the Colberg Regiment. The troops spent the night on the field of the fighting.

To storm the strong fortifications was clearly impossible, and due to the nature of the terrain, it was hard to catch up with the fleeing enemy in significant numbers. Of the French, 23 officers and 1,600 men were taken prisoner, along with 400 loaded wagons; among the Germans, 19 officers and 365 men had fallen, mostly from the Colberg Regiment. The troops spent the night on the battlefield.

As no large force could come into action at La Cluse, General von Fransecky had ordered the main body of the Corps to march further southward to Ste. Marie. To avoid the necessity of crossing the steep chain of the Jura, General von Hartmann first betook himself to Pontarlier to avail himself of the better roads from thence, but his progress was stopped, the fight at La Cluse having assumed unexpected proportions. The VIIth Corps and the 4th Reserve Division, which had reached the Doubs at noon, were equally unable to get at the enemy.

As no large forces could engage at La Cluse, General von Fransecky ordered the main part of the Corps to move further south to Ste. Marie. To avoid having to cross the steep Jura mountains, General von Hartmann first went to Pontarlier to take advantage of the better roads from there, but his progress was halted as the fight at La Cluse escalated unexpectedly. The VII Corps and the 4th Reserve Division, which had arrived at the Doubs at noon, were also unable to reach the enemy.

During the whole day the French columns were crossing the Swiss frontier. The Army Reserve in Pontarlier was at the beginning swept away by the tide of baggage-waggons and drivers, and only joined the XVIIIth Corps on reaching La Cluse. During the night they both followed the general line of retreat. Only the cavalry and the 1st Division of the XXIVth Corps reached the neighbouring department of l'Ain to the southward, the latter force reduced to a few hundred men. There crossed the frontier on to Swiss soil some 80,000 Frenchmen.

During the entire day, the French troops were crossing the Swiss border. The Army Reserve in Pontarlier was initially overwhelmed by the rush of supply wagons and drivers, and only rejoined the XVIII Corps when they reached La Cluse. Throughout the night, they both followed the main route of retreat. Only the cavalry and the 1st Division of the XXIV Corps made it to the nearby department of l'Ain to the south, with the latter group reduced to just a few hundred men. About 80,000 French soldiers crossed into Swiss territory.

General Manteuffel had transferred his headquarters to Pontarlier. There, in the course of the night, he first heard through Berlin of the convention arranged between General Clinchant and Colonel Herzog of the Swiss Confederation.

General Manteuffel had moved his headquarters to Pontarlier. There, during the night, he first learned through Berlin of the agreement made between General Clinchant and Colonel Herzog of the Swiss Confederation.

General von Manteuffel had achieved the important success of his three weeks' campaign by hard marching and constant fighting, although there had been no pitched battle since that of the Lisaine. These marches, indeed, had been such as none but well-seasoned troops could have accomplished under bold and skilful leadership,[390] under every form of fatigue and hardship, in the worst season and through a difficult country.

General von Manteuffel had scored a significant achievement in his three-week campaign through tough marching and ongoing battles, even though there hadn't been a major battle since the fight at the Lisaine. These marches were such that only experienced troops could have managed them under bold and skilled leadership, facing all kinds of exhaustion and challenges, during the harshest conditions and in difficult terrain.[390]

Thus two French armies were now prisoners in Germany, a third interned in the capital, and the fourth disarmed on foreign soil.

Thus, two French armies were now captured in Germany, a third was held in the capital, and the fourth was disarmed on foreign land.

FOOTNOTES:

[81] Men of the 2nd Battalion, 61st Regiment, 8th Brigade, 4th Division, IInd Corps, which Corps consisted exclusively of Pomeranians.

[81] Soldiers from the 2nd Battalion, 61st Regiment, 8th Brigade, 4th Division, II Corps, which was made up entirely of Pomeranians.

[82] "Conviction bien arrêtée."

"Strongly held belief."

[83] The 77th Hanoverian Fusilier Regiment, of which this was the 2nd battalion, belonged to the 25th Brigade, 13th Division, VIIth (Westphalian) Army Corps.

[83] The 77th Hanoverian Fusilier Regiment, of which this was the 2nd battalion, was part of the 25th Brigade, 13th Division, VIIth (Westphalian) Army Corps.


General Hann von Weyhern's march to Dijon.

It only remains to cast a backward glance on the advance on Dijon, with the conduct of which General Hann von Weyhern was charged on January 26th.

It just remains to look back on the advance toward Dijon, which General Hann von Weyhern was in charge of starting January 26th.

On that same day Garibaldi received instructions there to take energetic measures against Dôle and Mouchard.

On that same day, Garibaldi got orders to take strong action against Dôle and Mouchard.

To support him, the Government, indefatigable in the evolution of new forces, was to put in march 15,000 Gardes-Mobiles under General Crouzat from Lyons to Lons le Saulnier, and a XXVIth Corps in course of formation at Châtellerault was to be sent from thence to Beaune. As it was beyond doubt that General von Manteuffel had moved with a strong force on the communications of the Army of the East, the specific order was transmitted on the 27th to the Commander of the Army of the Vosges, to leave only from 8000 to 10,000 men in Dijon and to advance at once with his main force beyond Dôle.

To support him, the government, tireless in the development of new forces, was set to deploy 15,000 Gardes-Mobiles under General Crouzat from Lyons to Lons le Saulnier, and a XXVIth Corps, currently being formed at Châtellerault, would be sent from there to Beaune. Since it was clear that General von Manteuffel had moved a strong force to target the communications of the Army of the East, specific orders were given on the 27th to the Commander of the Army of the Vosges to leave only 8,000 to 10,000 men in Dijon and to advance immediately with his main force beyond Dôle.

But the General was always greatly concerned for the safety of Dijon; he occupied the principal positions on the slopes of the Côte d'Or and detached a small force to St. Jean de Losne, behind the canal of Bourgogne. Of 700 volunteers who had marched on Dôle, no trace was ever found there.

But the General was always very worried about the safety of Dijon; he took control of the main positions on the slopes of the Côte d'Or and sent a small force to St. Jean de Losne, behind the Burgundy canal. Of the 700 volunteers who had marched on Dôle, there was never any sign of them there.

Langres had shown more energy; several and often successful attacks on small outpost companies and[391] etappen troops had been made from it from time to time.

Langres had demonstrated more energy; there had been several successful attacks on small outpost companies and[391] etappen troops carried out from there from time to time.

General Hann von Weyhern's purpose of attacking Dijon from the south had to be abandoned, because the bridge over the Saône at St. Jean de Losne had been destroyed. He therefore on the 29th crossed the river at Apremont, and on the 31st assembled his detachments at Arc sur Tille. Here again General Bordone, the Chief of the general staff of the Army of the Vosges, vainly insisted that an armistice was in force. On the 31st General von Kettler marched with an advanced guard on Varois. To cut off the enemy's communications with Auxonne a left-flank detachment made itself master of the bridge over the Ouche at Fauverney. The first shells drove the French back on their intrenched position on the line St. Apollinaire—Mirande.

General Hann von Weyhern had to give up his plan to attack Dijon from the south because the bridge over the Saône at St. Jean de Losne was destroyed. So, on the 29th, he crossed the river at Apremont, and on the 31st, he gathered his units at Arc sur Tille. Once again, General Bordone, the Chief of Staff of the Army of the Vosges, futilely argued that an armistice was in effect. On the 31st, General von Kettler led an advance guard toward Varois. To cut off the enemy's communications with Auxonne, a left-flank unit took control of the bridge over the Ouche at Fauverney. The first shells pushed the French back to their fortified position along the St. Apollinaire—Mirande line.

When the attempt to establish an armistice failed, General Bordone determined to evacuate Dijon in the course of the night and retire upon assured neutral ground. Thus, on February 1st, the head of the advanced guard found the position in front of the city abandoned, and General von Kettler marched in without encountering any opposition, just as the last train of French troops moved out of the railway-station. Sombernon and Nuits were also occupied on the 2nd.

When the attempt to establish a truce failed, General Bordone decided to evacuate Dijon during the night and fall back to guaranteed neutral territory. So, on February 1st, the leader of the advance guard discovered that the area in front of the city was deserted, and General von Kettler marched in without facing any resistance, just as the last train of French troops left the train station. Sombernon and Nuits were also taken on the 2nd.


Occupation of the Doubs, Jura, and Côte d'Or Departments.

Nothing now remained for General von Manteuffel but to establish the military occupation of the three Departments which he had won, and to guard them from without.

Nothing was left for General von Manteuffel now except to secure the military occupation of the three Departments he had captured and to protect them from external threats.

General Pelissier was still in the open field within their bounds, having reached Lons le Saulnier with the[392] 15,000 Gardes-Mobiles who had come up from Lyons and had been joined by the battalions sent back from Besançon by General Rolland, by no means an insignificant force numerically, but practically of no great efficiency. The commanders were recommended to retire and avoid further bloodshed; and they did so, as soon as some detachments of the IInd German Corps advanced on Lons le Saulnier and St. Laurent. Others occupied Mouthe and Les Allemands, where were found twenty-eight field-guns which had been abandoned by the French. As a measure of precaution, the Swiss frontier was watched by eight battalions. The fortalices of Salins, the little fortress of Auxonne, and Besançon, were kept under observation from the eastward. Although the Department of Haute-Marne was included in the armistice, the commandant of Langres had refused to recognize the authority of his Government. So this place had to be invested, and probably besieged. General von der Goltz was promptly ordered to advance once more on it, and General von Krenski was already on the march thither with seven battalions, two squadrons and two batteries, and a siege train from Longwy, which he had brought to capitulate on January 25th, after a bombardment of six days' duration. But it was not called into requisition at Langres. General von Manteuffel aimed at no further tactical results; he was anxious to save his troops from further losses, and to afford them all possible relief after their exceptional exertions. Not till now were the baggage-waggons brought up, even those of the superior staff officers having been necessarily left behind during the advance into the Jura. The troops were distributed for the sake of comfort in roomy quarters, but in readiness for action at any moment, the IInd Corps in the Jura, the VIIth in the Côte d'Or, the XIVth in the department of the Doubs. But the siege of Belfort was still to be vigorously carried on.

General Pelissier was still out in the open field within their territory, having reached Lons le Saulnier with the[392] 15,000 Gardes-Mobiles who had come from Lyons and were joined by the battalions sent back from Besançon by General Rolland. This group was not insignificant in number but was practically ineffective. The commanders were advised to withdraw to avoid further bloodshed, and they did so as soon as some detachments of the II German Corps advanced on Lons le Saulnier and St. Laurent. Others took control of Mouthe and Les Allemands, where they found twenty-eight field guns abandoned by the French. As a precaution, eight battalions were deployed to monitor the Swiss border. The fortifications of Salins, the small fortress of Auxonne, and Besançon were kept under surveillance from the east. Although the Haute-Marne Department was included in the armistice, the commander of Langres refused to acknowledge his Government's authority. Therefore, that location had to be surrounded, and likely besieged. General von der Goltz was quickly ordered to advance on it again, and General von Krenski was already marching there with seven battalions, two squadrons, and two batteries, along with a siege train from Longwy, which he had secured on January 25th after a six-day bombardment. However, it was not needed at Langres. General von Manteuffel was not aiming for any further tactical achievements; he wanted to protect his troops from more losses and provide them with as much relief as possible after their extraordinary efforts. Only now were the baggage wagons brought up, since even those of the senior staff officers had to be left behind during the advance into the Jura. The troops were spread out for comfort in spacious quarters but were ready for action at any moment, with the II Corps in the Jura, the VII in the Côte d'Or, and the XIV in the Doubs department. However, the siege of Belfort still needed to be carried out with full force.


Prosecution of the Siege of Belfort.

Immediately after the battle on the Lisaine the forces investing Belfort were increased to 27 battalions, 6 squadrons, 6 field batteries, 24 companies of fortress artillery, and 6 companies of fortress pioneers; 17,602 infantry, 4699 artillerymen, and 1166 pioneers, in all 23,467 men, with 707 horses and 34 field-guns.

Immediately after the battle on the Lisaine, the troops surrounding Belfort were increased to 27 battalions, 6 squadrons, 6 field batteries, 24 companies of fortress artillery, and 6 companies of fortress pioneers; totaling 17,602 infantry, 4,699 artillerymen, and 1,166 pioneers, making a total of 23,467 men, with 707 horses and 34 field guns.

The place was invested on the north and west by only a few battalions, and the main force was assembled to the south and east.

The area was surrounded on the north and west by just a few battalions, while the main force was gathered to the south and east.

On January 20th the eastern batteries opened a heavy fire on Pérouse. Colonel Denfert concluded that an attack was imminent, and placed four battalions of his most trusted troops in the village, which had been prepared for an obstinate defence.

On January 20th, the eastern batteries launched a heavy fire on Pérouse. Colonel Denfert determined that an attack was about to happen and stationed four battalions of his most trusted troops in the village, which had been readied for a strong defense.

At about midnight, two battalions of the 67th Regiment advanced from Chêvremont on the Haut Taillis wood without firing a shot. Once inside it there was a determined struggle, but the French were driven back on the village, and the pioneers immediately intrenched the skirt of the wood towards Pérouse under a heavy fire from the forts. Half an hour later two Landwehr battalions advanced from Bessoncourt to the copse on the north of the village. They were received with a heavy fire, but made their way onward over abatis, pits and wire-entanglements, driving the enemy back into the quarries. A stationary fight now ensued, but the 67th presently renewed the attack, and without allowing themselves to be checked by the earthworks forced their way into Pérouse. They took possession of the eastern half of the straggling village at about half-past two, and the detachment defending the quarries, finding itself threatened, retreated. At five o'clock, Colonel Denfert abandoned the western part of the village, which was now completely occupied by the Germans. The losses on the German side were 8 officers[394] and 178 men; the French left 5 officers and 93 men prisoners.

At around midnight, two battalions of the 67th Regiment moved out from Chêvremont towards the Haut Taillis woods without firing a shot. Once inside, they faced a fierce battle, but the French were pushed back to the village, and the pioneers quickly set up defenses at the edge of the woods toward Pérouse under heavy fire from the forts. Half an hour later, two Landwehr battalions advanced from Bessoncourt to the thicket north of the village. They came under heavy fire but pressed forward over obstacles like fallen trees, pits, and barbed wire, pushing the enemy back into the quarries. A standoff took place, but the 67th soon launched another attack, and without being hindered by the fortifications, they forced their way into Pérouse. They took control of the eastern half of the scattered village around half-past two, and the detachment defending the quarries, feeling threatened, retreated. By five o'clock, Colonel Denfert withdrew from the western part of the village, which was now fully occupied by the Germans. The German losses included 8 officers[394] and 178 men, while the French left behind 5 officers and 93 men as prisoners.

January 21st to 27th.—The next day the construction of the first parallel was undertaken, extending about 2000 yards from Donjoutin to Haut Taillis. Five battalions and two companies of Sappers were employed in this work, and were undisturbed by the French; but the rocky soil prevented its being constructed of the prescribed width.

January 21st to 27th.—The next day, they began building the first trench, stretching about 2000 yards from Donjoutin to Haut Taillis. Five battalions and two companies of Sappers worked on this project and faced no interruptions from the French; however, the rocky ground made it difficult to construct the trench to the required width.

General von Tresckow considered that he might thus early succeed in carrying both the Perches forts by a determined assault. Two half redoubts with ditches more than three yards deep cut perpendicularly in the solid rock, casemated traverses and bomb-proof blockhouses in the gorge, afforded protection to the defenders. Each work was armed with seven 12-cm. cannon, and they were connected by trenches, behind which reserves were in readiness. On the right flank this position was protected by a battalion and a sortie-battery in Le Fourneau; on the left the adjacent wood was cleared, cut down to a distance of 650 yards, and wire-entanglements between the stumps formed an almost impenetrable obstacle. In front the gentle slope of the ridge was under the cross-fire of the two forts.

General von Tresckow thought he might be able to take both the Perches forts early on with a determined attack. Two half redoubts with ditches more than three yards deep, cut straight into solid rock, along with fortified traverses and bomb-proof blockhouses in the gorge, provided protection for the defenders. Each fort was armed with seven 12-cm cannons and connected by trenches, where reserves were ready. On the right flank, this position was secured by a battalion and a battery in Le Fourneau; on the left, the nearby wood was cleared, cut back to 650 yards, and wire entanglements between the stumps created an almost impassable barrier. In front, the gentle slope of the ridge was under the crossfire of the two forts.

When on the previous evening of the 26th the construction of the parallel was sufficiently advanced to allow of its being occupied by larger detachments, the assault was fixed for the 27th. Two columns, each of one battalion, one company of Sappers, and two guns, passed to the attack at daybreak on that morning. Two companies of Schneidemühl's Landwehr Battalion advanced against the front of Basses Perches and threw themselves on the ground within from 65 to 110 yards of the work. A sub-division of sharp-shooters and a few pioneers reached the ditch and unhesitatingly leaped in; the two other (Landwehr) companies, going round the fort by the left, got into its rear, and here too the men jumped into the ditch of the gorge. But the[395] French who had been driven out of their shelter-trenches were now assembled, and the battalion from Le Fourneau came up. All the forts of the place opened fire on the bare and unprotected space in front of the parallel, and an attempt of reinforcements to cross it failed. The 7th Company of the Landwehr Battalion was surrounded by greatly superior numbers, and after a brave struggle was for the most part made captive. Most of the men in the ditch were still able to escape.

When the construction of the parallel was advanced enough on the evening of the 26th to accommodate larger units, the attack was set for the 27th. Two columns, each consisting of one battalion, one company of Sappers, and two guns, launched their assault at dawn. Two companies from Schneidemühl's Landwehr Battalion moved towards the front of Basses Perches and positioned themselves on the ground about 65 to 110 yards from the fortification. A group of sharpshooters and a few pioneers made it to the ditch and jumped in without hesitation; meanwhile, the other two Landwehr companies moved around the fort to its rear and also leapt into the gorge's ditch. However, the French, who had been pushed out of their trenches, regrouped, and a battalion from Le Fourneau joined them. All the forts in the area opened fire on the exposed space in front of the parallel, leading to a failed attempt by reinforcements to cross it. The 7th Company of the Landwehr Battalion was surrounded by significantly larger numbers and, after a brave fight, was mostly captured. Most of the men in the ditch managed to escape.

The advance of the right column against Hautes-Perches also failed. It had to cross 1100 yards of open ground. The encompassment of the fort was attempted, but it was impossible to force through the abatis and other obstacles under the destructive fire of the enemy.

The progress of the right column towards Hautes-Perches also failed. They had to cross 1100 yards of open ground. An attempt was made to surround the fort, but it was impossible to push through the abatis and other obstacles under the deadly fire from the enemy.

This abortive attempt cost 10 officers and 427 men; and the slower process of an engineer attack had to be resumed.

This failed attempt cost 10 officers and 427 soldiers, and the slower method of an engineer attack had to be restarted.

January 28th to February 15th.—As the approaches to the forts progressed the flying sap could be carried forward about 330 yards every night unopposed by the enemy. In spite of all the difficulties caused by the nature of the soil, on February 1st the second parallel was thrown up at half distance from the Perches.

January 28th to February 15th.—As the approaches to the forts advanced, the flying sap could be pushed forward about 330 yards each night without any opposition from the enemy. Despite all the challenges posed by the soil conditions, on February 1st, the second parallel was constructed halfway between the Perches.

As the Fort of la Justice was a special hindrance to the operations, two new batteries had to be constructed to the east of Pérouse against it. Four mortar-batteries on the flanks of the parallel now directed their fire on the Perches at very short range. Three batteries were also constructed in the Bois des Perches to fire on the citadel, and one on the skirt of the wood near Bavilliers against the defences of the city. Henceforward 1500 shells a day were fired on the fortress and its outworks.

As the Fort of la Justice was a major obstacle to the operations, two new batteries needed to be built to the east of Pérouse to counter it. Four mortar batteries on the sides of the parallel now targeted the Perches at very close range. Three batteries were also set up in the Bois des Perches to fire on the citadel, and one was established at the edge of the wood near Bavilliers to attack the city's defenses. From then on, 1,500 shells a day were fired at the fortress and its outer defenses.

But further the prosecution of the attack became more and more difficult. The withdrawal of General Debschitz had seriously reduced the working strength of the[396] besieging force. There were only nine battalions for the exhausting service in the trenches. Specially serious was the heavy loss in pioneers, and two fresh companies had to be brought up from Strasburg. The bright moonlight illuminating the fields of snow far and wide made it impossible to proceed with the flying saps. Sap-rollers had to be used; the heads of the saps had to be protected by sandbags and the sides by gabions, while the earth for filling had often to be brought from a long distance in the rear.

But as time went on, continuing the attack became increasingly difficult. General Debschitz's withdrawal had significantly weakened the strength of the[396] besieging force. There were only nine battalions available for the grueling work in the trenches. The loss of pioneers was particularly severe, and two new companies had to be sent from Strasburg. The bright moonlight shining on the snow-covered fields made it impossible to advance the trenches quickly. Sap-rollers had to be used, the front of the trenches had to be reinforced with sandbags, and the sides had to be protected with gabions, while the soil needed to fill them often had to be sourced from far behind the lines.

On the head of all this, on February 3rd, a thaw set in, and the water from the heights filled the trenches, so that all communication had to be carried on across the open ground. Torrents of rain damaged the finished works; the parapet of the first parallel gave way altogether in places, and the banquette was washed away. The bottomless tracks made the arming of the batteries unspeakably difficult, and the teams of the columns and field artillery had to be employed in bringing up the ammunition. Many guns had become useless by overheating, while the enemy understood, by rapidly running out their guns, firing, and then running them back again, how to interrupt the work. Not merely was it necessary to continue the shelling of the Perches during the night, but a brisk rifle fire had to be kept up against them. Only now and then did the batteries newly placed in the parallels succeed in entirely silencing the guns of Hautes Perches. Epaulments had to be erected against Fort Bellevue and the defences of the railway-station, and Fort des Barres resumed activity. That under such exertions and the abominable weather the health of the troops suffered severely, need not be said; the battalions could often only muster 300 men for duty.

On top of everything, on February 3rd, a thaw began, and the melting snow filled the trenches, forcing all communication to happen across open ground. Heavy rain damaged the completed works; parts of the parapet in the first line completely gave way, and the walking surface was washed away. The muddy tracks made it incredibly difficult to arm the batteries, and teams from the columns and field artillery had to help bring up the ammunition. Many guns became useless due to overheating, while the enemy figured out how to disrupt our work by quickly rolling their guns out, firing, and then pulling them back. It was essential to keep shelling the Perches at night, and we also had to maintain a steady rifle fire against them. Only occasionally did the newly positioned batteries manage to silence the guns at Hautes Perches completely. Earthworks had to be built against Fort Bellevue and the defenses of the railway station, and Fort des Barres resumed fire. It goes without saying that under such strain and terrible weather, the troops' health suffered greatly; battalions often could only field 300 men for duty.

Meanwhile, however, the artillery of the attack had unquestionably become very much superior to that of the defence, and, in spite of every obstacle, the saps[397] were pushed on to the edge of the ditch of Les Perches.

Meanwhile, the attack's artillery had definitely become far superior to the defense's, and despite all the obstacles, the trenches[397] were pushed right up to the edge of the ditch of Les Perches.

On February 8th, at one in the afternoon, Captain Roese had gabions flung into the ditch of Hautes Perches, sprang into it with five sappers, and rapidly scaled the parapet by the steps hewn in the scarp. He was immediately followed by the trench guard, but only a few of the French were surprised in the casemated traverses. The situation of the garrison of the forts had in fact become extremely difficult. Ammunition had to be brought up under the enemy's fire, water could only be had from the pond at Vernier, and cooking could only be done inside the works. Colonel Denfert had already given orders to bury the material. Unseen by the besiegers the guns of which the carriages could still be moved had been withdrawn, and only one company left in each fort, which in case of a surprise was to fire and fly. Nothing was to be found in the abandoned work but wrecked gun-carriages and four damaged guns. This fort was at once reversed so that its front faced the fortress, but at three o'clock the latter opened so heavy a fire on the lost positions that the working parties had to take shelter in the ditches.

On February 8th, at 1 PM, Captain Roese ordered gabions thrown into the ditch of Hautes Perches, jumped into it with five sappers, and quickly climbed the parapet using the steps carved into the scarp. He was soon followed by the trench guard, but only a few of the French soldiers were caught off guard in the fortified passages. The situation for the garrison in the forts had become extremely tough. Ammunition had to be transported under enemy fire, water could only be sourced from the pond at Vernier, and cooking had to be done within the fortifications. Colonel Denfert had already instructed that materials be buried. Unseen by the besiegers, the guns that could still be moved had been removed, leaving only one company in each fort, which was supposed to fire and retreat in case of a surprise attack. The abandoned positions contained only wrecked gun carriages and four damaged guns. This fort was immediately reversed to face the fortress, but at 3 PM, the fortress launched a heavy barrage on the lost positions, forcing the working parties to take cover in the ditches.

The garrison in Basses Perches attempted some resistance, but under cover of a reserve it soon retired to Le Fourneau, leaving five guns and much shattered material. Here also the fire of the place at first compelled the working parties to break off, but four 15-cm. mortars were at length brought into the fort, and two 9-cm. guns were placed on the spur of the hill to the westward, which directed their fire on Le Fourneau and Bellevue. During the night of the 9th the two works were connected by a shelter-trench 680 yards long, and thus the third parallel was established.

The garrison in Basses Perches tried to resist, but with the support of a reserve, they quickly withdrew to Le Fourneau, leaving behind five guns and a lot of damaged equipment. The initial fire from the location forced the work crews to pull back, but eventually, four 15-cm. mortars were brought into the fort, and two 9-cm. guns were positioned on the hill spur to the west, targeting Le Fourneau and Bellevue. During the night of the 9th, the two positions were connected by a 680-yard shelter trench, successfully establishing the third parallel.

The position was now such that the attack could immediately be directed on the citadel, and on it the[398] batteries in the Bois des Perches and presently those in the second parallel opened fire. Moitte, Justice, and Bellevue were shelled simultaneously. General von Debschitz had returned, so that the investing corps was thus again brought up to its full strength, and all the conditions were improved by the return of the frost. By the 13th ninety-seven guns were ready in the third parallel.

The situation was such that the attack could be immediately directed at the citadel, and on it the [398] batteries in the Bois des Perches, soon followed by those in the second line, opened fire. Moitte, Justice, and Bellevue were all shelled at the same time. General von Debschitz had returned, bringing the investing corps back up to full strength, and the return of the frost improved all conditions. By the 13th, ninety-seven guns were prepared in the third line.

The town had suffered terribly from the prolonged bombardment. Nearly all the buildings were damaged, fifteen completely burnt down, and in the adjoining villages 164 houses had been destroyed by the defenders themselves. The fortifications showed not less visible indications of serious damage, particularly the citadel. The hewn-stone facing of its front-wall had crumbled into the ditch. Half of the mantleted embrasures had been shattered, the expense powder magazines had been blown up, and a number of casemated traverses pierced. The guns in the upper batteries could only be reached by ladders. The garrison, of its original strength of 372 officers and 17,322 men, had lost 32 officers and 4713 men, besides 336 citizens. The place was no longer tenable; besides there now came the news that the army from which alone relief was to be expected, had laid down its arms.

The town had suffered immensely from the ongoing bombardment. Almost all the buildings were damaged, with fifteen completely burned down, and in the nearby villages, 164 houses had been destroyed by the defenders themselves. The fortifications showed clear signs of significant damage, especially the citadel. The stone facing of its front wall had crumbled into the ditch. Half of the protected embrasures had been shattered, the explosives storage had been blown up, and several casemated traverses had been pierced. The guns in the upper batteries could only be accessed by ladders. The garrison, originally consisting of 372 officers and 17,322 men, had lost 32 officers and 4,713 men, along with 336 civilians. The situation was no longer defensible; moreover, news arrived that the only army expected to provide relief had surrendered.

Under these circumstances General von Tresckow summoned the commandant after a defence so brave to surrender the fortress, with free withdrawal for the garrison, this concession having the sanction of his Majesty. The French Government itself authorized the commandant to accept these terms. Colonel Denfert, however, insisted that he must be given a more direct order. To procure this an officer was sent to Basle, pending whose return there was a provisional armistice.

Under these circumstances, General von Tresckow called in the commander after a courageous defense to surrender the fortress, allowing the garrison to leave freely, with this concession approved by His Majesty. The French Government itself authorized the commander to accept these terms. However, Colonel Denfert insisted that he needed a more direct order. To get this, an officer was sent to Basle, and while waiting for his return, there was a temporary ceasefire.

On the 15th a convention was signed at Versailles, which extended the armistice to the three departments which till then had been excluded from it, and[399] also to Belfort; but the 1st article demanded the surrender of that place.

On the 15th, a convention was signed at Versailles, which extended the armistice to the three departments that had been previously excluded, and[399] also to Belfort; however, the 1st article required the surrender of that location.

After the conclusion of the definitive treaty, the garrison, in the course of the 17th and 18th, with its arms and trains, left the precincts of the fortress and withdrew by way of L'Isle sur Doubs and St. Hippolyte into the country occupied by French troops. The march was effected in detachments of 1000 men at intervals of 5 km., the last of which Colonel Denfert accompanied. The supplies which remained in the fortress were conveyed in rear of the departing troops in 150 Prussian proviant waggons. At 3 o'clock in the afternoon of February 18th Lieutenant-General von Tresckow entered the place at the head of detachments from all the troops of the investing corps.

After the final treaty was signed, the garrison, during the 17th and 18th centuries, packed up their arms and equipment and left the fortress. They made their way through L'Isle sur Doubs and St. Hippolyte into the area occupied by French troops. The march was organized in groups of 1,000 men, spaced out every 5 kilometers, with the last group being led by Colonel Denfert. The supplies left in the fortress were transported behind the departing troops using 150 Prussian supply wagons. At 3 PM on February 18th, Lieutenant-General von Tresckow entered the area at the head of detachments from all the troops surrounding it.

There were found 341 guns, of which 56 were useless, 356 gun-carriages, of which 119 were shot to pieces, and 22,000 stand of arms, besides considerable supplies of ammunition and provisions.

There were 341 guns, 56 of which were useless, 356 gun carriages, 119 of which were destroyed, and 22,000 pieces of arms, along with a significant amount of ammunition and supplies.

The siege had cost the Germans 88 officers and 2049 men, 245 of whom were released from imprisonment by the capitulation. Immediately was set about the work of restoring and arming the fortress, and of the levelling of the siege works.

The siege had cost the Germans 88 officers and 2,049 men, 245 of whom were freed from captivity due to the surrender. They immediately began the work of restoring and arming the fortress and leveling the siege works.


The Ceasefire.

On the basis of the agreement of January 28th a line of demarcation was drawn, from which both parties were to withdraw their outposts to a distance of 10 km. The line ran south from the mouth of the Seine as far as the Sarthe, crossed the Loire at Saumur, followed the Creuse, turned eastward past Vierzon, Clamécy and[400] Chagny, and then met the Swiss frontier, after bending to the north of Châlons sur Saône and south of Lons le Saulnier and St. Laurent. The two departments of Pas de Calais and du Nord, as well as the promontory of Havre, were particularly excluded.

Based on the agreement from January 28th, a boundary line was established, from which both sides were to pull back their outposts to a distance of 10 km. The line extended south from the mouth of the Seine all the way to the Sarthe, crossed the Loire at Saumur, followed the Creuse, turned east past Vierzon, Clamécy and[400] Chagny, and then met the Swiss border, after bending north of Châlons sur Saône and south of Lons le Saulnier and St. Laurent. The two departments of Pas de Calais and du Nord, along with the promontory of Havre, were specifically excluded.

The fortresses still held by French troops in the districts occupied by the Germans were assigned a rayon in proportion to their importance.

The fortresses still held by French troops in the areas occupied by the Germans were given a zone based on their significance.

In carrying out the details of the agreement a liberal interpretation was in most instances allowed. The arrangements had the sanction of those members of the Government of National Defence who were in Paris; while the delegates at Bordeaux, who had hitherto conducted the war, at first held aloof, and indeed, as yet had not been made acquainted with the detailed conditions. Gambetta, it is true, allowed the suspension of operations, but could not give the commanders more precise instructions.

In implementing the details of the agreement, a broad interpretation was usually permitted. The arrangements had the approval of the members of the Government of National Defence who were in Paris; meanwhile, the delegates in Bordeaux, who had previously managed the war, initially kept their distance and, in fact, had not yet been informed of the specific conditions. Gambetta, it is true, allowed the halt in operations but could not provide the commanders with clearer instructions.

General Faidherbe was thus without orders with regard to the evacuation of Dieppe and Abbeville. General von Goeben, however, refrained from taking immediate possession of these places. On the west of the Seine, the Grand Duke was forced to proclaim that the non-recognition of the line of demarcation would be followed by an immediate recommencement of hostilities.

General Faidherbe was left without any orders regarding the evacuation of Dieppe and Abbeville. However, General von Goeben held off on taking control of these areas right away. To the west of the Seine, the Grand Duke had to announce that ignoring the line of demarcation would lead to an immediate return to fighting.

The commandant of the garrison at Langres also raised difficulties, and only withdrew within his rayon on February 7th, as did General Rolland later at Besançon. Auxonne was at first unwilling to give up control of the railway. Bitsch, which had not been worth the trouble of a serious attack, repudiated the convention; the investment had therefore to be strengthened, and only in March, when threatened with a determined attack, did the garrison abandon its peak of rock.

The commander of the garrison at Langres also created challenges and only retreated within his area on February 7th, just like General Rolland did later in Besançon. Auxonne was initially reluctant to relinquish control of the railway. Bitsch, which wasn’t worth the effort of a serious assault, rejected the agreement; therefore, the siege had to be reinforced, and it was only in March, when threatened with a strong attack, that the garrison gave up its high ground.

Nor did the volunteers acquiesce at once, and there were collisions with them at various points. But after the conditions were finally settled, no more serious[401] quarrels occurred between the inhabitants and the German troops during the whole course of the armistice.

Nor did the volunteers give in right away, and there were clashes with them at different points. But once the terms were finally agreed upon, no more serious[401] conflicts happened between the locals and the German troops throughout the entire armistice.

All the German corps before Paris occupied the forts lying in their front, more specifically the Vth took over Mont Valérien, and the IVth the town of St. Denis. Between the forts and the enceinte there lay a neutral zone, which civilians were allowed to cross only by specified roads placed under control of German examining troops.

All the German units before Paris took control of the forts in front of them; specifically, the Vth took over Mont Valérien, and the IVth took the town of St. Denis. Between the forts and the walls, there was a neutral zone that civilians could only cross using designated roads monitored by German inspection troops.

Apprehensive as it was of the indignation of the populace, the French Government had hesitated so long to utter the word "capitulation," that now, even with the resumption of free communication, Paris was threatened with an outbreak of actual famine. The superfluous stores in the German magazines were therefore placed at the disposal of its authorities. The respective chief-Commands, the local Governments-General, and the Etappen-Inspections received instructions to place no difficulties in the way of the repair of the railways and roads in their districts, and the French authorities were even allowed to make use, under German supervision, of the repaired railroads which the invaders used to supply their own army. Nevertheless, the first provision-train only arrived in Paris on February 3rd, and it was the middle of the month before the French had succeeded in remedying the prevalent distress in the capital.

Apprehensive of the public's anger, the French Government took so long to say the word "capitulation" that now, even with communication back to normal, Paris was facing an actual famine. The excess supplies in the German depots were therefore made available to its authorities. The respective chief commands, local governments, and inspection teams were instructed to not create any obstacles to the repair of the railways and roads in their areas, and the French authorities were even permitted to use, under German supervision, the repaired railways that the invaders used to supply their own army. However, the first supply train didn't reach Paris until February 3rd, and it wasn't until the middle of the month that the French managed to alleviate the widespread suffering in the capital.

The German prisoners were at once given up. The surrender of arms and war-material followed by degrees, also the payment of the 200 million francs war-contribution imposed on the city.

The German prisoners were immediately released. The surrender of weapons and military supplies happened gradually, along with the payment of the 200 million francs war contribution imposed on the city.

But it was still doubtful if the party of "war to the bitter end" in Bordeaux would fall in with the arrangements made by the Paris Government, and whether the National Assembly about to be convened would finally ratify the conditions of peace imposed by the conquerors. The necessary measures in case of the resumption of[402] hostilities were therefore taken on the French as well as on the German side.

But it was still uncertain whether the "war to the bitter end" faction in Bordeaux would agree with the plans made by the Paris Government, and whether the National Assembly that was about to convene would ultimately approve the peace terms imposed by the victors. Therefore, the necessary steps in case hostilities resumed were taken on both the French and German sides.

The distribution of the French forces at the establishment of the armistice was not favourable.

The distribution of the French forces at the start of the armistice was not favorable.

By General Faidherbe's advice the Army of the North was wholly disbanded, as being too weak to face the strength opposing it. After the XXIInd Corps had been transported by sea to Cherbourg, the Army of Brittany under General de Colomb was composed of it, the XXVIIth and part of the XIXth Corps, and, including Lipowski's volunteers, Cathelineau's and other details, its strength was some 150,000 men. General Loysel with 30,000 ill-armed and raw Gardes-Mobiles remained in the trenches of Havre.

By General Faidherbe's recommendation, the Army of the North was completely disbanded as it was too weak to confront the opposing forces. After the 22nd Corps was transported by sea to Cherbourg, the Army of Brittany, led by General de Colomb, included it, the 27th Corps, and part of the 19th Corps. Along with Lipowski's volunteers, Cathelineau's group, and other units, it totaled around 150,000 men. General Loysel stayed in the trenches of Havre with 30,000 poorly equipped and inexperienced Gardes-Mobiles.

General Chanzy, after his retreat on Mayenne, had made a movement to the left, preparatory to a new operation with the IInd Army of the Loire from the Caen base, which, however, was never carried out. The XVIIIth, XXIst, XVIth, and XXVIth Corps stood between the lower Loire and the Cher from Angers to Châteauroux, in a strength of about 160,000 men strong, the XXVth under General Pourcet was at Bourges, and General de Pointe's Corps at Nevers. The Army of the Vosges had withdrawn southward of Châlons sur Saône, and the remains of the Army of the East assembled under General Crémer at Chambéry as the XXIVth Corps.

General Chanzy, after retreating to Mayenne, moved to the left to prepare for a new operation with the II Army of the Loire from the Caen base, which ultimately never happened. The XVIII, XXI, XVI, and XXVI Corps were stationed between the lower Loire and the Cher from Angers to Châteauroux, with a total strength of about 160,000 men. The XXV Corps under General Pourcet was in Bourges, and General de Pointe's Corps was in Nevers. The Army of the Vosges had fallen back south of Châlons sur Saône, while what remained of the Army of the East gathered under General Crémer at Chambéry as the XXIV Corps.

The total of all the field-troops amounted to 534,452 men. The volunteers, even those most to be relied on, were dismissed, and the National Guard was designated as for the present "incapable of rendering any military service." In the depôts, the camps of instruction, and in Algiers there were still 354,000 men, and 132,000 recruits were on the lists as the contingent for 1871, but had not yet been called up.

The total number of field troops was 534,452 men. The volunteers, even the ones considered most dependable, were let go, and the National Guard was currently deemed "incapable of providing any military service." In the depots, training camps, and in Algiers, there were still 354,000 men, and 132,000 recruits were listed as the contingent for 1871, but had not been summoned yet.

In case the war should be persisted in, a plan for limiting it to the defensive in the south-east of France was under consideration, for which, however, according[403] to the report sent on February 8th by the Committee of Inquiry to the National Assembly, scarcely more than 252,000 men in fighting condition were available. The fleet, besides, had given up so considerable a number of its men and guns for service on land, that it was no longer able for any great undertaking at sea.

If the war continued, there was a plan being considered to limit it to defensive actions in the southeast of France. However, according to the report sent on February 8th by the Committee of Inquiry to the National Assembly, there were barely 252,000 troops available for combat. Additionally, the fleet had assigned so many of its personnel and weapons to land operations that it was no longer capable of any significant operations at sea.

On the German side the first consideration was to reinforce the troops to their full war-strength, and replenish the magazines.

On the German side, the first priority was to strengthen the troops to their full wartime capacity and restock the supplies.

The forts round Paris were at once armed on their fronts facing the enceinte. In and between these were 680 guns, 145 of which were captured French pieces; more than enough to keep the restless population under control. A part of the forces previously occupied in the siege, being no longer required, were removed, in order that the remaining troops should have better accommodation. Besides, it seemed desirable to strengthen the IInd Army, which had in its front the enemy's principal force. In consequence the IVth Corps marched to Nogent le Rotrou, the Vth to Orleans, and the IXth, relieved there, to Vendôme; so that now the quarters of this army extended from Alençon to Tours, and up the Loire as far as Gien and Auxerre.

The forts around Paris were immediately armed on their fronts facing the city walls. In and between these were 680 cannons, 145 of which were captured French pieces; more than enough to keep the restless population in check. Some of the forces that had been involved in the siege were no longer needed and were removed to allow the remaining troops better accommodations. Additionally, it seemed important to reinforce the II Army, which was facing the enemy's main force. As a result, the IV Corps marched to Nogent le Rotrou, the V Corps to Orleans, and the IX Corps, relieved there, to Vendôme; so now the quarters of this army stretched from Alençon to Tours and up the Loire as far as Gien and Auxerre.

The Ist Army was in the north with the VIIIth Corps on the Somme, and the Ist on both sides of the Lower Seine; in the south the Army of the South occupied the line of demarcation from Baume to Switzerland, and the country in the rear.

The 1st Army was in the north with the 8th Corps on the Somme, and the 1st on both sides of the Lower Seine; in the south, the Army of the South held the demarcation line from Baume to Switzerland, as well as the area behind it.

At the end of February the German field-army on French soil consisted of:—

At the end of February, the German field army in France was made up of:—

Infantry    464,221   men with 1674 guns.
Cavalry55,562   horses.

Troops in garrison:—

Troops on base:—

Infantry   105,272   men with 68 guns.
Cavalry5681   horses.
———
Total630,736   men and 1742 guns.

Reserve forces remaining in Germany:—

Reserve forces still in Germany:—

3288officers.
204,684men.
26,603horses.

Arrangements were so made, that in case of a recommencement of hostilities, the strongest resistance could be made at all points. The armistice had nearly reached its end, and the troops had already been more closely collected to be ready to take the initiative of the offensive towards the south, when the Chancellor of the Confederation announced the extension of the armistice to the 24th, which was again prolonged to midnight on the 26th.

Arrangements were made so that if hostilities resumed, we could put up the strongest resistance at every point. The truce was almost over, and the troops had already been gathered more closely to prepare for an offensive towards the south when the Chancellor of the Confederation announced that the truce would be extended to the 24th, which was then pushed back to midnight on the 26th.

Considerable difficulties had arisen from the differences of opinion with regard to the election of the National Assembly, between the Government in Paris and the Delegation at Bordeaux. The Germans wished to see carried out the choice, not of a party, but of the whole nation, expressed by a free suffrage. But Gambetta had ruled, in violation of the conditions of the armistice, that all who after December 2nd, 1851, had held any position in the Imperial Government should be ineligible to vote. It was not till the Parisian Government had obtained a majority by sending several of its members to Bordeaux, and after the dictator had resigned on February 6th, that the elections proceeded quickly and unhindered.

Significant challenges emerged from the disagreements regarding the election of the National Assembly between the Government in Paris and the Delegation in Bordeaux. The Germans wanted to ensure that the choice reflected not just a party, but the entire nation, expressed through a free vote. However, Gambetta had declared, against the terms of the armistice, that anyone who had held a position in the Imperial Government after December 2nd, 1851, would be ineligible to vote. It wasn't until the Parisian Government secured a majority by sending several members to Bordeaux, and after the dictator stepped down on February 6th, that the elections took place swiftly and without interference.

The deputies duly assembled in Bordeaux by the 12th, the appointed day. M. Thiers was elected chief of the executive, and went to Paris on the 19th with Jules Favre, determined to end the aimless war at any cost.

The deputies gathered in Bordeaux as scheduled on the 12th. M. Thiers was elected head of the executive and traveled to Paris on the 19th with Jules Favre, committed to ending the pointless war at any cost.

Negotiations for peace were opened, and after five days' vigorous discussion, when at last on the German side the concession to restore Belfort was made, the preliminaries were signed on the afternoon of the 26th.

Negotiations for peace began, and after five days of intense discussions, when the German side finally agreed to restore Belfort, the preliminaries were signed on the afternoon of the 26th.

France bound herself to give up in favour of Germany a part of Lorraine, and the province of Alsace with the[405] exception of Belfort, and also to pay a war indemnity of five milliards of francs.

France agreed to give up a portion of Lorraine and the province of Alsace to Germany, except for Belfort, and also to pay a war indemnity of five billion francs.[405]

The evacuation of the districts in occupation of the German armies was to begin immediately on the ratification of the treaty, and be continued by degrees in proportion as the money was paid. While the German troops remained on French soil they were to be maintained at the charge of the country. On the other hand all requisitioning on the part of the Germans was to cease. Immediately on the first instalment of evacuation the French forces were to retire behind the Loire, with the exception of 20,000 men in Paris and the necessary garrisons in the fortresses.

The evacuation of the areas occupied by the German armies was set to start right after the treaty was ratified and would continue gradually as payment was made. While the German troops were still on French soil, the country would have to cover their costs. Meanwhile, all German requisitioning would stop. As soon as the first stage of evacuation began, French forces were to fall back behind the Loire, except for 20,000 men in Paris and the needed garrisons in the fortresses.

After the ratification of these preliminaries, further terms were to be discussed in Brussels, and the return of the French prisoners would begin. The armistice was prolonged to March 12th; but it was in the option of either of the belligerent powers to end it after March 3rd by giving three days' notice.

After the approval of these initial agreements, more terms were set to be discussed in Brussels, and the release of the French prisoners would start. The truce was extended to March 12th; however, either of the warring powers had the option to end it after March 3rd by giving three days' notice.

Finally, it was stipulated that the German Army should have the satisfaction of marching into Paris, and remaining there till the ratification of the treaty; but would be restricted to the section of the city from Point du Jour to the Rue du Faubourg St. Honoré. The entry was made on March 1st, after a parade at Longchamps before his Majesty of 30,000 men, consisting of 11,000 of the VIth, 11,000 of the IInd Bavarian, and 8000 of the XIth Army Corps. On the 3rd and 5th of March this force was to have been relieved by successive bodies of the same strength, but M. Thiers succeeded by March 1st in getting the National Assembly at Bordeaux to accept the treaty, after the deposition of the Napoleonic dynasty had been decreed. The exchange of ratifications took place in the afternoon of the 2nd, and on the 3rd the first instalment of troops of occupation marched out of Paris back into its quarters.

Finally, it was agreed that the German Army would have the honor of marching into Paris and staying there until the treaty was ratified; however, they would be limited to the area from Point du Jour to Rue du Faubourg St. Honoré. They entered on March 1st, following a parade at Longchamps before His Majesty with 30,000 men, which included 11,000 from the VIth, 11,000 from the IInd Bavarian, and 8,000 from the XIth Army Corps. On March 3rd and 5th, this force was supposed to be replaced by additional units of the same size, but on March 1st, M. Thiers managed to have the National Assembly in Bordeaux approve the treaty after the end of the Napoleonic dynasty was decreed. The exchange of ratifications occurred in the afternoon of the 2nd, and on the 3rd, the first group of occupation troops marched out of Paris and returned to their quarters.


The Return Home of the German Army.

By the IIIrd Article, the whole territory between the Seine and the Loire, excepting Paris, was to be evacuated with as little delay as possible by the troops of both sides; the right bank of the former river, on the other hand, was only to be cleared on the conclusion of the definitive treaty of peace. Even then the six eastern departments were still to remain in German possession as a pledge for the last three milliards; not, however, to be occupied by more than 50,000 men.

By Article III, the entire area between the Seine and the Loire, excluding Paris, was to be evacuated as quickly as possible by the forces from both sides. However, the right bank of the Seine was only to be cleared after the final peace treaty was signed. Even then, the six eastern departments would still be under German control as security for the last three billion; but they were not to be occupied by more than 50,000 troops.

The marching directions were drawn up in the supreme Headquarter, with a view as well to the comfort of the troops as to the reconstitution of the original order of battle, and the possibility of rapid assembly in case of need.

The marching orders were created at the main headquarters, aiming to ensure the troops' comfort, restore the original battle formation, and allow for quick gathering if necessary.

The forces detailed for permanent occupation of the ceded provinces marched thither at once.

The troops assigned for the permanent occupation of the surrendered provinces marched there immediately.

The Reserve and Landwehr troops at home were to be disbanded, as well as the Baden Division, which, however, for the present was to remain there as a mobilized force. The Governments-General in Lorraine, Rheims, and Versailles were to be done away with, and their powers taken over by the local Commanding-Generals. In the maintenance of order in the rear of the army, the VIth and XIIth Corps, as well as the Würtemberg Field Division, were placed at the direct disposition of the supreme Headquarter.

The Reserve and Landwehr troops at home were set to be disbanded, along with the Baden Division, which, for now, would remain as a mobilized force. The Governments-General in Lorraine, Rheims, and Versailles were to be dissolved, with their powers transferred to the local Commanding Generals. To maintain order behind the army, the VIth and XIIth Corps, along with the Würtemberg Field Division, were placed directly under the command of the supreme Headquarters.

By March 31st the Army had taken full possession of the new territory assigned to it, bounded on the west by the course of the Seine from its source to its mouth.

By March 31st, the Army had completely taken control of the new territory assigned to it, which was limited on the west by the path of the Seine from its source to its mouth.

The Ist Army was in the departments of Seine-Inférieure and Somme, the IInd in front of Paris in the departments of Oise and Seine et Marne, the IIIrd in the departments of Aube and Haute Marne, the Army of the South in the districts most lately hostile. The forts of Paris on the left bank were given up to[407] the French authorities; the siege park and the captured war material had been removed. In consideration of the desire of the French Government that the National Assembly might be allowed as early as possible to sit at Versailles, the supreme Headquarter was removed to Ferrières, even sooner than had been agreed. On March 15th his Majesty left Nancy for Berlin.

The Ist Army was in the departments of Seine-Inférieure and Somme, the IInd in front of Paris in the departments of Oise and Seine et Marne, the IIIrd in the departments of Aube and Haute Marne, and the Army of the South was in the areas that were recently hostile. The forts of Paris on the left bank were handed over to[407] the French authorities; the siege park and the captured war materials had been taken away. Considering the French Government's wish for the National Assembly to meet in Versailles as soon as possible, the supreme Headquarters was moved to Ferrières even earlier than planned. On March 15th, His Majesty left Nancy for Berlin.

All the troops that were left before Paris were placed under the command of the Crown Prince of Saxony, and General von Manteuffel was nominated Commander of the Army of Occupation.

All the troops that remained before Paris were put under the command of the Crown Prince of Saxony, and General von Manteuffel was appointed Commander of the Army of Occupation.

At the moment when France had freed herself by a heavy sacrifice, an enemy of the most dangerous character appeared from within, in the Commune of Paris.

At the moment when France had liberated herself at great cost, a particularly dangerous enemy emerged from within, in the Commune of Paris.

The 40,000 men left there proved themselves unequal to the task of keeping the rebellious agitation under control; which even during the siege had on several occasions betrayed its existence, and now actually broke out in open civil war. Large masses of people, fraternizing with the National and Mobile Guards, possessed themselves of the guns and set themselves in armed resistance to the Government. M. Thiers had already, by March 18th, summoned to Versailles such regiments as could still be trusted, to withdraw them from the disquieting influence of party impulses, and for the protection of the National Assembly there. The French capital was a prey to revolution, and now became an object of pillage by French troops.

The 40,000 men stationed there were unable to keep the rebellious unrest under control; which, even during the siege, had on several occasions shown its presence, and now erupted into open civil war. Large groups of people, joining forces with the National and Mobile Guards, seized the guns and organized armed resistance against the Government. By March 18th, M. Thiers had already called in to Versailles the regiments that could still be trusted, to shield them from the unsettling influence of party politics, and to protect the National Assembly there. The French capital was engulfed in revolution, and now became a target for looting by French troops.

The Germans could easily have put a speedy end to the matter, but what Government could allow its rights to be vindicated by foreign bayonets? The German Commanders consequently limited themselves to forbidding at least within their own districts any movement of disturbance, and to preventing all further ingress into Paris from outside. The disarmament operations which had commenced were interrupted; the troops of the IIIrd Army were drawn closer to the[408] forts, and the outposts were replaced along the line of demarcation, whereon 200,000 men could now be collected within two days. The authorities in Paris were also warned that any attempt to arm the fronts facing the Germans would be followed by the immediate bombardment of the city. The insurgents however, were fully occupied in destroying and burning, and in executing their commanders in the interior of Paris. They did not turn against their foreign enemy, but against the Government chosen by the nation, and prepared for an attack on Versailles.

The Germans could have quickly resolved the situation, but what government would let its rights be upheld by foreign soldiers? The German commanders therefore focused on prohibiting any unrest within their own areas and stopping any further entry into Paris from outside. The disarmament efforts that had started were put on hold; the troops of the IIIrd Army were moved closer to the[408] forts, and the outposts were repositioned along the line of demarcation, where 200,000 men could now be gathered in just two days. The authorities in Paris were also warned that any attempt to arm the fronts facing the Germans would result in the immediate bombing of the city. Meanwhile, the insurgents were fully engaged in destruction and burning, as well as executing their leaders in the center of Paris. They directed their anger not at the foreign enemy but at the government chosen by the people, as they prepared to attack Versailles.

The high officers of State there, bound by the conditions of the armistice treaty, were almost defenceless; meanwhile the Germans were prepared and willing to allow a reinforcement of 80,000 French troops to be moved up from Besançon, Auxerre and Cambrai, the transport of whom would be furthered by the German troops in occupation of the districts through which they would have to pass.

The high-ranking officials there, restricted by the terms of the armistice agreement, were nearly defenseless; meanwhile, the Germans were ready and willing to permit the movement of 80,000 French troops from Besançon, Auxerre, and Cambrai, with the transportation facilitated by the German troops stationed in the areas they would travel through.

The release of the prisoners on the other hand was temporarily restricted. These were, for the most part, disciplined regulars; but they might not improbably join the hostile party, so in the first instance only 20,000 troops of the line were set free.

The release of the prisoners, on the other hand, was temporarily limited. Most of them were disciplined regulars, but there was a chance they might join the opposing side, so initially only 20,000 front-line troops were released.

On April 4th General MacMahon advanced with the Government troops against Paris, and entered the city on the 21st. As he was then engaged for eight days in barricade fighting, and as great bands of fugitives threatened to break through the German lines, the IIIrd Army was ordered to take closer order. The outposts advanced almost to the gates of the city, and barred all communication through them until, at the end of the month, Paris was again in the control of the French Government.

On April 4th, General MacMahon moved forward with the government troops against Paris and entered the city on the 21st. He spent the next eight days fighting at barricades, and large groups of refugees threatened to breach the German lines, so the IIIrd Army was ordered to tighten its position. The outposts advanced nearly to the city gates and cut off all communication until, at the end of the month, Paris was once again under the control of the French government.

In the meantime, the negotiations commenced in Brussels and continued in Frankfort were making rapid progress, and on May 10th the definitive treaty of peace based on the preliminaries was signed. The[409] mutual ratification followed within the appointed time of ten days.

In the meantime, the negotiations that started in Brussels and continued in Frankfurt were progressing quickly, and on May 10th, the final peace treaty based on the initial agreement was signed. The[409] mutual ratification happened within the set time frame of ten days.


Thus a war, carried on with such a vast expenditure of force on both sides, was brought to an end by incessant and restless energy in the short period of seven months.

Thus a war, fought with such a massive amount of force from both sides, was brought to an end by continuous and tireless effort in just seven months.

Even in the first four weeks eight battles were fought, under which the French Empire crumbled, and the French Army was swept from the field.

Even in the first four weeks, eight battles were fought, causing the French Empire to collapse and the French Army to be driven off the field.

Fresh forces, numerous but incompetent, equalized the original numerical superiority of the Germans, and twelve more battles needed to be fought, to safeguard the decisive siege of the enemy's capital.

Fresh troops, many but unskilled, balanced out the Germans' initial numerical advantage, and twelve more battles needed to be fought to protect the crucial siege of the enemy's capital.

Twenty fortified places were taken, and not a single day passed on which there was not fighting somewhere, on a larger or smaller scale.

Twenty fortified locations were captured, and not a single day went by without fighting happening somewhere, whether on a large or small scale.

The war cost the Germans heavy sacrifice; they lost 6247 officers, 123,453 men, 1 colour, 6 guns.

The war took a heavy toll on the Germans; they lost 6,247 officers, 123,453 soldiers, 1 standard, and 6 artillery pieces.

The total losses of the French were incalculable; in prisoners only they amounted to:—

The total losses of the French were immeasurable; in prisoners alone, they totaled:—

In Germany11,860officers,371,981men.
In Paris7,456"241,686"
Disarmed in Switzerland.2,192"88,381"
——————
21,508officers,702,048men.

There were captured 107 colours and eagles, 1915 field-guns, 5526 fortress guns.

There were 107 colors and eagles captured, along with 1,915 field guns and 5,526 fortress guns.

Strasburg and Metz, which had been alienated from the Fatherland in a time of weakness, were recovered, and the German Empire had risen anew.

Strasburg and Metz, which had been separated from the Fatherland during a time of weakness, were regained, and the German Empire had risen again.

THE END.

APPENDIX.


APPENDIX.

Memorandum about the so-called Council of War during the Wars of King William I.

In the accounts of historical events, as they are handed down to posterity, mistakes assume the form of legends which it is not always easy subsequently to disprove.

In the stories of historical events that are passed down through the years, mistakes often turn into legends that aren’t always easy to correct later on.

Among others is the fable which ascribes, with particular zest and as a matter of regular custom, the great decisions taken in the course of our latest campaigns, to the deliberations of a council of war previously convened.

Among others is the fable that assigns, with particular enthusiasm and as a regular practice, the major decisions made during our recent campaigns to the discussions of a war council that was convened beforehand.

For instance, the battle of Königgrätz.

For example, the battle of Königgrätz.

I can relate in a few lines the circumstances under which an event of such far-reaching importance had birth.

I can briefly describe the circumstances that led to such a significant event.

Feldzeugmeister Benedek had, in his advance to the northward, to secure himself against the IInd Prussian Army marching on the east over the mountains of Silesia. To this end four of his Corps had one after another been pushed forward on his right flank, and had all been beaten within three days. They now joined the main body of the Austrian Army, which had meanwhile reached the vicinity of Dubenetz.

Feldzeugmeister Benedek, in his advance north, had to protect himself from the II Prussian Army marching from the east over the Silesian mountains. To do this, four of his Corps were sent one after another to his right flank, but all were defeated within three days. They have now rejoined the main body of the Austrian Army, which had meanwhile arrived near Dubenetz.

Here, then, on June 30th, almost the whole of the Austrian forces were standing actually inside the line of operations between the two Prussian armies; of which the Ist was already fighting its way to Gitschin, designated from Berlin as the common point of concentration, and the IInd had also advanced close on the Upper Elbe; thus they were both so near that the enemy could not attack the one without the other falling on his rear. The strategic advantage was nullified by the tactical disadvantage.

Here, on June 30th, nearly all of the Austrian forces were positioned within the operational area between the two Prussian armies; the First was already battling its way to Gitschin, which had been designated from Berlin as the main gathering point, and the Second had also moved in close to the Upper Elbe. They were so close that the enemy couldn't attack one without the other coming up behind them. The strategic advantage was negated by the tactical disadvantage.

In these circumstances, and having already lost 40,000 men in previous battles, General Benedek gave up the advance, and during the night of June 30th began his retreat on Königgrätz.

In these circumstances, and having already lost 40,000 men in previous battles, General Benedek called off the advance and started his retreat to Königgrätz on the night of June 30th.

The movement of six Army Corps and four Cavalry Divisions, marching in only four columns, which were necessarily very deep, could not be accomplished in the course of a single day. They halted very closely concentrated between Trotina and Lipa; but when on July 2nd they still remained there, it was owing to the extreme fatigue of the troops, and the difficulty, nay, impossibility, of withdrawing so large a body of men beyond the Elbe, under the eyes of an active enemy and by a limited number of passages. In fact, the Austrian general could no longer manœuvre; he had no alternative but to fight.

The movement of six Army Corps and four Cavalry Divisions, marching in just four columns that were necessarily very deep, couldn't be completed in a single day. They stopped closely gathered between Trotina and Lipa; however, when they were still there on July 2nd, it was due to the troops' extreme fatigue and the difficulty—actually, the impossibility—of moving such a large group of men across the Elbe, especially with an active enemy watching and only a few crossing points available. In fact, the Austrian general could no longer maneuver; he had no choice but to fight.

It is a noteworthy fact that neither his advance on Dubenetz nor his retreat on Lipa was known to the Prussians. These movements were concealed from the IInd Army by the Elbe, and the cavalry of the Ist was a mass of more than 8000 horse collected in one unwieldy Corps. The four squadrons attached to each Infantry Division were of course not able to undertake reconnoissances, as subsequently was later done in 1870 by a more advantageous plan of formation.

It’s interesting to note that neither his advance on Dubenetz nor his retreat on Lipa was known to the Prussians. These movements were hidden from the II Army by the Elbe, and the cavalry of the I was a large group of over 8000 horses gathered into one cumbersome Corps. The four squadrons assigned to each Infantry Division were obviously not capable of carrying out reconnaissance, unlike what was done in 1870 with a more effective formation plan.

Thus in the Royal head-quarters at Gitschin nothing certain was known. It was supposed that the main body of the hostile army was still advancing, and that it would take up a position with the Elbe in its front and its flanks resting on the fortresses of Josephstadt and Königgrätz. There[414] were, then, these alternatives—either to turn this extremely strong position, or attack it in front.

Thus, at the Royal headquarters in Gitschin, nothing certain was known. It was believed that the main force of the enemy army was still advancing, and that it would take up a position with the Elbe in front and its flanks supported by the fortresses of Josephstadt and Königgrätz. There[414] were, then, these options—either to bypass this very strong position or to attack it directly.

By the adoption of the first the communications of the Austrian Army with Pardubitz would be so seriously threatened that it might probably be compelled to retreat. But to secure the safety of such a movement our IInd Army must relieve our Ist and cross over to the right bank of the Elbe. And in this case the flank march of the latter close past the enemy's front might easily be interfered with, if passages enough across the river had been prepared by him.

By adopting the first strategy, the communications of the Austrian Army with Pardubitz would be seriously threatened, potentially forcing a retreat. To ensure the safety of such a move, our Second Army needs to support our First Army and cross to the right bank of the Elbe. In this situation, the flank movement of the First Army, which would be close to the enemy's front, could easily be disrupted if the enemy had prepared enough crossings over the river.

In the second case, success could only be hoped for if an advance of the IInd Army on the right flank of the enemy's position could be combined with the attack in front. For this it must be kept on the left bank.

In the second case, success could only be expected if the advance of the II Army on the enemy's right flank could be coordinated with the front attack. To achieve this, it needed to remain on the left bank.

The separation of the two armies, which was for the present intentionally maintained, allowed of either plan being followed; but mine was the serious responsibility of advising his Majesty which should be chosen.

The separation of the two armies, which was intentionally kept for now, allowed for either plan to be followed; however, it was my serious responsibility to advise His Majesty on which one should be chosen.

To keep both alternatives open for the present, General von Herwarth was ordered to occupy Pardubitz, and the Crown Prince to remain on the left bank of the Elbe, to reconnoitre that river as well as the Aupa and the Metau, and to remove all obstacles which might oppose a crossing in one or the other direction. At length, on July 2nd, Prince Frederick Charles was ordered, in the event of his finding a large force in front of the Elbe, to attack it at once. But, on the evening of that day, it came to the knowledge of the Prince that the whole Austrian Army had marched to and was in position on the Bistritz; and in obedience to instructions received, he at once ordered the Ist Army and the Army of the Elbe to assemble close in front of the enemy by daybreak next morning.

To keep both options open for now, General von Herwarth was ordered to take control of Pardubitz, while the Crown Prince was to stay on the left bank of the Elbe to scout the river as well as the Aupa and the Metau, and to clear any obstacles that might block a crossing in either direction. Finally, on July 2nd, Prince Frederick Charles was instructed that if he faced a large force along the Elbe, he should attack immediately. However, that evening, the Prince learned that the entire Austrian Army had marched to and taken position on the Bistritz; following received instructions, he quickly ordered the Ist Army and the Army of the Elbe to gather close in front of the enemy by dawn the next day.

General von Voigts-Rhetz brought the news at eleven o'clock in the evening to the King at Gitschin, and his Majesty sent him over to me.

General von Voigts-Rhetz delivered the news at eleven o'clock at night to the King at Gitschin, and His Majesty sent him to me.

This information dispelled all doubts and lifted a weight from my heart. With a "Thank God!" I sprang out of bed, and hastened across to the King, who was lodged on the other side of the Market Place.

This information cleared up all my doubts and lifted a burden from my heart. With a "Thank God!" I jumped out of bed and hurried over to the King, who was staying on the other side of the Market Place.

His Majesty also had gone to rest in his little camp-bed. After a brief explanation on my part, he said he fully understood the situation, decided on giving battle next day with all three armies in co-operation, and desired me to transmit the necessary orders to the Crown Prince, who was at once to cross the Elbe.

His Majesty had also gone to sleep in his small camp bed. After I explained things briefly, he said he completely understood the situation, decided to engage in battle the next day with all three armies working together, and wanted me to send the necessary orders to the Crown Prince, who was to immediately cross the Elbe.

The whole interview with his Majesty lasted barely ten minutes. No one else was present.

The entire interview with His Majesty lasted just ten minutes. No one else was there.

This was the "Council of War" before Königgrätz.

This was the "Council of War" before Königgrätz.

General von Podbielski and Major Count Wartensleben shared my quarters. The orders to the IInd Army were drawn up forthwith and despatched in duplicate by two different routes by midnight. One, carried by General von Voigts-Rhetz, informed Prince Frederick Charles of all the dispositions; the other was sent direct to Königinhof.

General von Podbielski and Major Count Wartensleben shared my quarters. The orders to the II Army were written up immediately and sent out in duplicate by two different routes by midnight. One, delivered by General von Voigts-Rhetz, informed Prince Frederick Charles of all the arrangements; the other was sent directly to Königinhof.

In the course of his night-ride of above twenty-eight miles, Lieutenant-Colonel Count Finckenstein had to pass the rayon of the Ist Army Corps, which was furthest to the rear. He handed to the officer on duty a special letter to be forwarded immediately to the general in command, ordering an immediate assemblage of his troops and an independent advance, even before orders should reach him from Königinhof.

In his night ride of over twenty-eight miles, Lieutenant-Colonel Count Finckenstein had to pass through the area of the Ist Army Corps, which was the farthest back. He gave the officer on duty a special letter to be sent right away to the general in command, instructing an immediate gathering of his troops and an independent move, even before he received orders from Königinhof.

The position of the Austrians on July 3rd had a front of not more than 4-3/4 miles. Our three armies advanced on it in an encompassing arc of about twenty-four miles in extent. But while in the centre the Ist and IInd Corps of the Ist Army stood before daylight close in front of the enemy, on the right wing General von Herwarth had to advance on the Bistritz from Smidar in the dark, by very bad roads, above nine miles; and on the left, the orders from the Royal head-quarter could not even reach the Crown Prince before four in the morning. It was therefore decided that the centre would have to maintain a detaining engagement for several[415] hours. Above all, a possible offensive on the part of the enemy must here be met, and for this the whole IIIrd Corps and the cavalry corps stood ready; but the battle could only be decided by the double flank attack by both the flanking armies.[84]

The Austrian position on July 3rd had a front of no more than 4-3/4 miles. Our three armies moved in an encircling arc of about twenty-four miles. While the Ist and IInd Corps of the Ist Army were positioned just before dawn right in front of the enemy, on the right wing General von Herwarth had to advance towards Bistritz from Smidar in the dark, over rough roads, for more than nine miles. On the left, the orders from the Royal headquarters didn’t even reach the Crown Prince until four in the morning. It was decided that the center would have to hold a delaying position for several hours. Above all, we needed to be prepared for a possible enemy attack, so the entire IIIrd Corps and the cavalry corps were ready; however, the outcome of the battle would depend on a coordinated flank attack by both flanking armies.[415] [84]

I had ridden out early to the heights in front of Sadowa with my officers, and at eight o'clock the King also arrived there.

I rode out early to the heights in front of Sadowa with my officers, and at eight o'clock, the King arrived as well.

It was a dull morning, and from time to time a shower fell. The horizon was dim, yet on the right the white clouds of smoke showed that the heads of the Ist Army were already fighting some way off, in front of the villages on the Bistritz. On the left, in the woods of Swip, brisk rifle-firing was audible. Behind the King, besides his staff, were his royal guests, with their numerous suites of adjutants, equerries, and led horses, in number as many as two squadrons. An Austrian battery seemed to have selected them to aim at, and compelled him to move away with a smaller following.

It was a gloomy morning, and occasionally a light rain fell. The horizon looked hazy, but to the right, the white smoke clouds indicated that the heads of the Ist Army were already engaged in battle not far away, in front of the villages by the Bistritz. On the left, in the Swip woods, sharp rifle fire was clearly audible. Behind the King, along with his staff, were his royal guests accompanied by their large entourages of adjutants, equerries, and led horses, totaling as many as two squadrons. An Austrian battery seemed to target them specifically, forcing him to move away with a smaller group.

Soon afterwards, with Count Wartensleben, I rode through the village of Sadowa, which the enemy had already abandoned. The advanced guard of the 8th Division had massed its guns behind the wood under cover of the sharpshooters who had been sent forward, but many shells fell there from a large battery in front of the exits from the copses. As we rode further along the road we admired the coolness of a huge ox, which went on its way, heedless of the shot, and seemed determined to charge the enemy's position.

Soon after, with Count Wartensleben, I rode through the village of Sadowa, which the enemy had already left behind. The advanced guard of the 8th Division had set up their guns behind the woods, protected by the sharpshooters they had sent ahead, but many shells landed there from a large battery positioned in front of the openings of the thickets. As we continued down the road, we were struck by the calmness of a huge ox, which carried on its way, unfazed by the gunfire, and seemed ready to charge the enemy's position.

The formidable array of the IIIrd and Xth Austrian Corps' Artillery opposite the wood prevented any attempt to break through it, and I was in time to countermand an order which had been given to do so.

The impressive lineup of the IIIrd and Xth Austrian Corps' Artillery in front of the woods stopped any effort to break through, and I arrived just in time to cancel an order that had been issued to do so.

Meanwhile, further to the left, General von Fransecky had vigorously passed to the offensive. After a sharp struggle he had driven the enemy out of the Swip woods, and come through to the further side. Against him he had the IVth Austrian Corps; but now the IInd and part of the IIIrd Austrian Corps turned on the 7th Division; 57 battalions against 14. In the thick brushwood all the bodies had become mixed, personal command was impossible, and, in spite of our obstinate resistance, isolated detachments were taken prisoners, and others were dispersed.

Meanwhile, further to the left, General von Fransecky had launched an aggressive offensive. After a fierce battle, he had pushed the enemy out of the Swip woods and made it to the other side. He faced the IVth Austrian Corps, but now the IInd and part of the IIIrd Austrian Corps were attacking the 7th Division; 57 battalions against 14. In the dense underbrush, all the units had become intertwined, making personal command impossible, and despite our stubborn resistance, isolated detachments were captured, and others were scattered.

Such a rabble rushed out of the wood at the very moment when the King and his staff rode up; his Majesty looked on with some displeasure,[85] but the wounded officer, who was trying to keep his little band together, at once led it back into the fight. In spite of heavy losses the division got firm possession of the northern side of the wood. It had drawn on itself very considerable forces of the enemy, which were subsequently missing from the positions which it was their duty to have defended.

Such a crowd rushed out of the woods just as the King and his staff arrived; His Majesty looked on with some irritation,[85] but the injured officer, who was trying to regroup his small team, quickly led them back into the fight. Despite significant losses, the division secured a strong hold on the northern side of the woods. It had drawn in a considerable number of enemy forces, which later were absent from the positions they were supposed to defend.

It was now eleven o'clock. The heads of the Ist Army had crossed the Bistritz, and taken most of the villages on its further bank; but these were only the enemy's advanced posts, which he had no intention of obstinately holding. His Corps held a position behind, whence their 250 guns commanded the open plain which had to be crossed for the delivery of a further attack. On the right, General von Herwarth had reached the Bistritz, but on the left nothing was yet to be seen of the Crown Prince.

It was now eleven o'clock. The heads of the Ist Army had crossed the Bistritz and captured most of the villages on the other side; however, these were just the enemy's forward posts, which he had no intention of stubbornly defending. His Corps held a position behind, from where their 250 guns could cover the open plain that needed to be crossed for a further attack. On the right, General von Herwarth had reached the Bistritz, but on the left, there was still no sign of the Crown Prince.

The battle had come to a standstill. In the centre the Ist Army was still fighting about the villages on the Bistritz; the cavalry could not get forward, and the artillery found no good position to occupy. The troops had been for five hours under the enemy's lively fire, without food, to prepare which there had been no time.

The battle had reached a stalemate. In the center, the Ist Army was still engaged in combat over the villages near the Bistritz; the cavalry couldn't advance, and the artillery struggled to find a suitable position. The troops had been under the enemy's intense fire for five hours, without any food, as there hadn't been time to prepare any.

Some doubt as to the issue of the battle existed probably in many minds; perhaps in that of Count Bismarck, as he offered me his cigar case. As I was subsequently informed, he took it for a good sign that of two cigars I coolly selected the better one.

Some doubt about the outcome of the battle likely lingered in many minds; maybe even in Count Bismarck's, as he handed me his cigar case. I was later told that he saw it as a good sign when I casually chose the better of the two cigars.

The King asked me at about this time what I thought of the prospects of the battle. I replied, "Your Majesty to-day will not only win the battle, but decide the war."

The King asked me around this time what I thought about the chances of the battle. I replied, "Your Majesty, today you will not only win the battle, but also determine the outcome of the war."

It could not be otherwise.

It couldn't be any different.

We had the advantage in numbers,[86] which in war is never to be despised; and it was certain that our IInd Army must finally appear on the flank and rear of the Austrians.

We had the upper hand in numbers,[86] which is always important in war; and it was clear that our Second Army would eventually show up on the side and behind the Austrians.

At about 1.30 a white cloud was seen on the height, crowned with trees, and visible from afar, on which our field-glasses had been centred. It was indeed not yet the IInd Army, but the smoke of the fire which, directed thereon, announced its near approach. The joyful shout, "The Crown Prince is coming!" ran through the ranks. I sent the wished-for news to General von Herwarth, who meanwhile had carried Problus, in spite of the heroic defence of the Saxons.

At about 1:30, a white cloud was spotted on the hill, topped with trees and visible from a distance, which our field glasses had focused on. It wasn't the II Army yet, but the smoke from the fire indicated it was close. The excited shout, "The Crown Prince is coming!" spread through the ranks. I sent the eagerly awaited news to General von Herwarth, who had meanwhile taken Problus, despite the brave defense from the Saxons.

The IInd Army had started at 7.30 in the morning; only the Ist Corps had delayed till about 9.15. The advance by bad roads, in part across the fields, had taken much time. The hill-road stretching from Horenowes to Trotina, if efficiently held, could not but be a serious obstacle. But in its eager pressure on Fransecky's Division the enemy's right wing had made a wheel to the left, so that it lay open to some extent to the attack on its rear now impending.

The 2nd Army had set out at 7:30 in the morning; only the 1st Corps had held off until around 9:15. The advance over poor roads, partly across fields, took a lot of time. The hill road from Horenowes to Trotina, if effectively defended, could pose a significant obstacle. However, in its push against Fransecky's Division, the enemy's right wing had turned to the left, making it somewhat vulnerable to the attack on its rear that was about to happen.

The Crown Prince's progress was not yet visible to us, but at about half-past three the King ordered the advance of the Ist Army also.

The Crown Prince's progress wasn't visible to us yet, but at around 3:30, the King ordered the Ist Army to advance as well.

As we emerged from the wood of Sadowa into the open we found still a part of the great battery which had so long prevented us from debouching here, but the teams and gunners lay stretched by the wrecked guns. There was nothing else to be seen of the enemy over a wide distance.

As we came out of the woods of Sadowa into the open, we saw part of the large battery that had been blocking our way for so long, but the teams and gunners were sprawled out by the damaged guns. There was nothing else to see of the enemy for a long way.

The Austrian retreat from the position grasped by us on two sides, had become inevitable, and had, in fact, been effected some time before. Their admirable artillery, firing on to the last moment, had screened their retreat and given the infantry a long start. The crossing of the Bistritz seriously[417] delayed the advance, especially of the cavalry, so that only isolated detachments of it yet came up with the enemy.

The Austrian retreat from the position we had taken on both sides became unavoidable and had actually happened some time ago. Their impressive artillery, firing until the last moment, covered their retreat and allowed their infantry a significant head start. The crossing of the Bistritz seriously[417] delayed the advance, especially for the cavalry, so that only a few isolated units managed to catch up with the enemy.

We rode at a smart gallop across the wide field of battle, without looking much about us on the scene of horror. Finally, we found our three armies which had at last pushed on into a circumscribed space from their several directions, and had got much mixed. It took twenty-four hours to remedy the confusion and re-form the bodies; an immediate pursuit was impossible, but the victory was complete.

We rode at a swift gallop across the vast battlefield, not paying much attention to the horrific sights around us. Eventually, we located our three armies, which had finally converged into a confined area from their various directions and had gotten quite mixed up. It took twenty-four hours to sort out the chaos and reorganize the troops; an immediate pursuit wasn't possible, but the victory was total.

The exhausted men now sought resting-places in the villages or the open field as best they might. Anything that came to hand by way of food was of course taken; my wandering ox probably among the rest. The death-cries of pigs and geese were heard; but necessity knows no law, and the baggage-waggons were naturally not on the spot.

The tired men now looked for places to rest in the villages or the open field as best they could. Whatever food they could find was taken; my wandering ox was probably included. The sounds of pigs and geese being slaughtered were heard; but when you're in need, rules don't matter, and the baggage wagons were obviously not nearby.

The King, too, remained at a hamlet on the field. Only I and my two officers had to journey some twenty-four miles back to Gitschin, where the bureaux were.

The King also stayed at a village in the field. Only my two officers and I had to travel about twenty-four miles back to Gitschin, where the offices were.

We had set out thence at four in the morning, and had been fourteen hours in the saddle. In the hurry of departure no one had thought of providing himself with food. An Uhlan of the 2nd Regiment had bestowed on me a slice of sausage, bread he had none himself. On our way back we met the endless train of provision and ammunition waggons, often extending all across the road. We did not reach our quarters till midnight. There was nothing to eat even here at this hour, but I was so exhausted that I threw myself on my bed in great-coat and sash, and fell asleep instantly. Next morning new orders had to be prepared and laid before his Majesty at Horitz.

We set out at four in the morning and had been riding for fourteen hours. In the rush to leave, no one thought about bringing food. An Uhlan from the 2nd Regiment gave me a slice of sausage, but he didn’t have any bread. On our way back, we encountered the never-ending line of supply and ammunition wagons, often stretching across the entire road. We didn’t get to our quarters until midnight. There was nothing to eat even at that hour, but I was so tired that I collapsed onto my bed in my greatcoat and sash and fell asleep immediately. The next morning, new orders needed to be prepared and presented to his Majesty at Horitz.

The Great King[87] had needed to struggle for seven years to reduce the might of Austria, which his more fortunate and also more powerful grandson[88] had achieved in as many weeks. The campaign had proved decisive in the first eight days from June 27th to July 3rd.

The Great King[87] had to fight for seven years to weaken Austria, something his luckier and stronger grandson[88] accomplished in just a few weeks. The campaign was decisive during the first eight days, from June 27th to July 3rd.

The war of 1866 was entered on not as a defensive measure to meet a threat against the existence of Prussia, nor in obedience to public opinion and the voice of the people: it was a struggle, long foreseen and calmly prepared for, recognized as a necessity by the Cabinet, not for territorial aggrandizement or material advantage, but for an ideal end—the establishment of power. Not a foot of land was exacted from defeated Austria, but she had to renounce all part in the hegemony of Germany.

The war of 1866 wasn't started as a defense against a threat to Prussia's existence, nor was it in response to public opinion or the people's wishes. It was a conflict that had been anticipated and carefully planned for, acknowledged as necessary by the Cabinet, not for gaining land or material benefits, but for a higher purpose—the establishment of power. No territory was taken from defeated Austria, but she had to give up any claim to leadership in Germany.

The Princes of the Reich had themselves to blame that the old Empire had now for centuries allowed domestic politics to override German national politics. Austria had exhausted her strength in conquests south of the Alps while she left the western German provinces unprotected, instead of following the road pointed out by the course of the Danube. Her centre of gravity lay outside of Germany; Prussia's lay within it. Prussia felt her strength, and that it behoved her to assume the leadership of the German races. The regrettable but unavoidable exclusion of one of them from the new Reich could only be to a small extent remedied by a subsequent alliance. But Germany has become immeasurably greater without Austria, than it was before with Austria.

The Princes of the Reich have only themselves to blame for allowing internal politics to overshadow national German interests for centuries. Austria wasted its resources on conquests south of the Alps while neglecting to protect the western German provinces, instead of following the path suggested by the Danube. Austria's focus was outside Germany, while Prussia's was firmly within. Prussia recognized its strength and felt it was its duty to lead the German people. The unfortunate but unavoidable exclusion of one group from the new Reich could only be slightly addressed by a future alliance. However, Germany has become much larger and stronger without Austria than it was when it included Austria.

But all this has nothing to do with the legends of which I am telling.

But all of this has nothing to do with the stories I'm sharing.

One of these has been sung in verse, and in fine verse too.

One of these has been sung in poetry, and in great poetry too.

The scene is Versailles. The French are making a sortie from Paris, and the generals, instead of betaking themselves to their fighting troops, are assembled to consider whether head-quarters may safely remain any longer[418] at Versailles. Opinions are divided, no one dares speak out. The Chief of the General Staff, who is above all called on to express his views, remains silent. The perplexity seems to be great. Only the War Minister rises and protests with the greatest emphasis against a measure so injurious from a political and military point of view as a removal. He is warmly thanked by the King as being the only man who has the courage to speak the truth freely and fearlessly.

The scene is Versailles. The French are making a move out of Paris, and the generals, instead of heading to their fighting troops, are gathered to decide whether the headquarters can safely stay any longer[418] at Versailles. Opinions are split, and no one dares to speak up. The Chief of the General Staff, who is expected to share his thoughts, stays silent. The confusion seems to be significant. Only the War Minister stands up and passionately argues against a decision as detrimental from both a political and military perspective as moving the headquarters. He is warmly thanked by the King for being the only one brave enough to speak the truth openly and without fear.

The truth is that while the King and his whole escort had ridden out to the Vth Army Corps, the Marshal of the household, in his over-anxiety, had the horses put to the royal carriages, and this became known in the town; and indeed may have excited all sorts of hopes in the sanguine inhabitants.

The truth is that while the King and his entire escort had gone out to the Vth Army Corps, the Marshal of the household, in his eagerness, had the horses harnessed to the royal carriages, and this got out in the town; it probably sparked all kinds of hopes among the optimistic locals.

Versailles was protected by four Army Corps. It never entered anybody's head to think of evacuating the town.

Versailles was defended by four Army Corps. No one ever considered evacuating the town.

I can positively assert no Council of War was ever held either in 1866 or 1870—71.

I can confidently say that no Council of War took place in either 1866 or 1870–71.

Excepting on the march and on days of battle, an audience was regularly held by his Majesty at ten o'clock, at which I, accompanied by the Quartermaster-General, laid the latest reports and information before him, and made our suggestions on that basis. The Chief of the Military Cabinet and the Minister of War were also present, and while the head-quarters of the IIIrd Army were at Versailles, the Crown Prince also; but all merely as listeners. The King occasionally required them to give him information on one point or another; but I do not remember that he ever asked for advice concerning the operations in the field or the suggestions I made.

Except on the march and on battle days, the King held a regular meeting at ten o'clock, where I would present the latest reports and information along with the Quartermaster-General, and we made our suggestions based on that. The Chief of the Military Cabinet and the Minister of War were also there, and while the headquarters of the IIIrd Army were in Versailles, the Crown Prince was present too, but only to listen. The King would sometimes ask them for information on specific points, but I don’t recall him ever asking for their advice on field operations or my suggestions.

These, which I always discussed beforehand with my staff officers, were, on the contrary, generally maturely weighed by his Majesty himself. He always pointed out with a military eye and an invariably correct estimate of the situation, all the objections that might be raised to their execution; but as in war every step is beset with danger, the plans laid before him were invariably adopted.[419]

These, which I always talked about in advance with my staff officers, were, on the other hand, usually carefully considered by His Majesty himself. He always identified, with a military perspective and an consistently accurate assessment of the situation, all the concerns that could be raised about their execution; but since every move in war comes with risks, the plans presented to him were always approved.[419]

FOOTNOTES:

[84] viz. The IInd Army, commanded by the Crown Prince of Prussia, which was to strike the Austrian right flank and right rear; and the Army of the Elbe, commanded by General Herwarth von Bittenfeld, which was to strike the Austrian left flank.

[84] that is, the Second Army, led by the Crown Prince of Prussia, which was to attack the Austrian right flank and rear; and the Army of the Elbe, led by General Herwarth von Bittenfeld, which was to hit the Austrian left flank.

[85] I have a history of the war, published at Tokio, in the Japanese language, with very original illustrations. One of these has for its title, "The King scolding the Army." [Moltke.]

[85] I have a history of the war published in Tokyo, in Japanese, with some unique illustrations. One of them is titled, "The King Scolding the Army." [Moltke.]

[86] During a long peace the sphere of action of the War Minister's department and the General Staff were not distinctly defined. The providing for the troops in peace was the function of the former, and in war time a number of official duties which could be superintended by the central authorities at home. Thus the place of the Minister of War was not at head-quarters, but at Berlin. The Chief of the General Staff, on the other hand, from the moment when the mobilization is ordered, assumes the whole responsibility for the marching and transport already prepared for during peace, both for the first assembling of the forces, and for their subsequent employment, for which he has only to ask the consent of the Commander-in-Chief—always, with us, the King.

[86] During a long period of peace, the roles of the War Minister's department and the General Staff were not clearly defined. The former was responsible for supporting the troops during peacetime, while in wartime, it took care of various official duties that could be managed by central authorities at home. Therefore, the War Minister typically worked in Berlin, not at headquarters. In contrast, once mobilization was ordered, the Chief of the General Staff took full responsibility for the preparations made during peace for troop movements and their subsequent deployment. He only needed to seek approval from the Commander-in-Chief, who is always the King in our case.

How necessary this disjunction of the two authorities is, I had to experience in June, 1866. Without my knowledge the order had been given for the VIIth Corps to remain on the Rhine. It was only by my representations that the 16th Division was moved up into Bohemia, and our numerical superiority thus brought up to a decisive strength. [Moltke.]

How necessary this separation of the two authorities is, I had to experience in June 1866. Without my knowledge, the order had been given for the VII Corps to stay on the Rhine. It was only through my efforts that the 16th Division was moved to Bohemia, thus increasing our numerical advantage to a decisive strength. [Moltke.]

[87] Frederick the Great.

Frederick the Great.

[88] Wilhelm was not the grandson, but the great-grand-nephew of Frederick the Great. The term is very rarely used in the wider sense of "descendant;" but Frederick was childless.

[88] Wilhelm was not the grandson but the great-grand-nephew of Frederick the Great. The term is rarely used to mean "descendant" in a broader sense; however, Frederick did not have any children.


ORDERS OF BATTLE

OF THE

FRENCH AND GERMAN ARMIES IN THE FIRST PERIOD OF THE FRANCO-GERMAN WAR.


ORDER OF BATTLE OF THE FRENCH ARMIES.


ORDER OF BATTLE OF THE "ARMY OF THE RHINE."

Commander-in-Chief: The Emperor Napoleon III.
Major-General: Marshal Le Bœuf.
Aide-Major-General: General Dejean.
Chiefs of Staff: Generals Jarras and Lebrun.
Commanding Artillery: General Soleille.
Commanding Engineer: General Coffinières de Nordeck.
Aides-de-camp to the Emperor: Generals Prince de la Moscawa, de
Castlenau, Count Reille, Viscount Pajol.

Commander-in-Chief: Emperor Napoleon III.
Major-General: Marshal Le Bœuf.
Deputy Major-General: General Dejean.
Chiefs of Staff: Generals Jarras and Lebrun.
Artillery Commander: General Soleille.
Chief Engineer: General Coffinières de Nordeck.
Aides-de-camp to the Emperor: Generals Prince de la Moscawa, de
Castelnau, Count Reille, Viscount Pajol.

The Imperial Guard.

General Bourbaki.
Chief of Staff: General d'Auvergne.
Commanding Artillery: General Pé-de-Arros.

General Bourbaki.
Chief of Staff: General d'Auvergne.
Commanding Artillery: General Pé-de-Arros.

1st Infantry Division: General Deligny.

1st Brigade: General Brincourt.
Chasseurs of the Guard.
1st and 2nd Voltigeurs of the Guard.

2nd Brigade: General Garnier.
3rd and 4th Voltigeurs of the Guard.

Division-Artillery.
Two 4-pounder batteries, one mitrailleuse battery.

1st Brigade: General Brincourt.
Guard Chasers.
1st and 2nd Guard Skirmishers.

2nd Brigade: General Garnier.
3rd and 4th Guard Voltigeurs.

Division-Artillery.
Two 4-pound batteries and one machine gun battery.

2nd Infantry Division: General Picard.

1st Brigade: General Jeanningros.
Zouaves of the Guard (two battalions).
1st Grenadiers of the Guard.

2nd Brigade: General Poitevin de la Croix.
2nd and 3rd Grenadiers of the Guard.

Division-Artillery.
Two 4-pounder batteries, one mitrailleuse battery.

1st Brigade: General Jeanningros.
Zouaves of the Guard (two battalions).
1st Grenadiers of the Guard.

2nd Brigade: General Poitevin de la Croix.
2nd and 3rd Grenadier Guards.

Division-Artillery.
Two 4-pounder batteries and one mitrailleuse battery.

Cavalry Division: General Desvaux.[420]

1st Brigade: General Halma du Frétay.
Guides.
Chasseurs of the Guard.

2nd Brigade: General de France.
Lancers of the Guard.
Dragoons of the Guard.

3rd Brigade: General du Preuil.
Cuirassiers of the Guard.
Carabiniers of the Guard.

1st Brigade: General Halma du Frétay.
Guides.
Guard Hunters.

2nd Brigade: General de France.
Guard Lancers.
Guard Dragoons.

3rd Brigade: General du Preuil.
Guard Cuirassiers.
Guard Carabiniers.

Reserve Artillery: Colonel Clappier.

Four horse-artillery batteries.

Four horse artillery units.

1st Corps

Marshal MacMahon, afterwards General Ducrot.
Chief of Staff: General Colson.
Commanding Artillery: General Forgeot.

Marshal MacMahon, later General Ducrot.
Chief of Staff: General Colson.
Commanding Artillery: General Forgeot.

1st Infantry Division: General Ducrot.

1st Brigade: General Moreno.
13th Chasseur battalion.
18th and 96th Line regiments.

2nd Brigade: General de Postis du Houlbec.
45th and 74th Line regiments.

Division-Artillery.
Two 4-pounder batteries and one mitrailleuse battery.

1st Brigade: General Moreno.
13th Chasseur Battalion.
18th and 96th Line regiments.

2nd Brigade: General de Postis du Houlbec.
45th and 74th Line regiments.

Division-Artillery.
Two 4-pound batteries and one machine-gun battery.

2nd Infantry Division: General Abel Douay, afterwards General Pellé.

1st Brigade: General Pelletier de Montmarie.
16th Chasseur battalion.
50th and 78th Line regiments.

2nd Brigade: General Pellé.
1st regiment of Zouaves.
1st regiment of Turcos.

Division-Artillery.
Two 4-pounder batteries, one mitrailleuse battery.

1st Brigade: General Pelletier de Montmarie.
16th Chasseur Battalion.
50th and 78th Line regiments.

2nd Brigade: General Pellé.
1st Zouave regiment.
1st Turcos Regiment.

Division-Artillery.
Two 4-pound artillery batteries and one machine gun battery.

3rd Infantry Division: General Raoult.

1st Brigade: General L'Heriller.
8th Chasseur battalion.
2nd Zouave regiment.
36th Line regiment.

2nd Brigade: General Lefèvre.
2nd regiment of Turcos.
48th Line regiment.

Division-Artillery.
Two 4-pounder batteries, one mitrailleuse battery.

1st Brigade: General L'Heriller.
8th Chasseur Battalion.
2nd Zouave Battalion.
36th Line Regiment.

2nd Brigade: General Lefèvre.
2nd Turcos Regiment.
48th Line Regiment.

Division-Artillery.
Two 4-pounder artillery batteries and one mitrailleuse battery.

4th Infantry Division: General de Lartigue.

1st Brigade: General Frabonlet de Kerléadec.
1st battalion of Chasseurs.
3rd Zouave regiment.
56th Line regiment.

1st Brigade: General Frabonlet de Kerléadec.
1st Battalion of Chasseurs.
3rd Zouave Regiment.
56th Line Regiment.

[421] 2nd Brigade: General Lacretelle.
3rd regiment of Turcos.
87th Line regiment.

Division-Artillery.
Two 4-pounder batteries, one mitrailleuse battery.

[421] 2nd Brigade: General Lacretelle.
3rd regiment of Turcos.
87th Line Regiment.

Division-Artillery.
Two 4-pound artillery batteries and one mitrailleuse battery.

Cavalry Division: General Duhesme.

1st Brigade: General de Septeuil.
3rd Hussar regiment.
11th Chasseur regiment.

2nd Brigade: General de Nansouty.
2nd and 6th Lancer regiments.
10th Dragoon regiment.

3rd Brigade: General Michel.
8th and 9th Cuirassier regiments.

1st Brigade: General de Septeuil.
3rd Hussar Regiment.
11th Chasseur Regiment.

2nd Brigade: General de Nansouty.
2nd and 6th Lancer units.
10th Dragoon Regiment.

3rd Brigade: General Michel.
8th and 9th Cuirassier regiments.

Reserve Artillery: Colonel de Vassart.

Two 4-pounder batteries.
Two 12-pounder batteries.
Four horse-artillery batteries.

Two 4-pound batteries.
Two 12-pound batteries.
Four horse-drawn artillery batteries.

2nd Corps.

General Frossard.
Chief of Staff: General Saget.
Commanding Artillery: General Gagneux.

General Frossard.
Chief of Staff: General Saget.
Commanding Artillery: General Gagneux.

1st Infantry Division: General Verge.

1st Brigade: General Letellier-Valazé.
3rd battalion of Chasseurs.
32nd and 55th Line regiments.

2nd Brigade: General Jobivet.
76th and 77th Line regiments.

Division-Artillery.
Two 4-pounder, one mitrailleuse battery.

1st Brigade: General Letellier-Valazé.
3rd Battalion of Chasseurs.
32nd and 55th Line Regiments.

2nd Brigade: General Jobivet.
76th and 77th Line Regiments.

Division Artillery.
Two 4-pound cannons and one machine gun battery.

2nd Infantry Division: General Bataille.

1st Brigade: General Pouget.
12th battalion of Chasseurs.
8th and 23rd Line regiments.

2nd Brigade: General Fauvart-Bastoul.
66th and 67th Line regiments.

Division-Artillery.
Two 4-pounder, one mitrailleuse battery.

1st Brigade: General Pouget.
12th Chasseur Battalion.
8th and 23rd Line Regiments.

2nd Brigade: General Fauvart-Bastoul.
66th and 67th Line Regiments.

Division-Artillery.
Two 4-pound cannons, one machine gun battery.

3rd Infantry Division: General Laveaucoupet.

1st Brigade: General Doens.
10th battalion of Chasseurs.
2nd and 63rd Line regiments.

2nd Brigade: General Michelet.
24th and 40th Line regiments.

Division-Artillery.
Two 4-pounder, one mitrailleuse battery.

1st Brigade: General Doens.
10th Chasseur Battalion.
2nd and 63rd Line Regiments.

2nd Brigade: General Michelet.
24th and 40th Infantry Regiments.

Division-Artillery.
Two 4-pound cannons and one mitrailleuse battery.

Cavalry Division: General Lichtlin.

1st Brigade: General de Valabrèque.
4th and 5th regiments of Chasseurs.

1st Brigade: General de Valabrèque.
4th and 5th regiments of Chasseurs.

[422] 2nd Brigade: General Bachelier.
7th and 12th regiments of Dragoons.

[422] 2nd Brigade: General Bachelier.
7th and 12th Regiments of Dragoons.

Reserve-Artillery: Colonel Baudouin.

Two 4-pounder batteries.
Two 12-pounder batteries.
Two mitrailleuse batteries.

Two 4-lb batteries.
Two 12-pound batteries.
Two machine gun units.

3rd Corps.

Marshal Bazaine, afterwards General Decaen.
Chief of Staff: General Manèque.
Commanding Artillery: General de Rochebouet.

Marshal Bazaine, later General Decaen.
Chief of Staff: General Manèque.
Artillery Commander: General de Rochebouet.

1st Infantry Division: General Montaudon.

1st Brigade: General Aymard.
18th Chasseur battalion.
51st and 62nd Line regiments.

2nd Brigade: General Clinchant.
81st and 95th Line regiments.

Division-Artillery.
Two 4-pounder, one mitrailleuse battery.

1st Brigade: General Aymard.
18th Chasseur Battalion.
51st and 62nd Line Regiments.

2nd Brigade: General Clinchant.
81st and 95th Infantry Regiments.

Division Artillery.
Two 4-pounder artillery batteries and one mitrailleuse battery.

2nd Infantry Division: General de Castagny.

1st Brigade: General Cambriels.
15th Chasseur battalion.
19th and 41st Line regiments.

2nd Brigade: General Duplessis.
69th and 90th Line regiments.

Division-Artillery.
Two 4-pounder, one mitrailleuse battery.

1st Brigade: General Cambriels.
15th Chasseur Battalion.
19th and 41st Line regiments.

2nd Brigade: General Duplessis.
69th and 90th Line regiments.

Division-Artillery.
Two 4-pound cannons and one mitrailleuse battery.

3rd Infantry Division: General Metman.

1st Brigade: General de Potier.
7th Chasseur battalion.
7th and 29th Line regiments.

2nd Brigade: General Arnaudeau.
59th and 71st Line regiments.

Division-Artillery.
Two 4-pounder, one mitrailleuse battery.

1st Brigade: General de Potier.
7th Chasseur Battalion.
7th and 29th Line regiments.

2nd Brigade: General Arnaudeau.
59th and 71st Line regiments.

Division-Artillery.
Two 4-pound cannons and one machine gun battery.

4th Infantry Division: General Decaen.

1st Brigade: General de Brauer.
11th Chasseur battalion.
44th and 60th Line regiments.

2nd Brigade: General Sanglé-Ferrières.
80th and 85th Line regiments.

Division-Artillery.
Two 4-pounder, one mitrailleuse battery.

1st Brigade: General de Brauer.
11th Chasseur Battalion.
44th and 60th Infantry Regiments.

2nd Brigade: General Sanglé-Ferrières.
80th and 85th Infantry Regiments.

Division Artillery.
Two 4-pound cannons and one mitrailleuse battery.

Cavalry Division: General de Clérembault.

1st Brigade: General de Bruchard.
2nd, 3rd, and 10th Chasseur regiments.

2nd Brigade: General de Maubranches.
2nd and 4th Dragoon regiments.

3rd Brigade: General de Juniac.
5th and 8th Dragoon regiments.

1st Brigade: General de Bruchard.
2nd, 3rd, and 10th Chasseur regiments.

2nd Brigade: General de Maubranches.
2nd and 4th Dragoon units.

3rd Brigade: General de Juniac.
5th and 8th Dragoon regiments.

Reserve Artillery: Colonel de Lajaille.[423]

Two 4-pounder batteries.
Two 12-pounder batteries.
Four horse-artillery batteries.

Two 4-pound artillery units.
Two 12-pound cannons.
Four horse-drawn artillery units.

4th Corps

General de Ladmirault.
Chief of Staff: General Desaint de Martille.
Commanding Artillery: General Laffaile.

General de Ladmirault.
Chief of Staff: General Desaint de Martille.
Commanding Artillery: General Laffaile.

1st Infantry Division: General de Cissey.

1st Brigade: General Count Brayer.
20th Chasseur battalion.
1st and 6th Line regiments.

2nd Brigade: General de Golberg.
57th and 73rd Line regiments.

Division-Artillery.
Two 4-pounder, one mitrailleuse battery.

1st Brigade: General Count Brayer.
20th Chasseur Battalion.
1st and 6th Line regiments.

2nd Brigade: General de Golberg.
57th and 73rd Line regiments.

Division-Artillery.
Two 4-pound cannons and one machine gun battery.

2nd Infantry Division: General Rose.

1st Brigade: General Bellecourt.
5th Chasseur battalion.
13th and 43rd Line Regiments.

2nd Brigade: General Pradier.
64th and 98th Line regiments.

Division-Artillery.
Two 4-pounder, one mitrailleuse battery.

1st Brigade: General Bellecourt.
5th Chasseur Battalion.
13th and 43rd Line Regiments.

2nd Brigade: General Pradier.
64th and 98th Line regiments.

Division-Artillery.
Two 4-pounders, one machine gun battery.

3rd Infantry Division: General de Lorencez.

1st Brigade: General Pajol.
2nd Chasseur battalion.
15th and 33rd Line regiments.

2nd Brigade: General Berger.
54th and 65th Line regiments.

Division-Artillery.
Two 4-pounder, one mitrailleuse battery.

1st Brigade: General Pajol.
2nd Chasseur Battalion.
15th and 33rd Infantry Units.

2nd Brigade: General Berger.
54th and 65th Infantry Regiments.

Division-Artillery.
Two 4-pound cannons and one machine gun battery.

Cavalry Division: General Legrand.

1st Brigade: General de Montaigu.
2nd and 7th Hussar regiments.

2nd Brigade: General de Gondrecourt.
3rd and 11th Dragoon regiments.

1st Brigade: General de Montaigu.
2nd and 7th Hussar regiments.

2nd Brigade: General de Gondrecourt.
3rd and 11th Dragoon regiments.

Reserve-Artillery: Colonel Soleille.

Two 4-pounder batteries.
Two 12-pounder batteries.
Two horse-artillery batteries.

Two 4-pound artillery units.
Two 12-pound cannon batteries.
Two horse artillery units.

5th Division.

General de Failly.
Chief of Staff: General Besson.
Commanding Artillery: General Liédot.

General de Failly.
Chief of Staff: General Besson.
Commanding Artillery: General Liédot.

1st Infantry Division: General Goze.[424]

1st Brigade: General Grenier.
4th Chasseur battalion.
11th and 46th Line regiments.

2nd Brigade: General Nicolas.
61st and 86th Line regiments.

Division-Artillery.
Two 4-pounder, one mitrailleuse battery.

1st Brigade: General Grenier.
4th Chasseur Battalion.
11th and 46th Infantry Regiments.

2nd Brigade: General Nicolas.
61st and 86th Line Regiments.

Division-Artillery.
Two 4-pound cannons and one mitrailleuse battery.

2nd Infantry Division: General de l'Abadie d'Aydroin.

1st Brigade: General Lapasset.
14th Chasseur battalion.
49th and 84th Line regiments.

2nd Brigade: General de Maussion.
88th and 97th Line regiments.

Division-Artillery.
Two 4-pounder, one mitrailleuse battery.

1st Brigade: General Lapasset.
14th Chasseur Battalion.
49th and 84th Infantry Regiments.

2nd Brigade: General de Maussion.
88th and 97th Line Regiments.

Division-Artillery.
Two 4-pound batteries and one mitrailleuse battery.

3rd Infantry Division: General Guyot de Lespart.

1st Brigade: General Abbatucci.
19th Chasseur battalion.
17th and 27th Line regiments.

2nd Brigade: General de Fontanges de Couzan.
30th and 68th Line regiments.

Division-Artillery.
Two 4-pounder, one mitrailleuse battery.

1st Brigade: General Abbatucci.
19th Chasseur Battalion.
17th and 27th Line Regiments.

2nd Brigade: General de Fontanges de Couzan.
30th and 68th Infantry Regiments.

Division-Artillery.
Two 4-pound cannons and one mitrailleuse battery.

Cavalry Division: General Brahaut.

1st Brigade: General Pierre de Bernis.
5th and 12th Chasseur regiments.

2nd Brigade: General de la Mortière.
3rd and 5th Lancer regiments.

Division-Artillery.
One battery of horse-artillery.

1st Brigade: General Pierre de Bernis.
5th and 12th Chasseur regiments.

2nd Brigade: General de la Mortière.
3rd and 5th Lancer regiments.

Division-Artillery.
One unit of horse artillery.

Reserve-Artillery: Colonel de Salignac-Fénelon.

Two 4-pounder batteries.
Two 12-pounder batteries.
Two horse-artillery batteries.

Two 4-pound batteries.
Two 12-pound batteries.
Two horse artillery units.

6th Corps

Marshal Canrobert.
Chief of Staff: General Henri.
Commanding Artillery: General de Berkheim.

Marshal Canrobert.
Chief of Staff: General Henri.
Commanding Artillery: General de Berkheim.

1st Infantry Division: General Tixier.

1st Brigade: General Péchot.
9th Chasseur battalion.
4th and 10th Line regiments.

2nd Brigade: General Le Roy de Dais.
12th and 100th Line regiments.

Division-Artillery.
Two 4-pounder, one mitrailleuse battery.

1st Brigade: General Péchot.
9th Chasseur Battalion.
4th and 10th Line regiments.

2nd Brigade: General Le Roy de Dais.
12th and 100th Line Regiments.

Division-Artillery.
Two 4-pound cannons and one machine gun battery.

2nd Infantry Division: General Bisson.[425]

1st Brigade: General Noël.
9th and 14th Line regiments.

2nd Brigade: General Maurice.
20th and 30th Line regiments.

Division-Artillery.
Two 4-pounder, one mitrailleuse battery.

1st Brigade: General Noël.
9th and 14th Infantry units.

2nd Brigade: General Maurice.
20th and 30th Infantry regiments.

Division-Artillery.
Two 4-pound cannons and one machine gun battery.

3rd Infantry Division: General La Font de Villiers.

1st Brigade: General Becquet de Sonnay.
75th and 91st Line regiments.

2nd Brigade: General Colin.
93rd Line regiment.

Division-Artillery.
Two 4-pounder, one mitrailleuse battery.

1st Brigade: General Becquet de Sonnay.
75th and 91st Line regiments.

2nd Brigade: General Colin.
93rd Line Regiment.

Division-Artillery.
Two 4-pounder cannons and one mitrailleuse battery.

4th Infantry Division: General Levassor-Sorval.

1st Brigade: General de Marguenat.
25th and 26th Line regiments.

2nd Brigade: General de Chanaleilles.
28th and 70th Line regiments.

Division-Artillery.
Two 4-pounder, one mitrailleuse battery.

1st Brigade: General de Marguenat.
25th and 26th Line regiments.

2nd Brigade: General de Chanaleilles.
28th and 70th Line regiments.

Division-Artillery.
Two 4-pound cannons and one mitrailleuse battery.

Cavalry Division: General de Salignac-Fénelon.

1st Brigade: General Tilliard.
1st Hussar regiment.
6th Chasseur regiment.

2nd Brigade: General Savaresse.
1st and 7th Lancer regiments.

3rd Brigade: General de Béville.
5th and 6th Cuirassier regiments.

Division-Artillery.
Two batteries of horse-artillery.

1st Brigade: General Tilliard.
1st Hussar Regiment.
6th Chasseur Regiment.

2nd Brigade: General Savaresse.
1st and 7th Lancer Regiments.

3rd Brigade: General de Béville.
5th and 6th Cuirassier Regiments.

Division-Artillery.
Two units of horse artillery.

Reserve-Artillery: Colonel de Montluisant.

Two 4-pounder batteries.
Two 12-pounder batteries.
Four batteries of horse-artillery.

Two 4-pound batteries.
Two 12-pound batteries.
Four horse artillery units.

7th Division.

General Félix Douay.
Chief of Staff: General Renson.
Commanding Artillery: General Liègard.

General Félix Douay.
Chief of Staff: General Renson.
Commanding Artillery: General Liègard.

1st Infantry Division: General Conseil-Dumesnil.

1st Brigade: General Le Norman de Bretteville.
17th Chasseur battalion.
3rd and 21st Line regiments.

2nd Brigade: General Maire.
47th and 99th Line regiments.

Division-Artillery.
Two 4-pounder, two mitrailleuse batteries.

1st Brigade: General Le Norman de Bretteville.
17th Chasseur Battalion.
3rd and 21st Line regiments.

2nd Brigade: General Maire.
47th and 99th Line Regiments.

Division-Artillery.
Two 4-pound cannons and two machine gun batteries.

2nd Infantry Division: General Liébert.[426]

1st Brigade: General Guiomar.
6th Chasseur battalion.
5th and 37th Line regiments.

2nd Brigade: General de la Bastide.
53rd and 89th Line regiments.

Division-Artillery.
Two 4-pounder, one mitrailleuse battery.

1st Brigade: General Guiomar.
6th Chasseur Battalion.
5th and 37th Line Regiments.

2nd Brigade: General de la Bastide.
53rd and 89th Line regiments.

Division-Artillery.
Two 4-pound cannons and one mitrailleuse battery.

3rd Infantry Division: General Dumont.

1st Brigade: General Bordas.
52nd and 72nd Line regiments.

2nd Brigade: General Bittard des Portes.
82nd and 83rd Line regiments.

Division-Artillery.
Two 4-pounder, one mitrailleuse battery.

1st Brigade: General Bordas.
52nd and 72nd Line units.

2nd Brigade: General Bittard des Portes.
82nd and 83rd Line regiments.

Division-Artillery.
Two 4-pound artillery batteries and one machine gun battery.

Cavalry Division: General Ameil.

1st Brigade: General Cambriel.
4th Hussar regiments.
4th and 8th Lancer regiments.

2nd Brigade: General Jolif du Coulombier.
6th Hussar regiment.
6th Dragoon regiment.

Division-Artillery.
One battery of horse-artillery.

1st Brigade: General Cambriel.
4th Hussar regiments.
4th and 8th Lancer regiments.

2nd Brigade: General Jolif du Coulombier.
6th Hussar Regiment.
6th Dragoon Regiment.

Division-Artillery.
One battery of horse artillery.

Reserve Artillery.

Two 4-pounder batteries.
Two 12-pounder batteries.
Two batteries horse-artillery.

Two 4-pound artillery units.
Two 12-pound cannons.
Two horse artillery units.

Reserve cavalry.
1st Division: General du Barrail.

1st Brigade: General Margueritte.
1st and 3rd regiments Chasseurs d'Afrique.

2nd Brigade: General de Lajaille.
2nd and 4th regiments Chasseurs d'Afrique.

Division-Artillery.
Two batteries of horse-artillery.

1st Brigade: General Margueritte.
1st and 3rd regiments of African Hunters.

2nd Brigade: General de Lajaille.
2nd and 4th Regiments of African Hunters.

Division-Artillery.
Two horse artillery batteries.

2nd Division: General de Bonnemains.

1st Brigade: General Girard.
1st and 2nd Cuirassier regiments.

2nd Brigade:
3rd and 4th Cuirassier regiments.

Division-Artillery.
Two batteries of horse-artillery.

1st Brigade: General Girard.
1st and 2nd Cuirassier regiments.

2nd Brigade:
3rd and 4th Cuirassier regiments.

Division-Artillery.
Two batteries of horse artillery.

3rd Division: General Marquis de Forton.

1st Brigade: General Prince J. Murat.
1st and 9th Dragoon regiments.

2nd Brigade: General de Grammont.
7th and 10th Cuirassier regiments.

Division-Artillery.
Two batteries of horse-artillery.

1st Brigade: General Prince J. Murat.
1st and 9th Dragoon regiments.

2nd Brigade: General de Grammont.
7th and 10th Cuirassier regiments.

Division-Artillery.
Two batteries of horse artillery.

Great Artillery Reserve.[427]

General Cann.
Chief of Staff: Colonel Laffont de Ladébat.
13th Field-Artillery regiment.
Eight 12-pounder batteries.
18th Field-Artillery regiment.
Eight batteries of horse-artillery.
Three mountain batteries.

General Cann.
Chief of Staff: Colonel Laffont de Ladébat.
13th Field Artillery Regiment.
Eight 12-pound batteries.
18th Field Artillery Regiment.
Eight batteries of horse artillery.
Three mountain batteries.


Note.—The 6th Corps (Canrobert), when ordered to Metz from Châlons, left there three line regiments, its cavalry division, and reserve artillery.

Note.—The 6th Corps (Canrobert), when directed to Metz from Châlons, left behind three line regiments, its cavalry division, and reserve artillery.

The battle of Wörth divided the original Army of the Rhine into two parts, one of which is generally known as "The Army of Metz," and the other, with additions, became "The Army of Châlons." Their respective "Orders of Battle" follow:—

The battle of Wörth split the original Army of the Rhine into two divisions, one referred to as "The Army of Metz," and the other, with some reinforcements, became "The Army of Châlons." Their respective "Orders of Battle" follow:—

ORDER OF BATTLE OF THE ARMY OF CHÂLONS.

Commander-in-Chief: Marshal MacMahon, Duke of Magenta, afterwards General de Wimpfen.
Chief of Staff: General Faure.
Commanding Artillery: General Forgeot.
Commanding Engineer: General Dejean.
Intendant-General: Rousillon.

Commander-in-Chief: Marshal MacMahon, Duke of Magenta, later General de Wimpfen.
Chief of Staff: General Faure.
Commanding Artillery: General Forgeot.
Commanding Engineer: General Dejean.
Intendant-General: Rousillon.

1st Corps.

General Ducrot.
Chief of Staff: Colonel Robert.
Commanding Artillery: General Frigola.

General Ducrot.
Chief of Staff: Colonel Robert.
Commanding Artillery: General Frigola.

1st Infantry Division: General Wolff.

1st Brigade: General Moreno.
13th Chasseur battalion.
18th and 96th Line regiments.
2nd Brigade: General de Postis du Houlbec.
45th Line regiment.
1st Zouave regiment.
Division-Artillery.
Two 4-pounder, one mitrailleuse battery.

1st Brigade: General Moreno.
13th Chasseur Battalion.
18th and 96th Line regiments.
2nd Brigade: General de Postis du Houlbec.
45th Line Regiment.
1st Zouave Regiment.
Division-Artillery.
Two 4-pound cannon batteries and one machine gun battery.

2nd Infantry Division: General Pellé.

1st Brigade: General Pelletier de Montmarie.
16th Chasseur battalion.
50th and 74th Line regiments.
2nd Brigade: General Gandil.
78th Line regiment.
1st regiment of Turcos.
1st "marching" regiment.
Division-Artillery.
Two 4-pounder, one mitrailleuse battery.

1st Brigade: General Pelletier de Montmarie.
16th Chasseur Battalion.
50th and 74th Line regiments.
2nd Brigade: General Gandil.
78th Line Regiment.
1st Turcos Regiment.
1st "marching" battalion.
Division-Artillery.
Two 4-pounder guns, one mitrailleuse battery.

3rd Infantry Division: General L'Heriller.[428]

1st Brigade: General Carteret-Trécourt.
8th Chasseur battalion.
2nd Zouave regiment.
36th Line regiment.

2nd Brigade: General Lefébvre.
2nd regiment of Turcos.
48th Line regiment.
1st battalion of Franctireurs of Paris.

Division-Artillery.
Two 4 pounder, one mitrailleuse battery.

1st Brigade: General Carteret-Trécourt.
8th Chasseur Battalion.
2nd Zouave Regiment.
36th Line Regiment.

2nd Brigade: General Lefébvre.
2nd Regiment of Turcos.
48th Line Regiment.
1st Battalion of Paris Francs-Tireurs.

Division-Artillery.
Two 4-pound cannons and one mitrailleuse battery.

4th Infantry Division: General de Lartigue.

1st Brigade: General Fraboulet de Kerléadec.
1st Chasseur battalion.
3rd regiment of Tirailleurs (Turcos).
56th Line regiment.

2nd Brigade: General de Bellemare.
3rd Zouave regiment.
2nd "marching" regiment.

Division-Artillery.
Two 4-pounder, one mitrailleuse battery.

1st Brigade: General Fraboulet de Kerléadec.
1st Chasseur Battalion.
3rd Regiment of Tirailleurs (Turcos).
56th Line Regiment.

2nd Brigade: General de Bellemare.
3rd Zouave Regiment.
2nd "Marching" Regiment.

Division-Artillery.
Two 4-pound cannons and one mitrailleuse battery.

Cavalry Division: General Duhesme; after August 25, General Michel.

1st Brigade: General de Septeuil.
3rd Hussar regiment.
11th Chasseur regiment.

2nd Brigade: General de Nansouty.
2nd and 6th Lancer regiments.
10th Dragoon regiment.

3rd Brigade: General Michel.
8th and 9th Cuirassier regiments.

1st Brigade: General de Septeuil.
3rd Hussar Regiment.
11th Chasseur Regiment.

2nd Brigade: General de Nansouty.
2nd and 6th Lancer regiments.
10th Dragoon Regiment.

3rd Brigade: General Michel.
8th and 9th Cuirassier regiments.

Reserve Artillery: Colonel Grouvell.

Two 4-pounder batteries.
Two 12-pounder batteries.
Four batteries of horse-artillery.

Two 4-pound batteries.
Two 12-lb batteries.
Four horse artillery units.

5th Corps.

General de Failly.
Chief of Staff: General Besson.
Commanding Artillery: General Liédot.

General de Failly.
Chief of Staff: General Besson.
Commanding Artillery: General Liédot.

1st Infantry Division: General Goze.

1st Brigade: General Grenier, later General Saurin.
4th Chasseur battalion.
11th and 46th Line regiments.

2nd Brigade: General Baron Nicolas-Nicolas.
61st and 86th Line regiments.

Division-Artillery.
Two 4-pounder, one mitrailleuse battery.

1st Brigade: General Grenier, later General Saurin.
4th Chasseur Battalion.
11th and 46th Line Regiments.

2nd Brigade: General Baron Nicolas-Nicolas.
61st and 86th Line Regiments.

Division-Artillery.
Two 4-pound batteries and one mitrailleuse battery.

2nd Infantry Division: General de l'Abadie d'Aydrein.[429]

1st Brigade: General Lapasset.
(With the army of Metz.)

2nd Brigade: General de Maussion.
88th and 97th Line regiments.

Division-Artillery.
Two 4-pounder, one mitrailleuse battery.

1st Brigade: General Lapasset.
(With the Metz troops.)

2nd Brigade: General de Maussion.
88th and 97th Line regiments.

Division-Artillery.
Two 4-pound guns and one mitrailleuse battery.

3rd Infantry Division: General Guyot de Lespart.

1st Brigade: General Abbatucci.
19th Chasseur battalion.
17th and 27th Line regiments.

2nd Brigade: General de Fontanges de Couzan.
30th and 68th Line regiments.

Division-Artillery.
Two 4-pounder, one mitrailleuse battery.

1st Brigade: General Abbatucci.
19th Chasseur Battalion.
17th and 27th Line regiments.

2nd Brigade: General de Fontanges de Couzan.
30th and 68th Infantry Regiments.

Division-Artillery.
Two 4-pound cannons and one mitrailleuse battery.

Cavalry Division: General Brahaut.

1st Brigade: General Viscount Pierre de Bernis.
5th and 6th Chasseur regiments.

2nd Brigade: General de la Mortière.
3rd and 5th Lancer regiments.

Division-Artillery.
One battery of horse-artillery.

1st Brigade: General Viscount Pierre de Bernis.
5th and 6th Chasseur regiments.

2nd Brigade: General de la Mortière.
3rd and 5th Lancer regiments.

Division-Artillery.
One battery of horse artillery.

Reserve Artillery: Colonel de Salignac-Fénelon.

Two 4-pounder batteries.
Two 12-pounder batteries.
Two batteries of horse-artillery.

Two 4-pound cannon batteries.
Two 12-pound cannon crews.
Two units of horse artillery.

7th Corps.

General Félix Douay.
Chief of Staff: General Renson.
Commanding Artillery: General Liègard.

General Félix Douay.
Chief of Staff: General Renson.
Commanding Artillery: General Liègard.

1st Infantry Division: General Conseil-Dumesnil.

1st Brigade: General Morand, afterwards General la Brettevillois.
17th Chasseur battalion.
3rd and 21st Line regiments.

2nd Brigade: General St. Hilaire.
47th and 99th Line regiments.

Division-Artillery.
Two 4-pounder, two mitrailleuse batteries.

1st Brigade: General Morand, later General la Brettevillois.
17th Chasseur Battalion.
3rd and 21st Line regiments.

2nd Brigade: General St. Hilaire.
47th and 99th Line Regiments.

Division-Artillery.
Two 4-pound cannons and two machine gun batteries.

2nd Infantry Division: General Liébert.

1st Brigade: General Guiomar.
6th Chasseur battalion.
5th and 37th Line regiments.

2nd Brigade: General de la Bastide.
53rd and 89th Line regiments.

Division-Artillery.
Two 4-pounder, one mitrailleuse battery.

1st Brigade: General Guiomar.
6th Chasseur Battalion.
5th and 37th Line regiments.

2nd Brigade: General de la Bastide.
53rd and 89th Infantry Regiments.

Division-Artillery.
Two 4-pounders, one mitrailleuse battery.

3rd Infantry Division: General Dumont.[430]

1st Brigade: General Bordas.
52nd and 72nd Line regiments.

2nd Brigade: General Bittard des Portes.
82nd and 83rd Line regiments.

Division-Artillery.
Two 4-pounder, one mitrailleuse battery.

1st Brigade: General Bordas.
52nd and 72nd Line regiments.

2nd Brigade: General Bittard des Portes.
82nd and 83rd Line regiments.

Division-Artillery.
Two 4-pounder cannons and one machine gun battery.

Cavalry Brigade: General Ameil.

1st Brigade: General Cambriel.
4th Hussar regiment.
4th and 8th Lancer regiments.

2nd Brigade: General du Coulombier (appointed).

Division-Artillery.
One battery of horse-artillery.

1st Brigade: General Cambriel.
4th Hussars.
4th and 8th Lancer Regiments.

2nd Brigade: General du Coulombier (appointed).

Division-Artillery.
One unit of horse artillery.

Reserve-Artillery: Colonel Aubac.

Two 4-pounder batteries.
Two 12-pounder batteries.
Two batteries of horse-artillery.

Two 4-pound artillery batteries.
Two 12-pound batteries.
Two horse artillery batteries.

12th Corps.

General Lebrun.
Chief of Staff: General Gresley.
Commanding Artillery: General d'Ouvrier de Villegly.

General Lebrun.
Chief of Staff: General Gresley.
Commanding Artillery: General d'Ouvrier de Villegly.

1st Infantry Division: General Grandchamp.

1st Brigade: General Cambriels.
1 Chasseur marching battalion.
22nd and 34th Line regiments.

2nd Brigade: General de Villeneuve.
58th and 72nd Line regiments.

Division-Artillery.
Two 4-pounder, one mitrailleuse battery.

1st Brigade: General Cambriels.
1 Infantry battalion.
22nd and 34th Line regiments.

2nd Brigade: General de Villeneuve.
58th and 72nd Line regiments.

Division-Artillery.
Two 4-pound cannons and one mitrailleuse battery.

2nd Infantry Division: General Lacretelle.

1st Brigade: General Bernier Maligny.
14th, 20th, and 30th Line regiments.

2nd Brigade: General Marquisan.
3rd and 4th marching regiments.

Division-Artillery.
Two 4-pounder, two mitrailleuse batteries.

1st Brigade: General Bernier Maligny.
14th, 20th, and 30th Infantry regiments.

2nd Brigade: General Marquisan.
3rd and 4th marching units.

Division-Artillery.
Two 4-pounder cannons and two machine-gun batteries.

3rd Infantry Division: General de Vassoigne.

1st Brigade: General Reboul.
1st and 2nd regiments of marine infantry.

2nd Brigade: General Martin de Paillières.
3rd and 4th regiments of marine infantry.

Division-Artillery.
Two 4-pounder, one mitrailleuse battery.

1st Brigade: General Reboul.
1st and 2nd regiments of marine infantry.

2nd Brigade: General Martin de Paillières.
3rd and 4th regiments of Marine infantry.

Division-Artillery.
Two 4-pound cannons and one machine gun battery.

Cavalry Division: General de Salignac-Fénelon.[431]

1st Brigade: General Savaresse.
1st and 7th Lancer regiments.

2nd Brigade: General de Béville.
5th and 6th Cuirassier regiments.

3rd Brigade: General Leforestier de Vendeune.
7th and 8th Chasseurs.

1st Brigade: General Savaresse.
1st and 7th Lancer units.

2nd Brigade: General de Béville.
5th and 6th Cuirassier regiments.

3rd Brigade: General Leforestier de Vendeune.
7th and 8th Hunters.

Reserve Artillery: Colonel Brisac.

Two 4-pounder batteries.
Two 12-pounder batteries.
Two batteries of horse-artillery.

Two 4-pound batteries.
Two 12-pound batteries.
Two units of horse artillery.

Reserve Mounted Unit.
1st Reserve Cavalry Division: General Margueritte.

1st Brigade: General Tillard.
1st and 2nd Chasseurs regiments.

2nd Brigade: General de Galiffet.
1st, 3rd and 4th Chasseurs d'Afrique.

Division-Artillery.
Two batteries of horse-artillery.

1st Brigade: General Tillard.
1st and 2nd Chassuers regiments.

2nd Brigade: General de Galiffet.
1st, 3rd, and 4th Chasseurs d'Afrique.

Division-Artillery.
Two units of horse artillery.

2nd Reserve Cavalry Division: General de Bonnemains.

1st Brigade: General Girard.
1st Hussar regiment.
47th Chasseur regiment.

2nd Brigade: General de Brauer.
2nd and 3rd Cuirassiers.

1st Brigade: General Girard.
1st Hussar Regiment.
47th Chasseur Regiment.

2nd Brigade: General de Brauer.
2nd and 3rd Cuirassier Regiments.

ORDER OF BATTLE OF THE ARMY OF METZ.

Commander-in-Chief: Marshal Bazaine.
Chief of Staff: General Jarras.
Commanding Artillery: General Soleille.
Commanding Engineer: General Viala.

Commander-in-Chief: Marshal Bazaine.
Chief of Staff: General Jarras.
Commanding Artillery: General Soleille.
Commanding Engineer: General Viala.

The Imperial Guard.

General Bourbaki (afterwards General Desvaux).
Chief of Staff: General d'Auvergne.
Commanding Artillery: General Pé-de-Arros.

General Bourbaki (later General Desvaux).
Chief of Staff: General d'Auvergne.
Commanding Artillery: General Pé-de-Arros.

(Detail as above.)

2nd Corps.

General Frossard.

General Frossard.

(Detail as above with the exception of the 3rd Division (Laveaucoupet's) detached to garrison duty.)

(Detail as above except for the 3rd Division (Laveaucoupet's) assigned to garrison duty.)

3rd Corps

General Decaen, afterwards Marshal Le Bœuf.

General Decaen, later Marshal Le Bœuf.

(Detail as above.)

4th Corps.[432]

General de Ladmirault.

General de Ladmirault.

(Detail as above.)

6th Corps.

Marshal Canrobert.

Marshal Canrobert.

(Detail as above, with the exception that the Corps when ordered up to Metz, left behind at Châlons three infantry regiments, its cavalry division, its reserve artillery, and division artillery of the 2nd Division.)

(Detail as above, except that the Corps, when ordered to Metz, left behind three infantry regiments, its cavalry division, its reserve artillery, and the division artillery of the 2nd Division at Châlons.)

Lapasset's Brigade (from attached 5th Corps).

General Lapasset.
14th Chasseur battalion.
49th and 84th Line regiments.

Lapasset's Brigade (from attached 5th Corps).

General Lapasset.
14th Chasseur Battalion.
49th and 84th Line regiments.

Reserve cavalry.
1st Reserve Cavalry Division: General du Barrail.

1st Brigade: General Margueritte.
(Vide Army of Châlons.)

2nd Brigade: General de Lajaille.
2nd Regiment of Chasseurs d'Afrique.
(The 4th regiment of Chasseurs d'Afrique remained at Châlons.)

Division-Artillery.
Two batteries of horse-artillery.

1st Brigade: General Margueritte.
(See Army of Châlons.)

2nd Brigade: General de Lajaille.
2nd African Chasseurs Regiment.
The 4th Regiment of Chasseurs d'Afrique stayed in Châlons.

Division-Artillery.
Two units of horse artillery.

2nd Reserve Cavalry Division: General de Forton.

1st Brigade: General Prince J. Murat.
1st and 9th Dragoon regiments.

2nd Brigade: General de Grammont.
7th and 10th Cuirassier regiments.

1st Brigade: General Prince J. Murat.
1st and 9th Dragoon regiments.

2nd Brigade: General de Grammont.
7th and 10th Cuirassier units.

Artillery Reserve.
(As above, less six batteries detached to the 6th Corps.)

ORDER OF BATTLE OF THE GERMAN ARMIES
ON 1ST AUGUST, 1870.

Commander-in-Chief: H.M. the King of Prussia.

Commander-in-Chief: H.M. King of Prussia.

King's aides-de-camp: General von Boyen; Lieut.-General von Treskow; Major-General von Steinäcker; Colonel Count Lehndorff; Lieut.-Colonel Prince Radziwill; Lieut.-Colonel Count Waldersee; Major von Alten.

King's aides-de-camp: General von Boyen; Lieutenant General von Treskow; Major General von Steinäcker; Colonel Count Lehndorff; Lieutenant Colonel Prince Radziwill; Lieutenant Colonel Count Waldersee; Major von Alten.

Chief of Staff: General Baron von Moltke.
Quarter-Master General: Lieut.-General von Podbielski.

Chief of Staff: General Baron von Moltke.
Quarter-Master General: Lieutenant General von Podbielski.

Divisional Chiefs of Staff: Lieut.-Colonel Bronsart von Schellendorf; Lieut.-Colonel von Verdy du Vernois; Lieut.-Colonel von Brandenstein.

Divisional Chiefs of Staff: Lieutenant Colonel Bronsart von Schellendorf; Lieutenant Colonel von Verdy du Vernois; Lieutenant Colonel von Brandenstein.

Inspector-General of Artillery: General von Hindersin.
Inspector-General of Engineers: Lieut.-General von Kleist.
Commissary-General: Lieut.-General von Stosch.

Inspector-General of Artillery: General von Hindersin.
Inspector-General of Engineers: Lieutenant General von Kleist.
Commissary General: Lieutenant General von Stosch.

I. ARMY.[433]

Commander-in-Chief: General von Steinmetz, afterwards General von Manteuffel.
Chief of Staff: Major-General von Sperling.
Quartermaster-General: Colonel Count von Wartensleben.
Commanding Artillery: Lieut.-General Schwartz.
Commanding Engineer: Major-General Biehler.

Commander-in-Chief: General von Steinmetz, later General von Manteuffel.
Chief of Staff: Major-General von Sperling.
Quartermaster-General: Colonel Count von Wartensleben.
Commanding Artillery: Lieutenant General Schwartz.
Commanding Engineer: Major-General Biehler.

7th Corps - Westphalia.

Infantry-General von Zastrow.
Chief of Staff: Colonel von Unger.
Commanding Artillery: Major-General von Zimmermann.
Commanding Engineer: Major Treumann.

Infantry General von Zastrow.
Chief of Staff: Colonel von Unger.
Commanding Artillery: Major General von Zimmermann.
Commanding Engineer: Major Treumann.

13th Infantry Division: Lieut.-General von Glümer.

25th Brigade: Major-General Baron v. d. Osten Sacken.
1st Westphalian Infantry regiment, No. 13.
Hanoverian Fusilier regiment, No. 73.

26th Brigade: Major-General Baron v. d. Goltz.
2nd Westphalian Infantry regiment, No. 15.
6th Westphalian Infantry regiment, No. 55.

Attached to Division:
7th Westphalian Jäger battalion.
1st Westphalian Hussar regiment, No. 8.
Five batteries (two heavy, two light, and one horse-artillery) of the
7th field-artillery regiment.

2nd Field-pioneer company, 7th corps, with entrenching tool-column.

3rd Field-pioneer company, 7th corps.

25th Brigade: Major-General Baron von Osten Sacken.
1st Westphalian Infantry Regiment, No. 13.
Hanoverian Fusilier Regiment No. 73.

26th Brigade: Major-General Baron von Goltz.
2nd Westphalian Infantry Regiment, No. 15.
6th Westphalian Infantry Regiment, No. 55.

Attached to Division:
7th Westphalian Hunter Battalion.
1st Westphalian Hussar Regiment, No. 8.
Five batteries (two heavy, two light, and one horse artillery) of the
7th Field Artillery Regiment.

2nd Field Pioneer Company, 7th Corps, with entrenching tool-column.

3rd Field Pioneer Company, 7th Corps.

14th Infantry Division: Lieut.-General von Kamecke.

27th Brigade: Major-General von François.
Lower Rhine Fusilier regiment, No. 39.
1st Hanoverian Infantry regiment, No. 74.

28th Brigade: Major-General von Woyna.
5th Westphalian Infantry regiment, No. 53.
2nd Hanoverian Infantry regiment, No. 77.

Attached to Division:
Four batteries (two heavy and two light) of the 7th Westphalian
field-artillery regiment.
Hanoverian Hussar regiment, No. 15.
1st Field-pioneer company, 7th corps, with light bridging-train.

27th Brigade: Major-General von François.
Lower Rhine Fusilier Regiment No. 39.
1st Hanoverian Infantry Regiment, No. 74.

28th Brigade: Major-General von Woyna.
5th Westphalian Infantry Regiment, No. 53.
2nd Hanoverian Infantry Regiment, No. 77.

Attached to Division:
Four batteries (two heavy and two light) of the 7th Westphalian
Field Artillery Unit.
Hannover Hussar Regiment No. 15.
1st Field Pioneer Company, 7th Corps, equipped with a light bridging train.

Corps-Artillery: Colonel von Helden-Sarnowski.

Two Horse artillery, two light, and two heavy field-batteries of the
7th Field-artillery regiment.
Artillery Ammunition columns.
Infantry      "        "
"    Pontoon      "

The 7th Westphalian train-battalion.

Two horse artillery batteries, two light field batteries, and two heavy field batteries of the __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
7th Field Artillery Reg.
Artillery ammo columns.
Infantry
"Pontoon"

The 7th Westphalian train battalion.

8th Corps—Rhine Region.

Infantry-General von Goeben.
Chief of Staff: Colonel von Witzendorff.
Commanding Artillery: Colonel von Kamecke.
Commanding Engineer: Lieut.-Colonel Schulz.

Infantry General von Goeben.
Chief of Staff: Colonel von Witzendorff.
Commanding Artillery: Colonel von Kamecke.
Commanding Engineer: Lieutenant Colonel Schulz.

15th Infantry Division: Lieut.-General von Weltzien. [434]

29th Brigade: Major-General von Wedell.
East Prussian Fusilier regiment, No. 33.
7th Brandenburg Infantry regiment, No. 60.

30th Brigade: Major-General von Strubberg.
2nd Rhine Province Infantry regiment, No. 28.
4th Magdeburg Infantry regiment, No. 67.

Attached to Division:
8th Rhine Province Jäger battalion.
King's Hussar regiment (1st Rhine), No. 7.
Four batteries (two heavy, two light) of 8th Field-Artillery regiment.
2nd Field-pioneer company, 8th corps, with entrenching tool-column.

29th Brigade: Major-General von Wedell.
East Prussian Fusilier Regiment No. 33.
7th Brandenburg Infantry Regiment, No. 60.

30th Brigade: Major-General von Strubberg.
2nd Rhine Province Infantry Regiment, No. 28.
4th Magdeburg Infantry Regiment, No. 67.

Attached to Division:
8th Rhine Province Hunter Battalion.
King's Hussar Regiment (1st Rhine), No. 7.
Four batteries (two heavy, two light) from the 8th Field Artillery Regiment.
2nd Field Pioneer Company, 8th Corps, with a group of entrenching tools.

16th Infantry Division: Lieut.-General von Barnekow.

31st Brigade: Major-General Count Neidhardt v. Gneisenau.
3rd Rhine Province Infantry regiment, No. 29.
7th Rhine Province Infantry regiment, No. 69.

32nd Brigade: Colonel von Rex.
Hohenzollern Fusilier regiment, No. 40.
4th Thüringian Infantry regiment, No. 72.

Attached to Division:
2nd Rhine Hussar regiment, No. 9.
Four batteries (two heavy, two light) of 8th Field-artillery regiment.
1st Field-pioneer company, 8th corps, with light bridging-train.
3rd Field-pioneer company, 8th corps.

31st Brigade: Major-General Count Neidhardt v. Gneisenau.
3rd Rhine Province Infantry Regiment, No. 29.
7th Infantry Regiment of the Rhine Province, No. 69.

32nd Brigade: Colonel von Rex.
Hohenzollern Fusilier Regiment No. 40.
4th Thuringian Infantry Regiment, No. 72.

Attached to Division:
2nd Rhine Hussar Regiment, No. 9.
Four batteries (two heavy and two light) of the 8th Field Artillery Regiment.
1st Field Pioneer Company, 8th Corps, equipped with a light bridging train.
3rd Field Pioneer Company, 8th Corps.

Corps Artillery: Colonel von Broecker.

Two batteries of horse-artillery, two heavy and two light field batteries,
of the 8th Field-artillery regiment.

Artillery, Infantry, and pontoon columns belonging to the 8th Field-artillery
regiment.

The 8th, Rhenish, train-battalion.

Two horse artillery batteries, two heavy field batteries, and two light field batteries,
from the 8th Field Artillery Regiment.

Artillery, infantry, and pontoon units belonging to the 8th Field Artillery
Unit.

The 8th Rhenish Train Battalion.

3rd Cavalry Division.

Lieut.-General Count v. d. Gröben.

Lieutenant General Count von Gröben.

6th Cavalry Brigade: Major-General von Mirus.
Rhine Prov. Cuirassier regiment, No. 8.
"        "    Uhlan regiment, No. 7.

7th Cavalry Brigade: Major-General Count zu Dohna.
Westphalian Uhlan regiment, No. 5.
2nd Hanoverian Uhlan regiment, No. 14.

One battery of horse-artillery of the 7th Westphalian Field-artillery
regiment.

6th Cavalry Brigade: Major-General von Mirus.
Rhine Provincial Cuirassier Regiment No. 8.
"Uhlan Regiment, No. 7."

7th Cavalry Brigade: Major-General Count zu Dohna.
Westphalian Uhlan Regiment No. 5.
2nd Hanoverian Uhlan Regiment, No. 14.

One battery of horse artillery from the 7th Westphalian Field Artillery
Battalion.

1st Corps—Eastern Prussia.

Cavalry-General Baron von Manteuffel.
Chief of Staff: Lieut.-Colonel v. d. Burg.
Commanding Artillery: Major-General von Bergmann.
Commanding Engineer: Major Fahland.

Cavalry General Baron von Manteuffel.
Chief of Staff: Lieutenant Colonel v. d. Burg.
Commanding Artillery: Major General von Bergmann.
Commanding Engineer: Major Fahland.

1st Infantry Division: Lieut.-General von Bentheim.

1st Brigade: Major-General von Gayl.
Crown Prince's Grenadier regiment (1st East Prussian), No. 1.
5th East Prussian Infantry regiment, No. 41.

1st Brigade: Major-General von Gayl.
Crown Prince's Grenadier Regiment (1st East Prussian), No. 1.
5th East Prussian Infantry Regiment, No. 41.

2nd Brigade: Major-General von Falkenstein.[435]
2nd East Prussian Grenadier regiment, No. 3.
6th  "      "    Infantry regiment, No. 43.

Attached to Division:
East Prussian Jäger battalion, No. 1.
Lithuanian Dragoon regiment, No. 1.
Four batteries (two heavy, two light) of 1st East Prussian Field-artillery
regiment.
2nd Field-pioneer company, 1st corps, with entrenching tool-column.
3rd Field-pioneer company, 1st corps.

2nd Brigade: Major-General von Falkenstein.[435]
2nd East Prussian Grenadier Regiment, No. 3.
6th Infantry Regiment, #43.

Attached to Division:
East Prussian Jäger Battalion No. 1.
Lithuanian Dragoon Regiment #1.
Four batteries (two heavy, two light) from the 1st East Prussian Field Artillery Regiment.
2nd Field Pioneer Company, 1st Corps, with an entrenching tool column.
3rd Field Pioneer Company, 1st Corps.

2nd Infantry Division: Major-General von Pritzelwitz.

3rd Brigade: Major-General von Memerty.
3rd East Prussian Grenadier regiment, No. 4.
7th  "      "    Infantry regiment, No. 44.

4th Brigade: Major-General von Zzlinitzki.
4th East Prussian Grenadier regiment, No. 5.
8th  "      "    Infantry regiment, No. 45.

Attached to Division:
East Prussian Dragoon regiment, No. 10.
Four batteries (two heavy, two light) of 1st, East Prussian, Field-artillery
regiment.
1st Field-pioneer company, 1st corps, with light bridging-train.

3rd Brigade: Major-General von Memerty.
3rd East Prussian Grenadier Regiment, No. 4.
7th Infantry Regiment, #44.

4th Brigade: Major-General von Zzlinitzki.
4th East Prussian Grenadier Regiment, No. 5.
8th Infantry Regiment, #45.

Attached to Division:
East Prussian Dragoon Regiment No. 10.
Four batteries (two heavy, two light) from the 1st East Prussian Field Artillery Regiment.
1st Field Pioneer Company, 1st Corps, equipped with a light bridging train.

Corps-Artillery: Colonel Junge.

Two batteries of horse-artillery }
Two light field-batteries           } of 1st, East Prussian,
Two heavy " "                       }  Field-artillery regiment.

Artillery and Infantry ammunition, and pontoon columns belonging to 1st
Field-artillery regiment.

The 1st East Prussian train-battalion.

Two units of horse artillery
Two light field batteries from the 1st East Prussian,
Two heavy " " } field artillery regiments.

Artillery and infantry ammunition, along with pontoon columns from the 1st
artillery unit.

The 1st East Prussian supply battalion.

1st Cavalry Division.

Lieut.-General von Hartmann.

Lieutenant General von Hartmann.

1st Cavalry Brigade: Major-General von Lüderitz.
Queen's Cuirassier regiment (Pomeranian), No. 2.
1st Pomeranian Uhlan regiment, No. 4.
2nd    "      "      "      No. 9.

2nd Cavalry Brigade: Major-General Baumgarth.
East Prussian Cuirassier regiment, No. 3.
"    "    Uhlan regiment, No. 8.
Lithuanian      "      "    No. 12.

One battery of horse-artillery of the 1st, East Prussian, Field-artillery
regiment.

1st Cavalry Brigade: Major-General von Lüderitz.
Queen's Cuirassier Regiment (Pomeranian), No. 2.
1st Pomeranian Uhlan Regiment, No. 4.
2nd Pomeranian Uhlan Regiment, No. 9.

2nd Cavalry Brigade: Major-General Baumgarth.
East Prussian Cuirassier Regiment, No. 3.
East Prussian Uhlan Regiment No. 8.
Lithuanian Uhlan Regiment #12.

One battery of horse artillery from the 1st East Prussian Field Artillery
Regiment.

II. ARMY.

Commander-in-Chief: Cavalry-General H.R.H. Prince Frederic Charles
of Prussia.
Chief of Staff: Major-General von Stiehle.
Quartermaster-General: Colonel von Hertzberg.
Commanding Artillery: Lieut.-General von Colomier.
Commanding Engineer: Colonel Leuthaus.

Commander-in-Chief: Cavalry-General H.R.H. Prince Frederic Charles
of Prussia.
Chief of Staff: Major-General von Stiehle.
Quartermaster-General: Colonel von Hertzberg.
Commanding Artillery: Lieut.-General von Colomier.
Commanding Engineer: Colonel Leuthaus.

Guard Corps—General. [436]

Cavalry-General H.R.H. Prince August of Würtemberg.
Chief of Staff: Major-General von Dannenberg.
Commanding Artillery: Major-General Prince Kraft of Hohenloh
Ingelsingen.
Commanding Engineer: Lieut.-Colonel Bogun von Wangenheim.

Cavalry-General H.R.H. Prince August of Würtemberg.
Chief of Staff: Major-General von Dannenberg.
Commanding Artillery: Major-General Prince Kraft of Hohenloh
Ingelsingen.
Commanding Engineer: Lieut.-Colonel Bogun von Wangenheim.

1st Guard-Infantry Division: Major-General von Pape.

1st Brigade: Major-General von Kessel.
1st regiment of Foot Guards.
3rd    "        "      "

2nd Brigade: Major-General Baron von Medem.
2nd regiment of Foot Guards.
Guard Fusilier regiment.
4th regiment of Foot Guards.

Attached to Division:
Guard Jäger battalion.
"  Hussar regiment.
Four batteries (two heavy, two light) of Guard field-artillery regiment.
1st Field-pioneer company of the Guard with light bridging-train.

1st Brigade: Major-General von Kessel.
1st Foot Guards Regiment.
3rd Foot Guards Regiment.

2nd Brigade: Major-General Baron von Medem.
2nd Foot Guards Regiment.
Guard Fusilier Regiment.
4th Foot Guards Regiment.

Attached to Division:
Guard Jäger Battalion.
Hussar Regiment.
Four batteries (two heavy, two light) from the Guard Field Artillery Regiment.
1st Field Pioneer Company of the Guard with a light bridging team.

2nd Guard-Infantry Division: Lieut.-General von Budritzki.

3rd Brigade: Colonel Knappe von Knappstaedt.
1st Guard Grenadier regiment (Emperor Alexander's).
3rd  "      "        "      (Queen Elizabeth's).

4th Brigade: Major-General von Berger.
2nd Guard Grenadier regiment (Emperor Francis').
4th  "      "        "      (Queen's).

Attached to Division:
Guard Rifle battalion.
2nd Guard Uhlan regiment.
Four batteries (two heavy, two light) of Guard field-artillery regiment.
2nd Field-pioneer company of the Guard with entrenching tool-column.
3rd Field-pioneer company of the Guard.

3rd Brigade: Colonel Knappe von Knappstaedt.
1st Guard Grenadier Regiment (Emperor Alexander's).
3rd Guard Grenadier Regiment (Queen Elizabeth's).

4th Brigade: Major-General von Berger.
2nd Guard Grenadier Regiment (Emperor Francis').
4th Grenadier Regiment (Queen's).

Attached to Division:
Guard Rifle Battalion.
2nd Guard Uhlan Regiment.
Four batteries (two heavy, two light) from the Guard Field Artillery Regiment.
2nd Field Pioneer Company of the Guard with a group of entrenching tools.
3rd Field Pioneer Company of the Guard.

Guard-Cavalry Division: Lieut.-General Count v. d. Goltz.

1st Brigade: Major-General Count von Brandenburg I.
Regiment of the Guard du Corps.
Guard Cuirassier regiment.

2nd Brigade: Major-General H.R.H. Prince Albert of Prussia.
1st Guard Uhlan regiment.
3rd  "    "      "

3rd Brigade: Major-General Count von Brandenburg II.
1st Guard Dragoon regiment.
2nd  "      "      "

1st Brigade: Major-General Count von Brandenburg I.
Regiment of the Guard of the Body.
Guard Cavalry regiment.

2nd Brigade: Major-General H.R.H. Prince Albert of Prussia.
1st Guard Uhlan Regiment.
3rd " " "

3rd Brigade: Major-General Count von Brandenburg II.
1st Dragoon Guard Regiment.
2nd

Corps-Artillery: Colonel von Scherbening.

Three batteries of horse-artillery  }
Two light field-batteries               }  of the Guard field-artillery
Two heavy  "         "                   }  regiment.

Artillery ammunition, Infantry ammunition, and pontoon columns of the
Guard field-artillery regiment.

Guard train-battalion.

Three horse artillery units
Two light field batteries from the Guard field artillery
Two heavy regiment.

Artillery ammo, infantry ammo, and pontoon units from the
Artillery guard regiment.

Guard supply battalion.

3rd Corps - Brandenburg. [437]

Lieut.-General von Alvensleben II.
Chief of Staff: Colonel von Voigts-Rhetz.
Commanding Artillery: Major-General von Bülow.
Commanding Engineer: Major Sabarth.

Lieutenant General von Alvensleben II.
Chief of Staff: Colonel von Voigts-Rhetz.
Commanding Artillery: Major General von Bülow.
Commanding Engineer: Major Sabarth.

5th Infantry Division: Lieut.-General von Stülpnagel.

9th Brigade: Major-General von Döring.
Leib.-Grenadier regiment (1st Brandenburg), No. 8.
5th Brandenburg Infantry regiment, No. 48.

10th Brigade: Major-General von Schwerin.
2nd Brandenburg Grenadier regiment, No. 12.
6th Brandenburg Infantry regiment, No. 52.

Attached to Division:
Brandenburg Jäger battalion, No. 3.
2nd Brandenburg Dragoon regiment, No. 12.
Four batteries (two heavy, two light) of the Brandenburg Field-artillery
regiment, No. 3.
3rd Field-pioneer company, 3rd corps.

9th Brigade: Major-General von Döring.
1st Brandenburg Leib Grenadier Regiment, No. 8.
5th Brandenburg Infantry Regiment, No. 48.

10th Brigade: Major-General von Schwerin.
2nd Brandenburg Grenadier Regiment, No. 12.
6th Brandenburg Infantry Regiment, No. 52.

Attached to Division:
Brandenburg Jäger Battalion 3.
2nd Brandenburg Dragoon Regiment, No. 12.
Four batteries (two heavy, two light) of the Brandenburg Field Artillery
Regiment 3.
3rd Field Pioneer Company, 3rd Corps.

6th Infantry Division: Lieut.-General Baron von Buddenbrock.

11th Brigade: Major-General von Rothmaler.
3rd Brandenburg Infantry regiment, No. 20.
Brandenburg Fusilier regiment, No. 35.

12th Brigade: Colonel von Bismarck.
4th Brandenburg Infantry regiment, No. 24.
8th Brandenburg Infantry regiment, No. 64.

Attached to Division:
1st Brandenburg Dragoon regiment, No. 2.
Four batteries (two heavy, two light) of the Brandenburg field-artillery
regiment, No. 3.
2nd Field-pioneer company, 3rd corps, with entrenching tool-column.

11th Brigade: Major-General von Rothmaler.
3rd Brandenburg Infantry Regiment, No. 20.
Brandenburg Fusilier Regiment 35.

12th Brigade: Colonel von Bismarck.
4th Brandenburg Infantry Regiment, No. 24.
8th Brandenburg Infantry Regiment, No. 64.

Attached to Division:
1st Brandenburg Dragoon Regiment, No. 2.
Four batteries (two heavy, two light) of the Brandenburg field artillery.
Regiment #3.
2nd Field Pioneer Company, 3rd Corps, with digging tool squad.

Corps-Artillery: Colonel von Dresky.

Two batteries of horse-artillery }
Two heavy field-batteries        } of the Brandenburg field-artillery
Two light  "      "                    }  regiment, No. 3.
1st Field-pioneer company, 3rd corps, with light bridging-train.

Artillery ammunition, Infantry ammunition, and pontoon columns of the
Brandenburg field-artillery regiment, No. 3.

Brandenburg train battalion.

Two batteries of horse artillery
Two heavy field batteries from the Brandenburg field artillery
Two light " " } regiment, No. 3.
1st field pioneer company, 3rd corps, equipped with a light bridging train.

Artillery ammunition, infantry ammunition, and pontoon columns of the
Brandenburg Field Artillery Regiment No. 3.

Brandenburg train battalion.

4th Corps—Saxon Regions and Anhalt.

Infantry-General von Alvensleben I.
Chief of Staff: Colonel von Thile.
Commanding Artillery: Major-General von Scherbening.
Commanding Engineer: Lieut.-Colonel von Eltester.

Infantry General von Alvensleben I.
Chief of Staff: Colonel von Thile.
Commanding Artillery: Major General von Scherbening.
Commanding Engineer: Lieutenant Colonel von Eltester.

7th Infantry Division: Lieut.-General von Grosz von Schwarzhoff.

13th Brigade: Major-General von Vorries.
1st Magdeburg Infantry regiment, No. 26.
3rd Magdeburg Infantry regiment, No. 66.

14th Brigade: Major-General von Zychlinski.
2nd Magdeburg Infantry regiment, No. 27.
Anhalt Infantry regiment, No. 93.

13th Brigade: Major-General von Vorries.
1st Magdeburg Infantry Regiment, No. 26.
3rd Magdeburg Infantry Regiment, No. 66.

14th Brigade: Major-General von Zychlinski.
2nd Magdeburg Infantry Regiment, No. 27.
Anhalt Infantry Regiment 93.

[438] Attached to Division:
Magdeburg Jäger battalion, No. 4.
Westphalian Dragoon regiment, No. 7.
Four batteries (two heavy, two light) of the Magdeburg field-artillery
regiment.
2nd Field-pioneer company, 4th corps, with entrenching tool-column.
3rd Field-pioneer company, 4th corps.

[438] Attached to Division:
Magdeburg Jäger Battalion No. 4.
Westphalian Dragoon Regiment No. 7.
Four batteries (two heavy, two light) of the Magdeburg field artillery
regiment.
2nd Field Pioneer Company, 4th Corps, with a column of entrenching tools.
3rd Field Pioneer Company, 4th Corps.

8th Infantry Division: Lieut.-General von Schöler.

15th Brigade: Major-General von Kessler.
1st Thüringian Infantry regiment, No. 31.
3rd    "        "          "    No. 71.

16th Brigade: Colonel von Scheffler.
Schleswig-Holstein Fusilier regiment, No. 86.
7th Thüringian Infantry regiment, No. 96.

Attached to Division:
Thüringian Hussar regiment, No. 12.
Four batteries (two heavy, two light) of the Magdeburg field-artillery
regiment, No. 4.
1st Field-pioneer company, 4th corps, with light bridge-train.

15th Brigade: Major-General von Kessler.
1st Thuringian Infantry Regiment, No. 31.
3rd " " " No. 71.

16th Brigade: Colonel von Scheffler.
Schleswig-Holstein Fusilier Regiment No. 86.
7th Thuringian Infantry Regiment, No. 96.

Attached to Division:
Thuringian Hussar Regiment No. 12.
Four batteries (two heavy and two light) from the Magdeburg Field Artillery Regiment, No. 4.
1st Field Pioneer Company, 4th Corps, equipped with a light bridge train.

Corps-Artillery: Colonel Crusius.

Two batteries of horse-artillery }
Two light field-batteries           } of the Magdeburg field-artillery
Two heavy  "    "                    }  regiment, No. 4.

Artillery ammunition, infantry ammunition, and pontoon columns belonging
to Magdeburg field-artillery regiment, No. 4.

Magdeburg train-battalion, No. 4.

Two batteries of horse artillery
Two light field batteries from the Magdeburg field artillery
Two heavy " " } regiment, No. 4.

Artillery ammunition, infantry ammunition, and pontoon columns from
the Magdeburg Field Artillery Regiment, No. 4.

Magdeburg train battalion, No. 4.

9th Corps—Schleswig-Holstein and Hesse.

Infantry-General von Manstein.
Chief of Staff: Major Bronsart von Schellendorf.
Commanding Artillery: Major-General Baron von Puttkammer.
Commanding Engineer: Major Hutier.

Infantry General von Manstein.
Chief of Staff: Major Bronsart von Schellendorf.
Commanding Artillery: Major General Baron von Puttkammer.
Commanding Engineer: Major Hutier.

18th Infantry Division: Lieut.-General Baron von Wrangel.

35th Brigade: Major-General von Blumenthal.
Magdeburg Fusilier regiment, No. 36.
Schleswig Infantry regiment, No. 84.

36th Brigade: Major-General von Below.
2nd Silesian Grenadier regiment, No. 11.
Holstein Infantry regiment, No. 85.

Attached to Division:
Lauenburg Jäger battalion, No. 9.
Magdeburg Dragoon regiment, No. 6.
Four batteries (two heavy, two light) of Schleswig-Holstein field-artillery regiment, No. 9.
2nd Field-pioneer company, 9th corps, with entrenching tool-column.
3rd Field-pioneer company, 9th corps.

35th Brigade: Major-General von Blumenthal.
Magdeburg Fusilier Regiment 36.
Schleswig Infantry Regiment 84.

36th Brigade: Major-General von Below.
2nd Silesian Grenadier Regiment, No. 11.
Holstein Infantry Regiment No. 85.

Attached to Division:
Lauenburg Jäger Battalion 9.
Magdeburg Dragoon Regiment No. 6
Four batteries (two heavy, two light) from the Schleswig-Holstein Field Artillery Regiment, No. 9.
2nd Field Pioneer Company, 9th Corps, with a column of entrenching tools.
3rd Field Pioneer Company, 9th Corps.

Hessian Division (25th): Lieut.-General Prince Louis of Hesse.

49th Brigade: Major-General von Wittich.
1st Infantry regiment (Body Guard).
2nd  "      "      (Grand Duke's).
1st (Guard) Jäger battalion.

49th Brigade: Major-General von Wittich.
1st Infantry Regiment (Bodyguard).
2nd " " (Grand Duke's).
1st Guard Jäger Battalion.

[439] 50th Brigade: Colonel von Lynker.
3rd Infantry regiment.
4th    "        "
2nd Jäger battalion.

(25th) Cavalry Brigade: Major-General Baron von Schlotheim.
1st Reiter regiment (Guard Cheveauxlegers).
2nd  "      "    (Leib Chevauxlegers).
One battery of horse-artillery.
Five field-batteries (two heavy, three light).
Pioneer company with light field bridge-train.

[439] 50th Brigade: Colonel von Lynker.
3rd Infantry Regiment.
4th
2nd Jäger Battalion.

(25th) Cavalry Brigade: Major-General Baron von Schlotheim.
1st Reiter Regiment (Guard Cavalry).
2nd " " (Leib Chevauxlegers).
One battery of horse artillery.
Five field batteries (two heavy and three light).
Leading company with light field bridge train.

Corps-Artillery: Colonel von Jagemann.

One battery of horse-artillery  }
Two light field-batteries          }  of the Schleswig-Holstein field-artillery
Two heavy  "      "                }    regiment, No. 9.

One unit of horse artillery
Two light field batteries of the Schleswig-Holstein field artillery
Two heavy " " } regiment, No. 9.

10th Corps—Hanover, Oldenburg, and Brunswick.

Infantry-General von Voigts-Rhetz.
Chief of Staff: Lieut.-Colonel von Caprivi.
Commanding Artillery: Colonel Baron v. d. Becke.
Commanding Engineer: Lieut.-Colonel Cramer.

Infantry General von Voigts-Rhetz.
Chief of Staff: Lieutenant Colonel von Caprivi.
Commanding Artillery: Colonel Baron von der Becke.
Commanding Engineer: Lieutenant Colonel Cramer.

19th Infantry Division: Lieut.-General von Schwartzkoppen.

37th Brigade: Colonel Lehmann.
East Frisian Infantry regiment, No. 78.
Oldenburg Infantry regiment, No. 91.

38th Brigade: Major-General von Wedell.
3rd Westphalian Infantry regiment, No. 16.
8th    "          "      "      No. 57.

Attached to Division:
1st Hanoverian Dragoon regiment, No. 9.
Four batteries (two heavy, two light) of Hanoverian field-artillery regiment, No. 10.
2nd Field-pioneer company, 10th corps, with entrenching tool-column.
3rd Field-pioneer company, 10th corps.

37th Brigade: Colonel Lehmann.
East Frisian Infantry Regiment, No. 78.
Oldenburg Infantry Regiment 91.

38th Brigade: Major-General von Wedell.
3rd Westphalian Infantry Regiment, No. 16.
8th Westphalian Infantry Regiment, No. 57.

Attached to Division:
1st Hanoverian Dragoon Regiment, No. 9.
Four batteries (two heavy, two light) from Hanoverian Field Artillery Regiment No. 10.
2nd Field Pioneer Company, 10th Corps, with a column of entrenching tools.
3rd Field Pioneer Company, 10th Corps.

20th Infantry Division: Major-General von Kraatz-Koschlan.

39th Brigade: Major-General von Woyna.
7th Westphalian Infantry regiment, No. 56.
3rd Hanoverian Infantry regiment, No. 79.

40th Brigade: Major-General von Diringshofen.
4th Westphalian Infantry regiment, No. 17.
Brunswick Infantry regiment, No. 92.

Attached to Division:
Hanoverian Jäger battalion, No. 10.
2nd Hanoverian Dragoon regiment, No. 16.
Four batteries (two heavy, two light) of Hanoverian field-artillery regiment, No. 10.
1st Field-pioneer company, 10th corps, with light bridge-train.

39th Brigade: Major-General von Woyna.
7th Westphalian Infantry Regiment, No. 56.
3rd Hanoverian Infantry Regiment, Number 79.

40th Brigade: Major-General von Diringshofen.
4th Westphalian Infantry Regiment, No. 17.
Brunswick Infantry Regiment #92.

Attached to Division:
Hanoverian Jäger Battalion 10.
2nd Hanoverian Dragoon Regiment, No. 16.
Four batteries (two heavy, two light) from the Hanoverian Field Artillery Regiment, No. 10.
1st Field-Pioneer Company, 10th Corps, with a light bridge train.

Corps-Artillery: Colonel Baron v. d. Goltz.

Two batteries of horse-artillery } of Hanoverian field-artillery
Two heavy field-batteries         } regiment, No. 10.
Two light  "      "                      }

Artillery and Infantry ammunition columns belonging to Hanoverian
field-artillery regiment, No. 10.

Hanoverian train-battalion, No. 10.

Two batteries of horse artillery from Hanoverian field artillery
Two heavy field batteries } regiment, No. 10.
Two light

Artillery and infantry ammunition columns belonging to Hanoverian
Field Artillery Regiment No. 10.

Hanoverian train battalion, No. 10.

[440]12th Corps—Saxony.

Infantry-General H.R.H. the Crown Prince of Saxony, afterwards Prince George.
Chief of Staff: Lieut.-Colonel von Zeschwitz.
Commanding Artillery: Major-General Köhler.
Commanding Engineer: Major Klemna.

Infantry General H.R.H. the Crown Prince of Saxony, later Prince George.
Chief of Staff: Lieutenant Colonel von Zeschwitz.
Commanding Artillery: Major General Köhler.
Commanding Engineer: Major Klemna.

1st Infantry Division, No. 23: Lieut.-General H.R.H. Prince George of Saxony, afterwards Major-General von Montbé.

1st Brigade, No. 45: Major-General von Craushaar.
1st (Leib) Grenadier regiment, No. 100.
2nd (King William of Prussia) Grenadier regiment, No. 101.
Rifle (Fusilier) regiment, No. 108.

2nd Brigade, No. 46: Colonel von Montbé.
3rd Infantry regiment (Crown Prince's), No. 102.
4th    "        "    No. 103.

Attached to Division:
1st Reiter regiment (Crown Prince's).
Four batteries (two heavy, two light) of 12th field-artillery regiment.
2nd company of 12th Pioneer battalion with entrenching tool-column.
4th company of 12th Pioneer battalion.

1st Brigade, No. 45: Major-General von Craushaar.
1st Leib Grenadier Regiment, No. 100.
2nd Grenadier Regiment, King William of Prussia, No. 101.
Rifle (Fusilier) Regiment, #108.

2nd Brigade, No. 46: Colonel von Montbé.
3rd Infantry Regiment (Crown Prince's), No. 102.
4th Infantry Regiment, #103.

Attached to Division:
1st Reiter Regiment (Crown Prince).
Four batteries (two heavy, two light) from the 12th Field Artillery Regiment.
2nd Company of the 12th Pioneer Battalion with a group of entrenching tools.
4th Company of the 12th Pioneer Battalion.

2nd Infantry Division, No. 24: Major-General Nehrhoff von Holderberg.

3rd Brigade, No. 47: Major-General Tauscher.
5th Infantry regiment (Prince Frederic August's), No. 104.
6th Infantry regiment, No. 105.
1st Jäger battalion (Crown Prince's), No. 12.

4th Brigade, No. 48: Colonel von Schulz.
7th Infantry regiment (Prince George's), No. 106.
8th    "        "    No. 107.
2nd Jäger battalion, No. 13.

Attached to Division:
2nd Reiter regiment.
Four batteries (two heavy, two light) of 12th field-artillery regiment.
3rd company of 12th Pioneer battalion with light bridge-train.

3rd Brigade, No. 47: Major-General Tauscher.
5th Infantry Regiment (Prince Frederic August's), No. 104.
6th Infantry Regiment, #105.
1st Jäger Battalion (Crown Prince's), No. 12.

4th Brigade, No. 48: Colonel von Schulz.
7th Infantry Regiment (Prince George's), No. 106.
8th Infantry Regiment, #107.
2nd Jäger Battalion, #13.

Attached to Division:
2nd Cavalry Regiment.
Four batteries (two heavy, two light) from the 12th Field Artillery Regiment.
3rd Company of the 12th Pioneer Battalion equipped with a light bridge train.

Cavalry Division, No. 12: Major-General Count Lippe.

1st Cavalry Brigade, No. 23: Major-General Krug von Nidda.
Guard Reiter regiment.
1st Uhlan regiment, No. 17.

2nd Cavalry Brigade, No. 24: Major-General Senfft von Pilsach.
3rd Reiter regiment.
2nd Uhlan regiment, No. 18.

Attached to Division:
One battery of horse-artillery of 12th field-artillery regiment.

1st Cavalry Brigade, No. 23: Major-General Krug von Nidda.
Guard Cavalry unit.
1st Uhlan Regiment, No. 17.

2nd Cavalry Brigade, No. 24: Major-General Senfft von Pilsach.
3rd Cavalry Regiment.
2nd Uhlan Regiment, No. 18.

Attached to Division:
One battery of horse artillery from the 12th Field Artillery Regiment.

Corps-Artillery: Colonel Funcke.

One battery of horse-artillery }
Three light field-batteries      } of the 12th field-artillery regiment.
Three heavy  "      "             }

Artillery and Infantry ammunition, and pontoon columns of the 12th field-artillery regiment.

12th train-battalion.

One unit of horse artillery
Three light field batteries of the 12th Field Artillery Regiment.
Three heavy

Artillery and infantry ammunition, and pontoon columns of the 12th field artillery regiment.

12th train battalion.

[441]5th Cavalry Division.

Lieut.-General Baron von Rheinbaben.

Lieutenant General Baron von Rheinbaben.

11th Cavalry Brigade: Major-General von Barby.
Westphalian Cuirassier regiment, No. 4.
1st Hanoverian Uhlan regiment, No. 13.
Oldenburg Dragoon regiment, No. 19.

12th Cavalry Brigade: Major-General von Bredow.
Magdeburg Cuirassier regiment, No. 7.
Altmark Uhlan regiment, No. 16.
Schleswig-Holstein Dragoon regiment, No. 13.

13th Cavalry Brigade: Major-General von Redern.
Magdeburg Hussar regiment, No. 10.
2nd Westphalian Hussar regiment, No. 11.
Brunswick Hussar regiment, No. 17.

Attached to Division:
Two batteries horse-artillery.

11th Cavalry Brigade: Major General von Barby.
Westphalian Cuirassier Regiment No. 4.
1st Hanoverian Uhlan Regiment, No. 13.
Oldenburg Dragoon Regiment 19.

12th Cavalry Brigade: Major General von Bredow.
Magdeburg Cuirassier Regiment No. 7.
Altmark Uhlan Regiment 16.
Schleswig-Holstein Dragoon Regiment 13.

13th Cavalry Brigade: Major General von Redern.
Magdeburg Hussar Regiment No. 10.
2nd Westphalian Hussar Regiment, No. 11.
Brunswick Hussar Regiment, #17.

Attached to Division:
Two units of horse artillery.

6th Cavalry Division.

Lieut.-General H.S.H. Duke William of Mecklenburg-Schwerin.

Lieutenant General H.S.H. Duke William of Mecklenburg-Schwerin.

14th Cavalry Brigade: Major-General Baron von Diepenbroick-Grüter.
Brandenburg Cuirassier regiment, No. 6 (Emp. Nicholas I. of Russia).
1st Brandenburg Uhlan regiment, No. 3 (Emperor of Russia).
Schleswig-Holstein Uhlan regiment, No. 15.

15th Cavalry Brigade: Major-General von Rauch.
Brandenburg Hussar regiment, No. 3 (Zieten's Hussars).
Schleswig-Holstein Hussar regiment, No. 16.

Attached to Division:
One battery of horse-artillery.

14th Cavalry Brigade: Major-General Baron von Diepenbroick-Grüter.
Brandenburg Cuirassier Regiment No. 6 (Emperor Nicholas I of Russia).
1st Brandenburg Uhlan Regiment, No. 3 (Emperor of Russia).
Schleswig-Holstein Uhlan Regiment 15.

15th Cavalry Brigade: Major-General von Rauch.
Brandenburg Hussar Regiment No. 3 (Zieten's Hussars).
Schleswig-Holstein Hussar Regiment 16.

Attached to Division:
One unit of horse artillery.

2nd Corps—Pomerania.

Infantry-General von Fransecky.
Chief of Staff: Colonel von Wichmann.
Commanding Artillery: Major-General von Kleist.
Commanding Engineer: Major Sandkuhl.

Infantry General von Fransecky.
Chief of Staff: Colonel von Wichmann.
Commanding Artillery: Major General von Kleist.
Commanding Engineer: Major Sandkuhl.

3rd Infantry Division: Major-General von Hartmann.

5th Brigade: Major-General von Koblinski.
Grenadier regiment: King Frederic William IV. (1st Pomeranian), No. 2.
5th Pomeranian Infantry regiment, No. 42.

6th Brigade: Colonel v. d. Decken.
3rd Pomeranian Infantry Regiment, No. 14.
7th Pomeranian Infantry regiment, No. 54.

Attached to Division:
Pomeranian Jäger battalion, No. 2.
Neumark Dragoon regiment, No. 3.
Four batteries (two heavy, two light) of the 2nd Pomeranian field-artillery regiment.
1st Field-pioneer company, 2nd corps, with light bridge-train.

5th Brigade: Major-General von Koblinski.
Grenadier Regiment: King Frederick William IV (1st Pomeranian), No. 2.
5th Pomeranian Infantry Regiment, No. 42.

6th Brigade: Colonel v. d. Decken.
3rd Pomeranian Infantry Regiment, No. 14.
7th Pomeranian Infantry Regiment, No. 54.

Attached to Division:
Pomeranian Jäger Battalion, #2.
Neumark Dragoon Regiment #3.
Four batteries (two heavy and two light) from the 2nd Pomeranian Field Artillery Regiment.
1st Field Pioneer Company, 2nd Corps, equipped with a light bridge train.

4th Infantry Division: Lieut.-General Hann von Weyhern.

7th Brigade: Major-General du Trossel.
Colberg Grenadier regiment (2nd Pomeranian), No. 9.
6th Pomeranian Infantry regiment, No. 49.

7th Brigade: Major-General du Trossel.
Colberg Grenadier Regiment (2nd Pomeranian), No. 9.
6th Pomeranian Infantry Regiment, No. 49.

[442] 8th Brigade: Major-General von Kettler.
4th Pomeranian Infantry regiment, No. 21.
8th Pomeranian Infantry regiment, No. 61.

Attached to Division:
Pomeranian Dragoon regiment, No. 11.
Four batteries (two heavy, two light) of Pomeranian field-artillery regiment, No. 2.
2nd Field-pioneer company, 2nd corps, with entrenching tool-column.
3rd Field-pioneer company, 2nd corps.

[442] 8th Brigade: Major-General von Kettler.
4th Pomeranian Infantry Regiment, No. 21.
8th Pomeranian Infantry Regiment, No. 61.

Attached to Division:
Pomeranian Dragoon Regiment No. 11.
Four batteries (two heavy and two light) of the Pomeranian Field Artillery Regiment, No. 2.
2nd Field Pioneer Company, 2nd Corps, along with the entrenching tool team.
3rd Field Pioneer Company, 2nd Corps.

Corps-Artillery: Colonel Petzel.

Two batteries of horse-artillery } of the Pomeranian field-artillery
Two light field-batteries          } regiment, No. 2.
Two heavy  "      "                 }

Artillery and infantry ammunition and pontoon columns of Pomeranian
field-artillery regiment, No. 2.

Pomeranian train-battalion, No. 2.

Two battery units of horse artillery from the Pomeranian field artillery
Two light field batteries } regiment, No. 2.
Two heavy

Ammunition for artillery and infantry and pontoon columns of the Pomeranian
field artillery regiment, No. 2.

Pomeranian supply battalion, No. 2.

III. ARMY.

Commander-in-Chief: Infantry-General H.R.H. the Crown Prince of
Prussia.
Chief of Staff: Lieut.-General von Blumenthal.
Quartermaster-General: Colonel von Gottberg.
Commanding Artillery: Lieut.-General Herkt.
Commanding Engineer: Major-General Schulz.

Commander-in-Chief: Infantry-General H.R.H. the Crown Prince of
Prussia.
Chief of Staff: Lieutenant General von Blumenthal.
Quartermaster-General: Colonel von Gottberg.
Commanding Artillery: Lieutenant General Herkt.
Commanding Engineer: Major General Schulz.

5th Corps—Poznań and Legnica.

Lieutenant-General von Kirchbach.
Chief of Staff: Colonel v. d. Esch.
Commanding Artillery: Colonel Gaede.
Commanding Engineer: Major Owstein.

Lieutenant-General von Kirchbach.
Chief of Staff: Colonel v. d. Esch.
Commanding Artillery: Colonel Gaede.
Commanding Engineer: Major Owstein.

9th Infantry Division: Major-General von Sandrart.

17th Brigade: Colonel von Bothmer.
3rd Posen Infantry regiment, No. 58.
4th  "      "      "      No. 59.

18th Brigade: Major-General von Voigts-Rhetz.
King's Grenadier regiment (2nd West Prussian), No. 7.
2nd Lower Silesian Infantry regiment, No. 47.

Attached to Division:
1st Silesian Jäger battalion, No. 5.
1st Silesian Dragoon regiment, No 4.
Four batteries (two heavy, two light) of the Lower Silesian field-artillery regiment, No. 5.
1st Field-pioneer company, 5th corps, with light bridge-train.

17th Brigade: Colonel von Bothmer.
3rd Posen Infantry Regiment, No. 58.
4th Posen Infantry Regiment, No. 59.

18th Brigade: Major-General von Voigts-Rhetz.
King's Grenadier Regiment (2nd West Prussian), No. 7.
2nd Lower Silesian Infantry Regiment, No. 47.

Attached to Division:
1st Silesian Jäger Battalion, No. 5.
1st Silesian Dragoon Regiment, No. 4.
Four batteries (two heavy and two light) of the Lower Silesian Field Artillery Regiment, No. 5.
1st Field Pioneer Company, 5th Corps, equipped with a light bridge train.

10th Infantry Division: Lieut.-General von Schmidt.

19th Brigade: Colonel von Henning auf Schönhoff.
1st West Prussian Grenadier regiment, No. 6.
1st Lower Silesian Infantry regiment, No. 46.

20th Brigade: Major-General Walther von Montbary.
Westphalian Fusilier regiment, No. 37.
3rd Lower Silesian Infantry regiment, No. 50.

19th Brigade: Colonel von Henning auf Schönhoff.
1st West Prussian Grenadier Regiment, No. 6.
1st Lower Silesian Infantry Regiment, No. 46.

20th Brigade: Major-General Walther von Montbary.
Westphalian Fusilier Regiment 37.
3rd Lower Silesian Infantry Regiment, No. 50.

[443] Attached to Division:
Kurmark Dragoon regiment, No. 14.
Four batteries (two heavy, two light) of field-artillery regiment, No. 5.
2nd Field-pioneer company, 5th corps, with entrenching tool-column.
3rd    "            "      "  "

[443] Attached to Division:
Kurmark Dragoon Regiment No. 14.
Four batteries (two heavy, two light) from Field Artillery Regiment No. 5.
2nd Field Pioneer Company, 5th Corps, with a column of entrenching tools.
3rd

Corps-Artillery: Lieut.-Colonel Köhler.

Two batteries of horse-artillery }
Two light field-batteries            } of the Lower Silesian field-artillery
Two heavy "    "                      }  regiment, No. 5.

Artillery and infantry ammunition, and pontoon columns of field-artillery
regiment, No. 5.

Lower Silesian train-battalion, No. 5.

Two units of horse artillery
Two light field batteries of the Lower Silesian field artillery
Two heavy " " } regiment, No. 5.

Artillery and infantry ammunition, and pontoon columns of field artillery
regiment No. 5.

Lower Silesian train battalion, No. 5.

11th Corps—Hesse, Nassau, Saxe-Weimar, etc.

Lieut.-General von Bose.
Chief of Staff: Major-General Stein von Kaminski.
Commanding Artillery: Major-General Hausmann.
Commanding Engineer: Major Crüger.

Lieutenant General von Bose.
Chief of Staff: Major General Stein von Kaminski.
Commanding Artillery: Major General Hausmann.
Commanding Engineer: Major Crüger.

21st Infantry Division: Lieut.-General von Schachtmeyer.

41st Brigade: Colonel von Koblinski.
Hessian Fusilier regiment, No. 80.
1st Nassau Infantry regiment, No. 87.

42nd Brigade: Major-General von Thiele.
2nd Hessian Infantry regiment, No. 82.
2nd Nassau Infantry regiment, No. 88.

Attached to Division:
Hessian Jäger battalion, No. 11.
2nd Hessian Hussar regiment, No. 14.
Four batteries (two heavy, two light) of Hessian field-artillery regiment,
No. 11.
1st Field-pioneer company, 11th corps, with light bridge-train.

41st Brigade: Colonel von Koblinski.
Hessian Fusilier Regiment #80.
1st Nassau Infantry Regiment, No. 87.

42nd Brigade: Major-General von Thiele.
2nd Hessian Infantry Regiment, No. 82.
2nd Nassau Infantry Regiment, No. 88.

Attached to Division:
Hessian Jäger Battalion 11.
2nd Hessian Hussar Regiment, No. 14.
Four batteries (two heavy, two light) of the Hessian Field Artillery Regiment,
No. 11.
1st Field Pioneer Company, 11th Corps, with a light bridge train.

22nd Infantry Division: Lieut.-General von Gersdorff.

43rd Brigade: Colonel von Kontzki.
2nd Thüringian Infantry regiment, No. 32.
6th  "          "      "        No. 95.

44th Brigade: Major-General von Schkopp.
3rd Hessian Infantry regiment, No. 83.
5th Thüringian "      "        No. 94.

Attached to Division:
1st Hessian Hussar regiment, No. 13.
Four batteries (two heavy, two light) of Hessian field-artillery regiment.
2nd Field-pioneer company, 11th corps, with entrenching tool-column.
3rd Field-pioneer company, 11th corps.

43rd Brigade: Colonel von Kontzki.
2nd Thuringian Infantry Regiment, No. 32.
6th No. 95.

44th Brigade: Major-General von Schkopp.
3rd Hessian Infantry Regiment, No. 83.
5th Thuringian " " No. 94.

Attached to Division:
1st Hessian Hussar Regiment, No. 13.
Four batteries (two heavy, two light) of the Hessian Field Artillery Regiment.
2nd Field Pioneer Company, 11th Corps, with a team of entrenching tools.
3rd Field Pioneer Company, 11th Corps.

Corps-Artillery: Colonel von Oppeln-Bronikowski.

Two batteries of horse-artillery }
Two light field-batteries            } of Hessian field artillery
Two heavy "    "                      } regiment, No. 11.

Artillery and Infantry ammunition, and pontoon columns of 11th field-artillery
regiment.

Hessian train-battalion, No. 11.

Two batteries of horse artillery
Two light field batteries of Hessian field artillery
Two heavy " " } regiment, No. 11.

Artillery and Infantry ammunition, and pontoon columns of the 11th field artillery
regiment.

Hessian train battalion, No. 11.

[444]1st Bavarian Corps

Infantry-General Baron von der Tann-Rathsamhausen.
Chief of Staff: Lieut.-Colonel von Heinleth.
Director of Field-Artillery: Major-General von Malaisé.
Director of Engineers: Lieut.-Colonel Riem.

Infantry-General Baron von der Tann-Rathsamhausen.
Chief of Staff: Lieutenant Colonel von Heinleth.
Director of Field Artillery: Major General von Malaisé.
Director of Engineers: Lieutenant Colonel Riem.

1st Infantry Division: Lieut.-General von Stephan.

1st Brigade: Major-General Dietl.
Infantry body-guard regiment.
Two battalions of 1st Infantry regiment (King's).
2nd Jäger battalion.

2nd Brigade: Major-General von Orff.
2nd Infantry regiment (Crown Prince's).
Two battalions of 11th Infantry regiment (v. d. Tann).
4th Jäger battalion.

Attached to Division:
9th Jäger battalion.
3rd Chevauxlegers regiment (Duke Maximilian's).
Two 4-pounder and two 6-pounder batteries.

1st Brigade: Major-General Dietl.
Infantry security regiment.
Two battalions of the 1st Infantry Regiment (King's).
2nd Jäger Battalion.

2nd Brigade: Major-General von Orff.
2nd Infantry Regiment (Crown Prince's).
Two battalions of the 11th Infantry Regiment (v. d. Tann).
4th Jäger Battalion.

Attached to Division:
9th Jäger Battalion.
3rd Chevauxlegers Regiment (Duke Maximilian's).
Two 4-pound and two 6-pound batteries.

2nd Infantry Division: Lieut.-General Count Pappenheim.

3rd Brigade: Major-General Schumacher.
3rd Infantry regiment (Prince Charles of Bavaria).
Two battalions of 12th Infantry regiment (Queen Amalie of Greece).
1st Jäger battalion.

4th Brigade: Major-General Baron von der Tann.
10th Infantry regiment (Prince Louis).
Two battalions of 13th Infantry regiment (Emperor Francis Joseph of Austria).
7th Jäger battalion.

Attached to Division:
4th Chevauxlegers regiment (King's).
Two 4-pounder and two 6-pounder batteries.

Cuirassier Brigade: Major-General von Tausch.
1st Cuirassier regiment (Prince Charles of Bavaria).
2nd    "        "    (Prince Adalbert).
6th Chevauxlegers regiment (Grand Duke Constantine Nicolajusitch).
One battery of horse-artillery.

3rd Brigade: Major-General Schumacher.
3rd Infantry Regiment (Prince Charles of Bavaria).
Two battalions of the 12th Infantry Regiment (Queen Amalie of Greece).
1st Jäger Battalion.

4th Brigade: Major-General Baron von der Tann.
10th Infantry Regiment (Prince Louis)
Two battalions of the 13th Infantry Regiment (Emperor Francis Joseph of Austria).
7th Jäger Battalion.

Attached to Division:
4th Light Cavalry Regiment (King's).
Two 4-pound batteries and two 6-pound batteries.

Cuirassier Brigade: Major-General von Tausch.
1st Cuirassier Regiment (Prince Charles of Bavaria).
2nd Cuirassier Regiment (Prince Adalbert).
6th Chevauxlegers Regiment (Grand Duke Constantine Nicolajusitch).
One unit of horse artillery.

Brigade of Reserve-Artillery: Colonel Bronzetti.

1st Division. Two 6-pounder, one 4-pounder battery. }
2nd    "      Two 6-pounder batteries.                        } 42 guns.
3rd    "      Two 6-pounder batteries.                         }

1st Field-Engineer Division.

1st Division. Two 6-pounder guns and one 4-pounder gun battery.
2nd " Two 6-pounder batteries. } 42 guns.
3rd " Two 6-pounder batteries. }

1st Field-Engineer Division.

2nd Bavarian Corps

Infantry-General von Hartmann.
Chief of Staff: Colonel Baron von Horn.
Director of Field-Artillery: Major-General Lutz.
Director of Field-Engineering: Lieut.-Colonel Fogt.

Infantry General von Hartmann.
Chief of Staff: Colonel Baron von Horn.
Director of Field Artillery: Major General Lutz.
Director of Field Engineering: Lieutenant Colonel Fogt.

3rd Infantry Division: Lieut.-General von Walther.

5th Brigade: Major-General von Schleich.
6th Infantry regiment (King William of Prussia).
Two battalions of 7th Infantry regiment (Hohenhausen).
8th Jäger battalion.

5th Brigade: Major-General von Schleich.
6th Infantry Regiment (King William of Prussia).
Two battalions of the 7th Infantry Regiment (Hohenhausen).
8th Jaeger Battalion.

[445] 6th Brigade: Colonel Borries von Wissell.
Two battalions of 14th Infantry regiment (Hartmann).
15th Infantry regiment (King John of Saxony).
3rd Jäger battalion.

Attached to Division:
1st Chevauxlegers regiment (Emperor Alexander of Russia).
Two 4-pounder and two 6-pounder batteries.

[445] 6th Brigade: Colonel Borries von Wissell.
Two battalions of the 14th Infantry Regiment (Hartmann).
15th Infantry Regiment (King John of Saxony).
3rd Jäger Battalion.

Attached to Division:
1st Chevauxlegers Regiment (Emperor Alexander of Russia).
Two 4-pound and two 6-pound batteries.

4th Infantry Division: Lieut.-General Count von Bothmer.

7th Brigade: Major-General von Thiereck.
Two battalions of 5th Infantry regiments (Grand Duke of Hesse).
9th Infantry regiment (Werde).
6th Jäger battalion.

8th Brigade: Major-General Maillinger.
3rd battalion of 1st Infantry regiment.
3rd    "      "  5th    "        "
1st    "      "  7th    "        "
3rd    "      " 11th    "        "
3rd    "      " 14th    "        "
5th Jäger battalion.

Attached to Division:
10th Jäger battalion.
2nd Chevauxlegers regiment.
Two 4-pounder and two 6-pounder batteries.

Uhlan Brigade: Major-General Baron von Mulzer.
1st Uhlan regiment (Archduke Nicholas of Russia).
2nd Uhlan regiment (King's).
5th Chevauxlegers regiment (Prince Otto's).
One battery of horse-artillery.

Brigade of Reserve Artillery: Colonel von Pillement.

1st Division:
One 4-pounder horse-artillery battery.
Two 6-pounder field batteries.

2nd Division:
Two 6-pounder field batteries.

3rd Division:
Two 6-pounder field batteries.

2nd Field-Engineer Division.

7th Brigade: Major-General von Thiereck.
Two battalions of the 5th Infantry Regiment (Grand Duke of Hesse).
9th Infantry Regiment (Werde).
6th Jäger Battalion.

8th Brigade: Major-General Maillinger.
3rd Battalion of the 1st Infantry Regiment.
3rd " " 5th " " "
1st " " 7th " "
3rd " " 11th " "
3rd " " 14th " "
5th Jäger Battalion.

Attached to Division:
10th Jäger Battalion.
2nd Light Cavalry Regiment.
Two 4-pound and two 6-pound batteries.

Uhlan Brigade: Major-General Baron von Mulzer.
1st Uhlan Regiment (Archduke Nicholas of Russia).
2nd Uhlan Regiment (King's).
5th Light Cavalry Regiment (Prince Otto's).
One unit of horse artillery.

Brigade of Reserve Artillery: Colonel von Pillement.

1st Division:
One 4-pound horse artillery unit.
Two 6-pound field batteries.

2nd Division:
Two 6-pound field batteries.

3rd Division:
Two 6-pound field batteries.

2nd Field-Engineer Division.

Württemberg Division.

Lieut.-General von Obernitz.

Lieutenant General von Obernitz.

Chief of Staff: Colonel von Friebig.

1st Brigade: Major-General von Reitzenstein.
1st Infantry regiment (Queen Olga) (two battalions).
7th    "        "    (two battalions).
2nd Jäger battalion.

2nd Brigade: Major-General von Strakloff.
2nd Infantry regiment (two battalions).
5th    "        "    (King Charles's battalion).
3rd Jäger battalion.

3rd Brigade: Major-General Baron von Hügel.
3rd Infantry regiment (two battalions).
8th    "        "              "
1st Jäger battalion.

Cavalry Brigade: Major-General Count von Scheler.
1st Reiter regiment (King Charles) (four squadrons).
2nd  "      "    (King William) (two      "    ).
4th  "      "    (Queen Olga)  (four    "    ).

Chief of Staff: Colonel von Friebig.

1st Brigade: Major-General von Reitzenstein.
1st Infantry Regiment (Queen Olga) (two battalions).
7th Infantry Regiment (2 battalions).
2nd Ranger Battalion.

2nd Brigade: Major-General von Strakloff.
2nd Infantry Regiment (2 battalions).
5th Infantry Regiment (King Charles's Battalion).
3rd Jäger Battalion.

3rd Brigade: Major-General Baron von Hügel.
3rd Infantry Regiment (2 battalions).
8th Infantry Regiment.
1st Jäger Battalion.

Cavalry Brigade: Major-General Count von Scheler.
1st Reiter Regiment (King Charles) (four squadrons).
2nd Reiter Regiment (King William) (two squadrons).
4th Reiter Regiment (Queen Olga) (four squadrons).

[446]Artillery.

1st Field-artillery Division:
Two 4-pounder and one 6-pounder batteries.

2nd Field-artillery Division:
Two 4-pounder and one 6-pounder batteries.
3rd Field-artillery Division:
Two 4-pounder and one 6-pounder batteries.

1st Field Artillery Division:
Two 4-pound and one 6-pound batteries.

2nd Field Artillery Division:
Two 4-pound and one 6-pound batteries.
3rd Field Artillery Division:
Two 4-pound batteries and one 6-pound battery.

Baden Division.[89]
Lieut.-General von Beyer.

Chief of Staff: Lieut.-Colonel von Leszczynski.

1st Brigade: Lieut.-General du Jarrys Baron La Roche.
1st Leib Grenadier regiment.
Fusilier battalion of 4th Infantry regiment.
2nd Grenadier regiment (King of Prussia).

Combined (3rd) Brigade: Major-General Keller.
3rd Infantry regiment.
5th    "        "

Attached to Division:
3rd Dragoon regiment (Prince Charles).
Four batteries (two heavy, two light).
Company of pontooners with light bridge-train and entrenching tool-column.

Cavalry Brigade: Major-General Baron La Roche-Starkenfels.
1st Leib Dragoon regiment.
2nd Dragoon regiment (Margrave Maximilian).
One battery of horse-artillery.

Chief of Staff: Lieutenant Colonel von Leszczynski.

1st Brigade: Lieutenant General du Jarrys Baron La Roche.
1st Leib Grenadier Regiment.
Fusilier Battalion of the 4th Infantry Regiment.
2nd Grenadier Regiment (King of Prussia).

Combined (3rd) Brigade: Major General Keller.
3rd Infantry Regiment.
5th Infantry Reg.

Attached to Division:
3rd Dragoon Regiment (Prince Charles).
Four batteries (two heavy, two light).
Company of Pontooners with a light bridge train and an entrenching tool column.

Cavalry Brigade: Major General Baron La Roche-Starkenfels.
1st Leib Dragoon Regiment.
2nd Dragoon Regiment (Margrave Max).
One Battery of Horse Artillery.

Corps-Artillery.

Two heavy and two light field batteries.

Two heavy and two light field batteries.

4th Cavalry Division.
Cavalry-General H.R.H. Prince Albert of Prussia.

8th Cavalry Brigade: Major-General von Hontheim.
West Prussian Cuirassier regiment, No. 5.
Posen Uhlan regiment, No. 10.

9th Cavalry Brigade: Major-General von Bernhardi.
West Prussian Uhlan regiment, No. 1.
Thüringian Uhlan regiment, No. 6.

10th Cavalry Brigade: Major-General von Krosigk.
2nd Leib Hussar regiment, No. 2.
Rhine Province Dragoon regiment, No. 5.

Two batteries of horse-artillery.

8th Cavalry Brigade: Major-General von Hontheim.
West Prussian Cuirassier Regiment No. 5.
Posen Uhlan Regiment #10.

9th Cavalry Brigade: Major-General von Bernhardi.
West Prussian Uhlan Regiment No. 1.
Thuringian Uhlan Regiment #6.

10th Cavalry Brigade: Major-General von Krosigk.
2nd Leib Hussar Regiment No. 2.
Rhine Province Dragoon Regiment No. 5.

Two batteries of horse artillery.

6th Army Corps – Silesia.

Cavalry-General von Tümpling.
Chief of Staff: Colonel von Salviati.
Commanding Artillery: Colonel von Ramm.
Commanding Engineer: Major Albrecht.

Cavalry General von Tümpling.
Chief of Staff: Colonel von Salviati.
Commanding Artillery: Colonel von Ramm.
Commanding Engineer: Major Albrecht.

[447] 11th Infantry Division: Lieut.-General von Gordon.

21st Brigade: Major-General von Malachowski.
1st Silesian Grenadier regiment, No. 10.
1st Posen Infantry regiment, No. 18.

22nd Brigade: Major-General von Eckartsberg.
Silesian Fusilier regiment, No. 38.
4th Lower Silesian Infantry regiment, No. 51.

Attached to Division:
2nd Silesian Jäger battalion, No. 6.
2nd Silesian Dragoon regiment, No. 8.
Four batteries (two heavy, two light) of the Silesian field-artillery
regiment, No. 6.
3rd Field-pioneer company, 6th corps.

21st Brigade: Major-General von Malachowski.
1st Silesian Grenadier Regiment, No. 10.
1st Posen Infantry Regiment, No. 18.

22nd Brigade: Major-General von Eckartsberg.
Silesian Fusilier Regiment No. 38.
4th Lower Silesian Infantry Regiment, No. 51.

Attached to Division:
2nd Silesian Jäger Battalion, No. 6.
2nd Silesian Dragoon Regiment, No. 8.
Four batteries (two heavy, two light) of the Silesian Field Artillery
Regiment 6.
3rd Field Pioneer Company, 6th Corps.

12th Infantry Division: Lieut.-General von Hoffmann.

23rd Brigade: Major-General Gündell.
1st Upper Silesian Infantry regiment, No. 22.
3rd  "      "        "        "      No. 62.

24th Brigade: Major-General von Fabeck.
2nd Upper Silesian Infantry regiment, No. 23.
4th  "      "        "        "      No. 63.

Attached to Division:
3rd Silesian Dragoon regiment, No. 15.
Four batteries (two heavy, two light) of the Silesian field-artillery
regiment, No. 6.
1st Field-pioneer company, 6th corps, with light bridge-train.
2nd Field-pioneer company, 6th corps, with entrenching tool-column.

23rd Brigade: Major-General Gündell.
1st Upper Silesian Infantry Regiment, No. 22.
3rd Upper Silesian Infantry Regiment, No. 62.

24th Brigade: Major-General von Fabeck.
2nd Upper Silesian Infantry Regiment, No. 23.
4th Upper Silesian Infantry Regiment, No. 63.

Attached to Division:
3rd Silesian Dragoon Regiment, No. 15.
Four batteries (two heavy, two light) of the Silesian Field Artillery Regiment, No. 6.
1st Field Pioneer Company, 6th Corps, with a lightweight bridge train.
2nd Field Pioneer Company, 6th Corps, with the entrenching tool team.

Corps-Artillery: Colonel Arnold.

Two batteries of horse-artillery  } of the Silesian field-artillery
Two light field-batteries        }  regiment, No. 6
Two heavy  "      "              }

Artillery and Infantry ammunition, and pontoon columns of Silesian field-artillery
regiment.

Silesian train battalion, No. 6.

Two batteries of horse artillery from the Silesian field artillery
Two light field batteries } regiment, No. 6
Two heavy

Artillery and infantry ammunition, and pontoon columns of Silesian field artillery
unit.

Silesian train battalion, No. 6.

2nd Cavalry Division.
Lieut.-General Count Stolberg-Wernigerode.

3rd Cavalry Brigade: Major-General von Colomb.
Silesian Leib Cuirassier regiment, No. 1.
Silesian Uhlan regiment, No. 2.

4th Cavalry Brigade: Major-General Baron von Barnekow.
1st Leib Hussar regiment, No. 1.
Pomeranian Hussar regiment (Blucher's Hussars), No. 5.

5th Cavalry Brigade: Major-General von Baumbach.
1st Silesian Hussar regiment, No. 4.
2nd    "      "      "      No. 6.

Two batteries of horse-artillery.

3rd Cavalry Brigade: Major-General von Colomb.
Silesian Leib Cuirassier Regiment, No. 1.
Silesian Uhlan Regiment No. 2.

4th Cavalry Brigade: Major-General Baron von Barnekow.
1st Leib Hussar Regiment, No. 1.
Pomeranian Hussar Regiment (Blucher's Hussars), No. 5.

5th Cavalry Brigade: Major-General von Baumbach.
1st Silesian Hussar Regiment, No. 4.
2nd Silesian Hussar Regiment, No. 6.

Two batteries of horse artillery.

FOOTNOTE:

[89] Subsequently many changes in the commands.

[89] Then, there were many changes in the orders.



THE END.

[448] LONDON:
PRINTED BY GILBERT AND RIVINGTON, LIMITED,
ST. JOHN'S HOUSE, CLERKENWELL, E.C.



Map of the Franco-German War of 1870-71. Litho. W. Greve, Berlin. James R. Osgood, McIlvaine & Co., Publishers, 45 Albemarle St., London, W. Map of the Franco-German War of 1870-71.
Lithograph by W. Greve, Berlin.
Published by James R. Osgood, McIlvaine & Co., 45 Albemarle St., London, W.


Transcriber's Notes

Click on the map to display a high-resolution image.

Click on the map to open a high-resolution image.

Obvious punctuation and accent errors repaired. Note that it was customary to write a captial "E" without an "accent aigu" and this has been retained.

Obvious punctuation and accent errors fixed. Note that it was common to write a capital "E" without an "accent aigu," and this has been kept.

There are two distinct rivers "Loir" and "Loire" so no attempt has been made to consider one as a typo of the other.

There are two separate rivers, "Loir" and "Loire," so no attempt has been made to treat one as a typo for the other.

Hyphen removed: "left[-]ward" (page 34), "franc[-]tireur(s)" (pages 70, 281, 428), "gun[-]boats" (page 121), "grave[-]yard" (page 110, twice), "night[-]fall" (pages 276, 294), "re[-]captured" (page 195), "re[-]organized" (page 40), "re[-]organization" (page 25), "sand[-]bags" (page 362), "side[-]ward" (page 298), "St.[-]Menges" (page 92).

Hyphen removed: "leftward" (page 34), "franc-tireur(s)" (pages 70, 281, 428), "gunboats" (page 121), "graveyard" (page 110, twice), "nightfall" (pages 276, 294), "recaptured" (page 195), "reorganized" (page 40), "reorganization" (page 25), "sandbags" (page 362), "sideward" (page 298), "St. Menges" (page 92).

Hyphen added: "battle[-]field" (page 212), "grape[-]shot" (page 53), re[-]opening (page 208).

Hyphen added: "battlefield" (page 212), "grapeshot" (page 53), reopening (page 208).

The following words appear both with and without hyphens and have not been changed: "counter[-]stroke(s)", "mid[-]day", "out[-]flank", "rear[-]guard", "re[-]cross(ed)", "re[-]provisioned", "sharp[-]shooters".

The following words appear both with and without hyphens and have not been changed: "counter[-]stroke(s)", "mid[-]day", "out[-]flank", "rear[-]guard", "re[-]cross(ed)", "re[-]provisioned", "sharp[-]shooters".

Page 29: "committeed" changed to "committed" (already committed themselves).

Page 29: "committed" changed to "committed" (already committed themselves).

Pages 32, 321: "l" changed to "L" (Villers L'Orme, L'Epine de Dallon).

Pages 32, 321: "l" changed to "L" (Villers L'Orme, L'Epine de Dallon).

Page 49: "Pont a Mousson" changed to "Pont à Mousson".

Page 49: "Pont à Mousson" changed to "Pont à Mousson".

Page 57: "to" changed to "of" (the small leaderless bodies of).

Page 57: "of" changed to "of" (the small leaderless bodies of).

Page 71: "of" added to "a halt on this side of the Meuse".

Page 71: "of" added to "a halt on this side of the Meuse".

Page 159: "beleagured" changed to "beleaguered" (had been beleaguered in Metz).

Page 159: "beleaguered" changed to "beleaguered" (had been beleaguered in Metz).

Page 174: "Wolfganzen" changed to "Wolfgantzen".

Page 174: "Wolfganzen" changed to "Wolfgantzen".

Page 178: "D" changed to "d" (d'Aurelle de Paladines).

Page 178: "d" changed to "d" (d'Aurelle de Paladines).

Page 191: "Ist" changed to "1st" (1st Cavalry Division).

Page 191: "1st" changed to "1st" (1st Cavalry Division).

Page 195: Missing "t" added (observe towards Courcelles).

Page 195: Missing "t" added (note towards Courcelles).

Page 248: "Chatres" changed to "Chartres".

Page 248: "Chartres" changed to "Chartres".

Page 291: "Sleswig" changed to "Schleswig".

Page 291: "Sleswig" changed to "Schleswig".

Page 304: "Divison" changed to "Division" (The 14th Division).

Page 304: "Division" changed to "Division" (The 14th Division).

Page 315: "Sérancourt" changed to "Séraucourt".

Page 315: "Sérancourt" changed to "Séraucourt".

Page 325: "occupapation" changed to "occupation" (Hostile occupation).

Page 325: "occupapation" changed to "occupation" (Hostile occupation).

Page 346: "approach" changed to "approaching" (columns of all arms were approaching).

Page 346: "approach" changed to "approaching" (columns of all arms were approaching).

Page 351: "Vannes" changed to "Vanves".

Page 351: "Vanves" changed to "Vanves".

Page 365: "Côte d'or" changed to "Côte d'Or".

Page 365: "Côte d'Or" changed to "Côte d'Or".

Page 414: "General von Herwath" changed to "General von Herwarth".

Page 414: "General von Herwarth" changed to "General von Herwarth".

Page 415: "fnrther" changed to "further" (further to the left).

Page 415: "further" changed to "further" (further to the left).

Page 415: "intentiou" changed to "intention" (which he had no intention).

Page 415: "intention" changed to "intention" (which he had no intention).

Page 417: "soene" changed to "scene" (The scene is Versailles).

Page 417: "scene" changed to "scene" (The scene is Versailles).

Page 418: "Versailes" changed to "Versailles".

Page 418: "Versailes" changed to "Versailles".

Page 429: "Guyot de l'Lespart" changed to "Guyot de Lespart".

Page 429: "Guyot de Lespart" changed to "Guyot de Lespart".

Page 436: "Connt" changed to "Count" (Count von Brandenburg).

Page 436: "Connt" changed to "Count" (Count von Brandenburg).

Page 442: "Fonr" changed to "Four" (Four batteries).

Page 442: "Fonr" changed to "Four" (Four batteries).




        
        
    
Download ePUB

If you like this ebook, consider a donation!