This is a modern-English version of Alone with the Hairy Ainu: or, 3,800 miles on a pack saddle in Yezo and a cruise to the Kurile Islands., originally written by Landor, Arnold Henry Savage.
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ALONE WITH THE HAIRY AINU.
OR,
3,800 MILES ON A PACK SADDLE IN YEZO AND A CRUISE TO THE KURILE ISLANDS.
BY
A. H. SAVAGE LANDOR.

WITH MAP AND ILLUSTRATIONS BY THE AUTHOR.
LONDON:
JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET.
1893.
LONDON:
PRINTED BY WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, LIMITED,
STAMFORD STREET AND CHARING CROSS.
PREFACE.
This book is not meant as a literary work, for I am not and do not pretend to be a literary man. It is but a record—an amplified log-book, as it were—of what befell me during my solitary peregrinations in Hokkaido, and a collection of notes and observations which I hope will prove interesting to anthropologists and ethnologists as well as to the general public.
This book isn't intended to be a literary piece, since I’m not and don’t claim to be a writer. It’s just a record—an expanded logbook, if you will—of my experiences during my solo journeys in Hokkaido, along with a collection of notes and observations that I hope will be interesting to anthropologists and ethnologists, as well as to the general public.
Without any claim to infallibility I have tried to take an open-minded and sensible view of everything I have attempted to describe; in most cases, however, I have given facts without passing an opinion at all, and all I have said I have tried to express as simply and plainly as possible, so as not to give rise to misunderstandings.
Without claiming to be infallible, I’ve tried to keep an open mind and a sensible perspective on everything I’ve described. In most cases, though, I’ve presented the facts without offering any personal opinions, and I've aimed to express everything as simply and clearly as possible to avoid misunderstandings.
There are a few points which I want to make quite clear.
There are a few points I'd like to clarify.
First, that I went to Hokkaido entirely on my own account and for my own satisfaction. Next, that I accomplished the whole journey (some 4200 miles, out of which 3800 were ridden on horseback and on a rough pack-saddle) perfectly alone. By alone I mean that I had with me no friends, no servants, and no guides. My baggage consisted of next to nothing, so far as articles for my own convenience or comfort were concerned. I carried no provisions and no tent.
First, I went to Hokkaido entirely on my own terms and for my own enjoyment. Next, I completed the whole journey (about 4200 miles, of which 3800 were traveled on horseback and on a rough pack-saddle) all by myself. By alone, I mean that I had no friends, no servants, and no guides with me. My luggage included almost nothing in terms of items for my own convenience or comfort. I carried no food and no tent.
I am endowed with a very sensitive nature, and I pride myself in possessing the gift of adaptability to an extreme degree, and this may partly explain why and how I could live so long with and like the Ainu, whose habits and customs, as my readers will see, are somewhat different to ours.
I have a very sensitive nature, and I take pride in my ability to adapt to extreme situations, which might partly explain why and how I've been able to live so long with the Ainu, whose habits and customs, as you'll see, are quite different from ours.
When I go to a country I do my best to be like one of the natives themselves, and, whether they are savage or not, I endeavour to show respect for them and their ideas, and to conform to their customs for the time being. I make up my mind that what is good for them must be good enough for me, and though I have occasionally had to swear at myself[Pg x] for "doing in Ainuland as the Ainu does," especially as regards the food, I was not much the worse for it in the end. I never use force when I can win with kindness, and in my small experience in Hokkaido and other countries I have always found that real savages in their simplicity are most "gentleman-like" people. With few exceptions they are good-natured, dignified, and sensible, and the chances are that if you are fair to them they will be fair to you. Civilised savages and barbarians I always found untrustworthy and dangerous.
When I visit a country, I try my best to blend in with the locals, and regardless of whether they are considered primitive or not, I make an effort to respect them and their beliefs, and to adapt to their customs while I'm there. I tell myself that what works for them should work for me too, and even though I've sometimes had to scold myself for "doing in Ainuland as the Ainu does," especially when it comes to the food, I ultimately didn't mind. I never resort to force when I can achieve my goals with kindness, and in my limited experiences in Hokkaido and other places, I've always found that true "savages" are often the most polite and honorable people. With few exceptions, they are friendly, dignified, and sensible, and if you treat them fairly, they will likely treat you the same way. I’ve always found so-called civilized savages and barbarians to be untrustworthy and dangerous.
The Island of Yezo, with the smaller islands near its coast, and the Kurile group, taken together, are called "the Hokkaido." The Hokkaido extends roughly from 41° to 51° latitude north, and between 139° and 157° longitude east of Greenwich.
The Island of Yezo, along with the smaller islands nearby and the Kurile group, are collectively referred to as "Hokkaido." Hokkaido stretches approximately from 41° to 51° north latitude and between 139° and 157° east longitude from Greenwich.
My view of the origin of the word Ainu is this: Ainu is but a corruption or abbreviation of Ai-num, "they with hair," or "hairy men," or else of Hain-num, "come with hair," or "descended hairy." Considering that the Ainu pride themselves above all things on their hairiness, it does not seem improbable to me that this may be the correct origin of the word, and that they called themselves after the distinguishing characteristic of their race.
My take on the origin of the word Ainu is this: Ainu is just a variation or short form of Ai-num, meaning "those with hair," or "hairy men," or possibly of Hain-num, meaning "come with hair," or "descended hairy." Given that the Ainu take great pride in their hairiness, it doesn't seem unlikely to me that this could be the true origin of the word, and that they named themselves after the trait that sets their race apart.
The word Ainu is a generic term, and is used both in the singular and plural; but when specifying, the words Kuru (people, men), utaragesh (woman), etc., are generally added to it: viz., Ainu kuru, Ainu people, Ainu men; Ainu utaragesh, an Ainu woman; Ainu utaragesh utara, several Ainu women.
The term Ainu is a broad term, used for both singular and plural forms; however, when being specific, terms like Kuru (people, men), utaragesh (woman), etc., are usually included: for example, Ainu kuru, Ainu people, Ainu men; Ainu utaragesh, an Ainu woman; Ainu utaragesh utara, several Ainu women.
The Ainu population of Yezo is roughly reckoned by the Japanese at about 15,000 or 17,000 souls, but at least half this number are half-castes, and in my opinion (and I have visited nearly every Ainu village in Yezo) the number of thoroughbred Ainu does not exceed 8000 souls.
The Ainu population of Yezo is estimated by the Japanese to be around 15,000 to 17,000 people, but at least half of that number are mixed-race individuals. In my opinion (and I have been to almost every Ainu village in Yezo), the number of full-blooded Ainu is no more than 8,000 people.
The illustrations in this book are my own, and are the reproductions from sketches which I took on the spot. They may not show much artistic merit, but they seem to me to be characteristic of the country and the people, and I hope that my readers will be impressed with them in the same way.
The illustrations in this book are my own and are reproductions of sketches I made on site. They might not showcase a lot of artistic skill, but to me, they capture the essence of the country and its people, and I hope my readers will appreciate them in the same way.
A. Henry Savage Landor.
A. Henry Savage Landor.
CONTENTS.
- CHAPTER I.
- From Hakodate to Mororran—Volcano Bay—The first Ainu—A strange institution among them 1
- CHAPTER II.
- From Mororran to the Saru River 12
- CHAPTER III.
- Up the Saru River—Piratori and its chief 22
- CHAPTER IV.
- An Ainu Festival 30
- CHAPTER V.
- From the Saru River to Cape Erimo 35
- CHAPTER VI.
- From Cape Erimo to the Tokachi River 44
- CHAPTER VII.
- The Tokachi Region—Pure Ainu Types—Curious Mode of River Fishing 50
- CHAPTER VIII.
- From the Tokachi River to the Kutcharo River 68
- CHAPTER IX.
- [Pg xii]The Koro-pok-kuru, or Pit-dwellers 78
- CHAPTER X.
- The Kutcharo River and Lake—A Sulphur Mine—Akkeshi and its Bay 95
- CHAPTER XI.
- From Akkeshi to Nemuro—A Horse Station—Nemuro and its People 106
- CHAPTER XII.
- The Kurile Islands 121
- CHAPTER XIII.
- On the East and North-East Coast—From Nemuro to Shari-Mombets 133
- CHAPTER XIV.
- Along the Lagoons of the North-East Coast—From Shari-Mombets to Poronai 145
- CHAPTER XV.
- On the North-East Coast—From Poronai to Cape Soya 157
- CHAPTER XVI.
- From Cape Soya to the Ishikari River 167
- CHAPTER XVII.
- The Ishikari River 179
- CHAPTER XVIII.
- Nearing Civilisation 187
- CHAPTER XIX.
- Completing the Circuit of Yezo—The End of my Journey 196
- CHAPTER XX.
- Ainu Habitations, Storehouses, Trophies, Furniture—Conservatism 207
- CHAPTER XXI.
- Ainu Art, Ainu Marks, Ornamentations, Weapons—Graves and [Pg xiii]Tattoos 218
- CHAPTER XXII.
- Ainu Heads, and their Physiognomy 229
- CHAPTER XXIII.
- Movements and Attitudes 236
- CHAPTER XXIV.
- Ainu Clothes, Ornaments, and Tattooing 245
- CHAPTER XXV.
- Ainu Music, Poetry, and Dancing 255
- CHAPTER XXVI.
- Heredity—Crosses—Psychological Observations 266
- CHAPTER XXVII.
- Physiological Observations—Pulse-beat and Respiration—Exposure—Odour of the Ainu—The Five Senses 274
- CHAPTER XXVIII.
- The Ainu Superstitions—Morals—Laws and Punishments 281
- CHAPTER XXIX.
- Marital Relations, and Causes that limit Population 293
- APPENDIX.
- I.—Measurements of the Ainu Body, and Descriptive Characters 298
- II.—Glossary of Ainu Words, many of which are found in Geographical Names in Yezo and the Kurile Islands 304
- Index 313
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.
- Portrait of the Author Frontispiece.
- Aputa 1
- Ainu Woman saluting 6
- Toya Lake, near Aputa 11
- Fisherman's Hut 12
- Pack-Saddle 18
- Norboribets Volcano 19
- Horobets 21
- Storehouses at Piratori 22
- Benry, the Ainu Chief of Piratori 25
- Ainu Man waving his Moustache-lifter before drinking 29
- Ainu Festival, An 30
- Ainu Women dancing 33
- Piratori Woman in Costume 34
- Utarop Rocks 35
- Ainu Lashed Canoe 37
- Front View of Lashed Canoe 38
- Ainu Oars 38
- Sailing Canoe 38
- Ainu Wooden Anchors 39
- Ainu Canoe, Top View of an 39
- Erimo Cape 43
- Natural Stone Archway, A 44
- Iwa Rocks at Biru 49
- Ainu Houses and Storehouse, Frishikobets, Tokachi River 50
- Madwoman of Yammakka 55
- Ainu Woman of Frishikobets, on the Tokachi River 60
- Shikarubets Otchirsh, The 67
- Ainu Man of the Upper Tokachi 68
- Ainu Hook for Smoking Bear-Meat 77
- Koro-pok-kuru Fort 78
- Flint Arrow-Heads 78
- Flint Knives 79
- Koro-pok-kuru Pottery and Fragments of Designs 86
- Stone Adzes and Hammer 94
- Ainu Huts and Storehouses on Kutcharo Lake 95
- Kutcharo Lake from Mount Yuzan 98
- Sulphur Mine 100
- Akkeshi in a Fog 105
- Ainu Man and Woman on Horseback 106
- Ainu Bits 110
- Semi-Ainu Rat Trap 120
- Ainu Woman of the Kurile Islands 121
- Shikotan Ainu 126
- Woman of the Kurile Islands 132
- Abashiri Island 133
- Ainu Belle, An 140
- Saruma Lagoon 144
- Eagle-displayed Sable, An 145
- My Host, the Madman 148
- Sarubuts, showing River-Course altered by Drift Sand 157
- Ainu Village on the East Coast of Yezo 166
- Mashike Mountain 167
- Ishikari Kraftu Ainu 178
- [Pg xvi]Kamui Kotan Rapids, The 179
- Woman of Ishikari River 186
- Ainu Bark Water Jugs 187
- Ainu Half-caste Child of Volcano Bay 194
- Komatage Volcano, Volcano Bay 196
- Wooden Drinking Vessels 207
- Kammakappe, The, &c. 209
- Ahunkanitte, The, &c. 210
- Atzis-Cloth in process of Weaving 210
- Roasting Hook 211
- Ape-Kilai, The, or Earth-Rake 214
- Pestle, Mortar, Spoon, &c. 215
- Ainu Pipe Holder and Tobacco Pouch 217
- Ainu Knife, with ornamented Sheath, &c. 218
- Kike-ush-bashui, or Moustache-Lifters 220
- Suggestions of Leaves, &c. 221
- Elaborations of Chevrons, Wave Patterns, &c. 222
- Tchutti, or War-Clubs, &c. 223
- Ainu Knives 224
- Monuments for Women 225
- Wooden Monuments over Men's Grave 225
- Wooden Blade 226
- Ainu Pipe, An 228
- Ainu Man walking with Snow-Shoes 236
- Thiaske-Tarra, The 238
- Atzis, The 245
- Atzis, after Japanese Pattern 245
- Winter Bear-skin Coat 245
- Atzis, Back of 246
- "Hoshi," The 247
- Boots, Deer-Skin Shoe, &c. 248
- Tattoo-marks on Women's Arms 253
- Snow-Shoes 254
- Ainu Salutation 255
- "Mukko," A, or Musical Instrument 258
- Wooden Pipe, A 265
- Naked Ainu Man from the North-East Coast of Yezo 274
- Trophy of Bears' Skulls 281
- Inao-netuba, &c. 292

CHAPTER I.
From Hakodate to Mororran—Volcano Bay—The first Ainu—A peculiar institution among them.
I have often asked myself why I went to Yezo; and, when there, what possessed me to undertake the laborious task of going round the island, up its largest rivers, travelling through jungles and round lakes, climbing its highest peaks, and then proceeding to the Kuriles. There are certain things in one's life that cannot be accounted for, and the journey which I am going to relate is one of them.
I’ve often wondered why I went to Yezo; and while I was there, what made me take on the tough job of traveling around the island, navigating its biggest rivers, trekking through jungles and around lakes, climbing its highest mountains, and then heading to the Kuriles. There are certain events in life that just can’t be explained, and the journey I’m about to share is one of those.
Pleasure and rest were the two principal objects which had primarily induced me to steer northwards; but it was my fate not to get either the one or the other.
Pleasure and relaxation were the two main reasons that made me head north; but it turned out that I wouldn't get either one.
I was on the Japanese ship the Satsuma Maru. Rapidly nearing the Hakodate Head, which we soon passed, we entered the well-protected bay and the town of Hakodate at the foot of the Peak came into view. It looked extremely pretty, with its paper-walled houses and its tiled roofs, set against the background of brown rock with its fringe of green at the foot. As we cast anchor, hundreds of coolies, carrying on their backs loads of dried fish and seaweed, were running along the bund or wharf. A few musemes (girls), in their[Pg 2] pretty kimonos (gowns) and with oil-paper umbrellas, were toddling along on their wooden clogs, and a crowd of loafers stood gazing at the ship as she came to anchor. The Peak, more than 1000 feet high, was towering on our south side, forming a peninsula, joined to the mainland by a sandy isthmus, and the large bay swept round us, forming nearly a circle. The place has a striking resemblance to Gibraltar.
I was on the Japanese ship the Satsuma Maru. As we quickly approached Hakodate Head and soon passed it, we entered the well-protected bay, and the town of Hakodate at the base of the Peak came into view. It looked really beautiful, with its paper-walled houses and tiled roofs, set against the backdrop of brown rock with a green fringe at the bottom. As we dropped anchor, hundreds of workers carrying loads of dried fish and seaweed on their backs were running along the bund or wharf. A few musemes (girls), in their pretty kimonos and with oil-paper umbrellas, were walking on their wooden clogs, while a crowd of bystanders stared at the ship as it anchored. The Peak, rising over 1000 feet, towered on our south side, forming a peninsula connected to the mainland by a sandy isthmus, and the large bay curved around us in almost a complete circle. The place looks strikingly similar to Gibraltar.
I landed, and put up at a tea-house, where I was in hopes of learning something regarding the island from the Japanese settlers, but no one knew anything. The reports that there were no roads extending beyond a few miles; that there was but very poor and scarce accommodation along the coast; that the Ainu, who lived further north, were dirty people; and that the country was full of bears, were certainly not encouraging to an intending traveller.
I arrived and stayed at a tea house, hoping to learn something about the island from the Japanese settlers, but no one had any information. The reports that there were only a few roads extending a few miles, that there was very little and poor accommodation along the coast, that the Ainu living further north were unclean people, and that the area was full of bears were definitely not encouraging for a prospective traveler.
I must confess that my first day in Yezo was a dull one; but the second day I had the pleasure of meeting a Mr. H., a resident, who kindly offered me his hospitality, and the next two were pleasantly spent at his house. In conversation with a friend of his, I heard the remark that no man alone could possibly complete the circuit of the island of Yezo, owing to the difficulties of travel; and my readers can imagine the astonishment of my interlocutors when I meekly said, that if no one had ever done it, I was going to do it; and, indeed, that I intended to set out alone the next morning.
I have to admit that my first day in Yezo was pretty boring; but on the second day, I had the pleasure of meeting a Mr. H., a local resident, who kindly offered me his hospitality, and I spent the next two days happily at his house. While chatting with one of his friends, I overheard the comment that no one could possibly go around the entire island of Yezo by themselves due to the tough travel conditions; and you can imagine the surprise of my conversation partners when I calmly stated that if no one had ever done it, I was going to be the first; and, in fact, I planned to set out alone the next morning.
"Impossible!" said one, "you are too young and too delicate."
"That’s impossible!" said one. "You're way too young and too fragile."
"Absurd!" said my kind host, "it would take a very strong man to do it—a man who could stand any amount of hardships and roughing." At the same time he gave me a pitiful look, which undoubtedly meant, "You are a mere bag of skin and bones."
"That’s ridiculous!" said my generous host. "It would take a really tough guy to pull that off—someone who can handle all sorts of hardships and rough living." At the same time, he shot me a sympathetic glance, which definitely said, "You’re just a poor bag of skin and bones."
However, the bag of skin and bones kept his word, notwithstanding the poor opinion that his new friends had formed of him.
However, the bag of skin and bones kept his promise, despite the low opinion that his new friends had of him.
The preparations for my journey were simple. In two large Japanese baskets I packed three hundred small wooden panels for oil-painting, a large supply of oil colours and brushes, a dozen small sketch-books, my diary, three pairs of boots, three shirts, an equal number of pairs of woollen[Pg 3] stockings, a revolver, and a hundred cartridges. The remainder of my luggage was left in charge of Mr. H. till my return. I did not burden myself with either provisions or a tent.
The preparations for my trip were straightforward. I packed three hundred small wooden panels for oil painting, a good amount of oil paints and brushes, a dozen small sketchbooks, my diary, three pairs of boots, three shirts, the same number of pairs of wool socks, a revolver, and a hundred rounds of ammunition in two large Japanese baskets. I left the rest of my luggage with Mr. H. until I got back. I didn’t take any food or a tent with me.
I rose early the following morning and bade good-bye to my kind host. "Good-bye," said he, "I expect we shall see you back to-night to dinner." The word "dinner" was the last English word I heard from the mouth of an Englishman, and it was five long months before I heard another.
I woke up early the next morning and said goodbye to my generous host. "Goodbye," he said, "I expect you’ll be back for dinner tonight." That was the last English word I heard from an Englishman for five long months.
The first thirty miles of my journey were ridden in a basha, a covered cart built on four wheels that ought to have been round, but were not. There were no springs for the comfort of the traveller, and no cushions on the seats. The conveyance was public, and was drawn by two sturdy ponies. The driver, a Japanese, carried a brass trumpet, on which he continually played.
The first thirty miles of my journey were spent in a basha, a covered cart with four wheels that should have been round but weren't. There were no springs for the traveler's comfort, and no cushions on the seats. The ride was public and was pulled by two strong ponies. The driver, a Japanese man, played a brass trumpet that he kept blowing.
I might have begun my story by the usual "One fine day," if, unfortunately, the day on which I started the rain had not poured in torrents. A Japanese policeman and a girl were my only fellow-passengers. Travelling at full gallop, on a rough road, in a trap with unsymmetrical wheels and with no springs, during a heavy storm, is scarcely what one would call a pleasant mode of progression; but after some hours of "being knocked about," we went zig-zag fashion, first up a steep hill, then down on the other side, giving the horses a rest at a roadside tea-house by the famous lakes of Zenzai. The larger of these two lakes—the Ko-numa—is extremely picturesque, with its numerous little islands wooded with deciduous trees. In shape it is very irregular, and many points, which project into the lake, add to the loveliness of the scene, while the high ridge over which I had come, on the one side, and the rugged volcano of Komagatake on the other, form a beautiful background to the limpid sheet of water. The outlet of this lake empties itself into Volcano Bay, S.E. of the Komagatake Volcano. The other lake, though smaller, is quite as striking, and possesses the same characteristics of its larger brother. It goes by the name of Ono-numa. A peculiarity of these lakes is that they abound in a smallish fish—the funa—which is greatly appreciated by the Japanese.
I might have started my story with the typical "One fine day," if it hadn't been for the fact that when I began, the rain was coming down in torrents. A Japanese policeman and a girl were my only fellow passengers. Traveling at full speed on a bumpy road in a carriage with uneven wheels and no springs during a heavy storm isn’t exactly what you'd call a pleasant journey; but after hours of being jostled around, we made our way in a zigzag pattern, first up a steep hill and then down the other side, stopping to let the horses rest at a roadside tea house by the famous Zenzai lakes. The larger of the two lakes—the Ko-numa—is incredibly picturesque, with its many small islands covered in deciduous trees. Its shape is quite irregular, and several points that jut into the lake enhance the beauty of the scene, while the high ridge I had crossed on one side and the rugged volcano of Komagatake on the other create a stunning backdrop for the clear water. The outlet of this lake flows into Volcano Bay, southeast of the Komagatake Volcano. The other lake, though smaller, is just as striking and shares the same qualities as its larger counterpart. It's called Ono-numa. One interesting feature of these lakes is that they're home to a small fish called funa, which is highly valued by the Japanese.
I sat down in the tea-house on the soft mats, and my bento—Japanese[Pg 4] lunch—was served to me on a tiny table. There was water soup; there was sea-weed; there was a bowl of rice, and raw fish. The fish—a small funa—was in a diminutive dish and its back was covered by a leaf; the head projected over the side of the plate. On the leaf were placed several neatly-cut pieces of the raw flesh, which had apparently been removed from the back of the underlying animal. As I had been long accustomed to Japanese food of this kind I ate to my heart's content, when, to my great horror, the funa, which had been staring at me with its round eyes, relieved of the weight that had passed from its back into my digestive organs, leaped up, leaf and all, from the dish and fell on the mat. All the vital parts had carefully been left in the fish, and the wretched creature was still alive!
I sat down in the tea house on the soft mats, and my bento—Japanese[Pg 4] lunch—was served to me on a small table. There was watery soup, seaweed, a bowl of rice, and raw fish. The fish—a small funa—was in a tiny dish and its back was covered by a leaf; its head hung over the edge of the plate. On the leaf were several neatly cut pieces of raw flesh, which had clearly been taken from the back of the fish. Since I was used to eating Japanese food like this, I enjoyed my meal when, to my horror, the funa, which had been looking at me with its round eyes, jumped up, leaf and all, from the dish and landed on the mat. All the vital parts were carefully left inside the fish, and the poor creature was still alive!
"Horrible!" I cried, violently pushing away the table and walking out disgusted, to the great surprise of the people present, who expected me to revel in the deliciousness of the dish.
"Horrible!" I shouted, angrily pushing the table away and leaving in disgust, much to the surprise of everyone there, who thought I would enjoy the deliciousness of the dish.
For days and days after I could see in my mind the staring eyes of the funa, watching each movement of my chopsticks, and its own back being eaten piecemeal! Wherever I went this big eye stood before me, and increased or diminished in size according to my being more or less lonely, more or less hungry. I had often eaten raw fish before, but never had I eaten live fish!
For days and days afterward, I could picture in my mind the wide eyes of the funa, observing every move I made with my chopsticks, while its own body was being eaten piece by piece! No matter where I went, this big eye was in front of me, growing or shrinking depending on how lonely I felt or how hungry I was. I had often eaten raw fish before, but I had never eaten live fish!
The journey in the basha was resumed that afternoon, and, more dead than alive, I alighted in the evening at Mori, a small Japanese village at the foot of the Komagatake Volcano. The peak of this mountain is 4000 feet above the level of the sea, but its basin-like crater is at a somewhat lower altitude. Up to a certain height it is thickly wooded with deciduous trees and firs, thence its slopes are bare of vegetation, rugged in form, and very rich in colour. It makes part of a volcanic mass which extends from the Esan Volcano, further south, to the limit of the Shiribeshi province, crossing straight through the province of Oshima as far as the Yurapdake Mountain. Komagatake is one of the most majestic and picturesque mountains I have ever seen, as it possesses lovely lines on nearly every side. Its isolation and sudden sharp elevation, rising as it does directly from the sea, gives, of course,[Pg 5] a grand appearance to its weird and sterile slopes, which are covered with warmly-tinted cinders, pumice, and lava.
The trip in the basha continued that afternoon, and by evening, I arrived in Mori, a small Japanese village at the base of the Komagatake Volcano, feeling more dead than alive. The peak of this mountain is 4,000 feet above sea level, but its bowl-shaped crater is at a slightly lower height. Up to a certain elevation, it’s thickly forested with deciduous trees and firs; above that, the slopes are barren, rough, and vividly colored. It’s part of a volcanic range that stretches from the Esan Volcano further south to the edge of the Shiribeshi province, crossing directly through Oshima province all the way to Yurapdake Mountain. Komagatake is one of the most stunning and picturesque mountains I’ve ever seen, with beautiful lines on nearly every side. Its isolation and sudden steep rise, coming straight up from the sea, certainly lend a dramatic look to its strange and barren slopes, covered in warmly-colored cinders, pumice, and lava.
I went over to Mororran, across Volcano Bay, and the following morning I risked my life on a small craft, which took me over to Mombets. From this place I rode on to Uso and Aputa, two Ainu villages at a short distance from each other.
I went to Mororran, across Volcano Bay, and the next morning I risked my life on a small boat that took me to Mombets. From there, I rode on to Uso and Aputa, two Ainu villages that are close to each other.
Coming from Japan the first thing that strikes a traveller in the Ainu country is the odour of dried fish, which one can smell everywhere; the next is the great number of crows—the scavengers of the country; lastly, the volcanic nature of the island. On visiting an Ainu village what impressed me most were the miserable and filthy huts, compared with the neat and clean Japanese houses; the poverty and almost appalling dirt of the people and their gentle, submissive nature.
Coming from Japan, the first thing that hits a traveler in Ainu country is the smell of dried fish, which you can notice everywhere. Next is the large number of crows—the country’s scavengers. Finally, there’s the island’s volcanic landscape. When I visited an Ainu village, what struck me the most were the miserable and filthy huts compared to the neat and clean Japanese houses, the poverty and nearly shocking dirt of the people, and their gentle, submissive nature.
I shall not dwell at length on these Volcano Bay Ainu, as this part of the country is comparatively civilised, and has been travelled over by many people previous to my going there. Besides, most of them have intermarried with Japanese, and have consequently adopted many Japanese customs and manners.
I won't go into much detail about the Volcano Bay Ainu, since this area is relatively civilized and has been visited by many people before I arrived. Also, many of them have intermarried with Japanese, and as a result, they've adopted a lot of Japanese customs and ways.
The Ainu of the coast build their huts generally on a single line, near the shore, and each family has its "dug out" canoe drawn up on the beach, ready to hand when wanted. The huts are small and miserable-looking, and they have no furniture or bedding to speak of. The roof and walls are thatched with arundinaria, but so imperfectly that wind and rain find easy access through their reedy covering. Curiosity is the only good quality which I ever possessed, and in obedience to it I poked my nose into several of the huts along the beach. This was a mistake on my part, for in the Ainu country the nose is the last thing one ought to poke in anywhere. I was more than astonished to see how human beings could live in such filth! The natives kindly asked me to enter, and I of course did so, stooping low through the small door and raising the mat which protects the aperture. When I was in I could smell a great deal more than I could see, for the east window—the size of a small handkerchief, and the only one in the hut—did not give light enough to illuminate the premises. However, I soon got accustomed to the dimness, and then I[Pg 6] could make out my surroundings clearly enough. There was an old man, perfectly naked, with a fine head, long white hair and beard, sitting on the ground among a mass of seaweeds, which he was disentangling and packing. Two young women and two young men, with bright, intelligent eyes and high cheek-bones, were helping him in his work. In their quiet, gentle way they all brought their hands forward, each rubbed the palms together, and, lifting the arms, slowly stroked their hair, and the men their beard with the backs of their hands, while the women rubbed the first finger under the nose from the left to the right. This is their salutation, and it is most graceful. They seemed pleased to see me, and asked me to sit down. As there were neither chairs nor sofas, stools nor cushions, I squatted on the ground.
The Ainu people living on the coast generally build their huts in a single row near the shore, and each family has a "dug out" canoe pulled up on the beach, ready to use when needed. The huts are small and look quite shabby, lacking any furniture or bedding to speak of. The roof and walls are covered with arundinaria, but it’s done so poorly that wind and rain can easily get through the flimsy covering. Curiosity is the only good quality I ever had, and out of obedience to it, I peeked into several huts along the beach. This was a mistake, as in Ainu country, the nose is the last thing you should stick into anywhere. I was shocked to see how people could live in such filth! The locals kindly invited me in, and I accepted, stooping low through the small door and lifting the mat that covered the entrance. Once inside, I could smell a lot more than I could see, since the east window—about the size of a small handkerchief—was the only one in the hut and didn’t let in much light. However, I soon got used to the dimness, and then I[Pg 6] could make out my surroundings well enough. There was an old man, completely naked, with a fine head and long white hair and beard, sitting on the ground among a pile of seaweed that he was untangling and packing. Two young women and two young men, with bright, intelligent eyes and high cheekbones, were helping him with the task. In their calm, gentle way, they all brought their hands forward, rubbed their palms together, and, lifting their arms, slowly stroked their hair, while the men stroked their beards with the backs of their hands. The women rubbed their index fingers under their noses from left to right. This is their greeting, and it’s very graceful. They seemed happy to see me and invited me to sit down. Since there were no chairs, sofas, stools, or cushions, I squatted on the ground.

Most Ainu of Volcano Bay understand Japanese, and they also speak it, interpolating Ainu words when necessary, so I began a conversation. My presence did not seem to disturb them or arouse their curiosity, and, beyond gazing at the mother-of-pearl buttons on my white coat, they did not appear to be struck by me. Evidently the buttons were much more interesting to them than the person who wore them. Now and then they uttered a few words, but whenever one spoke some of the company seemed to be angry, as at an impertinence or a breach of etiquette. Men and women wore large ear-rings or pieces of red or black cloth, which added a great deal to their picturesqueness; but the women were disfigured by a long moustache tattooed across the face from ear to ear. Rough drawings adorn the arms and hands of the women, and some of the younger females would undoubtedly be fine-looking if not disfigured by the tattoos, for they carry themselves well when walking, and possess comely features. Judging from appearances, I should think them very passionate.
Most Ainu of Volcano Bay understand Japanese and also speak it, mixing in Ainu words when needed, so I started a conversation. My presence didn't seem to bother them or spark their curiosity, and besides looking at the mother-of-pearl buttons on my white coat, they didn't seem particularly interested in me. Clearly, the buttons were much more fascinating to them than the person wearing them. Every now and then, they would say a few words, but whenever one of them spoke, some in the group appeared irritated, as if someone committed a social faux pas. Both men and women wore large earrings or pieces of red or black cloth, which made their appearance quite striking; however, the women had a long mustache tattooed across their faces from ear to ear that was somewhat unflattering. The arms and hands of the women were adorned with rough tattoos, and some of the younger women would undoubtedly be attractive if not for the tattoos, as they carry themselves well while walking and have appealing features. Based on appearances, I would guess they are quite passionate.
Coming out of the hut I saw a scene which I shall never forget. Two naked boys, covered with horrible skin eruptions, had got hold of a large fish-bone, out of which they[Pg 7] were endeavouring to make a meal. Round them were gathered about thirty dogs, wild with hunger, barking furiously at the frightened children, and attacking and fighting them for that miserable repast.
Coming out of the hut, I saw a scene that I will never forget. Two naked boys, covered in terrible skin rashes, had found a large fish bone, and they were trying to make a meal out of it. Around them were about thirty hungry dogs, barking wildly at the scared kids, and attacking and fighting them for that meager food.
I walked along the beach, and endeavoured to make friends with some of the Ainu who were less shy than the others. One little girl was especially picturesque. She was only about ten, and her large eyes, tanned complexion, white teeth, the tiny bluish-black tattoo on her upper lip, her uncombed long black hair flying around her, and her red cloth ear-rings, made her indeed one of the quaintest studies of colour that I have seen in my life. I got her to sit for me; and while I was painting her, an old man, the chief of the village, dressed up in a gaudy costume, with a crown of willow shavings on his head, came to me and made his "salaams." He bore the name of Angotsuro, and before all his salaams were over he found himself "caught in the action" in my sketch-book. Many of the villagers had collected round, and one of them, a half-caste, expressed the wish that I should paint the chief in colours, like the picture of the girl. I asked for nothing better, and started an oil-sketch of him. The excitement of the natives who were witnessing the operation grew greater and greater as each new ornament in the chief's dress was put in the picture. Some seemed to approve of it, others were grumpy, and apparently objected to the picture being taken at all. The séance was indeed a stormy one; and though the chief had his regal crown knocked off his head two or three times by the anti-artistic party, he sat well for his likeness, especially as I promised him in Japanese, that when the picture was completed he should be given a few coins and two buttons off my coat.
I walked along the beach, trying to make friends with some of the Ainu who weren’t as shy as the others. One little girl stood out in particular. She was around ten years old, and her big eyes, tanned skin, bright white teeth, the tiny bluish-black tattoo on her upper lip, her long, messy black hair blowing around, and her red cloth earrings made her one of the most unique sights I’ve ever seen. I got her to sit for me, and while I was painting her, an old man, the village chief, dressed in a colorful outfit with a crown made of willow shavings on his head, approached me and greeted me respectfully. His name was Angotsuro, and before he finished all his greetings, I had already sketched him. Many villagers gathered around, and one of them, a mixed-race person, asked me to paint the chief in color, just like the girl. I was more than happy to do that and began an oil sketch of him. The excitement among the natives watching me grew as I added each new detail of the chief’s outfit to the painting. Some seemed to like it, while others were upset and clearly didn’t want the picture taken at all. The session was definitely intense; even though the chief’s regal crown was knocked off a couple of times by those opposed to the picture, he sat still for his portrait, especially since I promised him in Japanese that once I finished the painting, he would receive a few coins and two buttons from my coat.
It was while portraying him that I noticed what extraordinary effects colours produce on those whose eyes are unaccustomed to them. A man in the crowd would get excited, and open his eyes wide and show his teeth every time I happened to touch with my brush the cobalt blue on my palette. Other colours had not the same effect on him. His eyes were continually fixed on the blue, anxiously waiting for the brush to dip in it, and this would then send him into fits of merriment. I squeezed some blue paint from a tube on[Pg 8] to the palm of his hand, and he nearly went off his head with delight. He sprang and jumped and yelled, and then ran some way off, where he squatted on the sand, still in admiration of the blue dab on his hand, still grinning at intervals with irrepressible enjoyment. Where the point of the joke was no one but himself ever knew.
It was while painting him that I noticed the amazing effects colors have on those who aren't used to them. A guy in the crowd would get excited, widen his eyes, and grin every time I touched the cobalt blue on my palette. Other colors didn’t have the same impact on him. His eyes were always glued to the blue, anxiously waiting for the brush to dip into it, and this would send him into fits of laughter. I squeezed some blue paint from a tube onto[Pg 8] the palm of his hand, and he nearly lost it with joy. He jumped around, yelled, and then ran off a bit, where he squatted on the sand, still in awe of the blue smudge on his hand, grinning intermittently with uncontrollable delight. Only he ever knew what the joke was.
When the picture was finished I had no little trouble to keep the many fingers of my audience off the wet painting. Moreover, some person endowed with kindly feelings threw a handful of sand in my face, which nearly blinded me for the moment and partly ruined the two pictures I had painted. The money and the buttons were duly paid to Angotsuro and I moved on.
When the painting was done, I had a hard time keeping the numerous fingers of my audience away from the wet canvas. On top of that, someone with good intentions threw a handful of sand in my face, which almost blinded me for a moment and partially ruined the two paintings I had created. The money and the buttons were properly given to Angotsuro, and I moved on.
That same evening I went out for a walk. It was a very dark night, and I love dark nights. When for some years you have done nothing but see strange things and new places there is indeed a great fascination in going about in complete darkness; it rests both your eyes and your brain. I walked for some time along the beach, stumbling against the canoes drawn on shore and against anything that was in my way. Hut after hut was passed, but everything was silent; there was not a sound to be heard, not a light to be seen. The Ainu are early people; they retire with the sun. I walked on yet farther and farther afield, till through the thatched wall of one of the huts I discerned a faint light. I stood and listened. The sad voice of a man was singing a weird, weird song, the weirdest song I have ever heard. Then came a pause, and another voice, even more plaintive than the first, continued the same air.
That same evening, I went out for a walk. It was a really dark night, and I love dark nights. After spending years seeing strange things and new places, there’s something really intriguing about wandering in total darkness; it relaxes both your eyes and your mind. I walked for a while along the beach, tripping over canoes pulled up on the shore and anything else in my path. I passed by hut after hut, but everything was silent; there was no sound to be heard, no light to be seen. The Ainu are early people; they go to bed with the sun. I kept walking farther and farther away until I noticed a faint light through the thatched wall of one of the huts. I stood still and listened. A sad voice of a man was singing a strange, strange song, the strangest song I’ve ever heard. Then there was a pause, and another voice, even more mournful than the first, picked up the same tune.
What with the strange melody in the hut, the soothing noise of the waves gently breaking on the shingle, and the distant howling of dogs or wolves, the mystic effect was such that I could not resist the temptation, and I crept into the hut. A fire was burning in the centre, but it had almost gone out, leaving a lot of smoke. Three old men were sitting on the ground. They decidedly looked as if they did not expect me, but, after their first astonishment was over, they asked me to squat down in a corner, and there I was left to amuse myself, while they resumed their singing and drinking. Of the latter they seemed to have had enough already; but, all the[Pg 9] same, several wooden bowls, about five inches in diameter and two deep, were passed round and emptied in no time. The more they drank, the wilder and more melancholy the song became. Only one at a time sang, and he would begin in a very low tone of voice and go up in a crescendo, gradually getting awfully excited; then all at once he would stop, as if the effort had been too great for him. His head drooped, and he seemed to sleep. Then, suddenly waking up, coming back to his full senses in a startling manner, he drained one of the bowls, which meantime had been refilled, and resumed the song. The three men were facing each other, and so absorbed were they in their music that, though I was not more than four feet away from them, they seemed to have forgotten me altogether.
With the strange melody in the hut, the calming sound of the waves softly crashing on the shore, and the distant howling of dogs or wolves, the mystical vibe was so strong that I couldn’t resist the urge, and I quietly sneaked into the hut. A fire was burning in the center, but it was nearly out, creating a lot of smoke. Three old men were sitting on the ground. They definitely looked like they weren’t expecting me, but after their initial surprise wore off, they invited me to sit down in a corner, and there I was left to entertain myself while they went back to their singing and drinking. They seemed to have had enough to drink already, but still, several wooden bowls, about five inches wide and two deep, were passed around and emptied in no time. The more they drank, the wilder and more melancholic the song became. Only one person sang at a time, starting in a very low voice and building up to a crescendo, becoming increasingly excited; then suddenly he would stop, as if the effort had been too much for him. His head would droop, and he appeared to fall asleep. Then, suddenly waking up, returning to full awareness dramatically, he would drain one of the bowls, which had meanwhile been refilled, and continue the song. The three men were facing each other, and they were so focused on their music that, even though I was only about four feet away from them, they seemed to have completely forgotten about me.
I was so impressed with the strangeness of the song that I pulled out my pencil and paper to write down the air. As there was no light but the flicker of the fire, I turned the white leaf of my sketch-book toward it to see what I was writing. This caught the eye of one of the men. He woke up, startled from his musical dream, jumped to his feet, and made a dash for me, yelling some words which I did not understand, and holding over my head something that I could not distinguish at the moment owing to the dimness of the light. Standing thus he paused, evidently waiting for an answer to something he had said. It came from one of the other fellows, who pushed him so violently as to send him sprawling on the floor, while, what he held in his hand—a big, heavy, pointed knife—fell and stuck deep in the ground about an inch from my toes. A dispute arose among themselves, but among the Ainu everything ends up in a drink. The large wooden bowls were again refilled; grand bows were made to me, and they all stroked their hair and beard several times—a sign of great respect. I was then handed one of the bowls and made to swallow the contents. But, heavens! never have I felt any liquid work its way down so far. Had I swallowed fire it could not have been as bad; and, indeed, it was neither more nor less than liquid fire.
I was so taken aback by the oddity of the song that I grabbed my pencil and paper to jot down the tune. With only the flickering firelight, I turned the white page of my sketchbook toward it to see what I was writing. This caught the attention of one of the guys. He woke up, startled from his musical dream, jumped up, and rushed towards me, shouting something I didn’t understand and holding something above my head that I couldn’t make out in the dim light. Standing there, he paused, clearly waiting for a response to whatever he had said. One of the other guys answered him by shoving him violently, sending him sprawling on the floor, while the object he was holding—a big, heavy, pointed knife—fell and stuck deep into the ground just an inch from my toes. A dispute broke out among them, but among the Ainu, everything eventually ends up with a drink. The large wooden bowls were filled again; they all made grand bows to me and stroked their hair and beards several times—a sign of great respect. I was then handed one of the bowls and forced to drink its contents. But, wow! I’ve never felt a liquid go down like that. If I had swallowed fire, it couldn’t have been worse; and, indeed, it was nothing less than liquid fire.
As the night was wearing fast, and the old fellows had got on well with their drink, the sing-song became rather too languid and monotonous; and I crept out of the hut as quietly as I had entered it, not without first giving the inmates something for their trouble. I had some difficulty in[Pg 10] finding my way back to my less musical quarters; and passing too close to some of the other huts, the dogs—which infest all Ainu villages—barked furiously and roused the whole place.
As the night went on and the older guys had drunk quite a bit, the sing-along became a bit too slow and repetitive. I slipped out of the hut as quietly as I had entered, but not before giving the people inside something for their trouble. I had a hard time [Pg 10] finding my way back to my less musical quarters; and when I got too close to some of the other huts, the dogs—which are everywhere in Ainu villages—barked like crazy and woke everyone up.
I learned afterwards that it is an Ainu fashion to try a man's courage. This is done in the way in which my musical friends tried mine, namely, by making a sudden rush with a knife as if death and destruction were imminent, which to a perfect stranger, unconscious of the strain of "bluff" in the action, is not very reassuring. If the person to be tested is aware of this fashion he has to submit to an unlimited number of whacks, administered to him on his bare back, with a heavy war-club. These tests of a man's courage and endurance are called the Ukorra.
I found out later that it's an Ainu tradition to test a man's bravery. They do this in the same way my musician friends tested mine, by suddenly rushing at you with a knife as if you’re about to face death and destruction, which is pretty unsettling for someone who has no idea it's just a bluff. If the person being tested knows about this tradition, they have to endure countless hits on their bare back with a heavy war club. These tests of a man's courage and endurance are called the Ukorra.
In the first instance it is done, in a certain sense, good-naturedly, and not meaning to hurt one. Should, however, the person apparently so dangerously threatened show fright or signs of cowardice, he loses the respect of the Ainu, unless he has the happy thought of giving them a sufficient quantity of some intoxicating liquor to make them all drunk—which is a sure means of turning the most inimical Ainu you may meet into your fast friend, even if you have had a deadly feud with him.
In the beginning, it's done somewhat playfully, without the intention to harm anyone. However, if the person under threat shows fear or acts cowardly, they lose the respect of the Ainu, unless they come up with the clever idea of giving them enough alcohol to get them all drunk—which is a guaranteed way to turn even the most hostile Ainu you might encounter into your loyal friend, even if you’ve had a serious feud with them.
The second way—with the war-club—of course is a painful process, and the Ainu have recourse to it when it is necessary to determine the relative amount of courage possessed by certain members of a community. The one that can stand the greater number of blows is naturally entitled to the respect and admiration of his neighbours, and he is elected leader in bear-hunts or similar expeditions. At the election of a new chief—when the chief's line of descendants dies out—this process, I was told, is often practised; for bravery is the first quality which an Ainu chief must possess.
The second method—with the war club—is obviously a painful process, and the Ainu use it when they need to assess the level of courage among certain members of the community. The person who can withstand the most blows naturally earns the respect and admiration of their neighbors, and they are chosen as the leader in bear hunts or similar adventures. When a new chief is selected—typically when the current chief's lineage comes to an end—this method is often used, as bravery is the most important trait an Ainu chief must have.
At Aputa, through some of the half-castes, I was able to pick up a great number of Ainu words, which were most useful to me afterwards; and from that, gradually increasing my stock of words, I soon knew enough to understand a little and also to make myself understood.
At Aputa, through some of the mixed-race individuals, I was able to learn a lot of Ainu words, which helped me a lot later on; and from there, as I gradually built my vocabulary, I soon knew enough to understand a bit and to express myself.
One day I went along the coast to the next village of Repun, and then retraced my steps to Aputa, as there was nothing of interest at the former place.
One day I walked along the coast to the next village of Repun, and then I went back to Aputa, since there wasn’t anything interesting in the first place.
An excursion which I enjoyed more was to the Toya Lake,[Pg 11] with its three pretty islands in the centre and the magnificent Uso Volcano on its southern shores. The walk there and back was hardly fifteen miles, over a mountain track and through forests of pine-trees and oaks. The lake is about 250 feet above the level of the sea, and is about five miles in diameter. Its shores are surrounded with thickly-wooded hills, which have grassy terraces at a certain altitude, extending especially towards the north-western shores of the lake. The barren Uso Volcano, with its sterile slopes, is a great contrast to the beautiful green of the comparatively luxuriant vegetation of the lower altitudes. The lake finds an outlet into the Osaru River by means of a high waterfall.
An outing that I really enjoyed was to Toya Lake,[Pg 11] which has three lovely islands in the center and the stunning Uso Volcano on its southern shore. The round trip was only about fifteen miles, along a mountain path and through forests of pine and oak trees. The lake sits around 250 feet above sea level and is about five miles wide. Its shores are lined with densely wooded hills that have grassy terraces at certain heights, especially toward the northwestern side of the lake. The barren Uso Volcano, with its dry slopes, stands in stark contrast to the lush green vegetation found at the lower elevations. The lake drains into the Osaru River via a tall waterfall.
The following day I rode back to Mombets, and the next on to Shin-Mororran (the new Mororran, distinguished by this affix from Kiu-Mororran, the old settlement on the northern shore).
The next day, I rode back to Mombets, and the day after that, I continued on to Shin-Mororran (the new Mororran, distinguished by this suffix from Kiu-Mororran, the old settlement on the northern shore).
Mororran has a well-protected harbour, and it would be the best future port in Hokkaido if the anchorage were of a larger capacity. In more speculative hands than the Japanese this port would be a great rival to Hakodate. It consists of a thickly-wooded peninsula, which forms a well-sheltered bay, at the entrance of which the picturesque island of Daikuku stands high above the sea-level. In the harbour itself, smaller islets and huge rocks contribute to its beauty.
Mororran has a well-protected harbor, and it could be the best future port in Hokkaido if the anchorage had a larger capacity. In more adventurous hands than those of the Japanese, this port could be a serious competitor to Hakodate. It features a densely wooded peninsula that creates a well-sheltered bay, at the entrance of which the scenic island of Daikuku rises high above sea level. Within the harbor, smaller islets and large rocks add to its charm.
The village of Mororran is a mere streak of fourth-rate tea-houses along the road by the side of the cliffs. Apart from the natural loveliness of the harbour, it has, indeed, no claims to consideration at present. In former days it was called by the Ainu, Tokri-moi, "the home of the seals," for these valuable amphibious animals were said to be then plentiful in the bay.
The village of Mororran is just a line of low-quality tea houses along the road by the cliffs. Other than the natural beauty of the harbor, it really doesn’t have much to offer right now. In the past, the Ainu called it Tokri-moi, meaning "the home of the seals," because these valuable marine animals were believed to be abundant in the bay.


CHAPTER II.
From Mororran to the Saru River.
Thirteen more miles in a basha—for I was still in civilised regions—took me to Horobets—a village half Ainu and half Japanese.
Thirteen more miles in a basha—since I was still in civilized areas—brought me to Horobets—a village that was half Ainu and half Japanese.
The Ainu often name their villages after rivers, and this word Horobets, which in English means "large river," is an instance of this custom. In Southern Japan, previous to my visiting Yezo, I was told that nearly all the Ainu of Horobets had become "good Christians." If such were the case, which I do not wish my readers to doubt, the small experience which I had here, led me to believe that "good Christians" often make "very bad heathens."
The Ainu often name their villages after rivers, and the word Horobets, which in English means "large river," is an example of this tradition. Before I visited Yezo in Southern Japan, I was told that almost all the Ainu in Horobets had become "good Christians." If that's true, which I hope my readers will believe, my limited experience here made me think that "good Christians" can sometimes be "very bad heathens."
I left all my baggage in a tea-house at the entrance of the village, and, taking my paint-box with me, I went for a walk along the beach. I saw a crowd of Ainu in the distance, and I hurried up to them. They were busy skinning a large Ushi-sakana (cow-fish), cutting it into pieces with their long[Pg 13] knives. They did not pay much attention to me, and this disregard of what would be to others a cause of curiosity and interruption I afterwards found to be a characteristic of the Ainu. They are seldom distracted from any particular idea that occupies their mind at a certain moment. In fact, they are so little accustomed to reflect at all, that it seems almost impossible for them to think of two things at the same time. Of all the existing races of mankind they may be said to be the most purely one-idea'd.
I left all my luggage at a tea house at the village entrance, and, taking my paintbox with me, I went for a walk along the beach. I spotted a group of Ainu in the distance, and I rushed over to them. They were busy skinning a large Ushi-sakana (cow-fish), chopping it into pieces with their long[Pg 13] knives. They didn’t pay much attention to me, and this indifference to what others might find interesting or interruptive I later learned to be typical of the Ainu. They rarely get distracted from whatever thought occupies their mind at that moment. In fact, they are so unused to reflective thinking that it seems almost impossible for them to concentrate on two things at once. Of all the existing human races, they could be considered the most single-minded.
Stark naked, with their long hair streaming in the wind, they formed a picturesque group. What a chance for a sketch! I sat down on the sand, opened my paint-box, and dashed off a picture, when a young lad, who had taken his share of the fish, came over to see what I was doing. "What is it?" he asked me in broken Japanese, to which question I answered that I was painting the group of them. The news seemed to give him a shock. He rejoined the others, excitedly muttered some words, and apparently told them that I had painted the whole group, fish and all. Had anyone among them been struck by lightning, they could certainly not have looked more dismayed. I never knew until then that painting could have such an overpowering effect on people, except, perhaps, when one has sat to an amateur artist for one's own likeness, the result of which is often one of dumb and blank amazement. Anger and disgust naturally followed. The fish was thrown aside, but not the knives, armed with which they all rushed at my back. The sudden change of ideas had evidently made them exceedingly angry. The grumbling became very loud, and louder still when they saw me complacently giving the finishing touches to the fish, which was now left alone, and not as before shifted about every second. They grew wilder and wilder, until one of the crowd shouted in my ears some words which sounded remarkably like swearing. Nevertheless it takes more than that to stop me from sketching; but ... "By Jove!" I exclaimed, when, all of a sudden, a rush was made on me. My paint-box, picture, palette and brushes were snatched out of my hands and smashed or flung away, and I found myself stretched on the sand, my late involuntary sitters holding me down fast by the legs and arms. A big knife was kept well over my head, so that I should not attempt[Pg 14] to move, while the painting, on a heavy wooden panel, was being mercilessly destroyed by others. "If these are Christians, well I am ..." were, I must confess, the first words that rose to my lips.
Stark naked, with their long hair flowing in the wind, they formed a beautiful scene. What a perfect opportunity for a sketch! I sat down on the sand, opened my paint box, and quickly painted a picture when a young boy, who had taken his share of the fish, came over to check out what I was doing. "What is it?" he asked me in broken Japanese, to which I replied that I was painting the group. This seemed to shock him. He went back to the others, excitedly muttering something, and apparently told them that I had painted all of them, fish included. If anyone among them had been struck by lightning, they couldn't have looked more stunned. I had never realized until then that painting could have such a strong impact on people, except maybe when someone sits for an amateur artist and sees their own likeness, which often leaves them speechless. Naturally, anger and disgust followed. The fish was tossed aside, but not the knives, which they all brandished as they rushed at my back. The sudden shift in their mood clearly made them very angry. The murmuring got louder, even more so when they saw me calmly adding the finishing touches to the fish, which was now left alone and not being jostled every second like before. They became increasingly agitated until one of the crowd yelled something in my ear that sounded a lot like swearing. Still, it takes more than that to stop me from sketching; but ... "By golly!" I exclaimed when, all of a sudden, they charged at me. My paint box, picture, palette, and brushes were yanked from my hands and either smashed or thrown away, and I found myself lying on the sand, my former sitters pinning me down by the legs and arms. A large knife was held ominously over my head to prevent me from moving, while others brutally destroyed my painting on a heavy wooden panel. "If these are Christians, well I am ..." were, I must confess, the first words that came to my mind.
It is, indeed, difficult to describe how and what one feels when, to all appearance, one is going to be murdered—for painting a fish! My first thought, of course, went to my parents. My next was, what a nuisance it was to be murdered with the sun shining in my eyes, so that I could not even see who would give me the "finishing touch." All the events of my life, the bad ones first, flashed across my mind in those few seconds, and then I almost began to feel as if I had made my first steps into the other world, and I could see angels and devils disputing for my company—the devils, of course, having by far the largest claims. The bitterness of death had in some sense passed, when, to my great astonishment, and with a few, but very sound, kicks I was made to understand that I could get up and go.
It’s actually tough to explain how it feels when it looks like you're about to be killed—for painting a fish! My first thought, of course, was about my parents. Then I thought about how annoying it was to potentially be murdered with the sun shining in my eyes, so I couldn’t even see who would deliver the final blow. In those few seconds, all the events of my life, starting with the bad ones, flashed through my mind, and I almost felt like I was taking my first steps into the next world, where angels and devils were arguing over me—the devils, of course, having the strongest claims. The bitterness of death had somewhat faded away when, to my surprise, with a few solid kicks, I realized that I could get up and leave.
The sensation of being brought back to life, when one has made up one's mind to be dead, notwithstanding the abrupt manner in which it was produced, was indeed a pleasant one. I did get up, and pretty quick, I can tell you; but only to see my poor wooden paint-box floating half-smashed in the sea, my brushes stuck here and there in the sand, and the sketch utterly destroyed.
The feeling of being brought back to life, even after deciding to be dead, was surprisingly nice despite how suddenly it happened. I got up pretty quickly, let me tell you; but only to find my poor wooden paint box floating half-broken in the sea, my brushes scattered around in the sand, and the sketch completely ruined.
My assailants were about fifteen or twenty, and I was alone. Stupidly enough, and relying on the Christianity of the people, I had not burdened myself with the extra weight of my revolver; I had left it with my heavy luggage in the small Japanese tea-house where I had put up, nearly a mile away. The Japanese police-station was at Washibets, another village some miles off. Nothing was left for me but to pick up the few unbroken brushes which were within easy reach and retire; but I was neither frightened nor conquered, and I swore to myself that I would have my revenge. I hurried to the tea-house, took my revolver, and filled my pocket with cartridges, then I ran back to the spot where I had sketched and been assaulted. There they all were as I had left them, one of them mimicking me with the broken palette, which he had fished out of the sea. I had kept well behind[Pg 15] some thick brushwood, so that they should not see me, and for some time watched them unobserved. The imitation was perfect. The impromptu Raphael's hair was long enough to give him the look of an artist, and he was sufficiently brave to carry on his imitation sketching under a shower of missiles and sand thrown at him by his friends and companions. As he turned his head I recognised in my brother-artist the man who had been holding the knife over my head about an hour before, and also the very person who had given me the soundest kick. Just like a brother-artist! If my sketching had not lasted long, his parody was even shorter. I sprang out from the brushwood screen and caught him by the throat, pointing my revolver at his head, and telling him in Japanese to follow me to the police-station. Another man, attacking me from behind, stabbed me in my left arm, but not very severely, as I saw him just in time to avoid his blow. The sight of my revolver had a salutary effect on my hairy friends, and they were done out of their fun when, keeping them at bay, I told them that if they did not follow me they would all be dead men before they knew where they were. They had seen guns of the Japanese, and they knew the effects of them, so the saucy gentlemen stroked their hair and beard and made signs of submission and obedience. However, I was not to be easily appeased, as it was necessary to give them a lesson to prevent the same thing happening to future travellers; so I made them march in front of me, not caring to have them at my back, and thus took them all to the Japanese police-station, where they were duly arrested. The Japanese are very severe with recalcitrant Ainu, and my assailants would have been unmercifully dealt with had it not been for their wives and children, who came to me begging me to forgive their husbands and fathers for what they had done. I willingly did so, on condition that they should all come and prostrate themselves at my feet, imploring pardon and forgiveness and offering submission, as well as confessing their sorrow. This penitential function was reluctantly fixed by the Japanese policeman—the only one in the place—at a late hour in the afternoon. During the interval, as I fortunately had a large supply of painting materials, I managed to repaint from memory the scene represented in the sketch[Pg 16] destroyed. The evening came, and the little Japanese policeman brought the resigned and humbled Ainu to the inn. Their wives and relatives followed, and they all looked supremely mournful and sad. I sat, Japanese fashion, on the small verandah on the ground-floor, and the policeman placed the Ainu on a line in front of me, and then came to sit by my side. He then addressed them, partly in the Ainu language, partly in Japanese, and bestowed on them names which went well to the point. He scolded them harshly, and asked them why they had assaulted me.
My attackers were about fifteen or twenty, and I was all alone. Stupidly, I had counted on the goodness of the locals and didn’t carry my revolver; I had left it with my heavy luggage at the small Japanese tea house where I was staying, almost a mile away. The Japanese police station was in Washibets, another village a few miles away. All I could do was grab the few unbroken brushes within reach and retreat; but I wasn't scared or defeated, and I promised myself that I would get my revenge. I rushed back to the tea house, grabbed my revolver, and filled my pocket with cartridges, then ran back to the spot where I had been sketching and attacked. They were all still there, one of them imitating me with the broken palette he had pulled out of the sea. I stayed hidden behind some thick brush, so they couldn’t see me, and watched them for a while without being noticed. The imitation was perfect. The makeshift Raphael had long enough hair to look like an artist, and he was brave enough to keep sketching while his friends pelted him with stones and sand. As he turned his head, I recognized him as the guy who had held the knife over me about an hour earlier, and also the one who had kicked me hard. Just like a fellow artist! If my sketching hadn't lasted long, his parody was even shorter. I jumped out from my hiding spot and grabbed him by the throat, pointing my revolver at his head and telling him in Japanese to come with me to the police station. Another guy attacked me from behind and stabbed my left arm, but it wasn’t serious since I saw him just in time to dodge the blow. The sight of my revolver had a chilling effect on my hairy friends, and their fun ended quickly when I warned them that if they didn't follow me, they’d all be dead before they knew it. They had seen Japanese guns and knew how deadly they could be, so the bold guys smoothed their hair and beards and pretended to submit. However, I wasn’t easily satisfied; I needed to teach them a lesson to prevent this from happening to future travelers. So, I made them walk in front of me, not wanting them behind me, and took them all to the Japanese police station, where they were arrested. The Japanese are very harsh with defiant Ainu, and my attackers would have faced severe punishment if it weren’t for their wives and children, who came to plead for their husbands and fathers. I agreed to forgive them on the condition that they all come and bow down at my feet, begging for pardon and confession of their sorrow. This act of penance was reluctantly scheduled by the Japanese policeman—the only one in the area—for a late hour in the afternoon. Meanwhile, since I had plenty of painting supplies, I was able to repaint the scene from memory that the previous sketch had captured. Evening came, and the little Japanese policeman brought the resigned and humbled Ainu to the inn. Their wives and relatives followed, all looking utterly mournful and sad. I sat, Japanese style, on the small verandah on the ground floor, and the policeman lined the Ainu up in front of me and then sat down beside me. He then spoke to them in both the Ainu language and Japanese, giving them names that fit the situation. He scolded them harshly and asked them why they had attacked me.
One of them, as grave as a judge, with his eyes cast down, and in a half-broken voice, came forward and said, that if once you have your likeness taken you have to give up your life to it, and it brings illness to yourself, to your children, your parents, and your neighbours. Not only that, but as I had taken many people together, famine was sure to fall on the country. "Then," he added—and he seemed positive of what he was talking about—"then there was a fish the stranger made"—the Ainu have no word for painting—"and had we not destroyed his makings all the fish would have disappeared from the sea, and all the Ainu would have died of starvation"—which was a terrible contingency, as the Ainu live mainly by fishing. "We have not hurt the stranger," continued this hairy representative of Master Eustache de St. Pierre, "and now that all the Ainu and the fish he made are destroyed we are safe."
One of them, serious like a judge, with his eyes downcast and a shaky voice, stepped forward and said that once you have your likeness taken, you have to give your life to it, and it brings sickness to you, your kids, your parents, and your neighbors. Not only that, but since I had taken many people together, famine was definitely coming to the country. "Then," he added—and he seemed sure of what he was saying—"then there was a fish that the stranger made"—the Ainu have no word for painting—"and if we hadn't destroyed his creations, all the fish would have vanished from the sea, and all the Ainu would have starved to death"—which was a dire situation since the Ainu mainly rely on fishing. "We haven't harmed the stranger," continued this hairy representative of Master Eustache de St. Pierre, "and now that all the Ainu and the fish he created are gone, we're safe."
"You are mistaken," said I, when, by the aid of the policeman, I understood the meaning of this long harangue, and I produced the large sketch of the scene which I had repainted from memory. This certainly beat them. They could hardly believe their own eyes, and looked at each other as if some great calamity were approaching. I have no doubt that they considered me an evil spirit, and, as such, too powerful to be contended with. Discretion was their best part of valour, as they proved. One by one they approached the verandah, sat cross-legged in front of me, rubbed their hands together, stroked their hair and beard three times, and three times each put his head down to my feet, begging my pardon. The Ainu women and children who had assembled in the back yard, where the function took place, were crying and moaning[Pg 17] piteously. The most trying part for me was, of course, to keep serious during this long tragi-comic performance, and I was indeed glad when it was all over; when my supremacy was acknowledged, and my immunity from further insult secured; when submission had been made, and such whips and stings of outrageous fortune as might come from the painting of a fish had been humbly accepted.
"You’re wrong," I said, once I understood the meaning of this long speech with the help of the policeman. I pulled out the large sketch of the scene that I had recreated from memory. This really impressed them. They could hardly believe their eyes, looking at each other as if some disaster was looming. I have no doubt they thought I was some kind of evil spirit, too powerful to confront. Staying cautious was their best option, as they showed. One by one, they approached the verandah, sat cross-legged in front of me, rubbed their hands together, stroked their hair and beards three times, and then each bowed their heads to my feet, asking for my forgiveness. The Ainu women and children who had gathered in the backyard for the event were crying and wailing pitifully. The hardest part for me was trying to stay serious during this long, awkward performance, and I was truly relieved when it was finally over; when my authority was recognized, and I was safe from any further insults; when they submitted, and such slights and pains of fate that could come from painting a fish were humbly accepted.
The Ainu are gentle and mild by nature, but, like all ignorant people, they are extremely superstitious, and superstition is a powerful excitant. Nevertheless, they are good people in their own way, and it must not be inferred from this small experience of mine that they are bullies, for they are not. The superstition regarding the reproduction of images is common all through the East, with the exception of the Japanese, and in many parts of Europe itself strange ideas are connected with portrait-painting. In Spain or Italy many a girl of the lower classes would think herself dishonoured if she happened to be sketched unawares, or if her picture were shown without the consent of her parents, brothers, relatives, and the parish priest.
The Ainu are gentle and kind by nature, but, like many uninformed people, they are very superstitious, and superstition can be a strong motivator. Still, they are good people in their own way, and my limited experience shouldn’t suggest that they are aggressive, because they are not. The superstition about creating images is common throughout the East, except for the Japanese, and in many parts of Europe, there are also odd beliefs associated with portrait painting. In Spain or Italy, many girls from lower-class backgrounds would feel dishonored if they were sketched without warning, or if their picture was shown without the permission of their parents, brothers, relatives, and the local priest.
However, these Horobets Ainu are said, since civilisation has set in in that part of Yezo, of late years to have become untrustworthy and violent. They are more given to drunkenness than their neighbours, as they can procure from the Japanese stronger beverages than their own. Sake (Japanese wine) of inferior quality is sold and exchanged in large quantities, and has the same fatal effects on them as rum—our fire-water—had on the American Indians.
However, these Horobets Ainu are said to have become untrustworthy and violent in recent years since civilization has taken hold in that part of Yezo. They drink more than their neighbors because they can get stronger alcohol from the Japanese than what they had before. Sake (Japanese wine) of poor quality is sold and traded in large amounts, and it has the same deadly effects on them as rum—our fire-water—had on the American Indians.
I was not sorry to leave a village which had displayed so little appreciation of my art. I took two ponies and two pack-saddles, to one of which was lashed my baggage, while I sat on the other. Riding is a delightful pastime when you have a good horse and a good saddle; but not when you have to look after two vicious animals, and are yourself perched on a rough wooden pack-saddle. Moreover, Ainu pack-saddles are perhaps the most uncomfortable of their kind. The illustration shows one of them. It is made with a rough, solid wooden frame, of which the front and back parts are semicircular. One large hole is perforated in each of these to allow ropes to be passed through. Under this frame are two[Pg 18] mat cushions or pads, which are somehow supposed to fit the pony's back; and by means of three ropes, one of which is passed under the pony's body and fastened on each side of the saddle, while the others hang loose across its chest and under its tail respectively, the pack-saddle is made to remain in position either going uphill, downhill, or on level ground. Stirrups, of course, there are none; and mounting involves some difficulties at first. One has to face one's pony and place the left foot on the breast-piece, lift oneself up and swing right round, describing three-quarters of a circle before attaining one's seat in the saddle. If distances are miscalculated in this gymnastic feat, it is a common occurrence to find oneself seated on the pony's neck, or else landed heavily on either of the two hard wooden arches of the saddle, instead of gracefully falling between them. Keeping your equilibrium when you are on is also a trying exercise to anybody not born and bred a circus rider, and balancing your baggage perfectly on each side of the saddle is somewhat more difficult than it sounds.
I wasn’t sad to leave a village that showed so little appreciation for my art. I took two ponies and two pack-saddles; my baggage was strapped to one while I rode the other. Riding can be a great experience when you have a good horse and saddle, but not when you're dealing with two difficult animals and sitting on a rough wooden pack-saddle. Plus, Ainu pack-saddles might be the most uncomfortable of all. The illustration shows one of them. It has a basic, sturdy wooden frame with semicircular front and back parts. Each of these has a large hole for passing ropes through. Under the frame are two mat cushions that are supposed to fit the pony's back; using three ropes—one under the pony's body tied on either side of the saddle, and the others hanging loose across its chest and under its tail—the pack-saddle stays in place whether you're going uphill, downhill, or on flat ground. Of course, there are no stirrups, so getting on can be challenging at first. You have to face your pony, put your left foot on the breast-piece, lift yourself up, and swing around in almost a full circle to sit in the saddle. If you misjudge the distance during this gymnastic move, it’s common to end up on the pony's neck or fall hard onto one of the saddle's wooden arches instead of sitting smoothly between them. Once you’re on, maintaining your balance is also a real challenge for anyone who isn’t a circus performer, and balancing your baggage perfectly on each side of the saddle is trickier than it sounds.

Nine miles from Horobets one comes across the Nobori-bets[1] hot-springs. There was, formerly, a geiser here, but it is seldom active now. These hot-springs are situated two-and-a-half miles from the sea-coast, and a miserable building, which is a mere shanty, is built in the vicinity of them, where people who wish to be cured of different complaints put up and take the waters.
Nine miles from Horobets, you’ll find the Nobori-bets[1] hot springs. There used to be a geyser here, but it rarely erupts now. These hot springs are located two and a half miles from the coast, and there’s a shabby building nearby, just a run-down shack, where people stay to try and heal various ailments by soaking in the waters.
At sunrise I was up again and on my way to Tomakomai,[3] the largest Japanese fishing village between Mororran and Cape Erimo.
At sunrise, I was up again and headed to Tomakomai,[3] the biggest fishing village in Japan between Mororran and Cape Erimo.

Sardine fishing is the principal and, indeed, the only industry of the place. It is carried on in a practical way. When the long nets are ready, and one end of them is fastened to the shore, they launch the boat, which is rowed rapidly by twenty or thirty strong men, while the net is dropped as the boat goes along. Having thus described a semicircle, the boat is beached. All on board jump out, and the net is pulled on shore amid the shrieks and yells of the[Pg 20] excited fishermen. Myriads of sardines are caught each time the net is hauled in; and it is a fantastic scene to see the naked crowd which, in clearing the nets from the beheaded fish, get covered with silver scales, which stick to their arms, legs, and body, and give them a strange appearance.
Sardine fishing is the main, and really the only, industry in the area. It's done in a straightforward way. When the long nets are ready, one end is secured to the shore, and they launch the boat, which is quickly rowed by twenty or thirty strong men while the net is dropped as they go. After forming a semicircle, the boat is pulled ashore. Everyone on board jumps out, and the net is dragged in while the excited fishermen shout and cheer. Every time they haul in the net, countless sardines are caught, and it's quite a sight to see the crowd, who, while clearing the nets of the fish, become covered in shimmering silver scales that stick to their arms, legs, and bodies, giving them a unique look.
Look-out towers are built on four high posts, where a watchman is posted to signal the arrival and approach of the shoals. The sea is so dense with them that it changes its colour, and these moving banks of sardines are distinguishable four or five miles from the coast. This method is the same as that adopted in Cornwall when the pilchards are expected, and the same discoloration of the sea takes place.
Look-out towers are constructed on four tall posts, where a guard is stationed to alert others about the arrival and proximity of the shoals. The sea is so thick with them that it changes color, and these swarming banks of sardines can be seen four or five miles from the shore. This technique is the same as the one used in Cornwall when pilchards are anticipated, resulting in the same change in the sea's color.
From Tomakomai a road branches to the north leading to Sappro, the capital of Hokkaido, and it is the last place on the southern coast which is visited by that rare specimen of the globe-trotter who ventures to Yezo. He hastily makes his way from here to Sappro and Otaru on the northern coast, and waits for a ship to be conveyed back to Hakodate. He then, of course, tells his friends that he has been round and about and through Yezo, while in fact he has seen absolutely nothing of Yezo or its inhabitants. About half-a-dozen Europeans, however, have been further on—as far as the Saru River; and each one has written a book on the Ainu, for the most part copying what the previous author had written.
From Tomakomai, a road branches north to Sapporo, the capital of Hokkaido, and it's the last stop on the southern coast for that rare type of traveler who dares to explore Yezo. He quickly makes his way to Sapporo and Otaru on the northern coast, waiting for a ship to take him back to Hakodate. Of course, he then tells his friends that he has explored Yezo, when in reality, he hasn't seen anything of Yezo or its people. However, about half a dozen Europeans have gone further, as far as the Saru River; each one has written a book about the Ainu, mostly just copying what the previous writer had said.
As far as Tomakomai there is a road—a sure sign of civilisation—but nothing but a horse-track is to be found all along the southern coast after this place has been passed.
As far as Tomakomai, there’s a road—a clear sign of civilization—but after this point, you’ll only find a horse track along the entire southern coast.
The traveller then leaves the sea on the right, and by a very uneven track, and after fording several rivers of little importance comes to Mukawa, a dirty little village fourteen miles from Yuhuts. My lunch that day consisted of a large piece of raw salmon, which was easily digested in riding nine more miles to Saru-buto. Sharu in Ainu, corrupted into Saru,[Pg 21] means a grassy plain; and buto is a Japanese corruption of the Ainu word huts, the mouth of a river. My ponies must have known of this "grassy plain," for they went remarkably well, and I reached the latter village some time before dark, so that I was able to push on to Saru Mombets, a larger village nearly four miles further. Saru Mombets translated means "a tranquil river in a grassy plain," a name thoroughly appropriate to the locality.
The traveler then leaves the sea on the right and takes a very bumpy path. After crossing several minor rivers, they arrive at Mukawa, a messy little village fourteen miles from Yuhuts. For lunch that day, I had a large piece of raw salmon, which settled well as I rode nine more miles to Saru-buto. "Sharu" in Ainu, which got twisted into "Saru," means a grassy plain; and "buto" is a Japanese adaptation of the Ainu word "huts," meaning the mouth of a river. My ponies must have been aware of this "grassy plain," as they were quite lively, and I reached the latter village well before dark, allowing me to continue on to Saru Mombets, a bigger village nearly four miles further. "Saru Mombets" translates to "a tranquil river in a grassy plain," a name that perfectly fits the area.
There is nothing to interest the traveller along the coast, unless he be a geologist. Almost the whole of the western part of the Iburi district is of volcanic formation. The eastern part is abundant in sandstones, breccias, and shales. In the neighbourhood of Yuhuts, and all along the coast as far west as Horobets, pumice forms the surface soil, showing that in former days frequent eruptions must have taken place. Vegetable mould alternates with pumice. Sand, clay, tufa, with beds of peat and gravel, are the components of the soil which is found filling up the declivities of mountains, covering low-lands and sea-beaches in this part of the island. Specimens of the palæozoic group are found in the pebbles of the Mukawa River and valley, like amphibolite, limestone, phyllite, sandstone, and clay-slate, besides variegated quartzite of greenish and red layers. Primary rocks are common all through Iburi and Hidaka.
There’s not much for a traveler to see along the coast, unless they’re a geologist. Almost the entire western part of the Iburi district is volcanic. The eastern part has lots of sandstones, breccias, and shales. Near Yuhuts and all along the coast up to Horobets, pumice covers the surface soil, indicating that there were frequent eruptions in the past. Vegetable soil alternates with pumice. Sand, clay, tufa, along with layers of peat and gravel, make up the soil found in the valleys of the mountains and covering the lowlands and beaches in this part of the island. You can find specimens from the Paleozoic era in the pebbles of the Mukawa River and valley, such as amphibolite, limestone, phyllite, sandstone, and clay slate, along with multicolored quartzite with green and red layers. Primary rocks are common throughout Iburi and Hidaka.
The terraces surrounding the Saru valley are mostly wooded with oak, and the swampy region between the Mukawa and Sarubuto has many patches of green grass, and a thick growth of high swamp reeds.
The terraces around the Saru Valley are mostly covered in oak trees, and the marshy area between the Mukawa and Sarubuto has several patches of green grass along with a dense growth of tall marsh reeds.


CHAPTER III.
Up the Saru River—Piratori and its leader.
A large number of Ainu have taken up their abode on the banks of the River Saru, or Sharu, as it is called by them, and Piratori, nearly fifteen miles from the coast, is the largest village of the whole series.
A large number of Ainu have settled along the banks of the River Saru, or Sharu, as they call it, and Piratori, located about fifteen miles from the coast, is the biggest village in the entire area.
The scenery from the coast to this village is not grand, but pretty, through a thickly-wooded country and along grassy plains. The Ainu give to the plain itself the name of Sharu-Ru, which corresponds in English to a "track in a grassy plain." Along this water-way, or not far from it, one meets with numerous small Ainu villages and scattered huts until Piratori is reached.
The view from the coast to this village isn't impressive, but it's nice, passing through a dense forest and along grassy fields. The Ainu call the plain itself Sharu-Ru, which translates to "track in a grassy plain" in English. Along this waterway, or nearby, you come across several small Ainu villages and scattered huts until you reach Piratori.
Piratori is a string or succession of many villages on undulating ground, the last of them being situated on a high cliff overlooking the river. In the Ainu language Pira means[Pg 23] "a cliff," and Tori "a residence." As in all Ainu villages, the huts are in one line, some few yards one from the other. Each has a separate structure—a small storehouse built on piles—generally at the west end of the hut.
Piratori is a series of several villages located on rolling hills, with the last one positioned on a high cliff that overlooks the river. In the Ainu language, Pira means[Pg 23] "a cliff," and Tori means "a residence." As in all Ainu villages, the huts are aligned in a row, a few yards apart from each other. Each hut has a separate structure—a small storehouse built on stilts—usually located at the west end of the hut.
On my arrival at Piratori, I was welcomed by Benry, the Ottena (chief) of the village, who invited me to his hut and salaamed me in the most solemn manner, not forgetting to mention incidentally that "his throat was very dry," and that sake (Japanese wine) could be obtained from a Japanese who lives opposite to his hut.
On my arrival at Piratori, I was welcomed by Benry, the Ottena (chief) of the village, who invited me to his hut and salaamed me in the most serious way, casually mentioning that "his throat was really dry," and that sake (Japanese wine) could be gotten from a Japanese guy who lives across from his hut.
"He is a bad man," said Benry confidentially; "but he sells very good sake."
"He’s a bad guy," Benry said quietly; "but he sells really good sake."
The sake was procured, and Benry, beaming with joy, poured it with his shaky, drunken hands into a large bowl. He then produced a wooden stick, shaped like a paper-knife, about five inches in length, and waved it in the air five or six times with his right hand, dipping the point of it each time into the fluid. "Nishpa"—sir, master—said he. Then, leaning forwards and lifting up his heavy moustache with the small stick, he swallowed the contents of the bowl at a draught. The same performance took place each time that some fresh sake was poured into his bowl, and then Benry, with an inimitable cunning, and a comically self-sacrificing expression on his face, meekly enquired whether I would care to see "how much an Ainu could drink."
The sake was brought over, and Benry, grinning with excitement, poured it into a large bowl with his unsteady, tipsy hands. He then took out a wooden stick, resembling a butter knife, about five inches long, and waved it around in the air five or six times with his right hand, dipping the tip into the liquid each time. "Nishpa"—meaning sir, master—he said. Then, leaning forward and using the small stick to lift his heavy mustache, he downed the contents of the bowl in one go. This same routine happened each time fresh sake was poured into his bowl, and then Benry, with a unique cleverness and a hilariously selfless look on his face, sweetly asked if I would like to see "how much an Ainu could drink."
"Yes," said I, "we will go down to the river, and you shall show me there if you can drink it dry."
"Yeah," I said, "let's go down to the river, and you can show me if you can drink it dry."
"Yie, yie, yie"—no, no, no—hurriedly replied in Japanese the Ainu chief; "water is too heavy, and I meant wine." Owing to this small difference of opinion, and having no wish to encourage him in his drunkenness, Benry's capacity for intoxicating fluids is yet unknown to the civilised world.
"Yie, yie, yie"—no, no, no—hurriedly replied in Japanese the Ainu chief; "water is too heavy, and I meant wine." Because of this minor misunderstanding, and not wanting to promote his drunkenness, Benry's tolerance for alcoholic drinks remains a mystery to the civilized world.
Benry's house is a palace compared to other Ainu huts. It is much larger than most of them, and boasts of a wooden floor, in the centre of which a rectangular fire-place is cut out. The hut has two windows, one toward the east, the other opening to the south; but no chimney is provided as an outlet for the smoke. A hole in the west corner of the roof answers this purpose. The rough wooden frame is thatched with tall reeds and arundinaria, and the roof is shaped like[Pg 24] a prism. The different huts of Piratori vary in size, but not in type. The larger ones cover an area of about sixteen or eighteen feet square. Most of them, however, do not measure more than ten or twelve feet square. Benry's house was exceptionally large, and being such a "swell" one, two rough kinna (mats) were spread on the floor and a number of Japanese rice boxes and shokuji tables[6] adorned one side of the dwelling. Over these were hung a number of swords, knives, etc., most of them with no blade at all, or with only a wooden one. The few old blades which Benry possessed were of Japanese workmanship, probably obtained by the Ainu in their former wars with the Japanese. A few Ainu spears and arrows with bone and bamboo poisoned points were fastened to the roof.
Benry's house is like a palace compared to other Ainu huts. It’s much bigger than most of them and features a wooden floor, with a rectangular fireplace in the center. The hut has two windows: one facing east and the other facing south; however, there's no chimney for smoke. Instead, a hole in the west corner of the roof serves that purpose. The rough wooden frame is thatched with tall reeds and arundinaria, and the roof is shaped like a prism. The huts in Piratori vary in size, but they are all similar in design. The larger ones cover an area of about sixteen or eighteen square feet, but most are only ten to twelve square feet. Benry's house is exceptionally spacious, and being such a "fancy" place, two rough kinna (mats) are laid out on the floor, along with some Japanese rice boxes and shokuji tables[6] that decorate one side of the home. Above these, various swords, knives, and similar items hang, most without actual blades or just with wooden ones. The few old blades Benry has are made by Japanese craftsmen, likely acquired by the Ainu during their past conflicts with the Japanese. A few Ainu spears and arrows with bone and bamboo tips poisoned points are attached to the roof.
These Ainu of Piratori have frequent intercourse with the Japanese, who get from them furs and other articles in exchange for sake or a few worthless beads. A few half-castes are also found at Piratori. The Piratori Ainu, with those of Volcano Bay, as we have seen, are those best known to the civilised world, as a few foreigners have travelled so far to see them. I may mention that as types the inhabitants of Piratori are a great deal better than the residents of Volcano Bay, most of whom are half-breeds; but even they themselves cannot be taken as fair specimens of their race, for they have adopted several customs and habits of the Japanese, which the incautious traveller has then reported as purely Ainu customs. For instance, the pure Ainu diet consists almost entirely of fish, meat, and seaweeds. Only occasionally are the roots of certain trees eaten. At Piratori I found that many grow and eat millet, and corn and bad rice are also sometimes procured from the Japanese. Benry has also gone so far in the way of civilisation as to invest his small fortune in buying half-a-dozen hens and a cock, with whom he shares his regal home. These hens lay eggs according to custom, and Benry and his "wife" eat them. As the Ainu language has no special word for this imported kind of bird, they are known by the name of "kikkiri."
The Ainu people of Piratori often interact with the Japanese, who trade furs and other items for sake or a few worthless beads. There are also a few mixed-race individuals in Piratori. The Ainu of Piratori, alongside those from Volcano Bay, are the best known to the outside world, as some foreigners have traveled there to see them. It’s worth noting that the residents of Piratori are generally in better condition than those from Volcano Bay, most of whom are of mixed ancestry; however, even they can't be considered representative of their race, as they have adopted various customs and habits from the Japanese, which the unaware traveler might mistakenly identify as pure Ainu traditions. For example, the traditional Ainu diet mainly consists of fish, meat, and seaweed, with roots from certain trees being consumed only occasionally. In Piratori, I found that many people grow and eat millet, and they sometimes obtain corn and poor-quality rice from the Japanese. Benry has even embraced some aspects of modernization by spending part of his small fortune on a handful of hens and a rooster, with whom he shares his grand home. These hens lay eggs as is customary, and Benry and his "wife" eat them. Since the Ainu language does not have a specific word for this type of bird, they refer to them as "kikkiri."

After the experience which I had had at Horobets I decided to be more careful with my sketching. I broached the subject[Pg 25] to Benry, and asked him to sit to me for his portrait. At first he was very reluctant, but the prospect of receiving a present finally overcame his scruples—for he was indeed civilised in this respect, and understood the worth of his version of the almighty dollar to perfection—and, consenting to be sketched, he sat—at the outset with as much courage as docility. He produced a crown of shavings and seaweed, which he solemnly[Pg 26] placed on his head, whilst his better-half helped him on with his regal imi (garments), as well as a large sword, which also made part of his regal insignia. The crown had in front a small bear's head roughly carved in wood, and the clothes were very gaudy. They were made of strips of blue, white, and red cloth sewn together. The materials used were Japanese, but they were cut and arranged in a thoroughly Ainu pattern. Though he began well, Benry was not a good sitter, and, like most animals, he did not like to be stared at. He felt the weight of a look, as it were, and it made him uncomfortable. Not many minutes had elapsed before he became openly impatient; he even showed his temper by flinging away his crown and his wooden sword. On the other hand, sketching in Benry's house was no easy matter for me. With all the respect due to the chief of Piratori, I am bound to say that his house was not a model of cleanliness. Those of his hairy brothers and subjects were no better than his, and many were a great deal worse. Fleas and other insects were so numerous that in a few minutes I was literally covered with them, each one of them having a peaceful and hearty meal at my expense, while I, for the sake of art, had to go on with my sketch and leave them undisturbed. Notwithstanding all this Benry was immortalised twice that day, and his maid, housekeeper, or wife—three words which have the same meaning to the Ainu—was also handed down to posterity while in the act of spinning the inner fibre of the Ulmus campestris bark, destined to form a new garment for her lord, master, and husband.
After the experience I had at Horobets, I decided to be more careful with my sketching. I brought this up with Benry and asked him to sit for his portrait. At first, he was very reluctant, but the chance to receive a gift finally got him to agree—he understood the value of his version of the almighty dollar perfectly—and, agreeing to be sketched, he sat down—at first with both courage and cooperation. He created a crown of shavings and seaweed, which he solemnly placed on his head, while his partner helped him with his royal garments, as well as a large sword, which was also part of his royal insignia. The crown featured a small bear's head roughly carved in wood at the front, and the clothes were very flashy. They were made from strips of blue, white, and red cloth sewn together. The materials were Japanese, but they were cut and arranged in a distinctly Ainu pattern. Although he started off well, Benry was not a good model, and like most animals, he didn't like being stared at. He felt the weight of my gaze, which made him uncomfortable. It wasn't long before he became openly impatient; he even lost his temper by tossing aside his crown and wooden sword. On the other hand, sketching in Benry's house wasn't easy for me. With all due respect to the chief of Piratori, I have to say his house was not a model of cleanliness. His hairy brothers and subjects were just as bad, and some were even worse. Fleas and other insects were so numerous that within a few minutes, I was literally covered in them, each happily feasting at my expense, while I, for the sake of art, had to continue my sketch and leave them undisturbed. Despite all this, Benry was immortalized twice that day, and his maid, housekeeper, or wife—three words that mean the same to the Ainu—was also captured for posterity while spinning the inner fiber of the Ulmus campestris bark, intended to make a new garment for her lord, master, and husband.
When I went out to sketch the houses and storehouses in the village Benry and another man followed me everywhere; but neither he nor his fellow-shadow seemed to take any interest in the sketching. In Japan, Corea, and China I have often been surrounded by hundreds of people attentively watching every stroke of the brush, and I have always found them clever and quick in making out the meaning of each line or brush-mark. I can assert, without fear of being contradicted, that the majority of Japanese, Coreans, and Chinese are even quicker than Europeans in that respect, owing to the fact that lines constitute for them the study of a lifetime. Chinese characters, which are nothing but a deep study of lines, are adopted by the three above-mentioned nations, and[Pg 27] I consider this to be the original cause why this artistic insight is to be found even among the lowest classes. The Ainu have no such insight; they have no characters, no writing of any kind, no books, and it is therefore not astonishing that they are not trained to understand art, bad as it may have been in my case. Their appreciation of lines is yet in the rudest form, and they possess no more than what is instinctive with them. For instance, while I was sketching, Benry and his friend either sat or crouched down by my side like two dogs, and when my sketch was finished I showed it to them.
When I went out to sketch the houses and storage buildings in the village, Benry and another guy followed me everywhere; but neither of them seemed to care about the sketching. In Japan, Korea, and China, I've often been surrounded by hundreds of people watching every brushstroke closely, and I've always found them smart and quick to interpret the meaning of each line or mark. I can confidently say that most Japanese, Koreans, and Chinese are even quicker than Europeans in this regard, because lines have been their lifelong study. Chinese characters, which are really just a deep study of lines, are used by all three of these nations, and[Pg 27] I think this is the main reason why this artistic understanding can be found even among the lower classes. The Ainu lack this insight; they have no written language, no books, and it's not surprising that they aren't trained to appreciate art, no matter how poor my own attempts may have been. Their understanding of lines is still very basic, and they only have what comes instinctively to them. For example, while I was sketching, Benry and his friend either sat or crouched beside me like two dogs, and when I finished my sketch, I showed it to them.
"Pirika, Pirika! Nishpa!" ("Very pretty, very pretty, sir!") Benry exclaimed with perfect self-assurance; but when I asked him what he thought the sketch represented, he cut me short by saying that I had done the picture and I ought to know what it was meant for; he did not. His friend agreed with him.
"Pirika, Pirika! Nishpa!" ("Very pretty, very pretty, sir!") Benry said confidently; but when I asked him what he thought the sketch represented, he interrupted me by saying that I had done the picture and I should know what it was meant for; he didn’t. His friend agreed with him.
When my work was done we three walked back to Benry's house, my two Ainu friends being very anxious that I should get something to eat. From their conversation and gestures I caught that it seemed incomprehensible to them that I should sit in front of an Ainu hut and—to use their expression—"make all sorts of signs on a wooden panel." After a lengthy discussion the two came to the conclusion that houses in our country were so bad that I had been sent to the Ainu country to "copy" the pattern of Ainu huts!
When I finished my work, the three of us walked back to Benry's house. My two Ainu friends were very eager for me to have something to eat. From their talk and gestures, I gathered that it seemed puzzling to them that I would sit in front of an Ainu hut and—using their words—"make all sorts of signs on a wooden panel." After a long discussion, the two figured that houses in my country must be so bad that I had been sent to Ainu country to "copy" the design of Ainu huts!
Benry seemed excited about something, and hurried us back with curious haste and eagerness. When we left the house in the morning I saw Benry's better-half placing a few eggs in water to boil over the fire. When we entered the hut, nearly two hours afterwards, the eggs were still boiling, and no fair maid within yelling reach. In order that the fire might not go out during her absence the thoughtful girl had placed the largest portion of the trunk of a tree in the fireplace!
Benry looked really excited about something and rushed us back with curious eagerness. When we left the house in the morning, I noticed Benry's partner putting a few eggs in water to boil over the fire. When we got back to the hut, almost two hours later, the eggs were still boiling, and there was no young woman anywhere in shouting distance. To make sure the fire wouldn't go out while she was gone, the considerate girl had put a large section of a tree trunk in the fireplace!
Taken altogether, Benry and all his Saru Ainu are very good-natured. They gradually got accustomed to being sketched, seeing that after all it really did not bring on them "immediate death."
Taken altogether, Benry and all his Saru Ainu are very friendly. They gradually got used to being sketched, realizing that it didn’t really lead to "immediate death."
The more one sees of the Ainu the dirtier they appear, but as dirt to a great extent contributes to picturesqueness, I was[Pg 28] indeed sorry when Benry, exercising his authority, sent several of my sitters to dress up in their best clothes—often Japanese—while I should have preferred to sketch them in their every-day rags. I must say, for their sake, that they were never sent to wash. Being a rapid sketcher, I had recourse to a trick. I pretended to sketch one given person, who, of course, was sent at once to "dress up," and while he or she, after having returned, posed patiently for half an hour or more, I in the meantime took sketches of four or five different natives, who were not aware that they were being portrayed. As the Ainu—and they are probably not the only people—could not make either head or tail of my sketches, my trick was never found out.
The more I saw the Ainu, the dirtier they seemed, but since dirt adds to their charm, I was[Pg 28] really disappointed when Benry, using his authority, made several of my models put on their best outfits—usually Japanese—when I would have preferred to draw them in their everyday rags. I have to say, for their sake, that they were never asked to wash. Being a quick sketcher, I came up with a trick. I pretended to sketch one specific person, who was immediately sent to "dress up," and while he or she patiently posed for half an hour or more, I sneaked in sketches of four or five different locals, who had no idea they were being drawn. Since the Ainu—and probably others too—couldn't make heads or tails of my sketches, my trick was never discovered.
One day, old Benry led me by the hand in the most affectionate manner to a hut some way off, and confidentially told me that we were going to see his favourite girl and her boy.
One day, old Benry took my hand in a really caring way and led me to a hut a little distance away, and quietly told me that we were going to see his favorite girl and her boyfriend.
"This," said the chief triumphantly as we went in, "this is Benry's Pirika menoko" (pretty girl), "and that"—pointing to a youth—"her only son."
"This," said the chief triumphantly as we entered, "this is Benry's Pirika menoko" (pretty girl), "and that"—pointing to a young man—"her only son."
"And what about the old hairy lady in your own hut?" I inquired.
"And what about the old hairy lady in your hut?" I asked.
"That is my Poromachi" (great wife), said he, qualifying matters with a compliment to the elder woman, "and this is my Pon-machi" (small wife).
"That is my Poromachi" (great wife), he said, giving a nod to the older woman, "and this is my Pon-machi" (small wife).
"Why should you have two wives, you old Mormon?"
"Why do you need two wives, you old Mormon?"
"Nishpa," retorted he, "my great wife is old, and she is only fit to do all the rough work in the house and out. My hair is white, but I am strong, and I wanted yet a young wife."
"Nishpa," he shot back, "my wonderful wife is old, and she's only fit to handle all the heavy work around the house and outside. My hair is gray, but I'm still strong, and I want a young wife."
Indeed, there was enough mother-wit in Benry to have made him either a scamp or a philosopher. His theories were as remarkable as they were accommodating, particularly to himself.
Indeed, there was enough common sense in Benry to have made him either a troublemaker or a thinker. His theories were as impressive as they were convenient, especially for himself.
Returning from the house of his love, the chief was in a very talkative mood, and he related two or three Japanese stories, which he wanted me to believe to be pure Ainu legends. A learned missionary and two or three travellers before him, who had visited Piratori previous to myself, have accepted these so-called legends wholesale, taking Benry's word for their accuracy, which, as the old chief speaks very good Japanese, of course simplified the task of understanding and[Pg 29] transcribing them. I was, however, much surprised to find that such learned Europeans could yield such ready credence to a barbarian Ainu chief.
Returning from the house of his beloved, the chief was very chatty and shared a couple of Japanese stories that he wanted me to believe were authentic Ainu legends. A knowledgeable missionary and a few travelers who came to Piratori before me had taken these so-called legends at face value, trusting Benry's account of their accuracy, which, since the old chief speaks very good Japanese, made it easier to understand and transcribe them. I was, however, quite surprised to see that such educated Europeans could so readily believe a primitive Ainu chief.
Thinking that it would please me, Benry told me the story of a deluge and a big flood, in which nearly all the Ainu were drowned. The few that escaped did so by finding refuge on a high mountain.
Thinking it would make me happy, Benry shared the story of a huge flood where almost all the Ainu drowned. The few who survived did so by finding shelter on a high mountain.
"Where did you learn this story, Benry?" I asked sternly.
"Where did you hear this story, Benry?" I asked firmly.
"Nishpa, it is an old Ainu story, and all strangers who come to Piratori write it in their books."
"Nishpa, it’s an old Ainu story, and all visitors who come to Piratori write it in their books."
"Oh, no, Benry, you know well that one stranger did not write it in his book," said I quickly, as if I knew all about it.
"Oh, no, Benry, you know very well that one stranger didn’t write it in his book," I said quickly, as if I knew everything about it.
"Oh, yes, nishpa; that was the stranger who told me the story!"
"Oh, yes, nishpa; that was the person I met who shared the story!"
This small anecdote shows how careful one ought to be in accepting information which may sound extremely interesting at first, but is absolutely worthless in the end.
This short story illustrates how cautious we should be in accepting information that might seem really intriguing at first but ultimately turns out to be completely useless.


CHAPTER IV.
Ainu Festival.
The Ainu have few public performances, and no special time of the year is fixed for them. As it so happened, a festival—a "Iyomanrei"—took place while I was at Piratori.
The Ainu have few public performances, and there isn't a specific time of year set for them. As it turned out, a festival—a "Iyomanrei"—happened while I was in Piratori.
The performance was held in a large hut belonging to the heir apparent to the chieftainship of Piratori. I went to the hut and asked whether I could attend the performance. The host, in answer, came to meet me at the door, and, taking me by the hand, led me in. I was shown where to sit, on the southern side of the hut, the place of honour for strangers, and my host sat in front of me and saluted me in Ainu fashion.
The performance took place in a large hut owned by the heir to the chieftainship of Piratori. I went to the hut and asked if I could attend the performance. The host came to meet me at the door, took my hand, and led me inside. I was shown where to sit, on the southern side of the hut, which was the honored spot for guests, and my host sat in front of me and greeted me in Ainu style.
Benry and several old men were squatting on the floor, Benry in the middle, and he was again gorgeous in his regal clothes. Some of the others, who wore a crown like Benry's, were chiefs of the neighbouring villages, who had come up for the grand occasion.
Benry and a few older men were sitting on the floor, Benry in the center, looking stunning in his royal attire. Some of the others, who wore crowns similar to Benry's, were leaders of the nearby villages, gathered for the big event.
One by one all the men present rose and came to stroke their hair and beard before me, and I returned the compliment as well as I could in Ainu fashion. The hut was gradually[Pg 31] getting filled, and each man that entered first saluted the landlord, then Benry, then myself, and ultimately the two guests between whom he sat. Women and children occupied the darker west end of the hut, and they took no active part in the function. Other chiefs came in, and Benry was surrounded by many of them and by elderly men.
One by one, all the men present stood up and came to pat their hair and beard in front of me, and I reciprocated as best as I could in Ainu style. The hut was gradually[Pg 31] getting filled, and each man who entered first greeted the landlord, then Benry, then me, and finally the two guests sitting next to him. Women and children filled the dimmer west end of the hut, and they didn’t take an active role in the event. More chiefs came in, and Benry found himself surrounded by many of them and by older men.
The whole group of these chiefs, with their long white beards, lighted up by a brilliant ray of sunshine, which penetrated through the small east window, was extremely picturesque.
The entire group of these chiefs, with their long white beards, illuminated by a bright ray of sunlight coming through the small east window, looked very picturesque.
In its savagery it was almost grand, with a barbaric quasi-animal sense of power and irresponsibility. In truth, it was a wonderful sight to see all these hairy people assembled in this small place—men, yet not men like ourselves—men, and not brutes, yet still having curiously brutish traits athwart their humanity.
In its wildness, it was almost majestic, with a primitive, animal-like sense of strength and carelessness. Honestly, it was an incredible sight to see all these hairy people gathered in this small space—men, but not like us—men, and not savages, yet still possessing strangely beastly qualities alongside their humanity.
The performance was simple, but really fine in its simplicity. A fire burning in the centre of the hut, and filling the place with smoke, added, by its suggestive dimness, to the picturesqueness of the scene. It was strange that the only ray of sun which came in should fall on the most interesting group. Was it chance or design? Rembrandt himself would have delighted in painting that scene.
The performance was straightforward, but really impressive in its simplicity. A fire burning in the middle of the hut, filling the place with smoke, contributed to the beauty of the scene with its suggestive dimness. It was odd that the only ray of sunlight coming in landed on the most captivating group. Was it coincidence or intentional? Rembrandt himself would have loved to paint that scene.
Benry looked every inch a king, and several of the younger men were busily engaged lighting his pipe and refilling it with tobacco. He puffed away at such a rate that no sooner was the pipe filled than it was smoked and handed over again to undergo the same process.
Benry looked every bit like a king, and several of the younger guys were busy lighting his pipe and refilling it with tobacco. He puffed on it so quickly that as soon as the pipe was filled, it was smoked and handed back to go through the same process again.
Two large casks of Japanese sake were brought in, and each man produced his wooden bowl.
Two large casks of Japanese sake were brought in, and each man took out his wooden bowl.
The host came slowly forward, and planted an Inao—a willow wand with overhanging shavings—in one corner of the fireplace; then muttered a few words, which implied that the sake could now be poured out. A Japanese lacquer rice-box was filled with the intoxicating liquid, and no sooner had this been done than old Benry, forgetting his dignity, jumped up and made a rush for it, filled a large bowl, and retired to a corner to drink it. All the men present followed his example. Benry was never selfish when he had had enough for himself. He filled his bowl again and brought it to me, saying that[Pg 32] I was a friend of the Ainu, and must join them in the drinking.
The host stepped forward slowly and placed an Inao—a willow stick with hanging shavings—in one corner of the fireplace; then he mumbled a few words, signaling that the sake could be served. A traditional Japanese lacquer rice box was filled with the strong drink, and as soon as this was done, old Benry, forgetting his decorum, jumped up, rushed over, filled a large bowl, and retreated to a corner to drink. All the other men there followed his lead. Benry was never selfish when he had enough for himself. He refilled his bowl and brought it to me, saying that[Pg 32] I was a friend of the Ainu and should join them in drinking.
My attention was suddenly drawn to three old chiefs, who, half drunk, stood in front of the small east window. They dipped their moustache-lifters in their bowls, waving them towards the sun as a salutation to the "Chop Kamui," the "Great Sun." There was no religious character attached to this libation offered to the sun, no more than when we take off our hats passing a respected friend in the street. It is a mere sign of respect, not of worship. Besides, it must be clearly understood that no "offerings" of wine are ever made by the Ainu to the "Great Sun," and that the "libations" offered are invariably consumed by the offerer.
My attention was suddenly caught by three old chiefs who, half drunk, stood in front of the small east window. They dipped their moustache-lifters in their bowls, waving them toward the sun as a greeting to the "Chop Kamui," or "Great Sun." There was nothing religious about this offering to the sun, just like when we take off our hats to acknowledge a respected friend in the street. It's just a sign of respect, not an act of worship. Also, it should be made clear that no "offerings" of wine are ever made by the Ainu to the "Great Sun," and that the "libations" offered are always consumed by the person making the offering.
I managed to get several sketches of the assembly, and every moment I expected to get into trouble again; but this time they took it most kindly.
I managed to get several sketches of the assembly, and every moment I expected to get into trouble again; but this time they were really understanding about it.
The hut became very stuffy, owing to the large number of persons and the smoke. There were nearly two hundred people in it, packed closely together, and there was nothing in the show to interest one—certainly not the disgusting sight of this drunkenness, which, moreover, became monotonous as well as disgusting.
The hut got really stuffy because there were so many people and the smoke. Nearly two hundred people were crammed in, and there was nothing in the show to catch anyone's interest—definitely not the gross sight of all that drunkenness, which turned out to be both boring and repulsive.
I stroked my hair and beard—the latter only figuratively—in sign of salute, to the host, Benry, and the other drowsy chiefs, and, carefully avoiding pushing or treading on any member of the unsteady crowd, I made my exit.
I ran my hand through my hair and beard—the beard only in a metaphorical sense—as a sign of respect to our host, Benry, and the other sleepy leaders. Making sure not to push or step on anyone in the unsteady crowd, I left carefully.
Oh, what a treat it was to breathe fresh air again!
Oh, what a delight it was to breathe fresh air again!
Outside the hut the pretty menokos (girls) of Piratori were having a lot of fun all to themselves. They were all dressed in long yellowish gowns, with rough white and red ornamentations on a patch of blue cloth, on their backs; and each girl took a very active part in a game, or a kind of savage dance, called Tapkara. They all ranged themselves in a circle, and a child or two was sometimes placed in the centre. The game consisted in collectively hopping an indefinite number of times, calling out either the name, or the accompanying sound, of some of their everyday occupations, and clapping the hands so as to keep time. For instance, one sound was "Ouye, ouye" ("Fire, fire"), and they all blew as when making a fire, and hopped till they were nearly senseless.
Outside the hut, the beautiful menokos (girls) of Piratori were having a great time on their own. They were all wearing long yellowish dresses, with rough white and red decorations on a patch of blue cloth on their backs. Each girl actively participated in a game or a sort of wild dance called Tapkara. They arranged themselves in a circle, and sometimes a child or two would be placed in the center. The game involved collectively hopping an indefinite number of times, calling out either the name or the sound of some of their everyday tasks, and clapping their hands to keep the rhythm. For example, one sound was "Ouye, ouye" ("Fire, fire"), and they all blew as if they were starting a fire and hopped until they were almost dizzy.
[Pg 33] Then the next was "R-r-r, r-r-r, r-r-r," and with this they imitated the pulling of a rope.
[Pg 33] Then the next was "R-r-r, r-r-r, r-r-r," and with this they imitated the pulling of a rope.
Then "Pirrero, pirrero; pirrero, pirrero," was the sound accompanying the action of rowing, imitating the squeaking of the paddle produced by the friction on the canoe.
Then "Pirrero, pirrero; pirrero, pirrero," was the sound that accompanied the action of rowing, mimicking the squeaking of the paddle caused by its friction on the canoe.
The movement of the arms changed according to the sounds uttered, but the hopping was kept up continuously. The game reminded me much of our Sir Roger de Coverley, in a more barbarous form, but certainly not less pretty than our old country dance.
The movement of the arms changed with the sounds made, but the hopping continued nonstop. The game reminded me a lot of our Sir Roger de Coverley, but in a rougher way, though still no less beautiful than our traditional country dance.

Late in the afternoon all the men came out of the hut, and by a winding path I was taken to the valley along the river, at the foot of the cliff on which Piratori is built. Benry and all the other chiefs remained on the cliff. Bareback races formed the next and last event in the programme, and the chiefs were to witness them from their "high point of view."
Late in the afternoon, all the men came out of the hut, and I was led down a winding path to the valley along the river, at the base of the cliff where Piratori is situated. Benry and the other chiefs stayed on the cliff. Bareback races were the next and final event on the schedule, and the chiefs were going to watch from their "high point of view."

There was great excitement as to who should ride the ponies. The Ainu are fond of sports, and I noticed that ultimately they were sharp enough to select their jockeys from among the lightest men. The winner of each race had a good[Pg 34] time of it, but the other unfortunate jockeys were pulled off the ponies by the angry mob, and knocked about as worthless beings.
There was a lot of excitement about who would ride the ponies. The Ainu love sports, and I noticed that they were smart enough to choose their jockeys from among the smallest men. The winner of each race had a great time, but the other unfortunate jockeys were pulled off the ponies by the angry crowd and treated like they were worthless.
The evening came, and with the dying sun ended that memorable day of festivities. I retired. Distant sounds of the menokos, still enjoying themselves, came to me with the wind, but fainter and fainter they grew as it was getting darker.
The evening arrived, and with the setting sun, that unforgettable day of celebrations came to a close. I went to bed. Faint sounds of the menokos, still having a good time, floated to me with the wind, but they faded more and more as it grew darker.
"Pirrero! Pirrero! Pirrero!" I heard again, till at last the sounds faded away into a mere murmur, and I fell asleep.
"Pirrero! Pirrero! Pirrero!" I heard again, until finally the sounds faded into a soft murmur, and I fell asleep.
The morning that I left Piratori, old Benry put on his regal clothes and crown to bid me good-bye.
The morning I left Piratori, old Benry wore his fancy clothes and crown to say goodbye to me.
"Nishpa, Popka-no-okkayan" ("Sir, may you be preserved warm"), said the old chief, in the Ainu fashion of bidding farewell; "I have a pain in my chest, owing to your leaving Piratori, but I shall accompany you part of the way."
"Nishpa, Popka-no-okkayan" ("Sir, I hope you stay safe and warm"), said the old chief, in the Ainu way of saying goodbye; "I'm feeling a pain in my chest because you're leaving Piratori, but I'll walk with you part of the way."
I dissuaded the old chief from doing that, but he went on, with his plaintive voice: "Nishpa, you must tell in your country that Piratori is a nice place, and all the Ainu are good people. Not like the Shamo" (Japanese; also half-breeds), "for they are bad. You must return soon," he added, and, taking my hand, he pressed it to his hairy chest. He then took me to his hut again, and there renewed his farewells, and I renewed mine to him, to his great wife, and to his house, for it is part of the Ainu etiquette to bid good-bye to the house of a friend as well as to the owner of it.
I tried to talk the old chief out of it, but he continued with his sad voice: "Nishpa, you need to tell people in your country that Piratori is a great place, and all the Ainu are good people. Not like the Shamo" (Japanese; also half-breeds), "because they are not good. You have to come back soon," he added, and, taking my hand, he pressed it to his hairy chest. He then took me back to his hut, where we said our goodbyes again, and I also said mine to him, to his great wife, and to his house, since it's part of Ainu customs to say farewell to a friend's house as well as to the friend themselves.
The return journey to Saru Mombets was accomplished without much difficulty.
The trip back to Saru Mombets went smoothly.

CHAPTER V.
From the Saru River to Cape Erimo.
After quitting Saru Mombets I was altogether out of the beaten tracks. The twenty-two miles to Shimokebo were monotonous in the extreme. High cliffs towered above me on the one side, and the sea stretched into infinity on the other. River after river had to be waded, the At-pets,[7] the Nii-pak-pets,[8] and the Shibe-gari-pets.[9] The Nii-pak-pets is wide and fairly deep. Near the At-pets river the Japanese Government has established a horse farm, in order to improve the breed of Yezo ponies. A few miserable Ainu huts are scattered along the coast, and millions of scavenger crows, with their monotonous cries, seem to claim sovereignty over these shores. Near the Takae village, on the Nii-kap-pets, is an enormous perpendicular cliff, which, jutting out into the[Pg 36] sea, bars the way to the traveller; therefore I had to abandon the sandy shore, and with considerable trouble get the ponies to climb over the steep banks, which was no easy task for them. Shimokebo is a peculiar-looking place. It is entirely a fishermen's village, and I put up at the Ogingawa Zunubi yadoya—a tea-house owned by a Japanese fisherman.
After leaving Saru Mombets, I found myself completely off the beaten path. The twenty-two miles to Shimokebo were extremely dull. High cliffs rose up on one side, while the sea stretched endlessly on the other. I had to wade through river after river: the At-pets,[7], the Nii-pak-pets,[8], and the Shibe-gari-pets.[9] The Nii-pak-pets is wide and quite deep. Near the At-pets river, the Japanese Government has set up a horse farm to improve the breed of Yezo ponies. A few rundown Ainu huts are scattered along the coast, while millions of scavenger crows, with their monotonous cries, seem to claim dominion over these shores. Close to Takae village, on the Nii-kap-pets, there’s a massive sheer cliff that juts out into the[Pg 36] sea, blocking the way for travelers; so I had to leave the sandy shore and work hard to get the ponies to climb over the steep banks, which wasn’t easy for them. Shimokebo is an unusual-looking place. It’s entirely a fishermen's village, and I stayed at the Ogingawa Zunubi yadoya—a tea-house run by a Japanese fisherman.
Japanese will be Japanese wherever they go, and people who have had anything to do with them know how difficult it is to satisfy their curiosity.
Japanese will be Japanese no matter where they are, and anyone who has interacted with them understands how challenging it is to satisfy their curiosity.
"How old are you?" inquired the occamisan—the landlady. "Where do you come from? What is your country? Why are you travelling? Have you a wife and children? Can you eat Japanese food; also Ainu food? Can you sleep in foutangs?" (Japanese bedding). "Also with a makura?" (a wooden pillow).
"How old are you?" asked the occamisan—the landlady. "Where are you from? What’s your country? Why are you traveling? Do you have a wife and kids? Can you eat Japanese food as well as Ainu food? Can you sleep on foutangs?" (Japanese bedding). "And with a makura?" (a wooden pillow).
About fifty more personal and indiscreet questions were also asked, and all my belongings were examined with ever-increasing astonishment as one thing after another was handled and investigated. I was tired, and felt as if I could have kicked the whole crowd of them out of my room; but I was unintentionally polite to them to such an extent that the occamisan loudly exclaimed—
About fifty more personal and nosy questions were asked, and all my stuff was examined with growing amazement as one item after another was handled and inspected. I was exhausted and felt like I could have kicked the whole group out of my room; but I was unintentionally polite to them to such an extent that the occamisan loudly exclaimed—
"Honto Danna, Anata Nihonno shto, onaji koto!"—"Really, sir, you are just like a Japanese!"
"Honto Danna, Anata Nihonno shto, onaji koto!"—"Seriously, sir, you're just like a Japanese person!"
"Domo neh!" rose up in a chorus from the large assembly, "nandemo dannasan wakarimas!"—"The gentleman really understands everything!" This was a decided compliment, and I was bound to accept it as it was intended. When they heard that I was indeed "Taihen kutabire mashita" (very tired), they reluctantly left the room, and closed the shoji (sliding doors of tissue paper on a wooden frame). Each bowed gracefully, drawing in his breath at the same time. This is the Japanese polite way of leaving a room. Their conversation was resumed in the next apartment, regardless of the fact that tissue paper walls are not sound-proof. Remarks on me, not quite in harmony with their courteous bearing, were passed freely about, and the politest thing I heard them say was that I must be a lunatic to travel alone in these inhospitable regions, and what a pity it was for a man so young to be so fearfully afflicted.
"Domo neh!" rose up in a chorus from the large crowd, "nandemo dannasan wakarimas!"—"The guy really understands everything!" This was a clear compliment, and I had to accept it as it was meant. When they heard that I was indeed "Taihen kutabire mashita" (very tired), they reluctantly left the room and closed the shoji (sliding doors made of tissue paper on a wooden frame). Each person bowed gracefully, inhaling at the same time. This is the Japanese polite way of leaving a room. Their conversation continued in the next room, despite the fact that the tissue paper walls aren't sound-proof. Comments about me, not quite fitting with their courteous demeanor, were shared freely, and the politest thing I heard them say was that I must be a lunatic to travel alone in these unwelcoming areas, and what a shame it was for a man so young to be so severely troubled.
[Pg 37] "Oh, those seyono shto (foreigners) are all born lunatics," said the voice of one who knew better.
[Pg 37] "Oh, those seyono shto (foreigners) are all born crazy," said the voice of someone who knew better.
The Shibegari River, at the mouth of which Shimokebo is situated, is also called Shibe-chari—"sprinkled salmon river." Very minute traces of gold are found in the river-sands and gravels, and also some well-developed brown garnet crystals and quartzite and phyllite pebbles. The gold, however, is not in sufficient quantity to enable it to be worked profitably. Seven and a half miles from Shimokebo the Japanese Government has another horse farm similar to that of the At-pets.
The Shibegari River, where Shimokebo is located, is also known as Shibe-chari—"sprinkled salmon river." Fine traces of gold can be found in the river's sand and gravel, along with some well-formed brown garnet crystals, quartzite, and phyllite pebbles. However, the gold isn't in enough quantity to be mined profitably. Seven and a half miles from Shimokebo, the Japanese Government has another horse farm similar to the one at At-pets.
The travelling along the coast was heavy, and I could ride but slowly. I had to make the ponies go where the sand was wet along the beach, as there it was harder and they did not sink. This had its drawbacks, for the sea was very rough, and once or twice my ponies and I came very near being washed against the cliffs by some extra large wave. Instead of green banks, as between Tomakomai and Shimokebo, here were high cliffs of volcanic formation, with a narrow strip of sand at their foot.
The journey along the coast was tough, and I could only ride slowly. I had to guide the ponies where the sand was wet along the beach since it was firmer there and they wouldn’t sink. This had its downsides because the sea was really rough, and a couple of times my ponies and I nearly got knocked against the cliffs by a big wave. Instead of the green banks like the ones between Tomakomai and Shimokebo, there were steep cliffs made of volcanic rock, with a narrow strip of sand at the bottom.
The few Ainu along the coast were decidedly ugly. It was only now and then that in a sheltered nook I came across a hut or two of seaweed gatherers; and, still following the cliffs, I passed two or three small villages of a few houses each. After fifteen miles of this heavy track I reached the fishing station of Ubahu, where I was able to obtain some fresh horses. Prowling along the beach, I examined some of the Ainu canoes that had been drawn on shore. They might be divided into three classes—(a) the "dug-outs," used mostly for river navigation; (b) the lashed canoe; and (c) a larger kind used for sailing. The "dug-out" does not require explanation, as everyone knows that it is a trunk of a tree hollowed out in the shape of a boat, and propelled either by paddling or punting.
The few Ainu along the coast were definitely not attractive. Every now and then, in a sheltered spot, I would come across a hut or two belonging to seaweed gatherers; and as I continued along the cliffs, I passed by two or three small villages, each with just a few houses. After fifteen miles of this tough path, I reached the fishing station of Ubahu, where I was able to get some fresh horses. Wandering along the beach, I checked out some of the Ainu canoes that had been pulled up on shore. They could be categorized into three types—(a) the "dug-outs," mainly for river travel; (b) the lashed canoe; and (c) a larger type used for sailing. The "dug-out" is pretty self-explanatory, as everyone knows it's a hollowed-out tree trunk shaped like a boat, moved either by paddling or punting.

FRONT VIEW OF
LASHED CANOE.
The lashed canoes are made of nine pieces of wood lashed[Pg 38]
together with the fibre of a kind of vine. The concave bottom
is all of one piece—a partial "dug-out"—to which are added
the side pieces, of three planks each, sewn together at an angle
of about 170°, and made to fit the sides of the "dug-out."
Two more pieces, one aft and one forward, meet the side
planks at right angles. The length of these
canoes varies from 10 to 15 feet, the width
from 3 to 3½ feet. Two pieces of wood are
then lashed horizontally, which answer the
double purpose of strengthening the sides of
the canoe and, being provided with pins outside
the canoe, of allowing it to be used
as an outrigger when rowing. Canoes are either rowed or
sailed. The oars are made of two pieces firmly lashed
AINU OARS.
together. A hole is bored in the part which is to be passed
through the pin in the outrigger. One person is generally
sufficient to row an Ainu canoe, and he does so standing.
There is no steering gear or rudder, and when rowing the oars
are used for that purpose. Ainu canoes are not decked, and
therefore cannot stand heavy seas. They are alike on both
sides, and in most cases the two ends of the canoe are also
shaped alike. There are, however, certain canoes which, in
my opinion, have been suggested to the Ainu by Japanese
boats, and which are flat at the stern. These are generally
larger, and used for sailing. A square mat sail is rigged on a
SAILING CANOE.
short mast forward, and the steering is done with one of the
oars at the stern. The sailing qualities of these canoes,
however, are not very great, and the slightest squall causes[Pg 39]
them to capsize and "turn turtle." The anchors used by the
Ainu are very ingenious; they are cut out of a piece of wood,
AINU WOODEN ANCHORS.
with either one or two barbs, and
two stones are fastened on the
sides of the stem so as to carry
the anchor to the bottom. No
compass is either known or
used by the Ainu, and the
natives shape their course by sight of land. They very
seldom go long distances out at sea, as they are fully aware of
the dangers of the ocean and of the imperfection of their
own methods of navigation, though they are wholly incapable
of making any improvements by their own judgment. The
canoes are always beached when not used, and each family
possesses its own. There are none which are the property
of companies or are common to certain villages.
FRONT VIEW OF LASHED CANOE.
The lashed canoes are made from nine pieces of wood tied together with the fibers from a type of vine. The bottom is a single piece—a partial "dug-out"—to which three side planks are added and sewn together at an angle of about 170°, shaping them to fit the sides of the "dug-out." Two additional pieces, one at the back and one at the front, connect to the side planks at right angles. These canoes vary in length from 10 to 15 feet and in width from 3 to 3½ feet. Two horizontal pieces of wood are then lashed on, serving to strengthen the sides of the canoe and equipped with pins outside, allowing it to function as an outrigger when rowing. Canoes can be either rowed or sailed. The oars are made from two pieces securely tied together. A hole is drilled in the part that fits onto the pin in the outrigger. Typically, one person is enough to row an Ainu canoe, and they usually stand while doing so. There is no steering mechanism or rudder, and the oars are used for steering while rowing. Ainu canoes are not decked, making them unsuitable for rough seas. They are symmetrical on both sides, and often the ends are also shaped the same. However, there are some canoes that seem to have been influenced by Japanese boats, featuring a flat stern. These are generally larger and used for sailing. A square sail is rigged on a short mast at the front, and steering is managed with one of the oars at the back. Nonetheless, these sailing canoes do not perform well, as even the slightest gust can cause them to capsize. The anchors used by the Ainu are quite clever; they are carved from a piece of wood, with either one or two barbs, and have two stones attached to the sides to help them sink. The Ainu do not know or use a compass, navigating by sight of the land. They rarely venture far out to sea, fully aware of the ocean's dangers and the limitations of their navigation skills, although they are unable to improve their methods on their own. The canoes are always pulled ashore when not in use, and each family owns its own. No canoes belong to companies or are shared among villages.
TOP VIEW OF AN AINU CANOE.
The track between Ubahu and Urakawa is rough, and the
rivers are somewhat troublesome. Not far from the Mitsuashi
river one has to pass a tunnel which has been made
through a rock projecting into the sea. In rough weather
it is difficult and dangerous to get through, as the waves
wash right through the tunnel. In fair weather it affords
a safe passage to the traveller.
TOP VIEW OF AN AINU CANOE.
The path between Ubahu and Urakawa is bumpy, and the rivers can be a bit of a hassle. Not far from the Mitsuashi river, you have to go through a tunnel that's been carved through a rock sticking out into the sea. In bad weather, getting through is tough and risky, as the waves crash right through the tunnel. When the weather's good, it offers a safe route for travelers.
The Matourabets (the winter fishing river) was successfully waded, and the Ikantai[10] village passed. Then at Urakawa or Urapets (the fish river) I made a halt for the night. There are many half-breeds at Urakawa, and a few real Ainu, but the small population is composed mostly of Japanese fishermen.
The Matourabets (the winter fishing river) was successfully crossed, and the Ikantai[10] village was passed. Then at Urakawa or Urapets (the fish river), I stopped for the night. There are many mixed-heritage individuals at Urakawa and a few actual Ainu, but the small population is mostly made up of Japanese fishermen.
Seven and a half miles further, at Shama-ne—a corruption of Shuna, stones, and ne, together—there are some magnificent[Pg 40] granite pillars boldly standing out of the sea. The sandy beach came to an end, and huge cliffs barred my way in front. I could see that the water was not very deep round these rocks, as the waves were breaking a long distance from the cliff, a sure sign of shallow water, though even then it might have been too deep for my ponies to go through. With great difficulty I got the two brutes into the sea, trying to round the large rocks for the better ground, which I hoped to find on the other side. The tide was low, but the sea was still rough, and nearly every wave as it came in went right over my ponies, frightening them, and made them extremely difficult to hold. The instinct of self-preservation made them rush for the cliff, with the only result that they missed their footing, and they and I were both swept away by the next receding wave. I was carried off the saddle, but I had sufficient presence of mind to hold on to the bridle. An awful struggle ensued between my ponies and myself. Each wave that came carried and knocked us one way, each wave that retired carried and knocked us the other. In the midst of all this danger I suddenly remembered that some years ago a lady who knew all about palmistry prophesied that I should one day be drowned.
Seven and a half miles further, at Shama-ne—a twist on Shuna, meaning stones, and ne, meaning together—there are some stunning[Pg 40] granite pillars rising boldly from the sea. The sandy beach ended, and massive cliffs blocked my way ahead. I could see that the water wasn’t very deep around these rocks, as the waves broke far from the cliff—definitely a sign of shallow water—though it still might have been too deep for my ponies to navigate. With a lot of effort, I got the two stubborn animals into the sea, trying to maneuver around the large rocks in search of better ground on the other side. The tide was low, but the sea remained rough, and nearly every wave that came in crashed over my ponies, startling them and making them almost impossible to control. Driven by instinct to survive, they bolted for the cliff, but that only caused them to lose their footing, and both they and I were swept away by the next retreating wave. I was thrown off the saddle, but I was quick enough to grab the bridle. A terrifying struggle broke out between my ponies and me. Each incoming wave tossed us one way, and each outgoing wave pulled us the other. In the chaos, I suddenly recalled that a few years earlier, a woman who was an expert in palmistry had predicted that I would one day drown.
Had the day come now? Not if energy and perseverance would avert the doom! After a long struggle, I succeeded in pulling my horses where the water was a little shallower, and there we three stood for some minutes, trembling with cold, my two ponies looking reproachfully at me with those half-human eyes of animals when forced into positions of danger which they can neither understand nor overcome. It is wonderful the amount of expression that horses have in their eyes, and how plainly one can read their dumb thoughts and formless emotions!
Had the day arrived now? Not if determination and effort could prevent it! After a tough struggle, I managed to guide my horses to a spot where the water was a bit shallower, and there the three of us stood for a few minutes, shivering from the cold, my two ponies looking at me with those almost human eyes of animals who find themselves in perilous situations they can’t grasp or change. It's remarkable how much expression horses convey through their eyes and how clearly we can understand their silent thoughts and vague feelings!
From the point where I was standing I could see that I had to go on but a few hundred feet more, and that then my ponies and I would be safe. Sure enough, the water grew shallower and shallower, and, to my delight, I was soon on the other side of the cliff. At high tide, and in very rough weather, it is impossible to pass by this ocean-ford.
From where I was standing, I could see that I only had to go a few more hundred feet, and then my ponies and I would be safe. Sure enough, the water got shallower and shallower, and to my relief, I was soon on the other side of the cliff. At high tide and during really rough weather, it's impossible to cross this ocean ford.
Shamane is a picturesque little fishing village, built on the side of a promontory jutting out into the sea. From there, looking towards Urakawa, there is a lovely view of all the[Pg 41] small islands and picturesque rocks, standing like huge jewels in the water, while on the Horoizumi side, as far as the eye can see, there are only cliffs of peculiar shapes, and marvellously rich in colour.
Shamane is a charming little fishing village, located on the side of a promontory that extends into the sea. From there, looking toward Urakawa, you can see a beautiful view of all the[Pg 41] small islands and scenic rocks, which appear like massive jewels in the water. On the Horoizumi side, as far as the eye can see, there are only cliffs with unique shapes, and they are astonishingly vibrant in color.
I got two fresh animals, and pursued my journey towards Horoizumi. Rocks, rocks, nothing but rocks! My ponies stumbled and slipped all the time, and for eighteen miles the riding was hard and intricate. I had to lead my ponies most of the way, and help them, pull them, or push them, from one rock on to another, and down the next, and so on.
I got two new animals and continued my journey toward Horoizumi. Rocks everywhere, just rocks! My ponies kept stumbling and slipping, and for eighteen miles, the ride was tough and complicated. I had to lead my ponies most of the way, helping them by pulling or pushing them from one rock to another, and down the next one, and so on.
The scenery all along was magnificent and grand. A short distance from Shamane a large natural archway emerges from the sea, which is called by the Ainu, Shui-shma, "a hole in stone."
The scenery all around was stunning and impressive. Just a little way from Shamane, a huge natural archway rises from the sea, known by the Ainu as Shui-shma, meaning "a hole in stone."
Holes have been pierced through the rocks in several places, to give comparative safe passage, and to prevent wayfarers from being carried away by the waves. Over the entrance of one of these tunnels a pretty waterfall, descending from a great height, gives a poetic effect to the scene, while it obliges the unfortunate traveller to take an extremely cold shower-bath, should he wish to push forward on his journey.
Holes have been drilled into the rocks in several spots to create safer passage and keep travelers from being swept away by the waves. Above the entrance of one of these tunnels, a beautiful waterfall cascading from a great height adds a poetic touch to the scene, but it forces the unfortunate traveler to take an extremely cold shower if they want to continue on their journey.
As if all these discomforts combined were not enough, it is to be added that the rivers in this part of the coast, though not wide, are extremely swift and dangerous to cross. My second pony was carried away by the strong current when I crossed the Poro-nam-bets,[11] and I had great difficulty in rescuing him.
As if all these discomforts weren't enough, it should also be noted that the rivers in this part of the coast, while not wide, are very fast and risky to cross. My second pony was swept away by the strong current when I crossed the Poro-nam-bets,[11] and I had a hard time rescuing him.
At Shamane there are a few Ainu, but from there to Horoizumi I saw none.
At Shamane, there are a few Ainu, but from there to Horoizumi, I didn’t see any.
Sardines are very plentiful all along this coast, and long seaweeds also abound. The latter is used for export, chiefly to China. Horoizumi, a nice little village of one hundred and fifty houses, is the most picturesque in Yezo. It is built on the slopes of a high cliff, and it reminds one much of the pretty villages in the Gulf of Spezia. I arrived at sunset, and the warm red and yellow tints which the dying orb of day was shedding on the weather-beaten brownish houses, gave a heavenly appearance to this very earthly place. As I got nearer, a good deal of the heavenly had to be discarded, for the odours of fish-manure and of seaweed are two smells[Pg 42] which can hardly claim to be classed under that heading. The inhabitants of the place themselves seem to feel the ill-effects of constantly living in that corrupted atmosphere and on a fish and seaweed diet; for, indeed, it is revolting to see the amount of horrible cutaneous diseases which affect them. One hardly sees one creature out of ten that is not covered with a repulsive eruption of some sort. Leprosy, too, has found its way among the fishermen; and my readers can easily imagine how pleasant it was for me, when I was sketching, to be surrounded by a crowd of these loathsome people, who all wished to touch my clothes and all my belongings, and who would even lean on my back and rub their heads against mine, when trying to get a better view of the sketch.
Sardines are very abundant along this coast, and there’s also a lot of seaweed. The latter is mainly exported to China. Horoizumi, a charming little village with one hundred and fifty houses, is the most picturesque spot in Yezo. It’s built on the slopes of a steep cliff and reminds one a lot of the lovely villages in the Gulf of Spezia. I arrived at sunset, and the warm red and yellow hues from the setting sun shining on the weathered brown houses gave this very earthly place a heavenly look. As I got closer, a lot of that heavenly vibe disappeared, as the smells of fish manure and seaweed are definitely not pleasant. The locals seem to suffer from constantly living in that polluted atmosphere and following a fish and seaweed diet, as it’s quite shocking to see the number of terrible skin diseases affecting them. You hardly find one person out of ten who isn’t covered in some disgusting rash. Leprosy has also made its way among the fishermen; I can only imagine how pleasant it was for me, while sketching, to be surrounded by a crowd of these unfortunate people, all wanting to touch my clothes and belongings, and even leaning on my back and rubbing their heads against mine to get a better look at my sketch.
Poor things! I never had the courage to scold and send them away. It was enough that they were afflicted, and I did not like to add humiliation to their other sorrows by showing them my disgust.
Poor things! I never had the courage to scold and send them away. It was enough that they were suffering, and I didn’t want to add to their humiliation by showing them my disgust.
I rode on to Erimo-zaki, or Rat Cape. Thick fogs are prevalent during the summer months along the whole of the south-east coast, of which Erimo-zaki is the most southern cape. It is the terminating point of the backbone of the main portion of Yezo, which extends from Cape Soya to Cape Erimo from N.NW. to S.SE. A lighthouse has lately been erected on the cliffs by the Japanese Maritime Department, and a steam fog-horn has also been provided for the greater safety of navigation, as a reef of rocks and a stretch of shallow water extend out in the sea for about two and a half miles from the coast.
I rode on to Erimo-zaki, or Rat Cape. Thick fog is common during the summer months along the entire southeast coast, and Erimo-zaki is the southernmost cape. It marks the end of the main range of Yezo, which stretches from Cape Soya to Cape Erimo from N.NW. to S.SE. A lighthouse has recently been built on the cliffs by the Japanese Maritime Department, and a steam foghorn has also been installed for better navigation safety, as a reef of rocks and a stretch of shallow water extend about two and a half miles out to sea from the coast.
The foghorn, I was informed, was only blown when the lighthouse-keeper suspected some ship was likely to make for the rocks! A likely thing, indeed!
The foghorn, I was told, was only sounded when the lighthouse keeper thought a ship was heading for the rocks! What a ridiculous idea!
"But how are you to know, especially when there is a thick fog on?" I asked.
"But how are you supposed to know, especially when there’s a thick fog?" I asked.
"So few ships pass near here," was the reply; "and it would not be much use keeping steam up all the time to blow the horn, considering that we have fog during nearly four months in the year."
"So few ships go by this way," was the response; "and it wouldn't really make sense to keep the steam going all the time to sound the horn, especially since we have fog for almost four months every year."
"Then," I could not help remarking, "I expect you only light the lighthouse when there is going to be a wreck?"
"Then," I couldn't help but comment, "I guess you only turn on the lighthouse when there's about to be a shipwreck?"
"Oh, no; we show the light every night."
"Oh, no; we turn on the light every night."
[Pg 43] This was just like the Japanese! Owing to the imperfectness of charts—none delineating correctly that part of the coast—the strong currents, the thick fogs, and the dangerous reefs, there could not be a more perilous coast for navigation than that which terminates in Cape Erimo. The ships which go from Shanghai, or some of the ports in the Petchili Gulf in China, to North American ports, often steer this course through the Tsugaru Strait and pass directly south of Cape Erimo. Thus the Mary Tatham (an English screw-steamer), while on her journey from Shanghai to Oregon, was lost in 1882, with nearly all lives on board, about two miles from this cape.
[Pg 43] This was just like the Japanese! Because of the inaccurate charts—none properly showing that part of the coast—the strong currents, the thick fogs, and the dangerous reefs, there couldn't be a more hazardous coast for navigation than the one ending at Cape Erimo. Ships traveling from Shanghai or some of the ports in the Petchili Gulf in China to North American ports often take this route through the Tsugaru Strait, passing directly south of Cape Erimo. For example, the Mary Tatham (an English screw-steamer) was lost in 1882, with nearly everyone on board, just about two miles from this cape while making her way from Shanghai to Oregon.
At the foot of the Erimo cliffs is a small fishing village called Okos. The sea is shallow at this place, and there are many low-lying reefs which afford abundance of kelp and seaweeds.
At the base of the Erimo cliffs is a small fishing village called Okos. The sea is shallow here, and there are many low-lying reefs that provide plenty of kelp and seaweeds.
A short time before I arrived at Okos a man had gone out in his boat to save some nets in which a large fish had got entangled. His boat capsized, and he was drowned. His wife was in a dreadful state of mind, not for the loss of her better half, but for the more irreparable loss of the nets.
A little while before I got to Okos, a guy had taken his boat out to retrieve some nets that a large fish had gotten caught in. His boat flipped over, and he drowned. His wife was in a terrible state, not because of the loss of her husband, but because of the much worse loss of the nets.
The distance between Horoizumi and Cape Erimo is seven and a half miles, and the track is exceedingly rough in many places. Nearly half-way between the last-mentioned village and the cape are the three high pillars called Utarop, which are represented in the illustration at the head of the chapter.
The distance between Horoizumi and Cape Erimo is seven and a half miles, and the path is very rough in many spots. Almost halfway between the mentioned village and the cape are the three tall pillars known as Utarop, which are shown in the illustration at the beginning of the chapter.
As it was impossible to take my ponies along the few miles between Cape Erimo and Shoya, following the precipitous coast, I retraced my steps to Horoizumi, meaning to attempt the mountain pass the next morning.
As it was impossible to bring my ponies along the short distance between Cape Erimo and Shoya, along the steep coast, I turned back to Horoizumi, planning to try the mountain pass the next morning.


CHAPTER VI.
From Cape Erimo to the Tokachi River
The mountain pass between Horoizumi and Shoya is supposed to be very dangerous on account of bears. I rode the ten miles quietly, but failed to meet or see any. The way through thick woods is exceedingly pretty. After traversing a small valley with a dense growth of scrub-bamboo, it climbs a small hill, from the top of which a lovely view of Cape Erimo lies like a picture before one's eyes. There are only thirty houses at Shoya, and the place could not be better described than by the words "a miserable hole." The rough weather, as well as several landslips, had some time before my arrival broken all communication between Shoya and the next village east of it. There is a rough mountain trail as far as Saruru, but my ponies could not possibly get through the scrub-wood and heavy climbing, and none of the natives could be induced to carry my luggage. They all positively refused to follow me on account of the multitude of bears which they said were on the mountains.
The mountain pass between Horoizumi and Shoya is known to be really dangerous because of bears. I rode the ten miles quietly but didn't encounter or see any. The path through thick woods is extremely beautiful. After crossing a small valley filled with dense scrub-bamboo, it climbs a small hill, from the top of which there's a stunning view of Cape Erimo, like a picture. Shoya has only thirty houses, and it could best be described as "a miserable hole." The rough weather and several landslides had cut off all communication between Shoya and the next village to the east before I arrived. There’s a rough mountain trail as far as Saruru, but my ponies couldn’t possibly navigate through the scrub-wood and steep climbs, and none of the locals would agree to carry my luggage. They all firmly refused to follow me due to the many bears they claimed were in the mountains.
"If the sea goes down," said an old fisherman, "you may be able to get through early to-morrow morning at low tide; and, if you are careful, you will not be washed away by the waves."[Pg 45] The cliffs near Shoya are remarkable for their beauty. They are mostly older eruptive rocks which nature has carved into hundreds of rugged and fantastic forms. About a mile from the village is a huge natural archway, and from this point begin the precipitous cliffs, pillars, and rocks which make the journey so difficult.
"If the sea goes down," said an old fisherman, "you might be able to get through early tomorrow morning at low tide; and, if you're careful, you won't be washed away by the waves."[Pg 45] The cliffs near Shoya are known for their stunning beauty. They are mostly older volcanic rocks that nature has shaped into hundreds of rugged and unique forms. About a mile from the village is a massive natural archway, and from there, the steep cliffs, pillars, and rocks begin that make the journey so challenging.
At Shoya there are no pure Ainu, but some of the fishermen exhibit traces of Ainu blood. My recollection of Shoya is decidedly not of a pleasant character. I put up in the house of a fisherman, which also answers the purpose of a tea-house for the few stranded native travellers.
At Shoya, there aren't any pure Ainu, but some of the fishermen show signs of Ainu heritage. My memories of Shoya are definitely not fond. I stayed in the home of a fisherman, which also serves as a tea house for the few local travelers who find themselves stuck there.
"We are so poor," said the landlord when I asked for something to eat, "and we have finished our provisions of rice. The other people in the village are poorer than we are, and they also have none; and as for fish, the sea has been so rough for several days that we have not been able to catch any. We ate the last scrap of fish we had just before you arrived! If you gave me a fortune, I could not give you anything to eat."
"We're really struggling," said the landlord when I asked for something to eat. "We've run out of rice. The other people in the village are even poorer than us, and they have nothing either. As for fish, the sea has been too rough for the last few days, so we haven't been able to catch any. We finished the last bit of fish we had just before you got here! Even if you offered me a fortune, I wouldn't be able to give you anything to eat."
When the landlord confessed this to me in the evening, I had already been fourteen hours without food. The prospect of not getting any more for at least the next eighteen or twenty hours was not an agreeable look-out. I was very hungry, but, failing a meal, the next best thing was to try and go to sleep. Even that did not prove successful, for hunger keeps you awake, and in its first stages sharpens all your senses considerably.
When the landlord told me this in the evening, I had already gone fourteen hours without food. The idea of not getting anything to eat for at least the next eighteen or twenty hours was not appealing. I was really hungry, but since I couldn't have a meal, the next best thing was to try to sleep. Even that didn't work out, because hunger keeps you awake, and at first, it sharpens all your senses quite a bit.
The night I spent at Shoya is worthy of a description. From top to bottom the corners of my room were filled with webs, which the spiders had spun undisturbed in all directions across the room. Hundreds of flies and horseflies rose buzzing when I entered the room, and I had to engage in a very unequal war against them before I could settle down on the hard planks. In one corner of the ceiling a big, long-legged spider, too high for me to reach, was enjoying a good meal out of a huge horsefly which he had captured in his net. I almost envied the long-legged epicure. Nature will be ironical sometimes. When night came, and I was still sleepless, the planks on which I was lying seemed harder than any planks I had ever slept on before. I turned round one way,[Pg 46] then the other, then another, till all my bones were aching. Finally, through exhaustion, I fell asleep, and even had a nightmare. In my dreams, the ghosts of all the spiders I had killed, magnified to the size of human beings, were dancing round me, while one fat old fellow—fatter than any two others put together—was gravely sitting on my chest watching the performance. His weight was such that I was nearly suffocated. Sometimes he would seize me by the throat and almost choke me, while the dancing spiders would choke themselves with laughing ... when—
The night I spent at Shoya definitely deserves a mention. From top to bottom, the corners of my room were packed with webs that the spiders had spun without being disturbed. Hundreds of flies and horseflies buzzed around when I entered, and I had to fight a very one-sided battle against them before I could finally sit down on the hard floorboards. In one corner of the ceiling, a big, long-legged spider, too high for me to reach, was happily feasting on a huge horsefly it had caught in its web. I almost envied that long-legged gourmet. Nature can be ironic sometimes. When night fell and I was still wide awake, the floorboards I lay on felt harder than any I had ever slept on. I turned one way, then the other, and then another, until every bone in my body ached. Finally, out of sheer exhaustion, I fell asleep and even had a nightmare. In my dreams, the ghosts of all the spiders I had killed, enlarged to the size of humans, were dancing around me, while one fat old spider—fatter than any two others combined—was sitting heavily on my chest, watching the show. His weight was so great that I could barely breathe. Sometimes he would grab me by the throat and nearly choke me, while the dancing spiders would be laughing so hard they could hardly breathe... when—
"Hayaku Danna!"—"Quick, sir!" said a Japanese voice, waking me suddenly; "get up, or else the tide will rise, and you will not be able to get to Saruru."
"Hayaku Danna!"—"Quick, sir!" said a Japanese voice, waking me abruptly; "get up, or the tide will come in, and you won't be able to reach Saruru."
I opened my eyes; the dream passed, and the monstrous spiders vanished; but the pain caused by the emptiness of my stomach was still there, and my throat was dry and aching.
I opened my eyes; the dream was over, and the creepy spiders were gone; but the pain from the emptiness in my stomach was still there, and my throat was dry and sore.
It was before sunrise, and it was almost in complete darkness that I left Shoya. I was weak and chilly. The monotonous sound of the waves breaking over the shore added melancholy to malaise, and made me very doleful and limp. Nevertheless, as I was in for it, I pushed my way with my ponies along high cliffs and among rocks, and got on as best I could.
It was just before sunrise, and it was nearly completely dark when I left Shoya. I felt weak and cold. The steady sound of the waves crashing on the shore added to my unease and made me feel very sad and sluggish. Still, since I was committed to it, I moved along the high cliffs and through the rocks with my ponies, making the best of it.
Where the sea had receded the stones were slippery, and my two animals were no sooner on their feet than they were down again on their knees. The hollow sound of their hoofs on the rocks was echoed from cliff to cliff, and awakened the sleepy crows from their night's repose. I had to walk most of the way, and urge on my ponies with howls, as well as stir them up with the whip. Though the tide was low, the waves often washed up to my waist. Daylight came, and I went along, following the high, rugged cliffs, through tunnels occasionally, among rocks continually. The scenery was really magnificent, seen as it was in the mysterious morning light of the rising sun. My horses were done up when I got to Saruru, and I exchanged them for fresh ones. By this time the tide had risen, and it was not possible to proceed any further along the sea-shore. I was glad of it, as I should[Pg 47] thus be forced to try the mountain track, which I was told was not so very rough from this point. A half-caste offered to show me the way. It was a very stiff climb among thick shrub, but it was comparatively smooth work after the experience of my journey from Shoya. I came across many tracks and footprints of bears on the mountain. In some places the marks were quite fresh and of different sizes, varying in length from one foot to four inches. The half-caste told me that black bears seldom attack men unless they are hungry. They often attack horses.
Where the sea had pulled back, the stones were slippery, and my two animals were up on their feet one moment, then back down on their knees the next. The hollow sound of their hooves on the rocks echoed from cliff to cliff, waking the sleepy crows from their night’s rest. I had to walk most of the way, urging my ponies on with howls and prodding them with the whip. Even though the tide was low, the waves frequently washed up to my waist. Daylight broke, and I continued along the tall, rugged cliffs, passing through tunnels now and then, surrounded by rocks all the time. The scenery was truly stunning, illuminated by the mysterious morning light of the rising sun. My horses were exhausted by the time I reached Saruru, so I traded them for fresh ones. By then, the tide had come in, making it impossible to continue along the seashore. I was relieved because I would have to take the mountain path, which I had heard wasn't too rough from this point. A half-caste offered to guide me. It was a steep climb through thick shrub, but it felt relatively easy compared to my journey from Shoya. I found many tracks and footprints of bears on the mountain. In some spots, the marks were quite fresh and varied in size, ranging from one foot to four inches long. The half-caste told me that black bears rarely attack humans unless they're hungry but often go after horses.
"But if they hear that a man is near they will not dare to attack even the horses," he said, and then began to sing at the top of his voice. His singing, half Japanese, half Ainu, was so excruciating that it was no wonder to me that it kept the bears away.
"But if they hear that a guy is nearby, they won't even dare to go after the horses," he said, and then started singing really loudly. His singing, part Japanese and part Ainu, was so painful to listen to that I wasn't surprised it kept the bears away.
We crossed two rapid streams before reaching the summit of the mountain range. The view from the summit was lovely. In the distance I could distinguish two headlands, while an immense stretch of stormy sea and a high mountain were in the foreground. I began to descend, and again I got into the region of thick forest and scrub. I perceived a few houses near the coast, and we made for them. It was the village of Moyoro,[12] or Biru, as it is called by others.
We crossed two fast streams before reaching the top of the mountain range. The view from the top was beautiful. In the distance, I could see two headlands, while a vast expanse of stormy sea and a tall mountain were in the foreground. I started to head down, and again I entered a thick forest and scrub area. I spotted a few houses near the coast, and we headed towards them. It was the village of Moyoro,[12] or Biru, as it's known by others.
Biru is situated on a small bay, in the centre of which some gigantic pillars stand out at a great height. The rough sea dashes against them, and thousands of crows and sea-birds have chosen these rocks for their abode. Biru is not a large village. There are only forty fishermen's huts, most of which are on the high cliff surrounding the small bay; the others are down on the beach. Kelp, seaweed, and sardines[Pg 48] are as abundant here as on the south-west coast, and maintain the staple industries of the inhabitants. The sea-weed is of great length but small width. Fourteen more miles over the cliffs brought me to Perohune.[15] There were four large deltas to cross, that of the Toyoi-pets[16] being the largest. The current in all these rivers is extremely swift.
Biru is located on a small bay, where some enormous pillars rise high above the water. The rough sea crashes against them, and thousands of crows and seabirds have made these rocks their home. Biru isn't a big village. There are only forty fishermen's huts, most of which are on the high cliff surrounding the small bay; the rest are down on the beach. Kelp, seaweed, and sardines[Pg 48] are just as plentiful here as on the southwest coast, supporting the main industries of the locals. The seaweed is long but narrow. After hiking fourteen more miles over the cliffs, I arrived at Perohune.[15] There were four large deltas to cross, with the delta of the Toyoi-pets[16] being the largest. The current in all these rivers is incredibly strong.
Perohune enjoys a big name, but there is only one house in the place. I was, however, fortunate enough to get two good ponies there. The fog was settling down thicker and thicker, and I could not see more than a yard or two in front of me; but at times it lifted up for a few moments, and showed me either the dangers I was nearing or the landscape I was losing. I passed two lakes, the Tobuts,[17] otherwise called Oputs, and the Yuto. Both are divided from the sea by a narrow sand-ridge. There is but little of human interest along this deserted coast. There are no houses and no people, but many small rivers, and now and then high cliffs. My ponies, driven mad by the abus, the terrible horseflies of Yezo, constantly threw themselves down and rolled on the sand.
Perohune has a big reputation, but there's only one house there. I was lucky enough to find two great ponies. The fog was getting thicker, and I could barely see a yard or two in front of me; but sometimes it would clear up for a moment, revealing either the dangers I was approaching or the scenery I was missing. I passed two lakes, the Tobuts,[17] also known as Oputs, and the Yuto. Both are separated from the ocean by a narrow sandbar. There isn't much of human interest along this empty coast. There are no houses and no people, just lots of small rivers and occasionally some high cliffs. My ponies, driven crazy by the abus, those horrible horseflies of Yezo, kept throwing themselves down and rolling in the sand.
From Perohune to Yuto Lake the distance is about eleven miles, and from Yuto to Otsu it is eleven more miles, on a very easy track. I saw some large sea-birds and penguins, and I was struck by the great number of drift logs which had been washed on shore by the sea. The last thirty-eight miles of the coast was literally covered with this drift wood. During the summer months the fog is always dense along this coast, greatly owing to a cold current which comes from the Otkoshk Sea, passes through the strait between Kunashiri and Etorofu, in the Kuriles, and then turns south, following a great part of the south-east coast of Yezo. Not far from Erimo Cape it meets a warm current from the China Sea, which passes through the Tsugaru Strait, and which in all probability is the Kuro-shiwo, or Japan current. This Japan current parts from the main stream near the south-western[Pg 49] extremity of Japan, goes through the Corean Strait, and follows the north-west coast of Nippon, passing then through the Tsugaru Strait. As will be seen later, a branch of this current runs along the north-west coast of Yezo, and through the La Perouse Strait.
From Perohune to Yuto Lake, the distance is about eleven miles, and from Yuto to Otsu, it's an additional eleven miles on a very easy path. I spotted some large seabirds and penguins, and I was amazed by the huge number of drift logs washed ashore by the sea. The last thirty-eight miles of the coast were literally covered with this driftwood. During the summer months, the fog along this coast is always thick, largely due to a cold current coming from the Otkoshk Sea, which passes through the strait between Kunashiri and Etorofu in the Kuriles, and then heads south, following much of the southeast coast of Yezo. Not far from Erimo Cape, it encounters a warm current from the China Sea that flows through the Tsugaru Strait, which is probably the Kuro-shiwo, or Japan current. This Japan current branches off from the main stream near the southwestern[Pg 49] tip of Japan, goes through the Corean Strait, and follows the northwest coast of Nippon before passing through the Tsugaru Strait. As will be shown later, a branch of this current runs along the northwest coast of Yezo and through the La Perouse Strait.


CHAPTER VII.
The Tokachi Region—Authentic Ainu Heritage—Unique Way of River Fishing.
The Tokachi River is one of the largest and most important in Yezo. Knowing that the Ainu either settle on the sea-shore or up river-courses, I formed an idea that some good types were to be found up this river. On reaching Otsu, a small settlement at the mouth of the Otsugawa—a branch of the large delta formed by the Tokachi—my idea was confirmed by the report that there were no Japanese villages in the interior. The expedition up the Tokachi River was by no means easy from the accounts I heard at Otsu. None of the Japanese ever dare to penetrate into the interior from Otsu, and, so far as foreigners are concerned, the Tokachi River was utterly unexplored. There is a certain charm in being the first man to do something, and I decided to attempt the experiment. The Japanese of Otsu dissuaded me strongly from carrying out my plan; for they said the grass and reeds were so high that I could not possibly get through.
The Tokachi River is one of the largest and most significant rivers in Yezo. Knowing that the Ainu either live by the sea or along riverbanks, I thought there might be some interesting types further up this river. When I arrived in Otsu, a small settlement at the mouth of the Otsugawa—a branch of the large delta created by the Tokachi—my idea was supported by reports that there were no Japanese villages in the interior. The journey up the Tokachi River was definitely not easy, based on what I heard in Otsu. No Japanese would ever dare to venture into the interior from Otsu, and, as far as foreigners go, the Tokachi River was completely unexplored. There's a certain appeal in being the first to do something, so I decided to give it a shot. The locals in Otsu strongly advised against my plan, saying the grass and reeds were so tall that I wouldn't be able to get through.
[Pg 51] "It is a kind of a jungle, in fact," said they, "in which yellow and black bears are plentiful. The rivers, which are numerous, are swollen by the heavy rains that have fallen lately. The natives up the river are unsociable and bad, and they will kill you. Then in the high grass horse-flies, black-flies, and mosquitoes abound."
[Pg 51] "It's kind of a jungle, really," they said, "where yellow and black bears are everywhere. The rivers, which are many, are swollen from the heavy rain we've had recently. The locals up the river are unfriendly and dangerous, and they might kill you. Plus, in the tall grass, there are tons of horse-flies, black-flies, and mosquitoes."
"If you attempt it alone," said the wise man of the party, "you will not come back alive."
"If you try it on your own," said the wise man of the group, "you won't make it back."
These reports were not encouraging, but, anyhow, I determined that, Irish as it may sound, dead or alive, if there were any Ainu up the stream I would see them. Owing to the difficulty of taking even my usual baggage, and not wishing to burden my ponies with more than was necessary, I decided to carry with me only a paint-box, many wooden sketching panels, my diary, and my revolver. I left all my other things at Otsu to wait for my return.
These reports weren’t encouraging, but still, I was determined that, as Irish as it may sound, whether they were dead or alive, if there were any Ainu upstream, I would see them. Since it was difficult to carry even my usual gear, and I didn’t want to overload my ponies with anything unnecessary, I decided to take only a paintbox, several wooden sketching panels, my diary, and my revolver with me. I left all my other belongings in Otsu to wait for my return.
"Should you not come back again, can I keep all your belongings as my property?" kindly enquired the landlord of the tea-house, when I bade good-bye to him and to all the villagers who had collected round early in the morning to see me start.
"Hey, if you don’t come back, can I keep all your stuff?" kindly asked the landlord of the tea-house when I said goodbye to him and all the villagers who had gathered early in the morning to see me off.
I took two ponies, as usual. I left Otsu at dawn, and followed as well as I could the winding course of the river. Not far from Otsu I came to the thick jungle of high reeds and tall grass of which I had already heard. I made my way through the first obstructions; but I had not been in the jungle more than a few minutes when I was simply devoured by horse-flies, mosquitoes, and black-flies. My ponies were kicking, bucking, and trying to bolt, as they also were literally covered with horse-flies, sucking their blood and stinging them to madness. The reeds and grass were about ten or twelve feet high, so that, being higher than myself on my horse, I could not see where I was going. I kept along the river bank as much as I could; but in many places it was difficult to get through the ravines which one invariably finds along rivers, so I kept a little way off on the west side, and had the noise of the running river to guide me. For many wearisome hours I rode through this jungle, the dividing reeds continually rubbing against my face, arms, and legs, sometimes making pretty deep cuts with their razor-edged long leaves. The huge[Pg 52] shirau—the horse-flies—grew more and more tiresome as the sun got warmer, and my head and hands were swollen and bleeding. The sun was by this time high in the sky, but there were no signs of the jungle coming to an end, no indications of huts anywhere near—no other noise but the sound of the crashing reeds and the running water of the river. My ponies were feeding well, as grass was plentiful; but I was faring badly. What with the exertion of keeping the ponies in order, while the densely-entangled reeds nearly dragged me off the saddle—what with the plague of mosquitoes and horse-flies, added to the sense of weakness caused by fatigue and hunger—it was really a terrible time for me—one of the worst episodes in my life. Nevertheless, I persevered, and went on and on, determined to reach my destination. I came upon two very large swamps, which forced me to make a wide détour. The ponies were very tired, and so was I. When darkness set in I halted, took the heavy pack-saddles off the ponies, and tied the animals to them, so that they could not bolt during the night; and wearied, disheartened, and discouraged as I was, I began to think how stupid I had been to start on such an expedition without carrying any provisions with me—without having provided myself with even a tent or a covering of any kind.
I took two ponies, as usual. I left Otsu at dawn and did my best to follow the winding path of the river. Not long after leaving Otsu, I encountered the thick jungle of high reeds and tall grass that I had heard about before. I pushed through the first obstacles, but it was only a few minutes before I was swarmed by horseflies, mosquitoes, and black flies. My ponies were kicking, bucking, and trying to bolt, since they were also covered in horseflies, which were sucking their blood and driving them crazy. The reeds and grass were about ten or twelve feet high, so being taller than me while I was on my horse, I couldn’t see where I was going. I tried to stay close to the riverbank, but in many places it was tough to get through the ravines that you usually find along rivers, so I kept a bit west and relied on the sound of the running river to guide me. For many exhausting hours, I rode through this jungle, the reeds constantly brushing against my face, arms, and legs, sometimes leaving pretty deep cuts with their sharp leaves. The large horseflies became increasingly annoying as the sun got hotter, and my head and hands were swollen and bleeding. By this time, the sun was high, but there were no signs of the jungle ending, no huts in sight—only the noise of the crashing reeds and the river's flowing water. My ponies were eating well since there was plenty of grass, but I was struggling. Between trying to keep the ponies in line, the thick reeds nearly dragging me off the saddle, and the swarming mosquitoes and horseflies, along with the weakness from fatigue and hunger—it was truly a rough time for me—one of the worst experiences of my life. Still, I pressed on, determined to reach my destination. I came across two very large swamps that forced me to make a wide detour. Both the ponies and I were very tired. When darkness fell, I stopped, took the heavy pack-saddles off the ponies, and tied them so they wouldn’t bolt during the night; and feeling exhausted, disheartened, and defeated, I started to realize how foolish I had been to embark on such a journey without any provisions—without even a tent or any kind of cover.
Circumstances made me a philosopher. What is the use of worrying about things that cannot be helped? After all, when you get accustomed to it, starving is really not so bad as people think. One of my ponies was of a sentimental disposition, and he seemed to understand my troubles. He came close and rubbed himself against me, placing his head near mine. It was touching, and in the solitude in which I was the sympathy of the dumb beast was as precious as that of a human being. Had he been able to speak, he might have been taken for a Christian, and a good one, too! He had been fearfully stung by horse-flies, and my petting him seemed to alleviate his pain. There is nothing like sympathy and a little personal kindness if one wants to make friends with animals. The last few rays of light were spent in putting together the notes which I had taken during the day, and which enabled me to draw a sketch-map of the river. At Horoizumi some days previously I was able to buy myself[Pg 53] a compass from a Japanese fisherman, and on this occasion it was extremely useful to me.
Circumstances turned me into a philosopher. What's the point of stressing over things that can't be changed? Once you get used to it, starving isn't as bad as people think. One of my ponies had a sensitive nature, and he seemed to sense my struggles. He came over and nuzzled me, resting his head close to mine. It was heartwarming, and in the isolation I felt, the affection of that silent animal was as valuable as that of a person. If he could talk, you might mistake him for a Christian, and a good one at that! He had been badly bitten by horseflies, and my petting seemed to ease his discomfort. Nothing beats a little sympathy and kindness when you're trying to befriend animals. The last few rays of light were spent organizing the notes I had taken throughout the day, which helped me create a rough map of the river. A few days earlier at Horoizumi, I managed to buy a compass from a Japanese fisherman, and it proved to be really helpful this time.
By the soft, or rather shrill, music of a full orchestra of mosquitoes I fell asleep. It was poetic, but not comfortable. Strange noises woke me several times during the night. My ponies also were very restless, and repeatedly tried to get loose while I was lying down on the two saddles to which they were fastened.
By the annoying, or rather sharp, sound of a full orchestra of mosquitoes, I fell asleep. It was poetic, but uncomfortable. Strange noises woke me up several times during the night. My ponies were also very restless and kept trying to break free while I was lying on the two saddles they were tied to.
It was some time after sunrise when I woke up, and with stiff bones set off again. A heavy dew had fallen during the night, and had made my clothes very damp. The reeds and grass also were saturated with water, and riding through them caused a continuous shower to fall over me, giving me an uncomfortable and by no means efficient kind of shower bath.
It was a little while after sunrise when I woke up, and with aching bones, I set off again. A heavy dew had fallen overnight, leaving my clothes pretty wet. The reeds and grass were soaked as well, and riding through them created a constant drizzle over me, giving me an uncomfortable and definitely not effective kind of shower.
I rode in a westerly direction till about two or three in the afternoon, when suddenly the jungle came to an end. Not only that, but a short distance away I saw some Ainu huts. I soon reached them, dismounted, and tied my ponies to a tree. I went to the first hut, and previous to going in I called out: "Hem, hem, hem, hem!" which in the Ainu country is the polite preliminary when a stranger wishes to enter a hut. The usual practice of knocking at the door is dispensed with, for Ainu doorways have no doors.
I rode westward until about two or three in the afternoon when I suddenly came to the edge of the jungle. Not only that, but I spotted some Ainu huts a short distance away. I quickly reached them, got off my pony, and tied it to a tree. I went to the first hut, and before entering, I called out, "Hem, hem, hem, hem!" which is the polite way for a stranger to announce their arrival in Ainu territory. Instead of the usual practice of knocking on the door, I just called out since Ainu doorways don’t have doors.
"Hem, hem, hem, hem, hem!" called I again much louder, but I heard no answer; so I lifted the mat and entered the hut. It was empty. No one was there. I came out again, and went into the next hut, into another, and yet another; but nobody was to be found. I supposed that they were all out fishing. From the roof in each hut was hanging some dried and half-dried salmon. I could not resist the temptation after nearly thirty-four hours of involuntary fasting; and I stole—I mean "conveyed," or helped myself to the largest fish. I was greedily eating it—and how good it was!—when I thought I heard a groan inside the hut. I listened, and I distinctly heard some one sniffing in a corner of the dark dwelling. Had I been caught stealing? The crime I had committed would be called felony at home, but in the Ainu country it has not nearly so bad a name as that. However, felony or not, I dropped the fish, or rather what remained of it, and made for the corner whence the noise came. As I got closer I discerned[Pg 54] a mass of white hair and two claws, almost like thin human feet with long hooked nails. A few fish-bones scattered on the ground and a lot of filth were massed together in that corner; and the disgusting odours these exhaled were beyond measure horrible.
"Hem, hem, hem, hem, hem!" I called out again, much louder, but I didn’t get any response. So, I lifted the mat and stepped into the hut. It was empty. No one was there. I stepped back out and went into the next hut, then another, and yet another, but nobody was around. I figured they were all out fishing. From the roofs of each hut hung some dried and half-dried salmon. After nearly thirty-four hours of unintentional fasting, I couldn't resist the temptation; I took the largest fish. I was greedily eating it— and it was so good!—when I thought I heard a groan coming from inside the hut. I listened closely and distinctly heard someone sniffing in a corner of the dark dwelling. Had I been caught stealing? The act I committed would be considered a felony back home, but in Ainu country, it doesn’t carry nearly the same weight. Still, felony or not, I dropped the fish, or what was left of it, and made my way to the corner where the noise came from. As I got closer, I noticed a mass of white hair and two claws, almost like thin human feet with long hooked nails. Scattered fish bones and a lot of filth were piled together in that corner, and the foul odors they emitted were incredibly horrible.
"What the devil is that!" I said aloud in my own native tongue. I could hear someone breathing heavily under that mass of white hair, but I could not make out the shape of a human body. I touched the hair, I pulled it, and with a groan, and movements similar to those of a snake uncoiling itself, two thin bony arms suddenly stretched out and clasped my hand. As my eyes were getting accustomed to the dim light I thought I saw some almost worn-out tattoo marks on her arms. Yes, it was a woman in that corner, though her limbs were merely skin and bone, and her long hair and long nails gave her a ghastly appearance. Indeed, crouched as she was, doubled up, with her head on her knees, and the long hair falling over her face and shoulders, it was really difficult to make out what she was.
"What the heck is that!" I said out loud in my own language. I could hear someone breathing heavily under that mass of white hair, but I couldn't see a human shape. I touched the hair and pulled it, and with a groan and movements like a snake uncoiling, two thin, bony arms suddenly reached out and grabbed my hand. As my eyes adjusted to the dim light, I thought I saw some nearly faded tattoo marks on her arms. Yes, there was a woman in that corner, though her limbs were just skin and bone, and her long hair and nails made her look terrifying. Crouched in that position, doubled over with her head on her knees and long hair falling over her face and shoulders, it was really hard to figure out who she was.
I asked her to come out, but she was apparently deaf and dumb. I dragged her out, and she made but little resistance; only she preferred crawling on her hands and knees to walking upright on her feet. There is no accounting for people's tastes, and I let her please herself in her manner of locomotion. When she was fairly out in the light I shivered as I looked at the miserable being before me. I lifted up her hair to see the face. Her eyebrows were thick and shaggy, and were joined over the nose. Her eyes were half closed, and dead-looking. The strong light seemed to affect her, and with her hands she was feeling the ground, probably in order to retrace her steps back to the dark spot. Nature could not have inflicted more evils on that wretched creature. She was nearly blind, deaf, and dumb; she apparently suffered from rheumatism, which had doubled up her body and stiffened her bony arms and legs; and, moreover, she showed many of the symptoms of leprosy. Altogether, she was painful, horrible, disgusting, and humiliating to contemplate.
I asked her to come out, but she seemed completely unresponsive. I pulled her out, and she barely resisted; she just preferred crawling on her hands and knees instead of walking on her feet. People have strange preferences, so I let her move however she wanted. When she was finally out in the light, I shuddered at the sight of the pitiful figure in front of me. I lifted her hair to see her face. Her eyebrows were thick and unruly, meeting in the middle over her nose. Her eyes were half-closed and had a lifeless look. The bright light seemed to bother her, and she was using her hands to feel the ground, probably trying to find her way back to the dark corner. Nature couldn’t have dealt a harsher blow to that poor creature. She was nearly blind, deaf, and mute; she seemed to suffer from rheumatism, which had hunched her body and stiffened her thin arms and legs; and on top of that, she showed many signs of leprosy. Overall, she was painful, horrifying, repulsive, and deeply disturbing to look at.
I went back to my ponies to fetch my paint-box. During my absence there had collected round them half-a-dozen Ainu. They did not know what to think of the appearance of the two[Pg 55] animals, and the few articles fastened to the pack-saddle were regarded with suspicion. When I appeared on the scene their astonishment was even greater, and it reached its climax when I saluted them in the Ainu fashion, and told them that I was a friend of the Ainu. I unfastened my paint-box and went back to the old woman. She was still where I had left her. All the Ainu present followed me, and when I squatted down they did the same in a semicircle round me. My wretched model attempted several times to crawl inside the hut, but as I was sitting close to her, I prevented her from doing so. There she sat in the most extraordinary position, with her head resting on her left hand, and the stiff fingers of her right hand pressed on the ground. One leg was bent up and the other was folded, resting on the ground and on the foot of the first. She was sniffing the wind, and making efforts to see with her half-blind eyes.
I went back to my ponies to grab my paintbox. While I was gone, about six Ainu had gathered around them. They didn’t know what to make of the two animals, and the few items attached to the pack saddle made them wary. When I showed up, their surprise was even greater, peaking when I greeted them in the Ainu way and told them I was a friend of the Ainu. I opened my paintbox and headed back to the old woman. She was still where I had left her. All the Ainu followed me, and when I sat down, they did the same in a semicircle around me. My poor model tried several times to crawl inside the hut, but since I was sitting close, I stopped her. There she sat in a very strange position, with her head resting on her left hand and the stiff fingers of her right hand pressing into the ground. One leg was bent up and the other was folded, resting on the ground and on the foot of the first. She was sniffing the wind and trying to see with her half-blind eyes.

It is hardly necessary to say that I did not keep my model longer than was strictly necessary, and when the sketch was finished I took her by the arm, brought her back into the hut, and led her to her favourite corner. There she crouched herself again, as I had found her; and there I left her, to bear the miseries of her life, till death, the cure of all woes, shall take away her soul, if not her body, from the filth she had lived in. She was neither ill-treated nor taken care of by the villagers or by her son, who lived in the same hut; but she was regarded as a worthless object, and treated accordingly. A fish was occasionally flung to her, as one would to a beast, and in such a condition this human being had lived, or rather existed, apparently for several years. Not a word was uttered by the villagers during the few minutes I took to paint the sketch. I turned round to inspect my new friends. Others had come up, and these men and women, hairy and partly naked, squatting down amidst filth, and driven half mad by the horse-flies[Pg 56] and black-flies, looked just like a large family of restless monkeys. They were gentle and kind—much more so than any of their more civilised brethren; and one of them, a fine old man, came forward when I came out of the hut and wished me to go and see a big yellow bear they had captured. I went, and near the man's hut, in a rough square cage made of crossed branches of trees, was Bruin grinding his teeth as we drew near. In a sing-song monotone the man told me the story of the hunt, and how the bear had been captured. Then we went from one hut to another all through the village. Yamakubiro is the name given to the huts taken collectively, but the man took good care to explain to me that one part of the village (numbering only seven houses) was called Tchiota, and the other, a short distance away, was named Yammakka. Tchiota in the Ainu language means "dead-sand," and Yammakka is "land in behind."
It’s hardly necessary to say that I didn’t keep my model any longer than absolutely needed, and when the sketch was done, I took her by the arm, brought her back into the hut, and led her to her favorite corner. There, she settled down once more, just as I had found her; and there I left her to endure the miseries of her life until death, the remedy for all ills, would take away her soul, if not her body, from the filth she had lived in. She wasn’t mistreated or cared for by the villagers or by her son, who lived in the same hut; instead, she was seen as worthless and treated accordingly. Sometimes a fish was tossed to her, like one would give to an animal, and in such a state, this human being had lived, or rather existed, apparently for several years. Not a word was said by the villagers during the few minutes I spent painting the sketch. I turned around to check on my new friends. More people had gathered, and these men and women, hairy and partially naked, squatting in filth and driven half mad by the horse-flies and black-flies, looked like a large family of restless monkeys. They were gentle and kind—much more so than any of their more civilized counterparts; and one of them, a fine old man, stepped forward when I came out of the hut and invited me to see a big yellow bear they had captured. I went, and near the man’s hut, in a rough square cage made of crossed branches, was Bruin grinding his teeth as we approached. In a sing-song monotone, the man told me the story of the hunt and how they had captured the bear. Then we went from one hut to another all through the village. Yamakubiro is the name for the huts taken collectively, but the man was careful to explain that one part of the village (only seven houses) was called Tchiota, and the other, a short distance away, was named Yammakka. Tchiota in the Ainu language means "dead-sand," and Yammakka means "land in behind."
Yammakka has ten huts. The hut in which I had to put up was more than filthy, and I had a sort of presentiment that my landlord was a scoundrel. He saw me giving a small silver Japanese coin to a girl I had painted. From that moment I noticed his eyes were continually fixed on my waistcoat pocket, out of which I had taken the coin. However, I did not think much of that, as all Ainu are fond of beads, metals, or anything that shines. When the evening came I tried to go to sleep on the hard planks, as usual. There is undoubtedly more board than lodging about Ainu accommodation. Myriads of Taikkis, the tiny but troublesome and uninvited guests of all dirty dwellings, did me the honour to sup off the few drops of blood which remained in my veins. I owed it to a bottle of Keating's Powder that I was not carried away bodily by them. I felt cold and feverish, and having no civilised bed-clothes to cover me, I slept with my clothes on; and this the more willingly, as I felt an instinctive mistrust of my host, and I thought it was as well to be ready for any emergency.
Yammakka has ten huts. The hut where I had to stay was absolutely filthy, and I had a gut feeling that my landlord was untrustworthy. He saw me give a small silver Japanese coin to a girl I had painted. From that moment on, I noticed his eyes were always fixated on my waistcoat pocket, where I had taken the coin. However, I didn’t think much of it since all Ainu people love beads, metals, or anything shiny. When evening came, I tried to sleep on the hard planks, which is usual for me. There’s definitely more board than lodging in Ainu accommodations. Myriads of Taikkis, the tiny but annoying uninvited guests of all dirty places, did me the honor of feasting on the few drops of blood left in my veins. I owe it to a bottle of Keating's Powder that I wasn't carried away by them. I felt cold and feverish, and without any civilized bedding to cover me, I slept in my clothes; I was more than happy to do so, as I felt a natural mistrust of my host and thought it was wise to be prepared for any situation.
A few salmon were hanging right over my nose. They hung low, but they smelt high. I had been given a place in the south-west corner of the hut, and my landlord retired to the north-east corner. Though this may sound very far, my host was really not more than a few feet away from me. He[Pg 57] apparently thought that I had gone to sleep, for I heard him creep to my side. I could not see him, being in absolute darkness, but though he was evidently holding his breath, I could feel the warmth of his face near mine. He was listening to hear if I were asleep. I kept quiet, and pretended to snore. This gave him courage, and sliding his hand gently along my arm, he came to a pocket in my coat. He began to explore it—but the Ainu are an unfortunate people even when they try to steal. He had got hold of a pocket with no bottom to it—a common occurrence in my coats. The more he explored, the more he found there was to explore. I am fond myself of explorations, and I have no objection to a fellow-being, hairy or not hairy, "prospecting" my empty pockets or my pockets which have no bottom to them. However, my host was not satisfied with the first results of his researches, and with his hand still through the torn lining of the coat-pocket proceeded to investigate the contents of my waistcoat pockets. This was a different matter altogether, and catching hold of him before he was able to disentangle himself, I swung his arm away and hit him hard on the head with my right fist.
A few salmon were hanging right in front of me. They hung low, but they smelled strong. I had been given a spot in the southwest corner of the hut, while my landlord took the northeast corner. Though that may sound far apart, he was really only a few feet away from me. He[Pg 57] seemed to think I was asleep, because I heard him sneak over to my side. I couldn't see him, as it was completely dark, but even though he was clearly holding his breath, I could feel the warmth of his face near mine. He was listening to see if I was asleep. I stayed quiet and pretended to snore. This gave him courage, and as he slid his hand along my arm, he reached a pocket in my coat. He started to rummage through it—but the Ainu are an unlucky people, even when they try to steal. He ended up grabbing a pocket that had no bottom—a common thing with my coats. The more he searched, the more he found there was to dig into. I also enjoy exploring, and I don’t mind if someone, hairy or not, "prospects" my empty pockets or those that have no bottoms. However, my host wasn't satisfied with what he found first, and with his hand still caught in the ripped lining of the coat pocket, he moved on to check the contents of my waistcoat pockets. This was a whole different issue, and before he could pull his hand out, I grabbed him, swung his arm away, and punched him hard on the head with my right fist.
"Wooi!" cried he in despair, and half stunned, as he scrambled away as best he could to his north-east corner. By way of apology and excuse, and with a trembling voice, the man from his corner said that he had only come to sleep on my side of the hut, as the wind was blowing strong where he had lain down, and that my side was warmer. A good excuse indeed when you are caught flagrante delicto pickpocketing!
"Wow!" he shouted in despair, half dazed as he scrambled as quickly as he could to his northeast corner. As an apology and excuse, the man from his corner spoke in a trembling voice, saying that he had only come to sleep on my side of the hut because the wind was blowing hard where he had been lying down, and my side was warmer. A pretty good excuse when you're caught in the act pickpocketing!
The salmon which my host gave me last night for dinner and this morning for breakfast was so rotten, that, hungry as I was, I could not eat it. From Yammakka, in a westerly direction, the way begins with a gentle incline; therefore there is a complete absence of the high and troublesome reeds which I had found in the vast marshy plain I had crossed on my way here from the coast. I intended pushing on to Frishikobets, a larger village some miles off. The old scoundrel wanted to accompany me part of the way, saying that there were two dangerous rivers to cross, and he would show me where to wade them. I fancied that they were as dangerous as they were imaginary, and I started off declining his offer.[Pg 58] I came across several Ainu huts on my way, passed the village of Pensatsunai—six Ainu huts—on the Satsunai river, an affluent of the Tokachi, and then arrived at Obishiro in the afternoon. There are seven houses at Obishiro. I entered one of them, and to my astonishment I found myself in front of an old man and a pretty woman, whose appearance and manners were as refined as those of the better classes in Japan. A younger man also came in. Their astonishment was as great as mine, as they had not seen any civilised beings since they had been there. Though the outside of their dwelling was not prepossessing, the inside was so clean that I felt as if I had dropped into heaven. After what I had gone through, this unexpected rencontre brought me back to life and a belief in the proprieties of a civilised existence, almost forgotten by now!
The salmon that my host gave me for dinner last night and for breakfast this morning was so rotten that, despite being hungry, I couldn’t eat it. From Yammakka, the path heads west with a gentle slope, so there are none of the tall, annoying reeds I encountered in the huge marshy plain I crossed to get here from the coast. I planned to continue on to Frishikobets, a larger village a few miles away. The old crook wanted to walk part of the way with me, claiming there were two dangerous rivers to cross and he would show me where to wade. I figured they were as dangerous as they were imaginary, so I set off and declined his offer.[Pg 58] I came across several Ainu huts on my way, passed the village of Pensatsunai—six Ainu huts—on the Satsunai River, a tributary of the Tokachi, and then arrived in Obishiro in the afternoon. There are seven houses in Obishiro. I went into one of them, and to my surprise, I found an elderly man and a pretty woman whose appearance and manners were as refined as those of the upper classes in Japan. A younger man also came in. They were just as surprised to see me, as they hadn’t encountered any civilized people since they arrived there. Though the outside of their home wasn’t impressive, the inside was so clean that I felt like I had entered heaven. After everything I had gone through, this unexpected meeting restored my faith in the properities of a civilized existence, something I had almost forgotten by now!
These people had a romantic history. Watanabe Masaru—the younger man—was a Japanese gentleman by birth and education, but he had no fortune. Of an adventurous disposition, clever, sensitive, and tired of the conventionalities of his fatherland, he decided eight or ten years ago to emigrate to Hokkaido, and there lead the life of a colonist. The woman he loved was as brave and constant as he. She sailed with him and her father from Japan, and after a long and perilous journey in a junk (sailing boat), they landed at the mouth of the Tokachi River. In Ainu canoes they went up the river, and established themselves at Obishiro, far from civilisation, nearly in the centre of Yezo. At first they had a great deal of trouble with the natives, but now they are loved by all. There, with two lovely children, they lead an ideal life, far from the madding crowd and noise of the world, and freed from the vulgarity of society.
These people had a romantic history. Watanabe Masaru—the younger man—was a Japanese gentleman by birth and education, but he had no wealth. Adventurous, clever, sensitive, and tired of the conventions of his homeland, he decided about eight or ten years ago to move to Hokkaido and live as a colonist. The woman he loved was just as brave and loyal as he was. She sailed with him and her father from Japan, and after a long and risky journey in a junk (sailing boat), they arrived at the mouth of the Tokachi River. They traveled up the river in Ainu canoes and settled in Obishiro, far from civilization, nearly in the heart of Yezo. At first, they faced a lot of trouble with the locals, but now they are loved by everyone. There, with two beautiful children, they live an ideal life, away from the chaos and noise of the world, free from the superficiality of society.
I rode on to Frishikobets village, situated on the Frishiko, "old river," and in the midst of a beautiful plain. There are only twenty-eight houses, and they are scattered about in the plain at a distance of several hundred yards one from the other. Some of the huts were hidden in the forest. A peculiarity of the Ainu of the Upper Tokachi River is, that they frequently cover their dwellings and storehouses with the bark of trees, instead of with reeds, as is the custom among the Ainu of the Saru River and Volcano Bay.
I rode on to Frishikobets village, located by the Frishiko, or "old river," in the middle of a beautiful plain. There are only twenty-eight houses, and they are spread out across the plain a few hundred yards apart from each other. Some of the huts were tucked away in the forest. One unique thing about the Ainu of the Upper Tokachi River is that they often cover their homes and storage sheds with tree bark, unlike the Ainu of the Saru River and Volcano Bay, who usually use reeds.
[Pg 59] I was told here again that Ainu women often suckle small bears at their breasts so as to fatten them up for the festival; and one not infrequently sees the women in Ainu households chewing food, and letting the young cub take it from their lips.
[Pg 59] I was told again that Ainu women often breastfeed small bears to fatten them up for the festival; and it's not uncommon to see women in Ainu households chewing food and letting the young cub take it from their lips.
These Ainu are much more interesting as types, and also much purer in race, than either the Piratori or the Volcano Bay Ainu. A learned missionary, who has not himself visited these people, writes as follows regarding them:—"The Ainu of the Tokapchi district, in Yezo, are spoken of as having been particularly addicted to this kind of warfare (night raids against each other, in which the men were murdered, and the women stolen and used as slaves or kept as concubines), and are even now held in abhorrence by the people of some villages. They are said not only to have murdered people, but also to have eaten some of them. They were, therefore, cannibals, and I have heard them spoken of as 'eaters of their own kind.'"[18]
These Ainu are much more interesting as a group and also much purer in race than either the Piratori or the Volcano Bay Ainu. A knowledgeable missionary, who hasn't visited these people himself, writes the following about them:—"The Ainu of the Tokapchi district in Yezo are known to have been particularly prone to this kind of warfare (night raids against each other, during which men were killed, and women were taken and enslaved or kept as concubines), and they are still looked down upon by the people of some villages. They are said not only to have killed people but also to have eaten some of them. Therefore, they were considered cannibals, and I've heard them referred to as 'eaters of their own kind.'"[18]
From my own personal experience—and I may add I am the only foreigner who has seen these Tokachi, or as others call them, Tokapchi Ainu—I came to a conclusion very different from this. I found that not only were they not cannibals, but that, taken altogether, they were the most peaceable, gentle, and kind Ainu I came across during my peregrinations through the land of the hairy people. Indeed, I am sorry to say that it is not savagery that makes the Ainu bad, but it is civilisation that demoralises them. The only place in Yezo where I was actually ill-treated by Ainu, as my readers will remember, is the village where they were said to be "very civilised."
From my personal experience—and I should mention that I am the only foreigner who has seen these Tokachi, or as others call them, Tokapchi Ainu—I came to a conclusion that is quite different from this. I discovered that not only were they not cannibals, but overall, they were the most peaceful, gentle, and kind Ainu I encountered during my travels through the land of the hairy people. In fact, I regret to say that it is not savagery that makes the Ainu bad, but rather it is civilization that undermines them. The only place in Yezo where I was actually mistreated by Ainu, as my readers will recall, is the village where they were said to be "very civilized."
I have no wish to force my opinion on the public as the correct one. I do but describe what I have actually seen in a district in which others who have written on this subject have never set foot, and I leave it to my readers to judge who has most claim to be heard.
I don't want to impose my opinion on the public as the only valid one. I'm simply sharing what I've actually observed in an area where others who have written about this topic have never been. I'll let my readers decide who deserves to be listened to.
The language of the Tokachi Ainu varies considerably from the language spoken in more civilised districts, and none of the natives up the river could speak Japanese when I was there.
The Tokachi Ainu language is quite different from the language spoken in more developed areas, and none of the locals along the river could speak Japanese when I visited.

Unfortunately, the Ainu of this region are not very numerous, and constant intermarriage among near relations has proved detrimental to the race. However, a glance at them is quite sufficient to show the difference between them and Ainu of other tribes. They are not so picturesquely arrayed as their more western brothers, and the large Japanese brass and silver earrings, as well as the glass bead necklaces which make such a brave show yonder, are replaced here by rough bone or wooden ornaments. Men and women in summer are almost entirely naked, and all children are clad in their own bare skins only. Their winter garments are made of bear and deer skins. Some peculiar snow-sandals, made of the bark of a kind of ash-tree called shina, are sometimes worn over the winter salmon-skin boots or moccasins. The Ainu make their ropes out of the bark of this shina, though often young vine stems are used for the same purpose. River fishing-nets are generally made of young vines twisted. They are of the roughest description, and are only fit for[Pg 61] rivers where fish is abundant, as in the Yezo watercourses. The Ainu at Frishikobets took very kindly to sitting for their portraits, and one after the other—all the best types—were immortalised either in oils or in pencil. Strange to say, I came across another old woman, a lunatic, very similar to the one I saw at Yammakka. Her face was that of a witch, her eyebrows joining downwards somewhat in the shape of an owl's beak. Her long pale hands and face, and the long wild hair covering half her face, gave her a striking appearance. She had, however, not yet reached the stage of imbecility which her Yammakka sister had attained. Lunacy is very common among the Ainu, and the unfortunate creature thus afflicted seems to lose not only the respect, but also the pity, as well as care, of all the others, and is treated by them as a worthless animal.
Unfortunately, the Ainu in this area are not very numerous, and ongoing intermarriage among close relatives has harmed the community. However, just a quick look at them makes it clear how they differ from Ainu people in other tribes. They aren’t as vividly dressed as their western counterparts, and the large brass and silver earrings from Japan, along with the bold glass bead necklaces seen elsewhere, are replaced here by rough bone or wooden jewelry. Men and women in the summer are nearly completely naked, and all children wear nothing but their own bare skin. In winter, they wear clothes made from bear and deer skins. Some unique snow sandals made of the bark from a type of ash tree called shina are occasionally worn over winter salmon-skin boots or moccasins. The Ainu make their ropes from the bark of this shina, although young vine stems are also often used. River fishing nets are typically made from twisted young vines. They are quite basic and only suitable for rivers with abundant fish, like those in the Yezo region. The Ainu at Frishikobets were very receptive to having their portraits done, and one by one—all the best examples—were captured either in oil or pencil. Strangely, I encountered another old woman, a lunatic, who resembled the one I saw at Yammakka. Her face looked witch-like, with eyebrows that joined downward, somewhat like an owl's beak. Her long pale hands and face, along with wild hair that covered half of her face, gave her a striking appearance. However, she hadn’t yet reached the level of helplessness that her Yammakka counterpart had. Lunacy is quite common among the Ainu, and those affected seem to lose not only respect but also pity and care from others, being treated like worthless animals.
After crossing the Frishikobets River, some distance off, on the east side of the Tokachi River, are the villages of Upar-penai,[19] twenty-one Ainu huts, Memuro-puto,[20] sixteen huts, and Ottoinnai,[21] fourteen huts. Then comes Kinney, with seven houses; and finally Nitumap,[22] the last village on the Tokachi River, has as many as thirty-six houses.
After crossing the Frishikobets River, a bit further along on the east side of the Tokachi River, you'll find the villages of Upar-penai,[19] with twenty-one Ainu huts, Memuro-puto,[20] that has sixteen huts, and Ottoinnai,[21] which has fourteen huts. Next is Kinney, with seven houses; and finally, Nitumap,[22] the last village on the Tokachi River, has as many as thirty-six houses.
The huts of the Tokachi region are much smaller than those on the Saru River, and near many of them is a cage, in which a big yellow or black bear is confined. The natives told me that yellow and black bears were numerous in the neighbourhood. Deer (the yuk, male deer, and mowambe, female), were formerly plentiful, but now are very scarce. A few years ago a pestilence killed great numbers of them, and since then they have dwindled away.
The huts in the Tokachi region are much smaller than those along the Saru River, and many of them have a cage nearby where a large yellow or black bear is kept. The locals told me that yellow and black bears are common in the area. Deer (the yuk, male deer, and mowambe, female) used to be abundant, but now they are extremely rare. A few years ago, a disease wiped out many of them, and they have been declining ever since.
Not many miles from Frishikobets a huge cliff rises perpendicularly along the Shikarubets River. A landslip seems to have taken place, which leaves one side of the cliff perfectly bare and rugged, showing the strata composing the soil. It is of a light yellowish colour, and it is called by the[Pg 62] Ainu the Shikarubets Otchirsh, which translated into English means "the white cliff on the bend of the river." This cliff stands very high, and can be seen from a great distance, especially in a north-east, east, or southerly direction. In winter, when the rushes and reeds are not so high in the south-eastern portion of the plain, the white cliff can be distinguished from the whole of the Tokachi valley. The Ainu themselves use the Shikarubets Otchirsh as a landmark when out hunting bears. Owing to its light colour it is visible even at night. I was anxious to ascend it, as I was sure no European foot had ever trodden on it before. Accompanied by Watanabe Masaru, I started out on horseback and crossed the Frishikobets village and river. Here we left our horses under the care of an Ainu till our return. We had to cross the Tokachi in an Ainu "dug-out," and then, proceeding for several miles in a northerly direction, we arrived at the foot of the mountain. It would have been impossible to climb it on the east side, as it is quite perpendicular; but we were fortunate in getting an Ainu called Unacharo, who said he knew a point from which we could ascend, and that he would show us the way. He had been hunting bears on that mountain, and he knew its slopes well; but as to the way which he was to show us, we had to make it for ourselves. With our large knives we were forced to break, cut, and tear the entangled branches of trees and shrubs before we could get on. We actually had to cut our way through the dense scrubwood until we reached the summit. The ascent was rather dangerous in some places, and extremely rough when going through the brushwood. We had to keep as much as possible near the edge of the cliff, for though it involved more danger if we slipped or stumbled, the entangled shrubs were not so thick on the edge as farther inland. Finally, after several hours' hard work, we reached the top, and were well repaid for our fatigues. The whole of the Tokachi valley was stretched before us as far as the sea, and almost the whole course of the winding river, with all its numerous affluents, could be distinguished like so many shining silver ribbons on the green background formed by the tall grass and reeds. As a farming region the Tokachi valley and high plains are certainly the most fertile in Hokkaido. All the requisites for successful agriculture can be found there.[Pg 63] The absence of the mountain masses of volcanic rocks, so common all over Hokkaido, the richness of the soil, the quantity of water for irrigation or for motive power, besides the comparative facility of making roads on such flat ground, are qualities that good farmers do not generally despise. It is therefore a great pity to see all that Tokachi valley practically deserted and so much good land wasted. Hemp, wheat, corn, potatoes, beans, and all kinds of vegetables and cereals, could be grown with advantage, and the produce carried down the river to the sea without much difficulty and at little expense. At Yamakubiro the land begins to rise in a gentle slope, but only to form a plateau, of which the top is another large plain reaching to the foot of the Oputateishike mountain mass. The Otopke Mountain is the highest peak, and resembles in shape the Fujiama of Japan. On the north-east side of this mountain are the hot springs of Ni-piri-bets.[23] A kind of wood is said by the Ainu to be found near these hot springs which is good for curing wounds, cuts, rheumatism, and other ailments. These hot springs are not of much importance, and it is but seldom that even the Ainu themselves visit them. In going to and returning from these springs the Shikarubets Otchirsh is never lost sight of by the Ainu, and by the aid of this landmark they return safely to their homes.
Not far from Frishikobets, a massive cliff rises straight up along the Shikarubets River. It looks like there was a landslide, leaving one side of the cliff completely bare and rugged, exposing the layers of soil. The soil is a light yellowish color, and the Ainu call it the Shikarubets Otchirsh, which translates to "the white cliff on the bend of the river." This cliff is very tall and can be seen from far away, especially when looking northeast, east, or south. In winter, when the reeds and rushes aren't as tall in the southeastern part of the plain, the white cliff stands out against the entire Tokachi valley. The Ainu use the Shikarubets Otchirsh as a landmark when hunting bears. Its light color makes it visible even at night. I was eager to climb it, believing that no European had ever set foot on it before. Accompanied by Watanabe Masaru, I set off on horseback, crossing the Frishikobets village and river. We left our horses with an Ainu while we explored. We had to cross the Tokachi in an Ainu dugout, then after traveling several miles north, we reached the mountain's base. Climbing from the east side was impossible because it was steep, but we lucked out with an Ainu named Unacharo, who claimed he knew a route to the top and would show us the way. He had hunted bears on that mountain before, so he understood its slopes well; however, we had to create our own path. Using our large knives, we had to cut through the tangled branches of trees and shrubs to make our way. We literally had to carve a path through the thick underbrush until we reached the top. The climb was dangerous in some areas and extremely rough through the bushes. We tried to stay near the cliff’s edge because, although it was riskier if we slipped or tripped, the brush was thinner at the edge than further in. After several hours of hard work, we finally reached the summit, and the effort was worth it. The entire Tokachi valley unfolded before us, stretching all the way to the sea, and we could see the winding river’s course, with its many tributaries gleaming like silver ribbons against the green backdrop formed by tall grass and reeds. As far as farming goes, the Tokachi valley and high plains are definitely the most fertile areas in Hokkaido. Everything needed for successful agriculture is found there. The absence of volcanic rock formations, common throughout Hokkaido, the richness of the soil, the abundance of water for irrigation and power, and the relative ease of creating roads on flat land are all qualities that good farmers appreciate. It’s a real shame to see the Tokachi valley largely deserted and so much productive land going to waste. Hemp, wheat, corn, potatoes, beans, and various vegetables and grains could be grown successfully, with the produce transported downriver to the sea with relative ease and low cost. At Yamakubiro, the land starts to slope gently, forming a plateau that leads to another large plain at the foot of the Oputateishike mountain range. Otopke Mountain is the highest peak and is shaped much like Japan’s Fujiyama. On the northeast side of this mountain are the hot springs of Ni-piri-bets. The Ainu say there’s a type of wood near these hot springs that’s good for healing wounds, cuts, rheumatism, and other health issues. These hot springs aren’t very significant, and even the Ainu rarely visit them. While going to and from the springs, the Ainu always keep an eye on the Shikarubets Otchirsh, using it as a landmark to safely find their way home.
All the Oputateishike mountain mass is volcanic, and forms the backbone of the island of Yezo. From the Shikarubets Otchirsh I was able to draw a bird's-eye view of the course of the Tokachi River and its affluents, which afterwards helped me much in delineating a sketch-map of the Tokachi region, with its complicated watercourses. The two high mountains of Satsumai and Ghifzan could also be plainly seen from there. Coming down was much easier than going up, and when we had again reached the bottom of the mountain we turned northward until we came to the Shorui-washi River, an affluent of the Tokachi. Previous to this, while following the course of the Otsu River, I saw a strange sight. When on the summit of the Shikarubets Otchirsh I had seen two Ainu "dug-outs" pass up the river, and the Ainu[Pg 64] who accompanied us said we should soon see them coming back again. We were not far from the river banks when shouts and cries of excitement reached my ears. I hurried on to the water-side and saw the two "dug-outs" swiftly coming down with the strong current, parallel with each other at a distance of about seven feet apart. There were three people in each "dug-out," viz., a woman with a paddle steering at the prow; another woman crouched up at the stern, and a man in the middle. A coarse net made of young vines, and about five feet square, was fastened to two poles seven or eight feet long. The man who stood in the centre of each canoe held one of the poles, to the upper end of which the net was attached, and attentively watched the water.
All of the Oputateishike mountain range is volcanic and forms the backbone of the island of Yezo. From the Shikarubets Otchirsh, I was able to get a panoramic view of the Tokachi River and its tributaries, which later helped me a lot in creating a sketch-map of the Tokachi region with its complex waterways. The two tall mountains of Satsumai and Ghifzan could also be clearly seen from there. Coming down was much easier than going up, and after we reached the bottom of the mountain, we headed north until we arrived at the Shorui-washi River, a tributary of the Tokachi. Before this, while following the Otsu River, I saw something unusual. From the summit of the Shikarubets Otchirsh, I had seen two Ainu "dug-outs" go up the river, and the Ainu who was with us said we’d soon see them come back. We weren’t far from the riverbank when shouts and cries of excitement reached me. I quickly went to the water’s edge and saw the two "dug-outs" swiftly coming down with the strong current, parallel to each other about seven feet apart. Each "dug-out" carried three people: a woman with a paddle steering at the front, another woman crouched at the back, and a man in the middle. A coarse net made of young vines, about five feet square, was attached to two poles seven or eight feet long. The man in the center of each canoe held one of the poles, to which the net was attached, and carefully watched the water.
"They are catching salmon—look!" said Unacharo to me; "the salmon are coming up the stream from the sea." The small net was plunged into the water between the two canoes, and nearly each time a large salmon was scooped out and flung into one or other of the "dug-outs," where the woman sitting at the stern crushed its head with a large stone. If a fish escaped, yells of indignation, especially from the women folk, broke out from the boats, to be echoed by the high white cliff. Both men and women were naked, and the dexterity and speed with which they paddled their canoes down the stream, working the coarse net at the same time, seldom missing a fish, was simply marvellous. On the other hand, it must be remembered that fish were so plentiful in the river, that it was really easier to catch than to miss. In wading the Shikarubets (river) I could see large salmon passing me by the dozen, and I felt quite uncomfortable when some large fish either rubbed itself against or passed between my legs. We got across the Shorui-washi—literally "very burning a place to stand"—and having then gone far enough from the Shikarubets Otchirsh to see the whole of it, I managed to take a good sketch of it. Near this river are some hot springs, called Nishibets, from which the river has taken its peculiar name. The easiest way to the Otopke Mountain is to follow the valley between the Shikarubets and the Otopke River, and then climb the mountain on the north-east side. The latter part of the journey is extremely rough and difficult. Watanabe[Pg 65] and I returned to Obishiro. It is not often that one anywhere meets with such simple, straightforward people as these Watanabes. They have lived alone at Obishiro for eight years among savages, but never in my life have I met with more civilised, kind, thoughtful, gentle beings than Watanabe and his wife. As civilisation makes savages bad, I dare say savage life makes civilised people good! I go away carrying with me a deep affection for these gentle strangers, whose kindness to me has made them my friends.
"They're catching salmon—look!" Unacharo said to me; "the salmon are coming up the stream from the sea." The small net was plunged into the water between the two canoes, and almost every time, a large salmon was scooped out and thrown into one of the "dug-outs," where the woman sitting at the stern crushed its head with a large stone. If a fish got away, there were yells of outrage, especially from the women in the boats, which echoed off the high white cliff. Both men and women were naked, and the skill and speed with which they paddled their canoes down the stream, while working the coarse net, rarely missing a fish was truly impressive. On the other hand, it should be noted that fish were so abundant in the river that it was really easier to catch than to miss. While wading in the Shikarubets (river), I could see large salmon passing by in droves, and I felt quite uneasy when a large fish either brushed against or swam between my legs. We crossed the Shorui-washi—literally "very burning a place to stand"—and having moved far enough from the Shikarubets Otchirsh to see its entirety, I managed to take a good sketch. Near this river are some hot springs, called Nishibets, from which the river got its unusual name. The easiest way to Otopke Mountain is to follow the valley between the Shikarubets and Otopke River, and then climb the mountain on the north-east side. The last part of the journey is extremely rough and challenging. Watanabe[Pg 65] and I went back to Obishiro. It's not often that you meet such simple, straightforward people as the Watanabes anywhere. They have lived alone in Obishiro for eight years among savages, but I've never encountered more civilized, kind, thoughtful, and gentle people than Watanabe and his wife. While civilization may corrupt savages, I believe that savage life makes civilized people better! I leave with a deep affection for these gentle strangers, whose kindness to me has turned them into my friends.
The day came for me to return to the coast. My ponies, probably frightened by bears, broke loose during the night, and one of them ran away; and I was rather in a difficulty as to how I should get back whence I had come. Watanabe, adding kindness to kindness, allowed me to have one of his ponies, and after repeated good-byes I started on my journey back to the coast. About four miles east of Yammakka the Tokachi River receives a large affluent, the Toshibets, or "river of high swamps." The Tunnui Puto is the largest of these swamps, about four miles north of the mouth of the Toshibets. Tunnui means a kind of tree, probably the Quercus dentata; puto or put means the mouth of a river. The course of the Toshibets River is almost from due north to south from its source, then for about six or seven miles from north-west to south-east, and, sharply turning again from north to south, continues in this direction winding continually for eighteen or twenty miles, till it throws itself with a large body of water in the Tokachi River. On the southern side of the latter part of the watercourse are found the Ainu villages of Pombets, twenty-two huts; Purokenashpa,[24] three huts; Kenashpa,[25] twelve huts; and Beppo,[26] eleven huts. The characteristics of the natives of these villages and their habitations are similar to those already described at Frishikobets. The journey down was much the same as that coming up. Tobuts, on the north side of the Tokachi, is the largest Ainu village in the district, and has as many as sixty huts. The inhabitants are possessed of a somewhat fiery temper in this particular village, and the day previous to my going through two men were killed in a row.[Pg 66] I felt awfully annoyed at being just one day too late to see it, as then I might have described how the Ainu die. However, I reached the other side of the Tokachi again. A way through the same tall rushes and reeds had to be forced, and the same army of mosquitoes and horse-flies had to be met and endured. It was my intention to push on and reach the coast as soon as possible. At Yammakka the natives had seen my runaway pony galloping at full speed towards the coast, but no one had caught it. Probably no one had tried.
The day arrived for me to head back to the coast. My ponies, likely scared by bears, broke free during the night, and one of them ran off. I was in a bit of a bind figuring out how to get back. Watanabe, being incredibly helpful, let me borrow one of his ponies, and after saying multiple goodbyes, I set off on my journey back to the coast. About four miles east of Yammakka, the Tokachi River gets a significant tributary, the Toshibets, or "river of high swamps." The Tunnui Puto is the biggest of these swamps, located about four miles north of where the Toshibets empties. Tunnui refers to a type of tree, probably the Quercus dentata; puto or put means the mouth of a river. The Toshibets River generally flows straight from north to south from its source, then twists for about six or seven miles from northwest to southeast, sharply turning again from north to south, continuing in this direction while winding for another eighteen or twenty miles before pouring a large volume of water into the Tokachi River. On the southern side of that part of the watercourse, you can find the Ainu villages of Pombets, with twenty-two huts; Purokenashpa,[24] three huts; Kenashpa,[25] twelve huts; and Beppo,[26] eleven huts. The people and their homes in these villages are similar to those already mentioned at Frishikobets. The trip down was pretty much like the trip up. Tobuts, located on the north side of the Tokachi, is the largest Ainu village in the area, with around sixty huts. The people there tend to have a bit of a fiery temperament, and the day before I passed through, two men were killed in a fight.[Pg 66] I was really frustrated to be just one day too late to witness it, as I could have shared how the Ainu react to death. Nevertheless, I made it across the Tokachi again. I had to force my way through the same tall rushes and reeds, dealing with the same swarm of mosquitoes and horse-flies. My plan was to push on and reach the coast as quickly as I could. At Yammakka, the locals had seen my runaway pony sprinting towards the coast, but no one had managed to catch it. Probably, no one even tried.
My ponies went well. I could plainly see where I had already come through the jungle, by the long trail of crushed and broken reeds I had left behind me. Everything was calm, but for the monotonous sound of crashing leaves produced by my forcing my way through the reeds. Suddenly my ponies stopped, shied, and began to back. They sniffed the ground, then the air. Their ears were straight up, their eyes were restless, and their nostrils widely distended. They were certainly under some great excitement, and showed unmistakable signs of terror. "What could be the cause of it?" I asked myself, but all the same gave the ponies a sound thrashing to make them go. It was useless—they would not stir. The second pony came by the side of mine, and they both put their heads together, in their own way consulting and concerting. They were utterly demoralised, and were kicking awfully. It was getting dark, and this riotous conduct on the part of my ponies was annoying. Unexpectedly, and with a tremendous growl, a huge black bear sprang towards us, and tried to seize the baggage pony. However, he and the beast I was riding bolted, and ran a desperate race for life; and though Bruin followed us clumsily for some time, we soon were far ahead, and lost sight of him. It was more than I could do to stop the frightened brutes; but finally, after a reckless steeplechase of many miles, after jumping over brooks and splashing across torrents, flying over the ground and through the jungle, without omitting to anathematise a horsefly that had settled on the back of my neck, and was amusing itself by boring holes in different parts of it to find a suitable spot for feeding, finally we came to a halt. It was about time. During the violent ride the reeds had cut my face and neck and hands, and I was bleeding all over. I went[Pg 67] on and on, and, as my ponies did not seem to be very tired, I tried to reach the coast that night. It grew dark, but the night was fine, and I let the noise of the running river guide me. Each minute seemed an hour, each hour an age. I rode and rode, and still rode, till I was nearly exhausted; and still I was surrounded by the tall reeds and rushes. "Thank God!" I heartily exclaimed, when finally, at a small hour of the morning, I found myself in open ground again, and the wind brought in waves the salt smell of the sea.
My ponies were doing well. I could clearly see where I had already passed through the jungle by the long trail of crushed and broken reeds I had left behind. Everything was calm except for the monotonous sound of leaves crashing as I pushed my way through the reeds. Suddenly, my ponies stopped, were startled, and started backing up. They sniffed the ground and then the air. Their ears were perked up, their eyes were restless, and their nostrils were flared. They were clearly very agitated and showed unmistakable signs of fear. "What could be causing this?" I thought, but ignored my concern and gave the ponies a good thrashing to get them moving. It was no use—they wouldn’t budge. The second pony came alongside mine, and they pressed their heads together, as if consulting each other. They were completely unnerved and kicking wildly. It was getting dark, and their chaotic behavior was frustrating. Suddenly, with a loud growl, a huge black bear charged at us, trying to grab the baggage pony. However, both he and the beast I was riding bolted, racing desperately for our lives; although the bear clumsily chased us for a while, we soon pulled far ahead and lost sight of it. I struggled to regain control of the frightened ponies, but after a reckless chase that covered many miles—jumping over streams and splashing through torrents, racing across the ground and through the jungle, while swatting a horsefly that settled on the back of my neck and bored into my skin—I finally managed to stop. It was about time. During the wild ride, the reeds had cut my face, neck, and hands, and I was bleeding everywhere. I kept going, and since my ponies didn’t seem very tired, I aimed to reach the coast that night. It got dark, but the night was nice, and I let the sound of the flowing river guide me. Each minute felt like an hour, and each hour seemed like an eternity. I kept riding, exhausted, still surrounded by tall reeds and rushes. "Thank God!" I exclaimed with relief when finally, in the early morning hours, I found myself in open ground again, and the wind carried the salty smell of the sea.
An hour or so afterwards two tired ponies were easily pulled up at the tea-house at Otsu, the landlord was roused, and a wearied and half-starved traveller was let in.
An hour or so later, two tired ponies were easily pulled up at the tea house in Otsu, the landlord was awakened, and a weary and half-starved traveler was let in.


CHAPTER VIII.
From the Tokachi River to the Kutcharo River.
I decided to stop a day at Otsu, so as to recover from the fatigue of my late travels and adventures, and I chose my quarters in the yadoya of a Japanese called Inomata Yoshitaro. I was told that he was an ex-convict. Be that as it may, he had now turned into a fisherman and innkeeper. Like all Japanese, he was an inexhaustible talker, and his politeness was so great that it became a bore.
I decided to take a day off in Otsu to recover from the exhaustion of my recent travels and adventures, and I chose to stay at the yadoya run by a Japanese man named Inomata Yoshitaro. I heard he used to be an ex-convict. Regardless, he had now become a fisherman and innkeeper. Like most Japanese people, he was an endless chatter, and his manners were so over-the-top that it became tedious.
It was about three in the morning when I reached Otsu. I had taken off my boots on entering his house—for it is an insult to enter Japanese houses with one's boots on—and I had seated myself on the soft mat in order to rest my aching limbs, when Yoshitaro made me get up to place a small[Pg 69] square cushion under me, on which he said I should be more comfortable. I had not been on it one minute before Yoshitaro, wanting to increase my comforts, made me rise again to exchange the first cushion covered with cotton for one covered with silk—a detail to which a man is not likely to pay much attention when tired to death, and only anxious to be left alone. It followed as a matter of course that before I was allowed to go to sleep I had to sip several cups of tea, which Yoshitaro's wife had hurriedly made, and I had to relate the result of my expedition to the sleepy fishermen who had crept out of their foutangs at the news of my arrival. In spite of all this, when I had got rid of my audience I had a good night's rest; but when I woke up the next day at noon I found myself surrounded by a crowd of fishermen of Otsu, who had invaded the yadoya to have a peep at the young foreigner, while in the back yard I recognised the voices of Yoshitaro and his wife, who evidently were occupied in the exciting chase of a fowl.
It was around three in the morning when I arrived in Otsu. I had taken off my boots upon entering his house—it's considered rude to wear shoes inside Japanese homes—and I sat down on the soft mat to rest my tired limbs. Just then, Yoshitaro made me get up to put a small[Pg 69] square cushion under me, claiming it would be more comfortable. I had barely settled on it for a minute before Yoshitaro, wanting to make me more comfortable, had me get up again to swap the first cushion covered in cotton for one covered in silk—a detail someone in my exhausted state isn't likely to notice, especially just wanting to be left alone. Naturally, before I was allowed to sleep, I had to sip several cups of tea made quickly by Yoshitaro's wife, and I had to tell the sleepy fishermen who had come out at the news of my arrival about my expedition. Despite all of this, after I finally dismissed my audience, I enjoyed a good night's rest. However, when I woke up the next day around noon, I found myself surrounded by a group of Otsu fishermen who had invaded the yadoya to get a glimpse of the young foreigner, while in the backyard, I recognized the voices of Yoshitaro and his wife, who were clearly busy chasing a chicken.
A few minutes later Yoshitaro triumphantly entered the room with a large dish, on which the same fowl, uncooked, and cut into a thousand little bits, was served to me, together with pieces of raw salmon, daikon (a vegetable), and boiled rice. This he called a European dinner! I did my best to roast the chicken bits on the hibachi (the brazier); but I was never well up in the culinary art, and, as my landlord remarked, he had brought up the meat for me to eat, not to "burn."
A few minutes later, Yoshitaro walked into the room with a big dish that had the same uncooked chicken, chopped into a thousand tiny pieces, along with raw salmon, daikon (a vegetable), and boiled rice. He called this a European dinner! I tried my best to grill the chicken bits on the hibachi (the brazier), but I was never great at cooking, and as my landlord pointed out, he had brought the meat for me to eat, not to "burn."
Fowls are very scarce indeed in Hokkaido, and the few found have been imported; therefore the landlord did not fail to explain, in a roundabout manner, under what great obligation I was to him for killing such a precious bird.
Fowl are really scarce in Hokkaido, and the few that exist have been imported; so the landlord made sure to explain, in a roundabout way, how much I owed him for killing such a valuable bird.
I said that I had not asked him to do this, and with his perfect Japanese politeness, bowing gracefully down to the ground, he said:
I said I hadn't asked him to do this, and with his perfect Japanese politeness, he bowed gracefully down to the ground and said:
"Sayo de gozarimas" ("Yes, your honourable sir"). "But," he added, "the bird was so old that if I had not killed it I fear it would have died by itself ere long." Such a sacrifice undoubtedly deserved a reward, and he assured me that we should be "quite even" if I, being an artist, would condescend to paint twelve portraits of him. I had no little trouble to make him understand that he was mistaking me for[Pg 70] a photographic camera, but I offered to paint him a small sketch the next morning if he would leave me alone all that day.
"Sayo de gozarimas" ("Yes, your honor"). "But," he added, "the bird was so old that if I hadn't killed it, I worry it would have died on its own soon anyway." Such a sacrifice definitely deserved a reward, and he assured me that we would be "even" if I, being an artist, would agree to paint twelve portraits of him. I had quite a bit of trouble getting him to understand that he was confusing me for a photographic camera, but I offered to make him a small sketch the next morning if he would leave me alone all that day.
Punctually at sunrise he entered my room. He had his best clothes on, and his anxiety to be painted was such that he had not been able to sleep all night. I painted the sketch, and Yoshitaro and his male and female friends joined in exclamations of admiration at the good result of the abura è (oil painting). He professed to be very grateful, and carefully packed the picture in a box, which he carried into another room.
At sunrise, he walked into my room right on time. He was dressed in his best clothes, and his eagerness to be painted was so intense that he hadn't been able to sleep at all the night before. I worked on the sketch, and Yoshitaro along with his male and female friends couldn’t help but express their admiration for the successful abura è (oil painting). He claimed to be very thankful and carefully packed the painting into a box, which he then took into another room.
I took advantage of his absence to pack up my traps, as I wished to leave for Shaubets that same morning. In a short time Yoshitaro came back to my room, but a different man. He was rude, and tried to bully me. He presented a bill for the sum of sixteen yen, equivalent to £3 in English money, which I considered exorbitant for two nights' rest, a few bowls of rice, and the "European dinner." The highest charge made by the very best tea-houses in Hokkaido never exceeds one yen—two shillings and tenpence a day—including all meals. I quietly told the landlord that he was a thief, and that I would punish him by taking the picture away from him; but he swore that he would not surrender it, and that he would fight for it if necessary.
I took advantage of his absence to pack up my traps, since I wanted to leave for Shaubets that same morning. Soon, Yoshitaro came back to my room, but he was a different man. He was rude and tried to intimidate me. He handed me a bill for sixteen yen, which is about £3, and I thought that was outrageous for two nights' stay, a few bowls of rice, and the "European dinner." The highest charge at the best tea houses in Hokkaido is never more than one yen—around two shillings and ten pence a day—including all meals. I calmly told the landlord that he was a thief and that I would get back at him by taking the picture away; but he insisted that he wouldn’t let it go and that he would fight for it if necessary.
I seldom refuse a challenge when I know that I am going to get the best of it, and as it so happened that my arms were a great deal longer than those of Yoshitaro, I caught him by the throat and shook him so violently that he was nearly strangled. His friends came to his rescue, and when I dropped him he fell heavily on the mats, and had to be carried away. Some minutes elapsed, and while I was hastily taking my heavier luggage out of the house I heard Yoshitaro in the next room call out to his wife to bring him a sword, as he wanted to kill the "ijinsan bakka"—"the fool of a foreigner." I entered his room. Yoshitaro, pale with rage, was sitting by his hibachi, and round him were eight or ten of his men. They were apparently holding a congress on what to do, and each one of them, as is usual on all occasions in Japan, had pulled out his little pipe, and was continually refilling it with tobacco as they all discussed the matter on hand. I had[Pg 71] my boots on this time, as I wished to show the scorn I had for him, his friends, and his house. In my coat pocket—the only sound one—I had my revolver, but it was not loaded.
I rarely turn down a challenge when I know I can come out on top, and since my arms were much longer than Yoshitaro's, I grabbed him by the throat and shook him so violently that he almost choked. His friends rushed to help him, and when I finally let go, he dropped heavily onto the mats and had to be carried away. After a few minutes, while I was quickly grabbing my heavier luggage from the house, I heard Yoshitaro in the next room yell for his wife to bring him a sword because he wanted to kill the "ijinsan bakka"—"the stupid foreigner." I walked into his room. Yoshitaro, pale with anger, was sitting by his hibachi, surrounded by eight or ten of his men. They seemed to be having a meeting about what to do, and each of them, as usual in Japan, had pulled out his little pipe and was constantly refilling it with tobacco while they talked about the situation. I had[Pg 71] my boots on this time because I wanted to show my disdain for him, his friends, and his house. In my only good coat pocket, I had my revolver, but it wasn’t loaded.
"Yoshitaro," I said, "deliver the picture at once."
"Yoshitaro," I said, "take the picture over right now."
"I will not," said he.
"I won't," he said.
"Good!" said his friends in a chorus.
"Awesome!" his friends said in unison.
"Yoshitaro," I said again, producing the revolver and pointing it at him, "if I have not the picture before I count twenty you will be a dead man."
"Yoshitaro," I said again, pulling out the revolver and aiming it at him, "if I don't have the picture before I count to twenty, you'll be a dead man."
I never in my life saw a crowd of bullies so scared. Covering their faces with their hands, Yoshitaro's friends bolted in all directions, some jumping out of the semi-European window, some dashing through the violently-opened paper shojis (sliding doors), leaving eight or ten pipes and as many tobacco pouches scattered on the mats. The landlord, a moment ago so brave, had not strength to get up, so great was his terror. Pale as death, and with a trembling voice, he called imploringly to his wife, servants, and friends to come and deliver up the picture.
I’ve never seen a group of bullies so terrified. Covering their faces with their hands, Yoshitaro's friends ran off in every direction, some leaping out of the semi-European window, others bursting through the violently opened paper shojis (sliding doors), leaving behind eight or ten pipes and just as many tobacco pouches scattered across the mats. The landlord, who had been so brave just moments before, was too scared to get up. Pale as death and with a trembling voice, he desperately called for his wife, servants, and friends to come and hand over the picture.
I had counted up to number fourteen, and no one had put in an appearance. Then I incidentally mentioned to Yoshitaro that time was nearly up, and enquired if he preferred to be shot through the head or the heart, at the same time cocking my revolver. Yoshitaro shuddered.
I had counted up to fourteen, and no one had shown up. Then I casually told Yoshitaro that time was almost up and asked if he would rather be shot in the head or the heart, while I cocked my revolver. Yoshitaro shuddered.
At number sixteen a little girl, the only brave one of the lot, was sent to his help.
At number sixteen, a little girl, the only brave one of the group, was sent to help him.
"Dutchera Danna?" ("Where is it, sir?") she asked him, quite perplexed.
"Dutchera Danna?" ("Where is it, sir?") she asked him, quite confused.
"Hatchera, hayaku, hayaku nesan!" ("It is there; quick, quick, girl!") pointing to a closet in which a pile of foutangs (small mattresses) were kept rolled during the day.
"Hatchera, hurry, hurry girl!" pointing to a closet where a stack of foutangs (small mattresses) was rolled up during the day.
Yoshitaro had hidden the sketch so well in the closet that the little nesan[27] could not find it, and when I called out number nineteen the poor girl, discomfited, cried out, "Mi-imasen" ("I do not see it!")
Yoshitaro had hidden the sketch so well in the closet that the little nesan[27] couldn't find it, and when I called out number nineteen, the poor girl, flustered, exclaimed, "I can't see it!"
Yoshitaro was more dead than alive; his lips were white, and he tried to articulate some words, but could not. His[Pg 72] eyes, fixed on the closet, were glazed and set. His body was beginning to collapse, and every moment I thought that he would faint.
Yoshitaro looked more dead than alive; his lips were pale, and he attempted to say something, but couldn’t. His[Pg 72]eyes, fixed on the closet, were glassy and unblinking. His body was starting to give way, and every moment I expected him to pass out.
In the meantime the nesan hurriedly pulled out all the foutangs and unrolled them, and the box with the sketch fell out just as I was about to call out number twenty. She gave me the box and sketch, and I told Yoshitaro that he must now come out with me, and, putting my revolver in my pocket, I pulled the man to the entrance door.
In the meantime, the nesan quickly took out all the foutangs and unrolled them, and the box with the sketch dropped out just as I was about to call out number twenty. She handed me the box and sketch, and I told Yoshitaro that he had to come out with me. After putting my revolver in my pocket, I pulled the man to the entrance door.
Several villagers had collected at a respectful distance on the road, waiting for the report of the revolver. Yoshitaro's wife was the farthest of all.
Several villagers had gathered at a respectful distance on the road, waiting for the sound of the revolver. Yoshitaro's wife was the farthest away from all.
I signed to them to come nearer, and seeing that the revolver was no longer in my hands, they came, though very reluctantly. Yoshitaro was beginning to breathe again; and when a sufficient crowd had collected, I compelled him to accuse himself before them all of being a thief, and to confess that he was glad to have been punished. Also I made him promise that he would not play such tricks again on any other traveller.
I gestured for them to come closer, and seeing that the revolver was no longer in my hands, they came, although very hesitantly. Yoshitaro was starting to breathe normally again; and when a decent crowd had gathered, I forced him to admit in front of everyone that he was a thief, and to confess that he was happy to have received punishment. I also made him promise that he wouldn’t pull such tricks on any other traveler again.
The Japanese are fond of a good joke, even when it is played off on one of themselves; and when I had seen all my baggage safe on my pack-saddles, I gave Yoshitaro the sixteen dollars he had asked me: "Two dollars," I said, "in settlement of my bill, and fourteen to go to your doctor for restoring you to good health after the fright you have had to-day."
The Japanese enjoy a good joke, even if it’s on themselves; and after I made sure all my luggage was secure on my pack-saddles, I handed Yoshitaro the sixteen dollars he requested: "Two dollars," I said, "to cover my bill, and fourteen for your doctor to help get you back to good health after the scare you had today."
To show how shabby Yoshitaro's nature was, it is enough to state that out of the sum received his munificence went to the extent of five sen (2½d.) as a present to the girl who had come to save his life!
To illustrate how shabby Yoshitaro's character was, it's enough to say that out of the total he received, he generously gave only five sen (2½d.) as a gift to the girl who had come to save his life!
When my ponies were ready, I showed Yoshitaro and his knavish friends how I had sold them. I brought out my revolver again, and they all saw that not a single cartridge was in any of its chambers. This done, I bade them good-bye, and left them to reflect that it is not always the quietest persons who can be imposed on with most impunity, but that sometimes such quiet persons get the best of it, even against ten bullies or more banded together. I have no doubt that a good many of my readers will think me cruel for carrying a[Pg 73] joke so far; but, on the other hand, if placed in similar circumstances, when no redress from without is to be obtained, and one must defend oneself by main force, very few would treat such a serious imposition and offence as a joke.
When my ponies were ready, I showed Yoshitaro and his scheming friends how I had sold them. I pulled out my revolver again, and they all saw that not a single bullet was in any of its chambers. After that, I said goodbye and left them to ponder that it’s not always the quietest people who can be taken advantage of without consequence, but sometimes those quiet individuals come out on top, even against ten bullies or more banded together. I’m sure many of my readers will think I was cruel for taking a joke this far; however, on the flip side, if placed in similar circumstances, where there’s no outside help available, and one must defend oneself by force, very few would treat such a serious deception and offense as a joke.
In going through the village more than one fisherman came to tell me that I had done right in dealing severely with Yoshitaro, as he was known to be a scoundrel and a thief, and they all detested him.
In walking through the village, more than one fisherman came to tell me that I had done the right thing by dealing harshly with Yoshitaro, as he was known to be a dishonest person and a thief, and they all hated him.
There was little of interest between Otsu and Shaubets, with the exception of the beautiful delta formed in the low alluvial valley by the Otsu River and the Tokachi River, two large estuaries nearly two miles apart, by which the Tokachi River enters the sea. The Tokachi is a river of large volume and considerable length, and even when divided, the body of water carried by both outlets is so great as to make it necessary to cross in boats, fording on foot being quite impossible.
There wasn't much to see between Otsu and Shaubets, except for the stunning delta created in the low alluvial valley by the Otsu River and the Tokachi River, two large estuaries that are almost two miles apart, where the Tokachi River flows into the sea. The Tokachi is a large, lengthy river, and even when split, the amount of water flowing through both outlets is so substantial that crossing by foot isn't an option; you'll need to use boats instead.
The Urahoro River was successfully crossed, but for the twenty miles on to Shahubets the track was flat and sandy, lying mostly under high clay banks, some of which form picturesque headlands. The country is not mountainous in the proximity of the coast, but it is of a moderate elevation all through, and wooded with deciduous trees. The formation of the south-east coast from Cape Erimo to Cape Noshafu is in many ways unlike that of the south-west coast. The south-western part is more mountainous, and is further characterised by the absence of extensive plains. The coast-line is indented, and there is a striking want of broad beaches. Precipitous rocks are also frequent along the south-west coast, and thick deposits of pumice—as we have seen—are lying over quaternary rocks, filling up the declivities of mountain lands and river shores.
The Urahoro River was crossed successfully, but for the next twenty miles to Shahubets, the path was flat and sandy, mostly running beneath tall clay banks, some of which create scenic headlands. The area near the coast isn’t mountainous, but it has a moderate elevation throughout and is covered with deciduous trees. The landscape of the southeast coast from Cape Erimo to Cape Noshafu is quite different from that of the southwest coast. The southwestern region is more mountainous and lacks extensive plains. The coastline has many inlets, and there’s a noticeable absence of wide beaches. Steep rocks are also common along the southwest coast, and thick layers of pumice, as we’ve noted, cover quaternary rocks, filling the slopes of mountains and riverbanks.
In the western part the tertiaries are more tufaceous than on the south-east coast, and they are distinguished mainly by the presence of shales and andesite breccia. The south-eastern part is characterized by the almost entire absence of volcanic rocks and older eruptive rocks. After leaving the range of mountains forming the Sparti acque, east and west of Cape Erimo, high land is met all the way along the south-east coast. Nevertheless, pumice is found in the basin of the Tokachi[Pg 74] River, and also in that of the Kushiro River, but it does not form the surface soil, covering large areas of ground, as in many places on the south-western portion of the coast.
In the western part, the tertiary layers are more tufaceous than on the southeast coast, and they are mainly recognized by the presence of shales and andesite breccia. The southeastern area is marked by the near-total absence of volcanic rocks and older eruptive rocks. After passing the mountain range that forms the Sparti acque, to the east and west of Cape Erimo, there is high land along the entire southeast coast. However, pumice can be found in the basin of the Tokachi[Pg 74] River, as well as in that of the Kushiro River, but it doesn't make up the surface soil covering large areas, as it does in many spots on the southwestern part of the coast.
The different aspect in the tertiaries of the south-east and south-west coast may be accounted for by the presence of breccia and conglomerate, shales and sandstones, on the western part, while on the eastern coast beds of lignite, coal of inferior quality, and diatom earth form the tertiary strata. If it were not for the total want of harbours, or even moderately sheltered anchorages for ships, this south-west portion of Yezo, with its agricultural resources, its milder climate, and the facilities that it offers for the construction of roads and railways, ought to support a large population. As things stand now, there are no colonists inland, and the coast is deserted and desolate-looking. As I have mentioned before, the only drawbacks are the thick fogs prevailing during the summer months along the south-east coast, and I believe that this in some measure accounts for the Japanese not wishing to settle in a part of the country so depressing to their spirits and so trying to their nerves. I have often noticed how easily affected the Mikado's subjects are by atmospheric and geographical conditions, and how, before settling to do business, they make a point of finding some pleasant spot where to cast anchor, thinking more of the amenities of physical existence than of the facilities for successful trade. I did not see a single house for twenty miles until I reached Shaubets, a village of eleven Ainu huts and one Japanese house. Thousands of sea-gulls and penguins lined the sandy shore, and I saw several large black sea-eagles. A pretty waterfall, gently descending from the high grey cliff, was decidedly ornamental to the scenery and useful to the wayfarer, as it afforded my ponies and myself a good drink of deliciously fresh water. Far off in the distance I could distinguish a long tongue of land. At Shaubets I was told that it was the peninsula on which Kossuri, or Kushiro, as the Japanese call it, is situated. I left Shaubets early in the morning, with the intention of pushing on to Kushiro, thirty-one miles distant. At Shiranuka, only ten miles from Shaubets, I changed my ponies. Shiranuka is an Ainu village, the inhabitants of which employ themselves in collecting and drying seaweed. There are also seven or eight Japanese[Pg 75] shanties besides the Ainu huts. At the mouth of the Tcharo-bets, near the latter village, coal and lignite of inferior quality are found; but this coalfield was not worked at the time I passed through Shiranuka. The remaining twenty-one miles were monotonous and uninteresting. The long Kossuri peninsula was before me, increasing in size as I drew nearer; and after having gone through the two small villages of To'tori and Akan-gawa, in the neighbourhood of Kossuri, I crossed the Kutcharo River, on a nicely-built wooden bridge, and found myself at Kushiro, an important Japanese settlement on the south-east coast. From its favourable situation Kushiro is likely to become one of the chief towns in Yezo, though unfortunately it does not possess a good harbour, and is much exposed to westerly winds. The largest number of the houses are situated on a slight elevation above the reef-harbour, immediately south of the river mouth. In the proximity of Kushiro, and just beyond the range of hills which stretches for about three miles from the entrance of the harbour in a northerly, and for about two miles in an easterly direction, is a lagoon, called by the Ainu "Harutori." This lagoon is nearly two miles long, and certainly not more than a quarter of a mile wide. It is divided from the sea by a very narrow strip of sand, through which the water of the lagoon finds its outlet. On the east side of the Harutori coal has been discovered, and it seems to be of fairly good quality; and three miles further, quite close to the sea-coast, coal was dug out some years ago, but the quality was so inferior that the works had to be abandoned.
The different features of the tertiary layers on the southeast and southwest coasts can be explained by the presence of breccia and conglomerate, shales and sandstones in the west, while the eastern coast has layers of lignite, low-quality coal, and diatom earth. If it weren't for the complete lack of harbors or even reasonably sheltered anchorages for ships, this southwest part of Yezo, with its agricultural potential, milder climate, and the opportunities it offers for building roads and railways, should support a large population. As it stands, there are no settlers inland, and the coast looks deserted and desolate. As I mentioned before, the main drawbacks are the thick summer fogs along the southeast coast, which I believe partly explains why the Japanese hesitate to settle in such a gloomy and nerve-wracking area. I've often noticed how easily the Mikado's people are affected by weather and geography, and how they prioritize finding a pleasant spot to anchor before starting business, valuing the comforts of life over opportunities for successful trade. I didn't see a single house for twenty miles until I reached Shaubets, a village with eleven Ainu huts and one Japanese house. Thousands of seagulls and penguins filled the sandy shore, and I spotted several large black sea eagles. A lovely waterfall trickled down from the high gray cliff, adding beauty to the scenery and providing a refreshing drink for my ponies and me. In the distance, I could see a long strip of land. At Shaubets, I was told that it was the peninsula where Kossuri, or Kushiro as the Japanese call it, is located. I left Shaubets early in the morning, planning to head to Kushiro, thirty-one miles away. At Shiranuka, just ten miles from Shaubets, I switched ponies. Shiranuka is an Ainu village where the residents collect and dry seaweed. There are also seven or eight Japanese shanties alongside the Ainu huts. Near the mouth of the Tcharo-bets, close to this village, low-quality coal and lignite can be found, but this coalfield wasn't being worked when I passed through Shiranuka. The remaining twenty-one miles were dull and uninteresting. The long Kossuri peninsula lay ahead, growing larger as I approached; after passing through the small villages of To'tori and Akan-gawa near Kossuri, I crossed the Kutcharo River on a well-built wooden bridge and arrived at Kushiro, a significant Japanese settlement on the southeast coast. Due to its favorable location, Kushiro is likely to become one of the main towns in Yezo, although it unfortunately lacks a good harbor and is quite exposed to westerly winds. Most of the houses are located slightly elevated above the reef harbor, just south of the river mouth. Close to Kushiro, beyond a range of hills that extends about three miles north and about two miles east from the harbor entrance, there is a lagoon called "Harutori" by the Ainu. This lagoon is nearly two miles long and about a quarter of a mile wide. It's separated from the sea by a very narrow strip of sand, which allows the lagoon's water to flow out. On the eastern side of Harutori, coal has been discovered, and it appears to be of fairly good quality; and three miles further, near the coast, coal was mined some years ago, but the quality was so poor that the operation had to be abandoned.
There is a considerable area of good land in the neighbourhood of Kushiro, and here again it is to be regretted that Japanese farmers do not emigrate to work it. Yezo has a very small population for its size, and I was surprised that emigration from the mainland was not carried out on a larger scale. Yezo is a rich country in many ways. Why do not all the troublesome students, the fiery soshi of Japan, abandon politics and futile rows and go and do men's work in that northern region of the empire? They would profit by it, and so would their country. An immense loss occurs every year simply because no one is there to take the profit; and it is a great pity, and almost a shame, to see so much waste and neglect in[Pg 76] a region which, after all, is not difficult of access from the main island of Nippon. To the mineral products of the Kushiro district must be added the exports of fish (salmon and herrings), fish manure, and seaweed, which could be greatly increased if more practical processes were used.
There is a lot of good land around Kushiro, and it's unfortunate that Japanese farmers don't move there to cultivate it. Yezo has a very small population for its size, and I was surprised that migration from the mainland isn't happening on a larger scale. Yezo is a rich area in many ways. Why don't all the troubled students, the passionate soshi of Japan, give up politics and pointless arguments and go do real work in that northern part of the country? They would benefit from it, and so would their nation. Every year, there’s a huge loss simply because no one is there to take advantage of it; it's a real pity and almost shameful to see so much waste and neglect in[Pg 76] a region that is actually not hard to reach from the main island of Nippon. In addition to the mineral resources from the Kushiro area, there are also exports of fish (like salmon and herring), fish fertilizer, and seaweed, which could all be significantly increased if better methods were used.
The town of Kushiro itself is not picturesque. There are, I dare say, as many as five hundred houses, some built in Japanese, some in semi-foreign style. The streets are very wide, and along the main street rails have been laid to carry coal trucks from the Harutori mine down to the shipping point. Thus the town has a civilised appearance, which was artistically ugly enough, but refreshing to my eyes after my experiences along the south-west and south-east coasts. There are Ainu huts along the river banks, on the high lands, and on the strip of sand between Lake Harutori and the sea. Unfortunately, most of the Ainu here, being in the employ of the Japanese, have adopted Japanese clothes, customs, manners, and language. Nearly all the younger folks are half-castes. A select few have even gone so far as to forget their strongest national characteristic of dirt; and, to my great amazement, one day I saw an Ainu half-caste actually taking a hot bath. It may amuse the reader to learn of what this Japanese bathing accommodation generally consists. It is one of the features in nearly all fishing stations in Yezo, and it is worth describing.
The town of Kushiro isn't exactly charming. There are, I would say, about five hundred houses, some built in Japanese style and some with a semi-foreign look. The streets are quite wide, and along the main street, tracks have been laid to transport coal trucks from the Harutori mine to the shipping point. This gives the town a somewhat civilized appearance, which is artistically unattractive but a nice change for me after my experiences on the southwest and southeast coasts. There are Ainu huts along the riverbanks, on the higher ground, and on the strip of sand between Lake Harutori and the ocean. Unfortunately, most of the Ainu people here, working for the Japanese, have adopted Japanese clothing, customs, manners, and language. Almost all the younger generation are mixed-race. A select few have even gone so far as to forget their most distinctive characteristic of dirt; and to my great surprise, one day I saw a mixed-race Ainu actually taking a hot bath. It might interest the reader to know what this Japanese bathing setup typically involves. It's one of the features found in nearly all fishing stations in Yezo, and it's worth describing.
When the day's work is over, one or more of the iron fish-kettles or caldrons used for extracting the oil from herrings are filled with water. These caldrons rest each on a cylindrical base of stones and clay, thus allowing a big fire of wood to be lighted under them. When the water has reached a high temperature, the bather either provides himself with an old pair of straw sandals (waraji), and steps in, or, placing a small board on the water, places his foot on it, and forces it down to the bottom of the caldron by his own weight. He thus avoids scalding his feet, which otherwise he would do severely. I have often seen two or three men (Japanese) placidly sitting up to their necks in the steaming water of the same caldron, with a huge fire burning under it; and several times I have been warmly invited by the bathers to join them, which very warm invitation, however, I invariably coolly considered and declined with thanks.
When the day's work is done, one or more of the iron fish kettles or large pots used for extracting oil from herrings are filled with water. These pots sit on cylindrical bases made of stones and clay, allowing a big wood fire to be lit underneath them. Once the water gets really hot, the bather either puts on an old pair of straw sandals (waraji) and steps in or places a small board on the surface of the water, puts his foot on it, and pushes it down to the bottom of the pot using his weight. This way, he avoids burning his feet, which would otherwise happen. I've often seen two or three men (Japanese) calmly sitting up to their necks in the steaming water of the same pot, with a huge fire roaring underneath; and several times, the bathers have warmly invited me to join them, which I always coolly considered and politely declined.
[Pg 77] As regards the Ainu, they are not fond of bathing or washing, and they share the Chinese idea that it is only dirty people who need continual washing. They do not regard themselves as dirty, and therefore dispense with such an "uncleanly habit."
[Pg 77] When it comes to the Ainu, they don’t like bathing or washing, and they share the Chinese belief that only dirty people need to wash constantly. They don’t see themselves as dirty, so they avoid this "uncleanly habit."
"You white people must be very dirty," once said an Ainu to me, as I was taking a plunge into a limpid river, "as you tell me that you bathe in the river every day."
"You white people must be very dirty," an Ainu once said to me while I was taking a dip in a clear river, "because you tell me that you bathe in the river every day."
"And what about yourself?" I asked him.
"And what about you?" I asked him.
"Oh, Nishpa," he replied with an air of contempt, "I am very clean, and have never needed washing!"
"Oh, Nishpa," he said with a tone of disdain, "I’m very clean and have never needed to wash!"
If Kushiro is not interesting to an artist, it is decidedly so from an archæological point of view. Numerous pits, forts, and camps, flint implements, and fragments of pottery, are found in the immediate neighbourhood of the town, both on the range of hills and along the west shore of Lake Harutori. The pits are found in such numbers as to lead one to believe that the old "Kossuri" of the Ainu was once the capital of a race of pit-dwellers previous to the conquest of the whole of Yezo by the hairy race. The Ainu gave these people the name of Koro-pok-kuru—men of the holes. A few words on them may not be out of place, though, unfortunately, little is to be learned from the Ainu as to who their predecessors were, and it is merely by a close examination of their pits, and relics found in different parts of Yezo and the Kuriles, that we can to a certain extent trace the existence of such a race of people, and also prove that they were in no way connected with the present Ainu.
If Kushiro isn’t interesting to an artist, it definitely is from an archaeological perspective. Numerous pits, forts, and camps, along with flint tools and fragments of pottery, can be found near the town, both in the hills and along the west shore of Lake Harutori. The pits are so abundant that one might think the old "Kossuri" of the Ainu was once the capital of a group of pit-dwellers before the hairy race conquered all of Yezo. The Ainu referred to these people as Koro-pok-kuru—men of the holes. A few words about them might be worth mentioning, although unfortunately, the Ainu provide little information about who their predecessors were. It is only through a close examination of their pits and relics found in different parts of Yezo and the Kuriles that we can partially trace the existence of such a race and also prove that they were in no way related to the current Ainu.


CHAPTER IX.
The Koro-pok-kuru, or Pit Dwellers.
All over Yezo and the Kurile Islands remains of an extinct
race of pit-dwellers are to be seen. It is especially near lakes
and swamps or along the coast that rectangular, circular, and
elliptical pits are numerous, but square pits are not so common.
None of these pits have yet been discovered on the main island
of Nippon, but many are still to be found as far south as
Hakodate, in Yezo. On the east and north-east side of the
peak, at the latter port, these pits, flint implements, and rude
pottery, mostly in fragments, are met with in great abundance.
The implements consist mostly of arrow-heads, stone adzes,
FLINT ARROW-HEADS.
hammers, flint knives, and round pebbles, which were used as
war ammunition. The arrow-heads vary in size, length, and[Pg 79]
breadth. The larger ones I saw measured an inch and three-quarters
in length by an inch and five-eighths in breadth,
while the smaller were seven-eighths of an inch by half
an inch. They were triangular, with the angle at the
point sometimes more, sometimes less acute, or lozenge-shaped;
they are chipped, and not ground. Most of the
arrow-heads and a good many of the knives were made of a
dark reddish siliceous rock. The adzes also, of course, varied
in size and shape, some being oblong in section, others almost
rectangular, while others again were oval. They were ground,
and always made so that the hand could have a good grip on
them. The average length from the sharp edge to the other
end would be about four inches, and the sides were rounded.
It is apparent that most of these adzes were not originally
fastened to a stick or club, but were held in the hand. They
usually have a smooth surface, while the knives, as well as the
arrow-points, exhibit marks of chipping quite plainly; their
edges are very sharp. Hard stones are often found on which
the people of the Stone Age used to grind their implements.
The knives are mostly rectangular, with very sharp edges,
sometimes on both sides. Then there are some in the shape
of a sword-blade, rounded at the top, and with a rounded place
at the other end, where they were held. Those with two sharp
edges were triangular in shape, and were held by the upper
part of the triangle, which point ends with a kind of knob.
FLINT KNIVES.
It is a curious fact that bone and bamboo arrow-points—probably
Ainu—are sometimes found in pits, and this would
lead me to believe, either that the conquering Ainu used
these weapons in their attacks upon the pit-dwellers, or,
supposing for a moment that the Ainu themselves were the
pit-dwellers in former days, that they had abandoned their[Pg 80]
stone implements and had adopted bone and wood, which
they found easier to work. I am inclined to the first supposition
as the correct one. The pits are numerous in Yezo,
and, following the southern coast from south-west to north-east,
we find that they increase in number towards the north.
Though stone implements and fragments of pottery are
numerous nearly all along the southern coast, but few pits are
found either on Volcano Bay or on the south-west part of the
coast as far as Erimo Cape. As we pass this cape and go
north, on the south-east coast the pits become more numerous,
and at Kushiro—or Kossuri, as the Ainu call it—they are found
in great quantities. Further on are some at Akkeshi, and
they are plentiful nearly all along that stretch of the coast as
far as Nemuro, and on Bentenjima, the small island which
forms one side of the harbour at that place. North-east of
that, in the Kuriles, at Kunashiri and Etorofu, we have
abundant evidence that a large population of these pit-dwellers
once existed there. In Etorofu particularly the pits, besides
being frequent, are in much better preservation than any on
the island of Yezo.
All over Yezo and the Kurile Islands, you can see remnants of an extinct group of pit-dwellers. These rectangular, circular, and elliptical pits are especially common near lakes and swamps or along the coast, although square pits are less frequent. No pits have been found on the main island of Nippon, but many can still be spotted as far south as Hakodate in Yezo. At the eastern and northeastern side of the peak near this port, you can find a lot of these pits, as well as flint tools and crude pottery, mostly in fragments. The tools primarily consist of arrowheads, stone adzes,
FLINT ARROWHEADS.
hammers, flint knives, and round pebbles used as ammunition. The arrowheads vary in size—length and width. The largest ones I saw were about one and three-quarters inches long and one and five-eighths inches wide, while the smaller ones measured seven-eighths of an inch by half an inch. They are triangular, with an acute or less acute point, or lozenge-shaped; they are chipped, not ground. Most of the arrowheads and a good number of the knives were made of a dark reddish siliceous rock. The adzes also varied in size and shape, some being oblong, others almost rectangular, and still others oval. They were ground and designed for an easy grip. On average, they were about four inches long from the sharp edge to the other end, with rounded sides. It’s clear that most of these adzes weren’t originally attached to a stick or club but were held in hand. They usually have a smooth surface, while the knives and arrow points show clear chipping marks; their edges are very sharp. Hard stones are often found that the people of the Stone Age sharpened their tools on. The knives are mostly rectangular with very sharp edges, sometimes on both sides. Some have a sword-blade shape, rounded at the top, and a rounded end meant for holding. Those with two sharp edges were triangular, held by the upper part of the triangle, which has a knob-like end.
Flint Knives.
Interestingly, bone and bamboo arrow points—likely Ainu—are sometimes found in these pits. This suggests that the conquering Ainu may have used these weapons in their attacks on the pit-dwellers, or, if we consider the possibility that the Ainu themselves were the pit-dwellers in the past, they might have switched from stone tools to bone and wood for ease of use. I lean toward the first theory as the more plausible one. The pits are abundant in Yezo, and moving along the southern coast from southwest to northeast, their numbers increase toward the north. While stone tools and pottery fragments are found nearly all along the southern coast, there are few pits on Volcano Bay or the southwest coast as far as Erimo Cape. After passing this cape and heading north, the pits become more numerous on the southeast coast, especially in Kushiro—or Kossuri, as the Ainu call it—where they are found in large quantities. Further along in Akkeshi, they are plentiful along that stretch of coast up to Nemuro and on Bentenjima, a small island that borders the harbor there. To the northeast, in the Kuriles, particularly at Kunashiri and Etorofu, there is strong evidence of a large population of these pit-dwellers having once existed there. Specifically in Etorofu, the pits are not only frequent but also much better preserved than those on Yezo.
The pit-dwellers do not seem to have been particular as to the shape of their dwellings, though they evidently had a certain predilection for the elliptical and rectangular forms. The pits at Kushiro are nearly all rectangular, while those from Akkeshi to Nemuro are either rectangular or circular.
The pit-dwellers didn’t seem to have a strong preference for the shape of their homes, although they clearly favored elliptical and rectangular designs. The pits in Kushiro are mostly rectangular, while those from Akkeshi to Nemuro are either rectangular or circular.
The average dimensions of rectangular pits are about twelve feet by nine feet, but I have seen some as large as sixteen feet by twelve feet. The sides slope inwards, and the average depth is from three to six feet. Pits which are situated on cliffs, or at any height, are generally deeper, probably for the extra shelter required by those living at an altitude, compared with those living on the sea-level. The round pits are from ten to fourteen feet in diameter, and the elliptical have a length of about sixteen feet, and are about eight feet at the widest part of the ellipse. The pits which I found on the north-east coast of Yezo, from Shari to Cape Soya, were not so numerous as those on the southern coast; but some of them were larger in size, as probably, owing to the greater severity of the climate, more people lived in the same hut for the purpose of creating natural heat. At Tobuts, on the Saruma[Pg 81] Lake, are three of elliptical shape. Near Abashiri several well-preserved specimens of pottery have been found, especially in the mud of swamps or lakes; but after leaving Lake Saruma, I did not see any traces of the pit-dwellers till I approached Soya Cape. When these pits are excavated, a stratum of sand is generally found, and beneath it a large quantity of charcoal in the centre of the pit. Under the charcoal the earth is burnt, showing that the hearth was in the centre of the dwelling, as it is now in the Ainu huts. This goes to prove that there was one fire, and not, as some travellers have endeavoured to show, five or six burning at the same time, round which, or, rather, between which, the pit-dwellers slept. I have often dug in different parts of pits, and have invariably come upon this burnt charcoal in or near the middle. I never saw any signs of more than one fire in the same pit. Digging in a large pit at Kushiro, I found some stag-horns, and numerous bits of black and red pottery. Some of the fragments had rough line ornamentations on them. There was also a large quantity of war ammunition, in the shape of big pebbles and round stones. Most pits contain heaps of rubbish and bones of animals. Sometimes there are heaps of oyster shells, as near the pits on Saruma Lake; and these shell-heaps are similar to those found on the main island of Nippon. In another pit on one of the forts at Kushiro I found what I thought was part of a human skull; but on a closer examination it turned out to be the skull of an animal—probably a fox or a stag. A bone arrow-point also came to light in the same pit, and several stone defensive weapons. It was interesting to note that this pit was built on the top of a small conical hill, and that the hill itself was surrounded by a ditch only a few feet wide, thus forming a kind of fort. On the side and at the bottom of the fort I saw numbers of stones, which had in all probability been used by the pit-dwellers as missiles against the attacking Ainu during a battle. Besides forts, the pit-dwellers had camps, generally situated in a commanding position above a river, a lake, or a harbour. Single pits also are found only under similar conditions.
The average size of rectangular pits is about twelve feet by nine feet, but I’ve seen some as large as sixteen feet by twelve feet. The sides slope inward, and the average depth ranges from three to six feet. Pits located on cliffs or at higher elevations are usually deeper, likely because the inhabitants at those altitudes needed more shelter compared to those at sea level. The round pits measure ten to fourteen feet in diameter, while the elliptical ones are about sixteen feet long and around eight feet at their widest point. The pits I discovered on the northeast coast of Yezo, from Shari to Cape Soya, were not as numerous as those on the southern coast; however, some were larger, probably because of the harsher climate, which made more people share the same hut to generate natural warmth. At Tobuts, on Lake Saruma, there are three elliptical-shaped pits. Near Abashiri, several well-preserved pieces of pottery have been found, especially in the mud of swamps and lakes; but after leaving Lake Saruma, I didn’t see any evidence of the pit-dwellers until I got close to Cape Soya. When these pits are excavated, a layer of sand is usually found, and beneath it a significant amount of charcoal at the center of the pit. Beneath the charcoal, the earth is scorched, indicating that the hearth was in the middle of the dwelling, just like in today’s Ainu huts. This suggests that there was one fire, not, as some travelers have claimed, five or six fires burning simultaneously around which, or rather, between which, the pit-dwellers slept. I’ve frequently dug in various parts of pits and consistently found this burnt charcoal in or near the center. I never found any signs of more than one fire in the same pit. While digging in a large pit at Kushiro, I discovered some stag horns and many pieces of black and red pottery. Some of the fragments had rough line patterns on them. There was also a large quantity of war ammunition in the form of big pebbles and round stones. Most pits contain piles of trash and animal bones. Sometimes there are mounds of oyster shells, as seen near the pits on Lake Saruma; these shell mounds are similar to those found on the main island of Nippon. In another pit at one of the forts in Kushiro, I thought I found part of a human skull; but upon closer inspection, it turned out to be the skull of an animal—probably a fox or a stag. A bone arrowhead was also found in the same pit, along with several stone weapons. It was interesting to note that this pit was located on top of a small conical hill, which was surrounded by a ditch just a few feet wide, forming a kind of fort. On the side and at the bottom of the fort, I saw many stones, which were likely used by the pit-dwellers as projectiles against attacking Ainu during battles. Besides forts, the pit-dwellers also had camps, usually positioned in strategic spots overlooking a river, lake, or harbor. Single pits are also found under similar conditions.
Near Kushiro, on the Lake Harutori, which is divided from the sea by a sand isthmus, are several camps and one or two[Pg 82] forts, the first of which overlooks the sea. Along the Kutcharo River are forts and camps. These camps are on the crowns of the hills, and each is surrounded by a small ditch. In the last, about three miles from the coast, were several square pits, larger than those on the other three forts. This last fort stands some distance back from the river, and is situated in a little plain at the summit of a detached mound, which has the appearance of having been artificially cut from the larger remaining portion of the hill itself. The shape of the fort is a broken cone, and the base measures about nine hundred feet in circumference, while the upper one is about three hundred. From the top, where there is only a small pit, the entrance of the river can easily be watched; and it must have been almost impregnable, as the walls of the fort, or, rather, the sides of the conical hill, rise nearly perpendicularly from the plain. A small stream runs at the foot of the fort.
Near Kushiro, on Lake Harutori, which is separated from the sea by a sandbar, there are several camps and one or two[Pg 82] forts, the first of which overlooks the ocean. Along the Kutcharo River, there are additional forts and camps. These camps are located on the tops of the hills, and each is surrounded by a small ditch. In the last one, about three miles from the coast, there were several square pits, larger than those found in the other three forts. This last fort is set back from the river and is situated in a small plain on top of a separate mound, which looks like it has been deliberately cut off from the larger part of the hill. The shape of the fort resembles a broken cone, with the base measuring about nine hundred feet in circumference and the upper part about three hundred. From the top, which features only a small pit, you can easily watch the entrance of the river; it must have been nearly impregnable since the walls of the fort, or rather, the sides of the conical hill, rise almost straight up from the plain. A small stream flows at the base of the fort.
On the Lake Harutori the range of hills which stretches from the sea for three or four miles along its eastern shores is literally covered with these pits, and on the sandy isthmus separating the sea from the lake some very large pits can be observed. The fort near the sea is called Shirito by the Ainu, and that at the other end of the range goes by the name of Moshiriya. It was in the latter fort that the well-shaped bone arrow-point was found, as well as one or two stone adzes, which were so shaped as to fit the hand, and evidently had been used as hammers, or weapons of offence at close quarters. In the same fort I found two stags' horns in good preservation, and many bones of different animals. It is doubtful whether these heaps of horns and bones were brought into the pits for the purpose of making arrow-points and other weapons, or whether the stags had been used merely for food. The bone arrow-point found in the same pit was not in such a decayed condition as most of the bones I found there, which led me to believe that it was not made out of the same kind of bone, or that the bone out of which it was made had been cured before its conversion into an arrow-point. I believe that in the neighbourhood of Kusuri—or Kushiro, as it is now called by the Japanese—there are as many as a thousand or fifteen hundred pits. In Etorofu, at Bet-to-bu, on the north-west coast of the island, nearly as many are to be found[Pg 83] along the seashore, mostly on the plain at the top of the cliffs overlooking the sea, while the rest are situated on the banks of a narrow stream and along what appears to have been a river course. On the same island, at Ru-pets, are several pits of a similar description, and a fort.
On Lake Harutori, the hills that stretch from the sea for three or four miles along the eastern shores are completely filled with these pits, and some very large pits can be seen on the sandy isthmus separating the sea from the lake. The fort near the sea is called Shirito by the Ainu, while the one at the other end of the hills is named Moshiriya. It was in the latter fort that a well-shaped bone arrowhead was found, along with one or two stone adzes shaped to fit the hand, which clearly had been used as hammers or close-quarters weapons. In the same fort, I discovered two well-preserved stag horns and many bones from different animals. It’s unclear whether these piles of horns and bones were brought into the pits to make arrow points and other weapons, or if the stags were simply used for food. The bone arrowhead found in the same pit was in much better condition than most of the bones I found there, leading me to think it wasn’t made from the same type of bone, or that the bone used for it had been treated before being fashioned into an arrowhead. I believe that near Kusuri—or Kushiro, as it’s now called by the Japanese—there are about a thousand to fifteen hundred pits. In Etorofu, at Bet-to-bu on the north-west coast of the island, nearly as many can also be found along the seashore, mostly on the flat land atop the cliffs overlooking the sea, while the rest are located on the banks of a narrow stream and along what looks like an old riverbed. On the same island, at Ru-pets, there are several pits of a similar type, as well as a fort.
As the pit-dwellers have disappeared from Yezo and the Kuriles, and only pre-historic remains and relics have been left behind to indicate their former existence, the questions naturally arise: Who were these pit-dwellers? Whence did they come? and whither have they gone? We can place no reliance on the accounts given by the Ainu or by the highly imaginative Japanese, who, moreover, are perfectly ignorant on this subject. Some Ainu say that Yezo was formerly peopled by a race of dwarfs, who were their enemies, and were extirpated by them after many sanguinary battles. The Ainu are very vague as to when and where these battles were fought, but according to their accounts these pit-dwellers, whom they call the Koro-pok-kuru—literally "men of holes"—once inhabited Yezo and the Kuriles. They were only three or four feet in height, and some semi-Ainu stories represent them as being only a few inches tall. This of course might be taken to mean that they were very small by comparison. A few Ainu, yet more imaginative than others, go so far as to say gravely that the Koro-pok-kuru were so tiny that when a shower of rain came they hid under burdock leaves for shelter. Others, however, tell us that these Koro-pok-kuru were their ancestors, and much more hairy than the Ainu of the present day. They were strong, fond of hunting, and able to cross the mountains with great facility and speed. According to Mr. Batchelor, some Ainu state that they themselves formerly lived in huts over pits, and that they changed their method of house-building on coming in contact with the Japanese; but if this were the case it seems unaccountable that they should distinguish their predecessors as pit-dwellers. Moreover, if the influence of the Japanese was sufficiently strong to cause them to make this most important change in their habitations and mode of living, how comes it that in other matters they have not adopted Japanese customs? I was unable to trace the slightest resemblance between Ainu huts and Japanese edifices of any kind, either in their general appearance or in any of[Pg 84] the smaller details, and I was always struck by the small extent to which the Ainu have adopted the customs of the dominant race. Indeed, the character of Ainu buildings is peculiar to the Ainu themselves, and, far from constructing their dwellings over pits, they go to the other extreme, and perch their storehouses on piles or posts. It is a remarkable coincidence that on the Lake Kutcharo, not many miles from Kusuri, where the Koro-pok-kuru pits are numerous, the roofs of the Ainu huts and storehouses are not angular, but circular, which gives them the appearance of half a cylinder resting on the ground. This struck me as being in all probability the shape of structures built over rectangular pits, while the coverings of round pits must have been shaped like half a sphere, similar to the snow houses of the Esquimaux, and the elliptical like the longer half of an egg.
As the pit-dwellers have vanished from Yezo and the Kuriles, leaving only prehistoric remains and artifacts to show they once existed, questions naturally arise: Who were these pit-dwellers? Where did they come from? And where did they go? We can’t rely on the accounts from the Ainu or the highly imaginative Japanese, who are also quite ignorant about this topic. Some Ainu say that Yezo was once inhabited by a race of dwarfs, who were their enemies and were wiped out after many bloody battles. The Ainu are vague about when and where these battles took place, but according to their stories, these pit-dwellers, whom they call the Koro-pok-kuru—literally "men of holes"—once lived in Yezo and the Kuriles. They were only three or four feet tall, and some semi-Ainu tales depict them as just a few inches tall. This could mean they were very small in comparison. A few Ainu, even more imaginative than others, claim seriously that the Koro-pok-kuru were so tiny that when it rained, they hid under burdock leaves for shelter. Others tell us that these Koro-pok-kuru were their ancestors and much hairier than the modern Ainu. They were strong, loved hunting, and could traverse the mountains with great ease and speed. According to Mr. Batchelor, some Ainu say they used to live in huts over pits, and changed their building style when they encountered the Japanese; but if that were true, it seems odd that they would refer to their predecessors as pit-dwellers. Moreover, if Japanese influence was strong enough to cause such a major change in their living conditions, why haven’t they adopted Japanese customs in other areas? I couldn’t find any similarities between Ainu huts and Japanese buildings, either in their overall appearance or in any of the smaller details, and I was always struck by how little the Ainu have embraced the customs of the dominant race. In fact, the style of Ainu buildings is unique to them, and instead of building their homes over pits, they go to the other extreme and elevate their storehouses on piles or posts. Interestingly, at Lake Kutcharo, not far from Kusuri, where there are numerous Koro-pok-kuru pits, the roofs of the Ainu huts and storehouses are not angular, but circular, giving them the look of half a cylinder resting on the ground. This seemed to me to likely reflect the shape of structures built over rectangular pits, while coverings for round pits would have been shaped like half a sphere, similar to the snow houses of the Eskimos, and elliptical like the longer half of an egg.
The present houses of the Kutcharo Lake Ainu, however, are not built on pits; and on my questioning the few inhabitants of the village, all were perfectly ignorant of the existence of the Koro-pok-kuru, and they knew nothing of their own ancestors, nor whether they had built structures over pits or not. The idea seemed to them highly ludicrous, and afforded them a great deal of amusement.
The current houses of the Kutcharo Lake Ainu, however, are not built over pits; and when I asked the few people living in the village, they were completely unaware of the Koro-pok-kuru and knew nothing about their own ancestors or whether they had built structures over pits or not. The idea seemed very silly to them and gave them a lot of laughs.
On the north-east coast of Yezo, where pits are found, some Ainu huts have round and others angular roofs; but even in the latter instance, the angle of the two sides of the roof is not as acute as with the huts on the Saru and the Tokachi River; but both slant in a more gentle way, forming an obtuse angle of about 135°. In fact, these variations in the Ainu architecture have not yet been accounted for, and whether they copied their roofs from their foes the Koro-pok-kuru, or whether it is a mere chance that the roofs bear a certain resemblance, cannot be discovered from tradition or hearsay. I may mention incidentally my own theory, which may afford an explanation of this point. As the Saru, the Tokachi, and the Ishikari districts have no very severe weather in winter, and only a comparatively small quantity of snow falls during the colder months, the Ainu build huts with very slanting roofs, so that the snow should not remain on them in winter, while during the summer months the rain should fall off the steep incline of the roof before it could filter[Pg 85] through into the hut. On the Kutcharo Lake and on the north-east coast, where strong winds are prevalent, the huts have round roofs, so as to offer the least possible resistance to the gales, and thus escape the danger of being blown down.
On the northeast coast of Yezo, where there are pits, some Ainu huts have round roofs and others have angular ones; however, even in the latter case, the angle between the two sides of the roof is not as sharp as with the huts by the Saru and the Tokachi River; both sides slope more gently, forming an obtuse angle of about 135°. In fact, these differences in Ainu architecture haven't been clearly explained, and whether they copied their roofs from their enemies, the Koro-pok-kuru, or if it's just a coincidence that the roofs look somewhat similar, can't be determined from tradition or hearsay. I’ll briefly mention my own theory, which might provide some insight into this issue. Since the Saru, Tokachi, and Ishikari regions experience mild winters with relatively little snowfall, the Ainu build huts with steep roofs to prevent snow from accumulating in the winter, while in the summer, rain can quickly run off the steep roof before it can seep into the hut. In contrast, around Kutcharo Lake and along the northeast coast, where strong winds are common, the huts have round roofs to minimize resistance to the gales and reduce the risk of being blown over.
With regard to the snow, the opposite of the Saru Ainu method is practised. Instead of preventing the snow from resting on their roofs, the Ainu of the colder regions do all they can to let it remain, for by thus forming an air-tight vault it renders the hut much warmer in winter. In other words, the system is the same as that adopted by the Esquimaux, with the exception that the latter, I believe, have no frame to their huts, and the vault is entirely of snow and ice; while with the Ainu of the north-east coast the snow vault is directly over the hut itself. I invariably noticed on the north-east coast, where the Ainu have a mixed architecture, that wherever a hut was built in an exposed position it had a round roof, while those built under the shelter of a cliff or a hill had angular ones, and this is what led me to the above conclusion.
When it comes to snow, the Saru Ainu approach is quite different. Instead of trying to keep the snow off their roofs, the Ainu in colder areas try to let it accumulate, as this creates an air-tight layer that keeps their huts much warmer in winter. In other words, their method is similar to that of the Eskimos, except that they don’t seem to have a frame for their huts; their roofs are made entirely of snow and ice. Meanwhile, for the Ainu on the northeast coast, the snow roof sits directly on top of the hut. I consistently observed on the northeast coast, where the Ainu have a mix of architectural styles, that huts in exposed areas tended to have round roofs, whereas those built under the protection of a cliff or hill had angular roofs, which led me to this conclusion.
To return to the Koro-pok-kuru, they undoubtedly must have had semi-spherical and semi-cylindrical roofs over their pits, whether the vault was constructed of mud, sticks, and reeds, or simply of snow and ice, like the Esquimaux dwellings. For all that we know, the Koro-pok-kuru huts may have had conical roofs, like those of the present American Indians; but one fact is certain, that whatever shape the roof may have had, it was not supported by a central pole, for the hearth is invariably in the centre of the pit.
To go back to the Koro-pok-kuru, they must have had roofs that were either semi-spherical or semi-cylindrical over their pits, whether those roofs were made of mud, sticks, and reeds, or just snow and ice, like the homes of the Eskimos. For all we know, the Koro-pok-kuru huts might have had conical roofs, similar to those of modern American Indians; but one thing is certain: no matter what shape the roof was, it wasn’t held up by a central pole because the hearth is always in the center of the pit.
The curious fact already mentioned, that in every pit we find a thick layer of sand, seems to prove that it was certainly intended to render the ground less damp; and it is my own impression that these pit-dwellers, having snow or ice vaults over their heads, resorted to that expedient to keep the floor of their huts dry under the continuous dripping of the vault, melted by the heat of the fire inside. Undoubtedly Yezo was a much colder country in bygone years than it is now; and though we cannot implicitly rely on the information given by the Ainu, they are all of one opinion in believing that their country was all ice and snow in former days, and to give a proof of it they say: "Why should we be as hairy as a bear if not to keep the cold out?"
The interesting fact mentioned earlier, that there's a thick layer of sand in every pit, suggests that it was definitely meant to make the ground less damp. I believe these pit dwellers, having snow or ice above them, used this method to keep the floors of their huts dry from the constant dripping of the melting snow, which was heated by the fire inside. It's clear that Yezo was a much colder place in the past than it is today; and while we can't fully trust the information shared by the Ainu, they all agree that their land used to be covered in ice and snow. To prove this, they say, "Why would we be as hairy as a bear if not to keep the cold out?"
One fact still remains to be explained, namely, who made the pottery that is disinterred in almost every pit and by the shores of lakes. The present Ainu do not know how to make pottery, and they have never been known to manufacture anything of the kind. All Ainu implements are made of wood, though of course the more civilised tribes have now purchased iron or porcelain implements from the Japanese. The question, then, is, supposing that the Ainu were formerly the pit-dwellers, have they lost the art of making pottery, or did the pottery belong to a different race of people?
One fact still needs to be clarified: who created the pottery found in almost every pit and along the shores of lakes? The current Ainu people don’t know how to make pottery and have never been known to craft anything like it. All Ainu tools are made of wood, although more civilized tribes have now bought iron or porcelain tools from the Japanese. The question is, assuming that the Ainu were once the pit-dwellers, have they lost the skill of making pottery, or did the pottery belong to a different group of people?

It seemed singular to me that, conservative as the Ainu are of their relics, even allowing for its brittle nature, no pottery of the kind found in pits is ever to be seen in any Ainu hut. Had they made the pottery themselves, surely some specimens or parts of specimens would have been preserved.
It seemed unusual to me that, despite how protective the Ainu are of their artifacts, and considering its fragile nature, no pottery like the kind found in pits is ever seen in any Ainu hut. If they had made the pottery themselves, surely some pieces or parts of pieces would have been kept.
Comparing facts, we find, then, that the Koro-pok-kuru built their huts over pits, made pottery, and used stone and flint implements; while the Ainu have never been known to dwell in pits, have never made pottery, and have always used bone or bamboo implements. Moreover, Ainu traditions of internecine wars, vague as they are, and their designating the enemy by the name of Koro-pok-kuru, are further proofs that the Ainu themselves do not regard the pit-dwellers as their forefathers. As, then, the few facts collected tend to prove that[Pg 87] the Ainu and the Koro-pok-kuru were two distinct races, it would be interesting to know who the latter really were, and what became of them. A learned missionary, Mr. Batchelor, writing on this subject, says:—"But I am of opinion that these pit-dwellers were closely allied to the Ainu in descent, and that the remains of them may now be seen in Shikotan and other islands of the Kurile Group. The inhabitants of Shikotan are much shorter in stature than the Ainu of Yezo. They are not so good-looking, and are said to be a very improvident race. The Ainu look upon the Kurile Islanders as the remnants of the Koro-pok-gurus; but this is a mere opinion, to be adopted or rejected at pleasure. That they are pit-dwellers is quite certain, for they live in pits at the present day."
Comparing the facts, we find that the Koro-pok-kuru built their huts over pits, made pottery, and used stone and flint tools; while the Ainu have never been known to live in pits, have never made pottery, and have always used bone or bamboo tools. Moreover, Ainu traditions about internal wars, vague as they are, and their naming the enemy as Koro-pok-kuru, further support the idea that the Ainu themselves do not see the pit-dwellers as their ancestors. Since the few facts gathered suggest that the Ainu and the Koro-pok-kuru were two distinct races, it would be interesting to know who the latter really were and what happened to them. A knowledgeable missionary, Mr. Batchelor, writing on this subject, states:—"But I believe that these pit-dwellers were closely related to the Ainu in descent, and that their descendants may still be seen in Shikotan and other islands of the Kurile Group. The inhabitants of Shikotan are much shorter than the Ainu of Yezo. They are not as good-looking and are said to be a very reckless race. The Ainu view the Kurile Islanders as the remnants of the Koro-pok-kurus; however, this is just an opinion that can be accepted or dismissed at will. That they are pit-dwellers is quite certain, for they live in pits to this day."
Before being so certain as to what he was stating, it would have been well had the writer of the above lines visited the island in question. He would not then have committed so many blunders in so few lines. The inhabitants of Shikotan are not shorter than the Ainu of Yezo, and I cannot give a better proof of this than by asking my readers to compare the measurements which I took while there with the measurements of the Yezo Ainu. The medium height of the Shikotan Ainu is between sixty-one inches and sixty-two and three-quarter inches; the medium height of the Yezo Ainu is between sixty-one inches and sixty-two and three-quarters, or exactly the same. The chest inflated measures thirty-seven and a half inches with the Shikotan Ainu, and thirty-seven and a half with the Yezo Ainu, while the spinal column is only twenty-four inches with the Shikotan Ainu, and about twenty-six and three-quarters with the Yezo Ainu.
Before being so sure of what he was saying, it would have been wise for the writer of the above lines to visit the island in question. He wouldn’t have made so many mistakes in such a short space. The people of Shikotan are not shorter than the Ainu of Yezo, and the best proof I can offer is for my readers to compare the measurements I took while I was there with the measurements of the Yezo Ainu. The average height of the Shikotan Ainu is between sixty-one inches and sixty-two and three-quarters inches; the average height of the Yezo Ainu is also between sixty-one inches and sixty-two and three-quarters, or exactly the same. The chest measurement when inflated is thirty-seven and a half inches for the Shikotan Ainu, and thirty-seven and a half for the Yezo Ainu, while the spinal column measures only twenty-four inches for the Shikotan Ainu, and about twenty-six and three-quarters for the Yezo Ainu.
The Shikotan Ainu have the same structural peculiarity as the Yezo Ainu, namely, the length of their arms, which peculiarity, by the way, is greatly accentuated with them. The humerus is much longer than with the Yezo Ainu, while the ulna and radius are shorter; the hand is the same length. A Shikotan Ainu with outstretched arms is generally the length of one hand longer than his own height, which is more than is usually found with the Yezo Ainu. The medium foot is nine and a half inches with both Ainu. In the Ainu the tibia is rather flattened at its angular part, but the Shikotan[Pg 88] Ainu have a nearly circular tibia. I do not know of any other existing race in the world in which such an extraordinary phenomenon occurs, and the tibia struck me also as being extremely long, while the femur appeared proportionately short. However, with the exception that the tibia is more circular than with the Ainu of Yezo, I could not see any material difference between them and the other Ainu. As we have already seen, each tribe in Yezo has certain characteristics which other tribes have not; each tribe has conformed its habits to the climate of the district in which it lives, as well as to other circumstances; and each of these tribes has adopted a slightly different architecture for its dwellings; but it is plain that all belong to the same original race. The same might be said of the Shikotan Ainu. At this point it is well to explain that the Kurile Islands not many years ago belonged to Russia; but they were exchanged for the southern half of Sakhalin, then belonging to Japan, and now form part of the Japanese Empire. The two larger islands—Kunashiri and Etorofu—are inhabited mainly by Ainu and a few Japanese, who migrate there from Yezo during the fishing season; while the Island of Shikotan is inhabited by sixty Ainu, brought there from the northern islands of Shirajima or Shimushir, and Urup, leaving thus all the islands north-east of Etorofu uninhabited.
The Shikotan Ainu share the same unique trait as the Yezo Ainu, specifically the length of their arms, which is more pronounced with them. The humerus is significantly longer compared to the Yezo Ainu, while the ulna and radius are shorter; the hand length remains the same. A Shikotan Ainu with their arms stretched out is typically about one hand length longer than their height, which is more than what is usually seen with the Yezo Ainu. The average foot size is nine and a half inches for both Ainu groups. In the Ainu, the tibia is somewhat flattened at its angle, but the Shikotan Ainu have a nearly circular tibia. I’m not aware of any other existing race in the world with such an unusual characteristic, and the tibia also struck me as being extremely long, while the femur seemed proportionately short. However, aside from the fact that the tibia is more circular than that of the Yezo Ainu, I couldn't observe any significant differences between them and the other Ainu. As we’ve noted before, each tribe in Yezo has distinct features that others lack; each tribe has adapted its habits to the climate of its area, as well as to other conditions, and each has developed a slightly different style of housing. But it’s clear that all belong to the same original race. The same could be said for the Shikotan Ainu. It’s also worth mentioning that the Kurile Islands, not too many years ago, were owned by Russia; however, they were traded for the southern part of Sakhalin, which was then part of Japan, and now are part of the Japanese Empire. The two larger islands—Kunashiri and Etorofu—are primarily populated by Ainu, with a few Japanese who come from Yezo during the fishing season, while the Island of Shikotan is home to sixty Ainu brought in from the northern islands of Shirajima or Shimushir, leaving all the islands northeast of Etorofu uninhabited.
Of Kunashiri and Etorofu I shall say no more in connection with the pit-dwellers, but a few more words on the Shikotan inhabitants may prove interesting, especially as people have been led to believe that they are the descendants of the Koro-pok-kuru, and not really Ainu.
Of Kunashiri and Etorofu, I won’t say anything more about the pit-dwellers, but a few additional comments about the people of Shikotan might be interesting, especially since many believe they are descendants of the Koro-pok-kuru and not actually Ainu.
I shall begin by saying that the Shikotan people call themselves Kurilsky Ainu, and that they speak both Ainu and Russian. Their features are not very massive, and their cheek and temple bones slightly project. They have strong mouths, and eyes identical in shape and colour with those of the Yezo Ainu. They are as hairy; they live by fishing and hunting; they clothe themselves in skins; and they are fond of beads and shining ornaments. Their huts have angular roofs, and are built in the same style as those of the Yezo Ainu, but on a smaller scale. The interiors are also alike, and equally dirty, if not more so. The Ainu huts at Shikotan are sixteen[Pg 89] in number, and not one of them is built over a pit, thus showing that Mr. Batchelor was a little rash, when, relying on mistaken information, he drew a conclusion which is not in accordance with the facts. One thing that has misled most people as regards these Kurilsky Ainu is, that they were compelled to cut their hair and shave their beards. To the superficial observer this naturally gives them a different physiognomy from that of the Yezo Ainu, who let their hair grow long, and have flowing beards. Prof. Milne, who some years ago visited the Island of Shumshu,[29] relates that he saw there a small group of Kurilsky Ainu, who, all included, numbered twenty-two. Their dress, although made of skins, was European in form, and the upper garment, shaped like a shirt, was made of bird-skins (puffins) with the feathers inside. The back was ornamented with the plumes of the yellow puffin, and the edge was trimmed with seal-fur. The men wore garments tied at the waist with a belt of sea-lion hide. Their feet and legs up to the knee were covered with moccasins, also made of sea-lion skin, and their food consisted of a few berries, the eggs and flesh of sea-birds, seals, and other meat. They were few and migratory, and carried with them all their property when migrating. Prof. Milne, in a paper contributed to the Asiatic Society of Japan, thinks that the chief point in connection with these people is, that they constructed houses by making shallow excavations in the ground, which were then roofed over with turf, and that these excavations had a striking resemblance to the pits now found further south. I believe, however, that Prof. Milne never saw them excavating these pits, and the fact that hardly two dozen people in the extreme north-east Kuriles having temporarily adopted shallow excavations which they roofed over, is barely sufficient proof that they were pit-dwellers, and, as will be seen later, I had ample evidence afterwards that they were not. It is probable that this wandering band, owing to the scarcity or difficulty of procuring timber in those regions—the smallness of their canoes not permitting them to transport the materials for above-ground structures from one island to another—it is probable, I say, that, having come upon pits already dug, they had roofed them over and lived in them, finding them suitable[Pg 90] to the severe climate. When I visited Shikotan (September, 1890), where not only these Shimushir people, but all the Kurilsky Ainu, numbering sixty, are now collected, and where they have built dwellings in their own style, the architecture and mode of construction were identical with those of the Yezo Ainu, and there were no pits whatever to their huts.
I’ll start by saying that the Shikotan people refer to themselves as Kurilsky Ainu, and they speak both Ainu and Russian. Their features are not very robust, and their cheek and temple bones slightly protrude. They have strong mouths and eyes that are the same shape and color as those of the Yezo Ainu. They are just as hairy; they live by fishing and hunting; they wear clothes made from animal skins, and they like beads and shiny decorations. Their huts have peaked roofs and are built similarly to those of the Yezo Ainu, but on a smaller scale. The interiors are also similar and just as dirty, if not more so. There are sixteen[Pg 89] Ainu huts in Shikotan, and not one of them is built over a pit, which indicates that Mr. Batchelor was a bit hasty when he drew conclusions based on incorrect information. One thing that has puzzled most people about these Kurilsky Ainu is that they were forced to cut their hair and shave their beards. To a casual observer, this naturally makes them look different from the Yezo Ainu, who grow their hair long and have long beards. Prof. Milne, who visited the island of Shumshu a few years ago,[29] reported seeing a small group of Kurilsky Ainu, totaling twenty-two people. Their clothing, though made from skins, was European in style, and the upper garment, shaped like a shirt, was crafted from bird skins (puffins) with the feathers facing inward. The back was decorated with the feathers of the yellow puffin, and the edges were lined with seal fur. The men wore garments fastened at the waist with a belt made from sea lion hide. Their feet and legs up to the knees were covered with moccasins, also made from seal lion skin, and their diet included a few berries, the eggs and meat of sea birds, seals, and other meat. They were few in number and nomadic, taking all their belongings with them when they moved. Prof. Milne, in a paper submitted to the Asiatic Society of Japan, believes the key point about these people is that they built houses by making shallow digs in the ground, which were then covered with sod, and that these digs resembled the pits found further south. However, I believe that Prof. Milne never actually observed them digging these pits, and the fact that only about two dozen individuals in the far northeast Kuriles have temporarily adopted covered shallow digs is hardly enough proof that they were pit-dwellers. As will be shown later, I had plenty of evidence afterward that they were not. It’s likely that this wandering group, due to the scarcity or difficulty of finding timber in those areas—the size of their canoes not allowing them to transport materials for above-ground structures from one island to another—likely came across already dug pits, covered them, and lived in them, finding them suitable for the harsh climate. When I visited Shikotan (September 1890), where not only these Shimushir people but all the Kurilsky Ainu, numbering sixty, have now gathered, and where they have built dwellings in their own style, the architecture and construction method were identical to those of the Yezo Ainu, and there were no pits at all in their huts.
Had they been pit-dwellers, why should they have so suddenly modified their habits as to construct huts wholly above-ground without any reason for so doing? Supposing they were actually pit-dwellers, and had lived generation after generation in pits, why should they abandon this chief structural characteristic in a place where the climate is as severe as in the islands they formerly inhabited? I am willing to admit that the Kurilsky Ainu, like all barbarians, made the best of what they found in their migrations from one island to another, and that, having found pits already dug, they had lived in them simply for convenience, and to protect themselves from the cold. The impossibility of constructing their own style of dwellings, which would have required too much time and a great amount of timber and reeds—two articles scarce in the north-east Kuriles—may account for their being driven to occupy pits already dug; but I am certainly not inclined to admit that therefore the few remaining Kurilsky Ainu are in any way connected with or related to the Koro-pok-kuru. I believe that I have given sufficient evidence to prove this. At any rate, I have given such evidence as it was in my power to collect, and I have based my statements on what I actually saw, and not on what I heard people say. As others have speculated on this subject, I shall now ask the forgiveness of the reader if I am also dragged into a little pre-historic speculation as to who the Koro-pok-kuru were, and whence they came.
If they were cave dwellers, why would they suddenly change their ways and build huts completely above ground without any reason? Assuming they really lived in pits for generations, why would they give up that main building style in a place with such harsh weather as the islands they used to live on? I’m willing to accept that the Kurilsky Ainu, like all other tribes, made the most of what they found while moving from one island to another. They probably lived in already-dug pits just for convenience and to stay warm. The difficulty of building their own type of homes, which would have taken too long and needed a lot of wood and reeds—both of which are limited in the northeast Kuriles—might explain why they used existing pits. However, I definitely do not believe that the few Kurilsky Ainu left today have any connection to the Koro-pok-kuru. I think I have provided enough evidence to support this claim. In any case, I've presented the evidence I could gather, and my statements are based on what I actually observed, not just on what I heard from others. Since others have speculated on this topic, I hope the reader will forgive me if I also wander into some prehistoric speculation about who the Koro-pok-kuru were and where they came from.
As I remarked at the beginning of this chapter, we find that pits are more numerous as we go in a north-east direction. Thus, few are found at Hakodate; and though none or few have been found along the south-west coast of Yezo, still, flint arrow-heads, pottery, and stone adzes collected here and there, show us that the Koro-pok-kuru had travelled along that coast, probably journeying in their canoes, landing to hunt, or to fight the Ainu.
As I mentioned at the start of this chapter, we see that there are more pits as we head northeast. There are hardly any at Hakodate, and while there aren't many along the southwest coast of Yezo, the flint arrowheads, pottery, and stone adzes found here and there indicate that the Koro-pok-kuru traveled along that coast, likely paddling in their canoes, stopping to hunt or to battle the Ainu.
[Pg 91] Along the south-east coast the pits increase in number as we approach Kusuri, and at this place the largest number of pits in Hokkaido is found; then they are numerous all along the coast as far as Nemuro; and in the islands of Kunashiri and Etorofu the population must have been large, as there are numerous pits throughout. Pits are found in the smaller islands of the Kurile group, and I believe also in Kamschatka. From Nemuro, following the coast-line of Yezo, we find some along the north-east coast of Yezo, and none down the west coast until we reach the narrower part of the island near Sappro. This said, we have two points to consider:—
[Pg 91] As we move along the southeast coast, the number of pits increases as we get closer to Kusuri, where the highest concentration of pits in Hokkaido can be found. They continue to be plentiful along the coast all the way to Nemuro, and in the islands of Kunashiri and Etorofu, the population must have been significant, as many pits are scattered throughout those areas. Pits can also be found in the smaller islands of the Kurile group, and I think they might be present in Kamchatka as well. From Nemuro, following the coastline of Yezo, we see some along the northeast coast of the island, but none along the west coast until we reach the narrower section of the island near Sappro. With that said, there are two points we should consider:—
(1.) That the pit-dwellers moved from north-east to south-west.
(1.) That the pit-dwellers migrated from the northeast to the southwest.
(2.) That the main bulk of the population settled in Etorofu, Kunashiri, and at Kushiro. Few went further south to settle.
(2.) That the majority of the population settled in Etorofu, Kunashiri, and at Kushiro. Few ventured further south to settle.
All evidence tends to show that they came either from Kamschatka, or perhaps more probably from the Aleutian Islands. It seems not improbable, looking at the volcanic formation of the Kurile group, that in bygone days Yezo was joined to Kamschatka, affording a land passage to the migratory people; but this we need not take into consideration.
All evidence suggests that they came either from Kamchatka or, more likely, from the Aleutian Islands. Considering the volcanic landscape of the Kurile group, it's not unreasonable to think that in the past, Yezo was connected to Kamchatka, creating a land route for the migrating people; however, we don’t need to focus on that.
From what one can gather of this race, the habits and customs of the Koro-pok-kuru must have had many points in common with the present Esquimaux. Very likely their pits were roofed over with a snow vault. They evidently lived by fishing and hunting, like the Esquimaux, and all that we know identifies them more with the latter race than with the Ainu.
From what we can tell about this group, the habits and customs of the Koro-pok-kuru probably had a lot in common with today's Eskimos. It's likely that their pits were covered with a snow roof. They clearly lived by fishing and hunting, just like the Eskimos, and everything we know connects them more with that group than with the Ainu.
I believe that the present Aleuts have a striking resemblance to the Esquimaux; and if this were the case, there is no reason why we should not suppose that they in former days inhabited the Kuriles, part of Kamschatka and the north-east portion of Yezo. It is a well-known fact that the Esquimaux formerly lived in corresponding latitudes on the east coast of America, and that they withdrew little by little to the more inhospitable regions of the north, and the same might have occurred here after the Ainu invasion of Yezo. The Koro-pok-kuru were apparently more civilised than their conquerors the Ainu, for they made pottery and worked stone; but owing to their retiring nature and weaker physique, and outnumbered by the savage hairy people, they became extinct. As to the Ainu,[Pg 92] they also are undoubtedly a race of the north. Their music, their decorations, their habits, display characteristics of northern origin; but the Ainu, as we have seen from their structures and customs, were by no means accustomed to so cold a climate as their predecessors the pit-dwellers. In my opinion they did not invade Yezo from the Kuriles, but came from the continent of Asia, probably across Siberia, and descended as far as Sakhalin Island, where many Ainu are still to be found. As the Koro-pok-kuru resemble the Esquimaux, the Ainu have a striking resemblance in many ways to the Northmen of Europe, and this is what makes me suppose that they came across the northern part of the continent, and not from the northern islands of the Pacific. They made their way south, probably crossing over the La Perouse Strait, and the main contingent of them came down the north-east coast of Yezo. I base this theory on the fact that the strong current which passes through the La Perouse Strait from west to east would have made it impossible for the Ainu in their light "dug-outs" to navigate against it, or straight across from Sakhalin to Soya Cape, and in crossing they were undoubtedly drifted far south-east on the north-east coast, probably landing near Abashiri or Shari. Another evidence which made me think that the Ainu came from Sakhalin is, that all knew of another island besides Yezo, which they called Krafto, by which name they designate Sakhalin. Of the Kuriles no one knew except those in the immediate neighbourhood. At one time the Ainu are said to have inhabited the whole of Japan as far south as Satsuma. Archæologists are puzzled by the discovery in the main island of Nippon of various kitchen-middens, which include fragments of pottery identical with those attributed to the Koro-pok-kuru, and also of shell heaps, which some consider of Ainu origin, others as pre-Ainu. No pits, however, have been found near these shell heaps, nor on any part of Nippon. Thus another question is raised as to who the originators of these shell heaps and kitchen-middens were. Is it not likely that, as the Ainu proceeded south, they encountered the Koro-pok-kuru at Nemuro and then at Kushiro, and, having easily defeated them, forced some of them to retreat in the direction of the Kuriles, while the rest went towards the[Pg 93] south? They probably fled along the coastline in their "dug-outs," those who moved south occasionally landing to hunt or to attack their pursuers. Thus we can account for the occurrence along that coast of some of their implements, but of no pits, which they were not likely to dig in such circumstances. Having then retreated as far south as Ushongosh (Hakodate), and with the conquering Ainu still at their heels, there was nothing more natural than that they should cross the Tsugaru Strait,[30] only a few miles in width, carrying with them their kitchen-middens and pottery.
I think the current Aleuts look a lot like the Eskimos; and if that’s true, there's no reason we shouldn't assume that they once lived in the Kuriles, parts of Kamchatka, and northeastern Yezo. It's a well-known fact that the Eskimos used to live at similar latitudes on the east coast of America and gradually moved to harsher northern regions; the same could have happened here after the Ainu invaded Yezo. The Koro-pok-kuru were likely more advanced than their conquerors, the Ainu, since they made pottery and worked with stone. However, because of their reserved nature and weaker physical build, combined with being outnumbered by the aggressive, hairy Ainu, they eventually became extinct. As for the Ainu,[Pg 92] they are definitely a northern race. Their music, decorations, and customs show traits of northern origin; however, as we've seen from their architecture and traditions, the Ainu weren't as accustomed to the extreme cold as their predecessors, the pit-dwellers. I believe they didn't invade Yezo from the Kuriles, but rather came from the Asian continent, likely through Siberia, and made their way down to Sakhalin Island, where many Ainu still live today. Just as the Koro-pok-kuru resemble the Eskimos, the Ainu share many similarities with the Vikings from Europe, which leads me to think they traveled over the northern part of the continent, not from the northern Pacific islands. They probably moved south, likely crossing the La Perouse Strait, with most of them coming down the northeast coast of Yezo. My theory is based on the strong current flowing through the La Perouse Strait from west to east, which would have made it impossible for the Ainu in their lightweight "dugouts" to navigate against it or directly across from Sakhalin to Soya Cape, causing them to be carried far southeast along the northeast coast, likely landing near Abashiri or Shari. Another clue suggesting the Ainu came from Sakhalin is that they all knew of another island besides Yezo, which they referred to as Krafto, the name they use for Sakhalin. No one knew about the Kuriles except those living nearby. At one point, it’s said that the Ainu inhabited all of Japan, reaching as far south as Satsuma. Archaeologists are puzzled by the discovery of several kitchen-middens on the main island of Nippon, which include pieces of pottery that resemble those attributed to the Koro-pok-kuru, as well as shell mounds that some think are of Ainu origin, while others believe they're pre-Ainu. However, no pits have been found near these shell mounds or anywhere else in Nippon. This raises another question about who originally created these shell mounds and kitchen-middens. Isn't it possible that, as the Ainu moved south, they encountered the Koro-pok-kuru at Nemuro and then at Kushiro, and, after easily defeating them, forced some to retreat towards the Kuriles while the others went south?[Pg 93] They likely fled along the coast in their "dugouts," with those heading south occasionally landing to hunt or to fight off their pursuers. This explains the discovery of some of their tools along that coast, but no pits, as they wouldn't have been likely to dig those in such situations. After retreating as far south as Ushongosh (Hakodate) and with the conquering Ainu still chasing them, it makes sense that they would cross the Tsugaru Strait,[30] which is only a few miles wide, bringing along their kitchen-middens and pottery.
The Ainu crossed after them, and, pushing the retreating Koro-pok-kuru further and further south, exterminated them, and became the masters of the whole of Japan, the Kuriles, and Sakhalin. As they were thus pursued by the Ainu, whom they knew as a warlike people, and stronger than themselves, there seems to me no cause for wonder that the Koro-pok-kuru did not dig any pits while on the main island of Nippon, first, because these pits would have been the sure means of bringing the Ainu on their track, to their certain annihilation; next, because the climate, being a great deal warmer, they had no need for them. On the other hand, it is more than probable that the retreaters carried with them their kitchen-middens and pottery, which constituted their treasures, and without which they could not have prepared their food. The barbarous Ainu then came in contact with the Japanese, at whose hands they received the same treatment as that which they had inflicted on the Koro-pok-kuru. Little by little the land so easily conquered was lost again, and the conquering Ainu were ere long in retreat towards the north. They were beaten and defeated by the more civilised Japanese, and the few who survived had to cross over the Tsugaru Strait back to Yezo. There is not a single Ainu now to be found in Nippon, with the exception of a child, a half-caste, whose mother was an Ainu, and who lives about sixty miles south of Awomori. The mother of this child was the last of her race who was born on and who inhabited the main island of Nippon.
The Ainu followed them, driving the retreating Koro-pok-kuru further south, wiping them out, and taking control of all of Japan, the Kuriles, and Sakhalin. As the Ainu, known to be a fierce and stronger people, pursued them, it’s not surprising that the Koro-pok-kuru didn’t dig any pits on the main island of Nippon. First, those pits would have led the Ainu straight to them, ensuring their destruction; second, with a much warmer climate, they didn’t need them. However, it's very likely that the retreating Koro-pok-kuru took their kitchen middens and pottery with them, which were their treasures and essential for preparing food. The Ainu then encountered the Japanese, who treated them the same way they had treated the Koro-pok-kuru. Gradually, the land that was so easily taken was lost again, and the conquering Ainu soon started retreating north. They were defeated by the more advanced Japanese, and the few who survived made their way back across the Tsugaru Strait to Yezo. There isn’t a single Ainu left in Nippon now, except for a child, a mixed-race individual whose mother was Ainu, living about sixty miles south of Aomori. The mother of this child was the last of her kind born on the main island of Nippon.
Ainu blood can be traced in many of the Japanese in the northern part of Nippon, especially between Shiranoka to Awomori, and also some corrupted Ainu words are still in use in[Pg 94] the dialect spoken in that part of Japan. Names of places, rivers, towns, etc., of Ainu origin, are common all over Japan. It was this former occupation of Japan by the Ainu that for some time led people to believe that the Ainu were the forefathers of the Japanese; and when pits were found in Yezo, the same hastily-judging people attributed them to the Ainu; and then, when mention was made of the Koro-pok-kuru and the Ko-shto, they affixed this name to the Kurilsky Ainu whom they had never seen nor studied.
Ainu ancestry can be found in many Japanese people in the northern part of Japan, particularly between Shiranoka and Aomori. Additionally, some altered Ainu words are still used in the local dialect spoken in that region of Japan. Place names, rivers, towns, and other locations of Ainu origin are common throughout Japan. The earlier presence of the Ainu in Japan led some people to believe that they were the ancestors of the Japanese. When excavations in Hokkaido uncovered pits, those quick to judge attributed them to the Ainu. Furthermore, when the names Koro-pok-kuru and Ko-shto were mentioned, they labeled them as the Kuril Ainu, whom they had never encountered or studied.
I am not prepared to say whether or not traces of these Koro-pok-kuru are to be found in the Aleutian Islands, as I have not visited them; but it would prove interesting to trace a connection between them and some existing race, in case my supposition be not correct, though I am sure that it is nearer the mark than any of the conjectures made by others with regard either to the Ainu or the Koro-pok-kuru. At any rate, as I do not pretend to infallibility; should my supposition be wrong, the facts given above will remain, and a more successful student and investigator will be able to work on them with a decided advantage over the writer, who had to start from the very beginning, and work on information which was more of an obstacle than a help.
I can’t say for sure whether there are traces of the Koro-pok-kuru in the Aleutian Islands since I haven’t been there. However, it would be interesting to explore a connection between them and some current population, in case my assumption is incorrect, although I believe it’s closer to the truth than the theories others have proposed about either the Ainu or the Koro-pok-kuru. In any case, I don't claim to be infallible; if I'm wrong, the information I’ve provided will still stand, and a more skilled researcher will be able to build on it with a clear advantage over me, since I had to start from scratch and work with information that was more of a hindrance than a help.


CHAPTER X.
The Kutcharo River and Lake—A Sulfur Mine—Akkeshi and its Bay.
The Kutcharo River is of some importance, for though not of great length, it is navigable by small boats for nearly twenty miles from its mouth.
The Kutcharo River is quite significant because, even though it’s not very long, small boats can navigate it for nearly twenty miles from its mouth.
I left Kushiro one morning, and made my way up the river, not by boat but along its banks on horseback, so as to get a better idea of the surrounding country and its inhabitants. At Kushiro I left more than half my luggage, to be sent down to Hakodate by the first ship that happened to call, and this greatly changed my mode of travelling. Instead of two ponies, one pony would now be quite sufficient to carry my baggage and myself; and where ponies were not obtainable, I could carry all my paraphernalia on my own back with no very great difficulty, and in this way I should not be hindered on my journey.
I left Kushiro one morning and made my way up the river, not by boat but along its banks on horseback, to get a better sense of the area and its people. In Kushiro, I left more than half my luggage to be sent to Hakodate by the first ship that came by, which changed my travel plans significantly. Instead of needing two ponies, one would now be enough to carry my bags and myself; and where I couldn’t find ponies, I could easily carry all my gear on my own back, allowing me to travel without any major obstacles.
I daresay the baggage I was carrying now weighed about forty-five pounds. It mostly consisted of painting materials, and wooden panels, on which I usually paint my sketches when travelling.
I would say the luggage I was carrying now weighed around forty-five pounds. It mainly included painting supplies and wooden panels, which I typically use for my sketches when I travel.
As to clothes and boots, I was beginning to be rather "hard up." No weaver's work, no tailor's garments, nor tanner's hides, can stand the wear and tear of such rough travelling as I had had, and the old saying, that a "light heart and a thin pair of breeches carry you a long way," is most decidedly not to be applied to anyone journeying to and fro on a pack-saddle[Pg 96] in Yezo. My coat and trousers were showing signs of rapid decay, and I thought with vain desire of needle and thread, buttons and hooks. My boots were falling to pieces owing to their continual immersion in salt water. The impossibility of cleaning or greasing them added to the original damage; and, worse luck of all, they could not be replaced. Altogether, what with frayed garments, leaky boots, a battered hat, and a general out-at-elbows air, I was scarcely presentable in any society a grade above that of the hairy Ainu.
As for my clothes and boots, I was starting to feel pretty "broke." No weaver's fabric, no tailor's garments, nor tanner's hides could withstand the wear from the rough traveling I'd been doing, and the old saying that a "light heart and a thin pair of breeches carry you a long way" definitely doesn’t apply to anyone making the journey on a pack-saddle in Yezo. My coat and pants were quickly falling apart, and I longed for a needle and thread, buttons, and hooks. My boots were falling apart because of their constant exposure to saltwater. The inability to clean or condition them only made the damage worse, and, to make matters worse, I couldn’t replace them. All in all, with frayed clothes, leaky boots, a worn-out hat, and an overall shabby appearance, I was hardly presentable in any setting above that of the hairy Ainu.
A road has been cut between Kushiro and Shibetcha, a distance of thirty miles; but though quite new, it is already out of repair, and it will not be long before it is washed away entirely. The Japanese Government does its best to open roads near the largest settlements, but Japanese officials do not seem to understand that after a road has been made it has to be kept in repair.
A road has been built between Kushiro and Shibetcha, a distance of thirty miles. However, even though it’s brand new, it’s already falling apart, and it won’t be long before it’s completely washed away. The Japanese Government tries to create roads near the biggest settlements, but the officials don’t seem to get that once a road is made, it needs to be maintained.
The country all along is good, and the soil seems rich and fertile. Nearly half-way up, on the east side of the Kutcharo River, are three lakes,—the Takkobe, the Tori Lake, and the Shirin. The Tori is the largest. Its length is five miles, its width about one mile. On the southern shore of this lake is a picturesque Ainu village, with its old tumble-down huts, and close to it is a group of Japanese houses. The contrast between the dirty and neglected old hovels of the Ainu and the clean, spruce, and somewhat finikin houses of the Japanese is very striking. In this difference we read an epitome of the way in which civilisation has travelled from primitive barbarism. The road runs through dense forests; but in several places, especially on its highest level, we come to lovely views of mountain scenery, towering over the shimmering water of the underlying lakes.
The countryside is great, and the soil seems rich and fertile. Almost halfway up, on the east side of the Kutcharo River, are three lakes—the Takkobe, Tori Lake, and Shirin. The Tori is the largest, stretching five miles long and about one mile wide. On the southern shore of this lake is a charming Ainu village with its old, dilapidated huts, and nearby is a cluster of Japanese houses. The contrast between the dirty, neglected old homes of the Ainu and the clean, neat, and somewhat fancy houses of the Japanese is really striking. This difference highlights how civilization has progressed from primitive barbarism. The road winds through dense forests, but in several places, especially at the highest points, we are greeted with beautiful views of mountain scenery rising above the shimmering waters of the lakes below.
In the evening I reached Shibetcha, a nice little place, constructed on each side of a large road which rises considerably as it goes through the village. The village lies in a small valley surrounded by moderately high mountains, and is on the western side of the Kutcharo River, which intersects the valley. A wooden bridge and a three-storied Japanese tea-house are the two main structures in the place. There are sixty-eight houses in the village, and nearly half of them are houses of ill-fame, the three-storied tea-house being the principal.
In the evening, I arrived at Shibetcha, a charming little place situated on either side of a wide road that rises sharply as it goes through the village. The village is nestled in a small valley surrounded by moderately tall mountains and is located on the western side of the Kutcharo River, which runs through the valley. A wooden bridge and a three-story Japanese tea house are the two main buildings here. There are sixty-eight houses in the village, and nearly half of them are known for their questionable reputation, with the three-story tea house being the most notable.
[Pg 97] At a distance of twenty-five miles from here is a sulphur mine, and the miners, after having amassed sufficient money, come and squander it at Shibetcha, thus supporting this nook of demoralization in the wilderness of these mountains. As the river becomes very shallow, the mineral from the sulphur mine of Yuzan was carried until quite recently on pack-saddles as far as here, whence it was brought down by boat to Kushiro for shipment; but a small railway, on which only a "truck train" is now running once a day from the mine to Shibetcha, has greatly simplified matters, and increased the export returns of the mine.
[Pg 97] About twenty-five miles from here, there’s a sulfur mine. The miners, once they’ve made enough money, come to Shibetcha to blow it all, keeping this place of chaos afloat in the wilderness of the mountains. Since the river is very shallow, the sulfur from the Yuzan mine was recently transported on pack-saddles all the way here, and then taken by boat to Kushiro for shipping. However, a small railway now runs a "truck train" once daily from the mine to Shibetcha, making things much easier and boosting the mine's export profits.
By the kind permission of the Mitsui Company I was allowed to travel on one of the trucks (no passenger carriages being provided), and the two and a half hours' journey was thus accomplished much more comfortably than if I had ridden the twenty-five miles on my pack-saddle. The railway took me to the foot of Mount Yuzan, and that same afternoon I made the ascent of the mountain. The most valuable sulphur deposits in Japan are found on this mountain, the quantity of the mineral being practically unlimited. The ascent was hard work, but it was interesting to see the fumaroles, whence the sulphur is extracted, and whence a dense smoke shoots out with great force. The whole mountain is covered with thick layers of sulphur of very good quality, and when more practical processes are employed for the extraction and carriage of the mineral there is no doubt that the sulphur trade will assume a very prominent place in the exports of Yezo. Dozens of men are employed now to carry the sulphur from the mountain to the railway, but there is work enough for hundreds and hundreds more. All the sulphur is at present carried on small wheelbarrows, which each man slings on to his shoulders when empty and he is going up the mountain. When the sulphur is reached the workman sits down, pulls out his pipe, which he fills from the folds of his tobacco-pouch, has a quiet smoke and a good rest, then he slowly fills his wheelbarrow with the primrose-yellow blocks, and comfortably wheels it down hill to the station, a considerable distance. Such a primitive fashion of carriage involves great loss of time, and a simple mechanical contrivance, by which a large quantity of mineral could be brought[Pg 98] down at one time, would save an enormous amount of labour, and therefore expense. A cable railway would answer the purpose to perfection, and the cost of running the steam motor would be insignificant, owing to the amount of wood and coal found within easy reach. I passed through a large gorge in the mountain, and finally reached the summit of Yuzan. Walking on sulphur beds is like walking on ice, and many a time in the climb I landed on my knees. Near the summit is a huge pinnacle of volcanic rock, standing up perpendicularly, and of impossible access. From the foot of this pinnacle a lovely view of the Kutcharo Lake is obtained, and it has as a background chain after chain of thickly-wooded mountains, beyond which are visible Oakan and Moyokan, two volcanic peaks, respectively four thousand and three thousand four hundred feet above the level of the sea. On Moyokan are some hot springs and accumulations of sulphur. Both these peaks can be seen from the coast on a clear day. A small lake lies between Moyokan and Oakan, which takes its name from the latter mountain, and finds an outlet in the[Pg 99] Oakan River. The Oakan joins the Kutcharo River not far from the sea.
By the kind permission of the Mitsui Company, I was allowed to travel on one of the trucks (no passenger cars provided), making the two and a half hour journey much more comfortable than if I had ridden the twenty-five miles on my pack saddle. The railway took me to the base of Mount Yuzan, and that same afternoon I climbed the mountain. The most valuable sulfur deposits in Japan are found on this mountain, and the quantity of the mineral is practically unlimited. The climb was hard work, but it was fascinating to see the fumaroles, from which sulfur is extracted, and where dense smoke shoots out with great force. The entire mountain is covered in thick layers of high-quality sulfur, and once more practical methods are used for extraction and transport, the sulfur trade will undoubtedly become a significant part of Yezo's exports. Dozens of men are currently employed to carry sulfur from the mountain to the railway, but there’s enough work for hundreds more. Right now, all the sulfur is transported in small wheelbarrows that each worker balances on their shoulders when they’re empty and heading up the mountain. When they reach the sulfur, the worker sits down, pulls out their pipe, fills it from their tobacco pouch, enjoys a smoke and a good rest, then slowly fills their wheelbarrow with the bright yellow blocks and comfortably wheels it downhill to the station, quite a distance away. This primitive method of transportation takes a lot of time, and a simple mechanical device that could carry a large amount of mineral at once would save a tremendous amount of labor and, consequently, money. A cable railway would work perfectly for this purpose, and the cost of running the steam engine would be minimal, thanks to the abundance of wood and coal nearby. I passed through a large gorge in the mountain and finally reached the summit of Yuzan. Walking on sulfur beds is like walking on ice, and many times during the climb, I found myself on my knees. Near the top is a massive pinnacle of volcanic rock, standing vertically and extremely hard to access. From the base of this pinnacle, there’s a beautiful view of Kutcharo Lake, with chains of densely forested mountains in the background, beyond which are the visible volcanic peaks of Oakan and Moyokan, standing at four thousand and three thousand four hundred feet above sea level, respectively. Moyokan has some hot springs and deposits of sulfur. Both peaks can be seen from the coast on a clear day. A small lake lies between Moyokan and Oakan, named after the latter, and it flows into the [Pg 99] Oakan River. The Oakan joins the Kutcharo River not far from the sea.

The descent was easier than the ascent, and I put up at a small tea-house, the only one in the place. The landlord promised to get me a good pony early the next morning, but, like a true Japanese, he did not keep his promise. He called me at 5 a.m., saying that the pony would be ready in a few minutes, and at 9 a.m. the quadruped had not put in an appearance; and after numberless excuses, compliments, bows, and lies, the landlord acknowledged that no ponies were to be had. I gave my luggage to a railway employé, who undertook to bring it back to Shibetcha, and I started on foot for Lake Kutcharo. From Yuzan a track across the mountains goes due north to Abashiri, on the north-east coast. I went in a south-westerly direction, and as on the previous day from the summit of Yuzan I had noted the position of Lake Kutcharo, I had no difficulty in finding my way there; in fact, I came upon a small Ainu track leading to it. A delightful walk of ten miles in the forest took me to the Ainu village of Kutcharo, on the borders of the lake of the same name. The village is a miserable one; it differs from all other Ainu villages in its huts, which have semicircular roofs instead of angular ones, as is the case with the Ainu of Volcano Bay and of the Saru and Tokachi Rivers. I entered some of the huts, and in a few minutes I was surrounded by the small population—I daresay about twenty souls, all included—whom I led out into the open air to see what they were like. They appeared to me smaller than other Ainu, and their bones were less massive; they were not so hairy, and more inclined to baldness. Their garments were wretched, and resembled those worn by the Tokachi Ainu; namely, a few rags held together one could scarcely say how. Women were tattooed on their lips and arms, but less extensively than are those of other tribes, and the tattooing was not so accurately done.
The descent was easier than the climb, and I stayed at a small teahouse, the only one in the area. The owner promised to get me a good pony early the next morning, but, like a true Japanese, he didn’t keep his word. He woke me up at 5 AM, saying the pony would be ready in a few minutes, but by 9 AM, the pony still hadn’t shown up. After countless excuses, compliments, bows, and lies, the landlord finally admitted that no ponies were available. I handed my luggage to a railway employé, who agreed to take it back to Shibetcha, and I set off on foot for Lake Kutcharo. From Yuzan, a path cuts through the mountains directly north to Abashiri, on the northeast coast. I headed in a southwest direction, and since I had noted the location of Lake Kutcharo from the summit of Yuzan the previous day, I easily found my way there; in fact, I stumbled upon a small Ainu path leading to it. A lovely ten-mile walk through the forest took me to the Ainu village of Kutcharo, by the lake of the same name. The village was quite poor; it was different from other Ainu villages because its huts had semicircular roofs instead of angular ones, unlike those of the Ainu from Volcano Bay and the Saru and Tokachi Rivers. I entered some of the huts, and within minutes, I was surrounded by the small population—I’d say about twenty people in total—whom I took outside to see what they looked like. They seemed smaller than other Ainu, with less robust bones; they weren’t as hairy and were more prone to baldness. Their clothing was shabby, resembling that of the Tokachi Ainu—just a few rags held together in a way that was hard to describe. Women had tattoos on their lips and arms, but not as extensively as those from other tribes, and the tattooing wasn’t done as neatly.
Other Ainu whom I met in the forest in the neighbourhood of this village bore the same characteristics, and everyone seemed to be curiously melancholy and depressed. An Ainu existence is certainly not one's ideal of comfort and hilarity, but their gloom and melancholy seem to me to be purely racial and congenital.
Other Ainu I met in the forest near this village had the same traits, and everyone appeared to be oddly sad and downcast. Life as an Ainu is definitely not your idea of comfort and joy, but their sadness and melancholy seem to me to be purely a part of their heritage and nature.
[Pg 100] The Lake Kutcharo is very large—too large to be seen to advantage from its borders, as one can see only parts, and not the whole of it at once. It has a pretty island in the centre, and on the west side is a peninsula projecting almost as far as the island. On this peninsula a small active geyser is found, which rises to a height of about twelve feet, and acts spasmodically. The high mountains which surround the lake would make the latter a pleasant summer resort were the place within the circle of civilisation. The scenery is very similar to that of Norway or the Scotch lakes. The Kutcharo River, as can be seen on the map, is an outlet of the Lake Kutcharo, into which the waters of the latter discharge themselves a few hundred yards west of the Ainu village.
[Pg 100] Lake Kutcharo is really big—too big to appreciate fully from its shores since you can only see parts of it at a time. There’s a nice island in the middle, and on the west side, there’s a peninsula that stretches almost all the way to the island. On this peninsula, there’s a small active geyser that erupts to about twelve feet high and does so irregularly. The tall mountains surrounding the lake would make it a great summer getaway if it were part of civilization. The scenery looks a lot like Norway or the Scottish lakes. The Kutcharo River, shown on the map, flows out of Lake Kutcharo, where the lake’s waters drain a few hundred yards west of the Ainu village.

An Ainu pointed out to me the track leading to Tetcha, or Tetchkanga, and I directed my steps in that direction, the[Pg 101] Ainu having informed me that it was very far, and that I could only reach it at night. I crossed the stream in a "dug-out," and found the track on the other side. I walked fast, for the most part through a thickly-wooded country, and at about sunset I reached Tetcha. The distance from Kutcharo, I should think, is about ten or twelve miles. Tetcha is an Ainu village, near which a few Japanese houses have been built. The Kutcharo River intersects it, and the sulphur train from Yuzan stops here to take water on its way to Shibetcha. The train had gone through some hours previously, and I was left the alternative of walking on to Shibetcha, twenty miles further, or of sleeping at Tetcha. I had walked twenty or twenty-two miles already that day, and I felt in very good form. I knew that it would be full moon that night; and walking through a forest by moonlight has always had a great charm for me. Watching the shadows, with their thousand different fantastic forms, running in and out through the trees and playing round them, has the same weird fascination for me as one of Tieck's tales, or the suggestive music of an æolian harp. Some of the Ainu and a Jap entreated me not to attempt to cross the forest at night, for wolves and bears were numerous, they said, and in all probability I should be attacked by them. This last announcement, which I was destined to hear every day in Yezo, and which, of course, I did not believe, decided me to go, and I started.
An Ainu showed me the path to Tetcha, or Tetchkanga, and I headed that way, the[Pg 101] Ainu telling me it was quite far and that I would only reach it by night. I crossed the stream in a dugout canoe and found the track on the other side. I hurried along, mostly through a dense forest, and around sunset, I arrived at Tetcha. I estimated the distance from Kutcharo to be about ten or twelve miles. Tetcha is an Ainu village, with a few Japanese houses built nearby. The Kutcharo River runs through it, and the sulfur train from Yuzan stops here to take on water on its way to Shibetcha. The train had passed a few hours earlier, leaving me with the choice of either walking on to Shibetcha, another twenty miles ahead, or sleeping in Tetcha. I had already walked about twenty or twenty-two miles that day, and I felt great. I knew it would be a full moon that night, and walking through the forest by moonlight has always fascinated me. Watching the shadows with their endless, fantastical forms dancing in and out of the trees has the same eerie charm for me as one of Tieck's stories or the evocative music of an aeolian harp. Some Ainu and a Japanese man urged me not to try crossing the forest at night, warning that wolves and bears were common and I could likely be attacked. This last warning, which I ended up hearing daily in Yezo and didn’t believe, made up my mind to go, and I set off.
"But," cried after me the astonished Japanese, "anata micci wakarimasen!"—"You do not know the way!"
"But," cried the astonished Japanese after me, "anata micci wakarimasen!"—"You do not know the way!"
"Kamaimasen, Sayonara!"—"It little matters; good-bye!" was my reply; and I left him standing there perplexed, looking after me as if I had been a phenomenon.
"Kamaimasen, Sayonara!"—"It doesn't matter much; goodbye!" was my response, and I walked away, leaving him there confused, watching me as if I were something unbelievable.
The Japanese in Yezo and the Ainu never on any account travel far at night; and as for going through a forest alone, unprotected, and without knowing the way, they evidently regarded it as something more reprehensible than folly. Two days previously, when in the train, I had noticed that the railway described a curve several miles long, and I knew then that by cutting across I could considerably shorten my way. When I entered the forest, the sun with its last rays was casting warm tints on the tops of the pine-trees. Everything[Pg 102] was still, and only now and then some huge owl, awakened by the noise of my steps from its day's long sleep, would fly away, starting off on its night's peregrinations and depredations. I walked mile after mile, and finally struck the rails again. On a white post I saw a cipher in Chinese characters, which brought me back to the reality that I was still seventeen miles away from Shibetcha. I followed the line of rail as closely as I could, and late at night I reached Shibetcha. I roused the people at the Marui yadoya, and, having eaten some salmon and water soup, I retired to my foutangs, between which, it is useless to say, I slept well. I had walked forty-two odd miles that day, and it had been a pleasant change from the continuous riding on pack-saddles.
The Japanese in Yezo and the Ainu never travel far at night under any circumstances; they see going through a forest alone, unprotected, and not knowing the way as something worse than foolishness. Two days earlier, while on the train, I noticed that the railway curved for several miles, and I realized that cutting across would significantly shorten my journey. When I entered the forest, the last rays of the sun were casting warm colors on the tops of the pine trees. Everything was quiet, and occasionally a large owl, disturbed by the sound of my footsteps from its long day of sleep, would take off on its night adventures. I walked mile after mile and finally came back to the tracks. On a white post, I saw a symbol in Chinese characters that reminded me I was still seventeen miles away from Shibetcha. I followed the railway as closely as I could, and late at night I arrived at Shibetcha. I woke the people at the Marui yadoya and, after having some salmon and water soup, I settled into my foutangs, where it goes without saying that I slept well. I had walked over forty-two miles that day, and it felt like a nice break from the constant riding on pack-saddles.
The next day I rode down to the coast to the bay of Akkeshi, about forty-two miles east of Kushiro. The road is very good all the way, and has on each side woods of oak and pine trees. The traffic on it is at present very small, and the only living creatures I saw during the twenty-eight or thirty miles were a beautiful long-tailed red fox and a number of Japanese convicts led by a policeman. These were dressed in red trousers and a short red coat made of coarse material. They were walking in a row, and they were chained two by two, and, moreover, a long rope joined the chain of each couple to that of the next, so that all couples were tied together. The end of this rope was held by the policeman. Some of them wore large hats entirely covering their face; others wore no hat at all, and had their head shaved in a peculiar manner. They were mostly bare-footed, but a few wore straw sandals. The Government wisely makes use of these convicts in opening roads and other public works, and after their term of punishment is expired, these men almost invariably become fishermen. A great part of the Japanese population of Yezo is composed of exiles and ex-convicts; in other words, Yezo is nothing more or less to Japan than what Australia was to England some years ago.
The next day, I rode down to the coast to the bay of Akkeshi, about forty-two miles east of Kushiro. The road is in great condition the whole way, with oak and pine trees lining both sides. There’s very little traffic on it right now, and the only living creatures I saw during the twenty-eight or thirty miles were a beautiful long-tailed red fox and a group of Japanese convicts being led by a policeman. They wore red trousers and a short red coat made of rough material. They were walking in a line, chained two by two, and connected with a long rope that linked each pair to the next, so all of them were tied together. The policeman held the end of this rope. Some wore large hats that completely covered their faces; others had no hats at all and their heads were shaved in a strange way. Most were barefoot, but a few wore straw sandals. The Government wisely uses these convicts for road construction and other public works, and after their sentences are over, most of these men become fishermen. A large part of the Japanese population in Yezo consists of exiles and ex-convicts; in other words, Yezo is basically to Japan what Australia was to England years ago.
Nearing the coast I passed the "Tonden" of Hondemura, a colonial militia farming settlement. A long line of new houses, all exactly alike in shape and size, and built at intervals, stretches on each side of the wide road. Each of these houses is inhabited by a man who has served his time as a soldier,[Pg 103] and who has now his family about him, and does work as a farmer in this settlement assigned to him. These "Tondens" were established by the Government, and I believe that the farmer-soldiers give fairly good results in the zeal and industry with which they cultivate the land, and the honesty and morality of their lives. I saw most of them occupied in stubbing up the scrub, and tearing or cutting down the trees, burning the more worthless parts; but it will be some years yet before they have cleared an area of cultivable land sufficiently large for profit, as the country is very thickly wooded in that neighbourhood.
Nearing the coast, I passed the "Tonden" of Hondemura, a colonial militia farming settlement. A long line of identical new houses, all the same in shape and size and built at intervals, stretches on both sides of the wide road. Each house is home to a man who has completed his military service and is now living with his family while working as a farmer in this settlement assigned to him. These "Tondens" were set up by the Government, and I believe the farmer-soldiers show decent results in the enthusiasm and hard work they put into cultivating the land, as well as in the honesty and morality of their lives. I saw most of them busy clearing scrub and cutting down trees, burning the less valuable parts; but it will still be several years before they have cleared a large enough area of land to make it worthwhile, as the area is heavily wooded.
Soon after I had passed the settlement, going down a steep hill I came upon a small and dirty semi-Ainu village, and ultimately reached the seashore.
Soon after I passed the settlement, going down a steep hill, I came across a small and dirty semi-Ainu village and finally reached the seashore.
The distance from Shibetcha is thirty miles, and the riding was beginning to be unpleasant, owing to the gathering darkness, which made my pony shy at everything it passed. At the mouth of the Pehambe Ushi River I had great difficulty in getting my pony on the ferry-boat, which was to take me across the mouth of the lagoon to Akkeshi. Several drunken fishermen came on board, and were disagreeably noisy. One of these fellows had a pony, which he tied to mine when on board. The ferry was to take us across the entrance of the Akkeshi lagoon, and it was more than a quarter of an hour before we reached the opposite shore. When we were still nearly twenty feet from terra firma, my pony, frightened at the cries of the drunken crowd, jumped overboard, carrying with him his companion steed. The sudden shock and lurch of the boat knocked down everybody on board, and nearly capsized us. As it was we shipped a lot of water. The ponies found the water deeper than they expected, and they had to swim for it. Having landed before he came ashore, I recaptured mine, gave him a sound thrashing, and rode on to Akkeshi, a few hundred yards from the landing-place. Akkeshi lies at the north-east side of the large bay which goes by the same name, and which, by the way, is probably one of the best anchorages on the south coast of Yezo. The mouth of the bay is to the southward; it extends seven miles in a northerly direction, and is about six miles wide in its widest part. The bay is prolonged further inland by a large lagoon,[Pg 104] called Se-Cherippe, which contains many shoals and low islands, near which are beds of oysters of enormous size, the shells of some measuring as much as eighteen inches in length. The Koro-pok-kuru, by whom this district was formerly thickly populated, seem to have relished this diet, as we find thick beds of discarded shells on the top of some of the lower hills, and in many places, especially in the vicinity of pits. These shell heaps are similar to those found on the main island of Nippon, and attributed to the Ainu. (See Chapter IX.)
The distance from Shibetcha is thirty miles, and the ride was starting to get uncomfortable because of the growing darkness, which made my pony skittish around everything it encountered. At the mouth of the Pehambe Ushi River, I had a tough time getting my pony onto the ferry that was supposed to take me across the lagoon to Akkeshi. A few drunk fishermen boarded and were annoyingly loud. One of these guys had a pony, which he tied to mine while we were on the ferry. The ferry was supposed to carry us across the entrance of the Akkeshi lagoon, and it took more than fifteen minutes to reach the other side. When we were still nearly twenty feet away from solid ground, my pony, scared by the ruckus from the drunken crowd, jumped overboard, taking his companion with him. The sudden jolt of the boat caused everyone on board to fall over and nearly capsized us. As a result, we took on a lot of water. The ponies found the water deeper than they'd expected and had to swim. I landed before my pony made it to shore. I grabbed him back, gave him a good thrashing, and rode on to Akkeshi, just a few hundred yards from the landing spot. Akkeshi is located on the northeast side of the large bay named after it, which is probably one of the best anchorages on the south coast of Yezo. The mouth of the bay is to the south, extending seven miles to the north and about six miles wide at its widest point. The bay continues further inland with a large lagoon, [Pg 104] called Se-Cherippe, which has many shoals and low islands, near which are beds of enormous oysters, some shells measuring as much as eighteen inches long. The Koro-pok-kuru, who used to populate this area in large numbers, seemed to enjoy this diet, as evidenced by heaps of discarded shells found on some of the lower hills and in many places, especially near pits. These shell mounds are similar to those found on the main island of Nippon and are attributed to the Ainu. (See Chapter IX.)
The country round the bay and the lagoon forms a high land or plateau between two hundred and three hundred feet above the level of the sea, and the higher ground is thickly wooded, thus supplying Akkeshi with abundance of timber, mostly of evergreen trees, as Todo and Yezo-matzu, two spruces common in other parts of Yezo as well. With its good harbour, its large export of oysters, salmon, herrings, fish-manure, and seaweed, besides its seal-fishery and the quantity of good timber easily cut and transported down the lagoon and across the bay for shipment, it is not surprising that Akkeshi has become, after Hakodate, the most important centre on the southern coast. It is nearly half as large again as Kushiro, and has as many as nine hundred Japanese houses, besides sixty or seventy Ainu huts.
The area around the bay and lagoon is a high land or plateau, rising between two hundred and three hundred feet above sea level. The higher ground is covered in dense forests, providing Akkeshi with plenty of timber, mainly from evergreen trees like Todo and Yezo-matzu, which are also common in other parts of Yezo. With a great harbor, a significant export of oysters, salmon, herring, fish fertilizer, and seaweed, as well as its seal fishery and the availability of easily cut and transportable timber down the lagoon and across the bay for shipping, it’s no wonder that Akkeshi has become, after Hakodate, the most important center on the southern coast. It’s almost one and a half times larger than Kushiro and has around nine hundred Japanese houses, along with sixty to seventy Ainu huts.
The Ainu were formerly extremely numerous in this district; but few of them are left now, and those few are indeed poor specimens of their race. They have nearly all become bald, and they seem to suffer very severely from rheumatism. Thick fogs are very prevalent along the coast, and it is but seldom that one can obtain a view of the whole bay. These fogs naturally render navigation unsafe, and are one of the great drawbacks to the prosperity of the place. However, our good Londoners could tell us that greater evils than fogs can exist. I have no doubt that at some future date we shall hear of Akkeshi as being the most important port in Yezo, when a railway to join it to Shibetcha shall have been constructed. The sulphur of Mount Yuzan will probably then be taken direct to this place instead of Kushiro, owing to the safety of its harbour, an advantage which Kushiro does not possess. The Akkeshi Bay is also interesting from a picturesque point of view, when fogs give one a chance of[Pg 105] seeing the surrounding scenery. Some fine headlands are found near the town of Akkeshi, and also on each side of the opening of the bay into the ocean. On the eastern side, the two islands of Daikuku and Kodaikuku, joined to the mainland by the low reef, slightly under water-level, which goes round the bay, are of some importance for an artist. This is especially true of the larger island of Daikuku, which rises at a considerable height above the sea, forming majestic cliffs, beautiful in shape and colour, on which myriads of seagulls, albatrosses, and penguins have chosen their abode, finding in these almost untrodden and picturesque cliffs a safe place in which to lay their eggs and rear their young. Here they live undisturbed, save for the dashing waves of the ocean, which make the earth tremble and the rock crumble to pieces, but only meet with a blithesome welcome from the screaming, light-hearted, fat, and lazy-winged inhabitants, to whom those waves bring good stores of daily food.
The Ainu used to be very numerous in this area, but now there are very few left, and those who remain are poor examples of their people. Almost all of them are bald, and they seem to suffer a lot from rheumatism. Thick fogs are common along the coast, making it rare to get a full view of the entire bay. These fogs make navigation unsafe and are one of the major drawbacks to the area's prosperity. However, our friends in London could tell us that worse things than fogs can happen. I’m sure that in the future, we’ll hear about Akkeshi as the most important port in Yezo once a railway connects it to Shibetcha. The sulfur from Mount Yuzan will likely be shipped directly here instead of to Kushiro, due to its safer harbor, which Kushiro lacks. Akkeshi Bay is also visually appealing, especially when the fog gives you a chance to see the surrounding landscape. There are some beautiful headlands near the town of Akkeshi and on either side of the bay's opening to the ocean. On the eastern side, the two islands of Daikuku and Kodaikuku, connected to the mainland by a low reef that's slightly underwater, are significant for artists. This is particularly true of the larger island, Daikuku, which rises high above the sea, forming stunning cliffs that are beautiful in shape and color. Myriads of seagulls, albatrosses, and penguins have made their homes here, finding in these almost untouched and picturesque cliffs a safe spot to lay their eggs and raise their young. They live undisturbed, except for the crashing waves of the ocean, which shake the ground and erode the rocks, but these are met with a cheerful welcome from the carefree, plump, and lazy-winged residents, to whom the waves bring plenty of food every day.


CHAPTER XI.
From Akkeshi to Nemuro—A Horse Station—Nemuro and Its People.
The road in the proximity of Akkeshi was extremely muddy and slippery, owing to the continuous fogs and rain. A north wind was blowing hard the day I left for Kiritap, and it drove the mist and drizzly rain right through one's skin into one's bones. The fogs, which are prevalent all along the coast, seem to excel between Akkeshi and Kiritap; so much so that the Japanese in the neighbourhood make them answerable for their baldness, and the local Ainu say they are so scantily hirsute because of the everlasting dampness in which they live. They clinch their argument by reminding you that when their forefathers came to this part of the coast they were as hairy as the bear, so what can have caused their own comparative smoothness but these everlasting fogs? I believe that to a great extent they are right, for when, after a day's wet ride, I[Pg 107] have sat near a fire even for some hours, I have felt as if my skin were soaking with wet—as if I had been too long in a bath—and neither rubbing with cotton towels nor the warmth of the fire seemed thoroughly to dry it; and perhaps such an extraordinary dampness, constantly saturating the pores of the skin, may have an injurious effect upon the hair, and cause it to decay and fall off. It was in a thick fog like this that I had to find my way to Riruran, the next horse station, about eight miles further east. The road soon became a mere track, running through an undulating country, chiefly pasture land. As luck would have it, I had hired a pony which belonged to the Riruran station, and the beast was as anxious to get there as I was. He knew the way and I did not, so I let him guide me. Now and then, when the wind blew with increased strength, the fog lifted for a few minutes, and disclosed some pretty bits of landscape. The country all around was grassy, with the familiar densely-wooded hills in the background. It somewhat resembled the slopes and high lands of Cornwall, without, however, the herds of sheep and cattle, which in our country are connected with green fields; without the trim fences and stiles, the ploughed fields and meadows, the trim hedges and park-like trees, the bye-lanes and well-kept roads.
The road near Akkeshi was really muddy and slippery because of the constant fog and rain. On the day I set out for Kiritap, a strong north wind was blowing, pushing the mist and drizzle right through my clothes and into my bones. The fog, which is common along the coast, seems to be especially thick between Akkeshi and Kiritap. So much so that the locals blame it for their baldness, while the Ainu people say they have so little hair because of the never-ending dampness they live in. They support their argument by pointing out that when their ancestors arrived on this coast, they had as much hair as bears, so what else could have caused their comparatively smooth skin but these constant fogs? I think they have a point because after a wet day's ride, even after sitting by the fire for hours, I felt like my skin was still soaked, as if I had stayed in a bath too long; neither rubbing with cotton towels nor the warmth of the fire seemed to fully dry me off. Perhaps such extreme dampness, which continuously saturates the skin's pores, could harm the hair and make it fall out. It was in a thick fog like this that I had to navigate to Riruran, the next horse station, about eight miles further east. The road soon turned into just a track through rolling pastureland. Luckily, I had rented a pony from the Riruran station, and the horse was just as eager to get there as I was. He knew the way while I didn’t, so I let him lead. Occasionally, when the wind picked up, the fog would clear for a few minutes, revealing some beautiful landscapes. The area was all grassy, with the familiar, densely wooded hills in the background. It reminded me somewhat of the slopes and uplands of Cornwall, but without the herds of sheep and cattle that usually graze in our green fields, and missing the neat fences and stiles, the plowed fields and meadows, the tidy hedges and park-like trees, the side roads and well-kept paths.
Hill after hill was ascended and descended, the sturdy little pony going well towards his former home; but as yet I had come on no signs of any living creature. No labourers are here to work and plough the dark rich soil. Potato fields; cottages with their plots of vegetable grounds; cows and sheep scattered over the green pastures—all signs of vigorous and successful husbandry—are things that an intending traveller to Yezo will miss. Everywhere are solitude and monotony. Still, even solitude and monotony are not always to be abhorred, and if they have their drawbacks they also have their advantages. You can go undisturbed for mile after mile; you can think; you can dream; you can sing; you can keep to the track or go across country; you can go fast or slow, and there is no one to object, to obstruct, or to comment. You breathe air that no one has breathed before, and you quench your thirst in a limpid stream unpolluted by sewage, chemical refuse, or poisonous dye-stuffs. You lead a simple life, and, what is more, an independent life. Many a time,[Pg 108] when I woke up to the real state of my new condition, I could not help laughing at our civilised conceptions of what constitutes a free man in a free country, viz. that he can have a voice in choosing which of two men shall be sent as a member to Parliament.
Hill after hill was climbed and descended, the sturdy little pony making good progress toward his former home; but so far I had seen no signs of any living creature. No workers are around to tend and plow the dark, rich soil. Fields of potatoes; cottages with their vegetable gardens; cows and sheep scattered across the green pastures—all signs of active and successful farming—are things that a traveler to Yezo will miss. Everywhere there is solitude and monotony. Still, even solitude and monotony aren't always to be hated, and while they have their downsides, they also come with benefits. You can walk undisturbed for mile after mile; you can think; you can dream; you can sing; you can stick to the path or wander across country; you can go fast or slow, and there’s no one to object, block, or comment. You breathe air that no one has inhaled before, and you quench your thirst in a clear stream that’s untainted by sewage, chemical waste, or toxic dyes. You lead a simple life, and more importantly, an independent life. Many times,[Pg 108] when I realized the true nature of my new situation, I couldn't help but laugh at our civilized notions of what makes a free man in a free country, namely that he can have a say in choosing which of two men gets sent as a member to Parliament.
Absorbed, now in my own thoughts on many subjects, and now in gazing at the monotonous scenes, which, as if reflected from a magic-lantern, suddenly appeared and as suddenly faded away, I had not seen how far my pony had hurried on, when, rapidly descending a steep hill, I discerned through the grey fog a solitary shed in the small valley below. The neighing of my steed, responded to by the neighing of his compatriots in the valley, told me that I had reached the horse station of Riruran, and a few minutes later my baggage and pack-saddle were removed from my steaming quadruped, and a fresh animal was burdened with my possessions. These horse stations generally consist of one shed, in which the owner and his family live; near it is a rough enclosure formed of branches and trunks of trees laid down horizontally, and strengthened at intervals by poles stuck in the ground. The ponies are kept in this enclosure during the day, but are let loose at sunset, when they go for their food wherever they can get it—generally on the near hills. Early in the morning one or two Ainu employed in the stations start off to recapture the ponies, and after a struggle bring back the herd to the paddock. My readers, who may not be well acquainted with the habits of semi-wild horses, will wonder that the ponies, once free in an unenclosed country, do not bolt away altogether inland, thus making it impossible to recapture them; and, moreover, these readers will think what a difficult task it must be for the Ainu horsemen to recover all the ponies, each one of which, they probably imagine, has bolted in an independent and different direction. This is not the case. When a herd of ponies is let loose they invariably all go together in one direction, generally following those of the older animals which have bells hanging to their necks. When they come to a proper feeding-ground they all graze within a few yards of one another; and the chances are that the herd will not go a step further than is necessary, as they are terribly afraid of bears, their most dreaded enemy, by which they well know the more[Pg 109] distant hills are infested. When their hunger is satisfied they shoulder up together and form a circle, in the centre of which the young colts are placed, these being thus well protected from bears, who would find a sturdy resistance in the hind hoofs of the outstanding guard should they come to close quarters. The Ainu are good trackers, and have little difficulty in finding in which direction the herd has moved. When this preliminary is ascertained, the horseman, mounted on a swift pony, which he has taken good care to keep behind, starts from the station about an hour before sunrise, so as to allow himself ample time to reach the herd before the sun is up. He finds the ponies in this circular position of defence. With a long stick he breaks their ranks, and by shouting, and wildly galloping to and fro, drives them on in front till the station and the pen are reached. When they have all entered the latter, a heavy wooden bar is rested on two biforked poles, one on each side of the entrance, thus barring their way out; and there they are kept all day, waiting for such native travellers or traders as may require their services along the coast.
Lost in my thoughts about various things and gazing at the dull scenes, which appeared and vanished like images from a magic lantern, I didn't notice how far my pony had raced ahead. As I quickly descended a steep hill, I spotted a lonely shed through the gray fog in the small valley below. The neighing of my pony echoed back from its companions in the valley, signaling that I had arrived at the horse station of Riruran. A few minutes later, my luggage and pack-saddle were taken off my sweating pony, and a new horse was loaded with my things. These horse stations typically consist of a single shed where the owner and their family live; nearby is a rough enclosure made of branches and tree trunks stacked horizontally, reinforced at intervals with poles driven into the ground. The ponies are kept in this enclosure during the day but are let loose at sunset to graze wherever they can find food, usually on the nearby hills. Early in the morning, one or two Ainu workers at the stations head out to round up the ponies, and after a bit of a struggle, they bring the herd back to the paddock. My readers, who might not know much about semi-wild horses, may wonder why the ponies, once free in an open area, don't just run off inland, making it impossible to catch them. They might also think the task of the Ainu horsemen is tough, as they probably imagine each pony bolts off in its own direction. That's not how it works. When a herd of ponies is set free, they always move together in one direction, usually led by the older animals with bells around their necks. When they find a good spot to graze, they all eat within a few yards of each other; they’re likely to stay close, as they are very afraid of bears, their biggest threat, knowing that the farther hills are full of these predators. Once their hunger is satisfied, they huddle together and form a circle, placing the young colts in the center to protect them from bears, who would face fierce resistance from the rear guard if they came too close. The Ainu are skilled trackers and have little trouble figuring out the direction the herd has gone. Once they know this, the horseman rides out on a fast pony he has kept behind the others about an hour before sunrise to ensure he reaches the herd before it gets light. He finds the ponies in their defensive circle. Using a long stick, he breaks their formation, and by shouting and galloping around, drives them forward until they reach the station and the pen. Once all the ponies are inside, a heavy wooden bar is placed on two forked poles at the entrance, blocking their way out, and they remain there all day, waiting for any local travelers or traders who need their services along the coast.
Most of the stations are owned by Japanese and by Ainu half-castes. Some have large numbers of ponies; some only a few, according to the wants of the neighbourhood.
Most of the stations are owned by Japanese people and Ainu mixed-race individuals. Some have a large number of ponies, while others have just a few, depending on the needs of the local area.
The average market value of a beast is between five and ten yen, or about fifteen to thirty shillings in English currency.
The average market value of an animal is between five and ten yen, which is roughly fifteen to thirty shillings in British currency.
At stations where the ponies are but little worked, good animals can sometimes be obtained for a small sum of money; but at stations near large settlements—where trade with other villages is carried on entirely by pack-ponies—they are mostly sorry beasts, with their backs one mass of sores, produced by the friction of the rough pack-saddles. Moreover, the cruel habit of letting colts follow mares for long distances—sometimes forty or fifty miles—is as painful a sight to witness as it is injurious to the breed. The Yezo ponies are characterised by their long hair and mane. They are short, sturdy, punchy brutes, not more than ten or twelve hands high, with a rather large and massive head, and thick, crooked legs. They are by no means fine-looking animals, nor are they well groomed—in fact, they are not groomed at all—but they serve capitally for the rough tracks and precipitous wastes of Hokkaido. They[Pg 110] have none of the good qualities we require in our horses, but they possess others which fit them for the country they are in. Their enormous power of endurance, and the wonderful way in which they can go over the steepest tracks—almost unclimbable on foot; their sure step when going along precipices; and the marvellous manner in which they pick their way over rocky coasts, which the waves would seem to make impassable, and where none of our good horses could go without breaking their legs, are all endowments which I feel bound to quote in honour of the Yezo ponies. They are not shod, and they can hardly be called trained. Indeed, if a traveller be a good rider, it is advisable to obtain a perfectly unbroken animal, as from my own personal experience I can say that, though the riding was a little more exciting, I could invariably make better time with a totally unbroken beast, than with one of the worn-out, sore-backed "quiet ponies," which needed any amount of thrashing to make him go.
At stations where the ponies aren't worked much, you can sometimes find good animals for a small amount of money; but at stations near large settlements—where trade with other villages is done mostly using pack-ponies—they're often poor-quality animals, with their backs covered in sores from rough pack saddles. Additionally, the cruel practice of letting colts follow mares for long distances—sometimes forty or fifty miles—is both painful to see and harmful to the breed. The Yezo ponies are known for their long hair and mane. They are short, sturdy, stocky creatures, standing no more than ten or twelve hands high, with large, heavy heads and thick, crooked legs. They're not particularly good-looking or well-groomed—in fact, they aren't groomed at all—but they perform well on the rough paths and steep terrains of Hokkaido. They lack the desirable qualities we want in our horses, but they have traits that suit them for the region. Their incredible endurance and their amazing ability to navigate steep trails—almost impossible to climb on foot; their steady footing along cliffs; and the remarkable way they move over rocky coasts, which seem impassable and where none of our good horses could go without injury, are all qualities I must mention in praise of the Yezo ponies. They aren't shod and can hardly be called trained. In fact, if a traveler is a good rider, it's better to get a completely unbroken animal, as from my own experience, though riding it may be a bit more thrilling, I could generally travel faster on a totally untrained horse than on one of the worn-out, sore-backed "quiet ponies," which needed a lot of encouragement to get moving.
A curious method is adopted for directing the animal. It is
as simple as it is ingenious. The necessary "bit" by which
we control our horses is dispensed with, and it is replaced by
two wooden wands about twelve inches long and two inches
wide, tied together at one end, allowing a distance of three
inches between them. In the middle of these wands a rope is
passed which goes over the pony's head behind its ears; while
the wands themselves, thus supported by it, rest one on each
side of the pony's nose. Another rope, five or six feet in
AINU BITS.
length, and acting as a rein, is fastened
at the lower end of one of
the wands, and passes through a
hole in the other, thus allowing
this simple contrivance, based on
the lever principle, to be worked
exactly in the same
way as a nut-cracker,
the pony's nose
being the nut. The
disadvantage of the
system is, that
having only one rein, this has to be passed over the pony's
head each time one wishes to turn to the right or to the[Pg 111]
left, as by pulling the rope hard, and thus squeezing the
animal's nose, its head is turned in the direction in which it is
pulled, and it is soon taught that this is the way it must go.
Furthermore, should the pony bolt, it can be stopped by
pulling its head close to its haunches, thereby making it
impossible to continue its race. In the latter case it often
happens, especially with an untrained pony, that it will spin
round, trying to stretch its twisted neck by pushing its head
away from the side of its body, and the result is generally a
bad fall of horse and rider.
A unique method is used to guide the animal. It's as straightforward as it is clever. The usual "bit" that we use to control our horses is replaced with two wooden sticks about twelve inches long and two inches wide, tied together at one end, leaving a three-inch gap between them. A rope runs through the middle of these sticks and goes over the pony's head behind its ears; the sticks rest on either side of the pony's nose, supported by the rope. Another rope, five or six feet long, acts as a rein and is attached at the bottom of one of the sticks, passing through a hole in the other, allowing this simple device, based on the lever principle, to function like a nutcracker, with the pony's nose being the nut. The downside of this system is that with only one rein, it has to be pulled over the pony's head each time you want to turn right or left. Pulling the rope hard squeezes the animal's nose, turning its head in the direction you're pulling, and the pony quickly learns that this is how to move. Additionally, if the pony takes off, you can stop it by pulling its head close to its hindquarters, which makes it impossible to keep running. Often, especially with an untrained pony, it will spin around to relieve the tension on its neck by pushing its head away from its body, which can lead to a bad fall for both the horse and rider.
Another thing of which one ought to be careful is to keep one's legs out of the reach of the brute's teeth; for it is not infrequent that instead of the man punishing the animal, the animal revenges itself on the man; and the incautious traveller realises Sydney Smith's position, and finds that to a Yezo pony, as well as to an English cart-horse, "all flesh is grass."
Another thing to be careful about is keeping your legs out of the reach of the beast's teeth; because it’s not uncommon for the animal to get back at the person instead of the other way around. An unaware traveler understands Sydney Smith's point when they discover that to a Yezo pony, just like an English cart-horse, "all flesh is grass."
From Riruran, for about fifteen miles, the way is merely a mountain track; and I dare say that in fine weather the scenery along it is picturesque. Unfortunately, when I went through, the fog had become more and more intense, and I saw very little of the landscape. At places the track led down to the sea, and then mounted up again over cliffs and high lands. As the mist, which came in gusts and waves, deepened or lightened in intensity, the rugged precipitous rocks, formed mostly of conglomerate, sandstone, and breccia, took all sorts of fantastic forms. Along the coast were many Ainu huts inhabited by half-castes and by Japanese. The Ainu were once very numerous in this district, but few of them are to be found now. The few remaining ones have yielded to the more civilised Japanese, and have become their servants. They are used as menials in most of the fishing stations, always acting under the directions of Japanese masters. Very frequently they are employed as tenders of horses, and in some places as guides for traders and travellers from one station to another.
From Riruran, for about fifteen miles, the path is just a mountain trail; and I imagine that in nice weather the scenery along it is beautiful. Unfortunately, when I passed through, the fog had become thicker, and I saw very little of the landscape. At times the trail dipped down to the sea and then climbed back up over cliffs and high ground. As the mist rolled in and out, the rugged cliffs, mostly made of conglomerate, sandstone, and breccia, took on all sorts of unusual shapes. Along the coast were many Ainu huts occupied by mixed-race individuals and Japanese people. The Ainu used to be very numerous in this area, but now there are only a few left. The few remaining have submitted to the more advanced Japanese and have become their servants. They are often employed as laborers at most of the fishing stations, working under the direction of Japanese bosses. They are frequently hired as horse handlers and, in some places, as guides for traders and travelers moving from one station to another.
Not far from Riruran the mouths of two lagoons have to be crossed, the larger of which is called Saruffo-Ko, or "Lake in a grassy plain." Cranes, swans, and ducks are numerous in these lagoons.
Not far from Riruran, you have to cross the mouths of two lagoons, the larger of which is called Saruffo-Ko, or "Lake in a grassy plain." Cranes, swans, and ducks are abundant in these lagoons.
The track continues mostly over cliffs and mountains till[Pg 112] Birvase, a small village of seaweed gatherers, is reached, and the next two and a half miles are along a sandy beach as far as Hammanaka. A short bridge joins this place to the island of Kiritap, which is separated from the mainland by a channel only a few feet wide. Towards the evening the fog lifted, and I caught a glimpse of the village.
The path mostly runs along cliffs and mountains until[Pg 112] you reach Birvase, a small village of seaweed gatherers. The next two and a half miles are along a sandy beach all the way to Hammanaka. A short bridge connects this area to the island of Kiritap, which is separated from the mainland by a channel just a few feet wide. In the evening, the fog cleared, and I caught a glimpse of the village.
The ponies of the Kiritap village had just been let loose, and were running over the small wooden bridge with great clamour. The houses, which number about a hundred and twenty, are all poor and dirty. There is a main street, and most of the houses are on each side of it. The people are fishermen, seaweed gatherers, and small traders; for Hammanaka Bay, being a good anchorage for junks and small craft under the lee of Kiritap Island, is a place of some importance for its export trade of seaweeds, fish-oil, and herring guano; these products being sent down to Hakodate.
The ponies of Kiritap village had just been released and were running across the small wooden bridge with a lot of noise. There are about a hundred and twenty houses, and they are all run-down and dirty. A main street runs through the village, with most of the houses lining either side. The residents are fishermen, seaweed collectors, and small traders. Hammanaka Bay is a good spot for anchoring junks and small boats thanks to the shelter provided by Kiritap Island, making it significant for exporting seaweeds, fish oil, and herring manure, which are all shipped down to Hakodate.
If a few Ainu have adopted the Japanese language, clothes, and customs, there are also many Japanese who have taken up the Ainu language and ways. I noticed this more particularly in this district, where the Ainu have almost entirely disappeared. The older Japanese and many of the younger folks have Ainu features; and not only have they adopted a great number of Ainu words, but when talking Japanese they speak it with the peculiar intonation and accent pertaining to the Ainu. This is not surprising, nor yet peculiar to the Japanese or the Chinese; for we find that almost all English residents in Chinese ports adopt many of the words of our pig-tailed brothers, and have thus formed a kind of local English, besides the "pidgeon-English"—a corruption of "business English"—which almost constitutes a language of its own.
If a few Ainu have picked up the Japanese language, clothing, and customs, there are also many Japanese who have embraced the Ainu language and traditions. I particularly noticed this in this area, where the Ainu have mostly vanished. The older Japanese and many younger people have Ainu features; not only have they adopted a lot of Ainu words, but when they speak Japanese, they do so with the distinct intonation and accent characteristic of the Ainu. This isn't surprising, nor is it unique to the Japanese or Chinese; we see that almost all English residents in Chinese ports pick up many words from our pig-tailed brothers, and have thus created a sort of local English, along with "pigeon English"—a twist on "business English"—which nearly forms its own language.
The Ainu, like the Scotch or the French, give a rolling sound to the "r." Thus, for instance, if I had written the word "Riruran" as it is pronounced I should have spelt it "Rrirrurran." Then the Ainu almost sing their words—the women in a falsetto voice, ending in a singularly mournful kind of cadenza. On his return from a journey, a hunt, or a fishing expedition, the Ainu squats down cross-legged in his hut, and, after the conventional introductory ceremony of rubbing the palms of his hands together and then repeatedly stroking his hair and beard, proceeds to relate the adventures[Pg 113] that have befallen him during his absence. This he does by singing out his story in a sort of monotone, or sometimes chanting it. When conversing with Japanese the Ainu have slightly modified this habit, which gave rise to much mirth to the light-hearted sons of the Mikado's empire. However, like all people who are ready to laugh at everything novel, the local Japanese have now themselves fallen into that same manner of speaking, which, after all, has its charms, as it is rather sentimental in spirit, and so far pleasant to the ear. What is more, they have also acquired the slow ways of the Ainu.
The Ainu, similar to the Scots or the French, roll their "r" sounds. For example, if I had spelled the word "Riruran" as it's pronounced, I would have written it "Rrirrurran." The Ainu almost sing their words—the women use a high-pitched voice that ends in a uniquely mournful tune. When he comes back from a trip, hunting, or fishing, the Ainu sits down cross-legged in his hut, and after the usual ritual of rubbing his palms together and then stroking his hair and beard, he starts sharing the stories of his adventures during his time away. He does this by singing his tale in a kind of monotone or sometimes by chanting it. When talking to the Japanese, the Ainu have slightly changed this habit, which has amused the cheerful sons of the Mikado's empire. However, like all people who enjoy laughing at new things, the local Japanese have now adopted this way of speaking, which, after all, has its appeal, as it has a somewhat sentimental quality and is pleasant to hear. Additionally, they have also picked up the Ainu's leisurely mannerisms.
All along the beach between Hammanaka and Hattaushi, a distance of nearly twenty miles, there are fishermen's and seaweed gatherers' huts; but none of them is inhabited by Ainu. Men, women, and children are all occupied in the seaweed gathering industry; and it is when the sea is stormy that the largest quantity of kelp is collected. The numerous reefs and rocks all along the shore-line afford suitable ground and bottom for its growth and production; and during a stormy sea quantities of kelp float on the breaking waves, to be finally thrown on shore. The industrious gatherers seldom wait for this "jetsam," as the long weeds, after they are washed off the rock, and before they are finally swept on shore, are apt to be damaged by the waves, and are therefore of less value for the export market than when long and fresh; wherefore, each gatherer provides himself with a long pole or hook, and from morning till night these half-naked "toilers of the sea" can be seen running to and fro in and out of the waves dragging bunches of long ribbon-like seaweeds, which are then carefully disentangled, stretched on the sands to dry, and, after several days of exposure, are packed for the market.
All along the beach between Hammanaka and Hattaushi, a stretch of nearly twenty miles, there are huts for fishermen and seaweed gatherers; however, none of them are inhabited by Ainu people. Men, women, and children are all involved in the seaweed harvesting industry, and it's during stormy weather that the most kelp is gathered. The many reefs and rocks along the shoreline provide a suitable environment for its growth; during storms, large quantities of kelp wash up on the breaking waves and eventually get thrown onto the shore. The hardworking gatherers usually don’t wait for this "jetsam," as the long seaweeds, once washed off the rocks and before being finally washed ashore, can be damaged by the waves, making them less valuable for export compared to when they are long and fresh. Therefore, each gatherer carries a long pole or hook, and from morning to night, these half-naked "toilers of the sea" can be seen running in and out of the waves, dragging bunches of long, ribbon-like seaweed, which they then carefully untangle, lay on the sand to dry, and after several days of exposure, pack for the market.
Some huge cliffs towering over the sandy beach make the track interesting; and here and there, scattered in the Hammanaka Bay, are some oyster-banks before reaching the single shed of Hattaushi. The following twelve miles were on an extremely bad track, partly over steep hills and partly on tiresome soft sand. Then I arrived at Otchishi—without exception the loveliest little spot in Yezo. It lies in the centre of a small bay, on the two sides of which are magnificent headlands with precipitous cliffs and rocks of volcanic formation.[Pg 114] On a pretty bit of green grass in the foreground, only a few feet above the sea-level, were a shed and a storehouse. A reef and shallow water closed the entrance of the bay to the foaming waves of the Pacific. In the sheltered water, which was as smooth as a mirror, the dark rich colour of the overhanging rocks, caressed by the last warm rays of the dying sun, was reflected with absolute fidelity and almost increased loveliness. A cold whitish sky, and the white horses breaking on the reef, completed the ensemble of that lovely scene; and it was with great regret, after having attempted a sketch, that I was told my horse was ready, and I had to leave this poetical and exquisite scene.
Some massive cliffs rising above the sandy beach make the path interesting; and here and there, dotted around Hammanaka Bay, are some oyster beds before reaching the lone shed of Hattaushi. The next twelve miles were on an extremely rough path, partly over steep hills and partly on exhausting soft sand. Then I arrived at Otchishi—without a doubt the most beautiful little spot in Yezo. It sits in the center of a small bay, flanked by stunning headlands with steep cliffs and volcanic rocks. [Pg 114] On a lovely patch of green grass in the foreground, just a few feet above sea level, were a shed and a storehouse. A reef and shallow waters blocked the entrance of the bay from the crashing waves of the Pacific. In the calm waters, which were as smooth as glass, the deep rich color of the towering rocks, touched by the last warm rays of the setting sun, was reflected perfectly and seemed even more beautiful. A cold, gray sky and the white caps breaking on the reef completed the scene; and with great regret, after trying to sketch it, I was told my horse was ready, and I had to leave this poetic and exquisite view.
On the slight elevations near Otchishi, and in the valley, pits are still to be seen, showing that the pit-dwellers were once numerous in this district. They are found both along the coast as well as slightly inland by the side of small rivers, and on the shores of the Saruffu lagoon. A well-kept road begins at Otchishi, and goes on to Nemuro. At first it runs over hilly ground and through an oak-wooded country, then through thick forests of spruce trees, the trees standing very close together. About four miles from Nemuro a military settlement—"Hanasaki"—similar to the one on the Shibetcha-Akkeshi road, has been established by the Japanese Government. Here, again, I was struck by the difficulty and the amount of labour involved in clearing the trees off the ground. It will take many years before the industrious farmers will have any return for their hard labour. I do not know what the object of the Japanese Government may have been in starting these two militia settlements in spots so unfit for cultivation, but it seems a great pity to see the Tokachi region, which has all the requisites for successful agriculture, quite deserted, while hundreds of men are wasting their strength and time at other places, where it will take several years to open enough ground for even a kitchen-garden.
On the slight hills near Otchishi and in the valley, you can still see pits that show the pit-dwellers were once common in this area. They are found along the coast as well as slightly inland by small rivers and on the shores of the Saruffu lagoon. A well-maintained road starts at Otchishi and continues to Nemuro. Initially, it runs over hilly terrain and through oak forests, then through dense spruce forests with trees growing very close together. About four miles from Nemuro, there's a military settlement called "Hanasaki," similar to the one on the Shibetcha-Akkeshi road, established by the Japanese Government. Here, I was again struck by how difficult and labor-intensive it is to clear the trees from the ground. It will take many years before the hardworking farmers see any return for their effort. I don't know what the Japanese Government's aim was in creating these two militia settlements in areas unsuitable for farming, but it's a real shame to see the Tokachi region, which has all the right conditions for successful agriculture, completely deserted, while hundreds of men are wasting their effort and time in other places where it will take years to clear enough land for even a vegetable garden.
Past the long row of houses at Hanasaki the road descends gently, and I arrived at Nemuro, a thriving place of about fifteen hundred houses, on the south-west coast of the plateau-like peninsula ending at Cape Noshafu. The general elevation of the plateau is between sixty and one hundred and twenty feet[Pg 115] above the sea-level, and the high land is covered with undergrowth and stunted trees, such as scrub bamboo, oak, birch, and alder, the east winds and fogs no doubt preventing the latter from attaining a larger growth. Some low islands and reefs lie north and south off Cape Noshafu, and make navigation very unsafe for the small coasting crafts which sometimes during the summer call at Nemuro for sea-weed, herring, salt, salmon, and herring guano; the first exported chiefly to China, the others to Tokio and Southern Japan. Herrings are caught in large numbers during the spring and summer, and the export of fish-manure would be considerably increased if the harbour at Nemuro could be safely entered by larger ships. As it is now, though well sheltered by the small island of Bentenjima, it can only harbour small ships, as, besides not being deep, its entrance is narrow and of difficult access during the thick fogs of the summer. In the winter and part of the spring the harbour and the coast as far as Noshafu Cape are blocked with drift ice, thus stopping navigation altogether. The trade from the adjoining coast and the Kurile Islands concentrates at this port, and as a farming region the small portion of available land north-west of the town has given fairly good results. Horse-breeding has proved a success for the local wants, but hardly so in producing a fine breed of horses. Cattle-breeding, on the other hand, has been a failure all through, owing to the severe weather in winter, which the imported animals could not stand. In spite of strong easterly winds, heavy fogs, ice, and snow, fair crops of daikon, potatoes, turnips, barley, beans, wheat, and hemp are successfully raised here, as the soil is of extremely good quality. As to the town itself, it is prettily laid out, the streets crossing each other at right angles, while some of the houses are built in semi-European style, to meet the severity of the climate. A Shinto temple is erected on the high level; and from this is obtained a fine bird's-eye view of the harbour and town, with the numerous storehouses overlooking the sea.
Past the long row of houses in Hanasaki, the road gently descends, and I arrived at Nemuro, a bustling place with about fifteen hundred homes, on the southwest coast of the plateau-like peninsula that ends at Cape Noshafu. The general elevation of the plateau is between sixty and one hundred and twenty feet[Pg 115] above sea level, and the high land is covered with underbrush and stunted trees like scrub bamboo, oak, birch, and alder, with the east winds and fogs likely preventing the latter from growing larger. Some low islands and reefs lie to the north and south of Cape Noshafu, making navigation quite dangerous for the small coastal boats that occasionally visit Nemuro during the summer to collect seaweed, herring, salt, salmon, and herring guano; the first is mainly exported to China, while the others go to Tokyo and Southern Japan. Herrings are caught in large numbers during spring and summer, and the export of fish manure could significantly increase if larger ships could safely enter the harbor in Nemuro. As it stands now, even though well sheltered by the small island of Bentenjima, the harbor can only accommodate small vessels because it is not deep, and its entrance is narrow and difficult to access during thick summer fogs. In winter and part of spring, the harbor and the coast up to Cape Noshafu are blocked with drift ice, completely halting navigation. The trade from the nearby coast and the Kurile Islands centers at this port, and for farming, the small area of arable land northwest of the town has yielded decent results. Horse breeding has been somewhat successful for local needs but has not produced a strong breed of horses. On the other hand, cattle breeding has consistently failed due to the harsh winter weather that the imported animals could not endure. Despite strong easterly winds, heavy fogs, ice, and snow, fair crops of daikon, potatoes, turnips, barley, beans, wheat, and hemp are successfully grown here, as the soil is of exceptionally good quality. As for the town itself, it is nicely laid out, with streets crossing at right angles, and some houses built in a semi-European style to cope with the harsh climate. A Shinto temple is situated on a high point, providing a great bird's-eye view of the harbor and town, along with the numerous storehouses overlooking the sea.
As I have given a short description of the town—uninteresting save from a commercial point of view—I feel that I owe a few lines to its go-ahead inhabitants. Belonging, nearly all, to a young and adventurous generation, they reminded me of the[Pg 116] same type of Englishmen who have abandoned their fatherland and settled in America and Australia, striving, and often succeeding, in making a fortune. Such men are invariably of a different "make" from that of the young fellows who are satisfied to drudge for life in a bank, a merchant's office, or a shop—vegetating rather than living; following their day's routine in a mechanical sort of way; grumbling continually, but never bold enough to attempt any improvement of their position. As one is born an artist, a musician, or a literary man, one has to be born a colonist to be a successful one.
As I’ve given a brief overview of the town—pretty dull unless you’re looking at it from a business perspective—I feel it’s important to say a few words about its proactive residents. Most of them belong to a young and adventurous generation, and they remind me of those Englishmen who have left their homeland to settle in America and Australia, working hard and often succeeding in making a fortune. These individuals are definitely different from the young guys who are content to grind away their lives in a bank, a merchant’s office, or a store—just going through the motions rather than truly living; following their daily routines robotically; always complaining but never brave enough to try to improve their situation. Just like you’re born an artist, a musician, or a writer, you have to be born to be a colonist to be successful at it.
The young Japanese whom I met at Nemuro impressed me as being thoroughly different from any I had come across in my one year's stay in Southern Japan; and I was agreeably surprised when I found that I was dealing with a lot of young, clever, and serious men, willing to improve their country and themselves, and anxious to accept any practical hint that would enable them to accomplish this in the shortest time possible. In other words, they had lost the slow, phlegmatic way of transacting business of the "stay-at-homes," and had accepted the quick perception of the true colonist, who is always ready to catch all the chances which will help him to get on in life.
The young Japanese I met in Nemuro struck me as completely different from anyone I had encountered during my year in Southern Japan. I was pleasantly surprised to discover that I was interacting with a group of young, intelligent, and dedicated individuals who were eager to improve their country and themselves. They were open to any practical advice that would help them achieve this as quickly as possible. In other words, they had moved away from the slow, laid-back approach to business typical of those who stayed at home and embraced the quick thinking of true colonists, always ready to seize opportunities to advance in life.
I had been struck with this energy, this go-ahead faculty, several times along the south-west and south-east coasts, when conversing with the Japanese with whom I came in contact; but I was never so much impressed as at Nemuro, where, indeed, the men are of a superior class, well-educated, and belonging to good families, while most of the Japanese at fishing stations along the coast are taken from the scum of the towns. They are often escaped or ex-convicts, or else people who found it advisable to abandon the livelier shores of Nippon, leaving no trace of themselves rather than end their days in a prison cell.
I had felt this energy, this drive, several times along the southwest and southeast coasts when talking to the Japanese I encountered; but I was never as impressed as I was in Nemuro, where the men are truly of a higher caliber, well-educated, and come from good families, while most of the Japanese at fishing stations along the coast are from the lower classes of the towns. Many are often escaped or ex-convicts, or people who found it better to leave the busy shores of Japan, disappearing without a trace rather than spend their lives in a prison cell.
Nemuro is a progressive place in every way, and had it been built five miles further west it would have been intersected by the Onnetto River—a short outlet of the Onnetto Lagoon, which would have formed a larger and safer harbour than the present Nemuro anchorage. As it is, prosperity showed itself in the usual way, by the number of eating-houses for all classes, a theatre, numerous guechas—singers and dancers—and[Pg 117] a whole street of houses of light morals, in which, behind a wooden grating similar to a huge cage, dozens of girls are shown in their gaudy red and gold embroidered kimonos, with elaborate obis round their waist, and expensive long tortoise-shell hairpins artistically surrounding their heads like a halo. There in a line the pretty girls sit for several hours on their heels in front of a hibachi—brazier—smoking their diminutive pipes. They are fair game for now the compliments and now the jokes of the crowd promenading up and down the street in the evening. Every now and then, when an admirer approaches the cage, one of the girls gets up, refills her tiny pipe with tobacco, and offers it to him, not forgetting to wipe the mouthpiece with the palm of her hand before so doing. He (the admirer) puffs away, and returns the empty pipe with thanks, shifting on to another cage to have his next smoke. Japanese men cannot live without guechas, and it follows as a matter of course that Nemuro, being a prosperous place, there are many of them.
Nemuro is a progressive place in every way, and if it had been built five miles further west, it would have been crossed by the Onnetto River—a short outlet of the Onnetto Lagoon—which would have created a larger and safer harbor than the current Nemuro anchorage. As it stands, prosperity is evident in the usual manner, by the number of restaurants for all classes, a theater, numerous guechas—singers and dancers—and[Pg 117] an entire street of houses with loose morals, where, behind a wooden grate resembling a huge cage, dozens of girls are displayed in their flashy red and gold embroidered kimonos, with elaborate obis around their waists and expensive long tortoise-shell hairpins artistically arranged around their heads like a halo. There, in a line, the pretty girls sit for several hours on their heels in front of a hibachi—brazier—smoking their tiny pipes. They become targets for now compliments and now jokes from the crowd strolling up and down the street in the evening. Every so often, when an admirer approaches the cage, one of the girls gets up, refills her small pipe with tobacco, and offers it to him, remembering to wipe the mouthpiece with her palm before doing so. He (the admirer) takes a few puffs and returns the empty pipe with thanks, moving on to another cage for his next smoke. Japanese men can’t live without guechas, and it naturally follows that since Nemuro is a prosperous place, there are many of them.
A guecha is a singer or dancer (posturing), or both, and one or more generally attend dinner-parties and festivities of any kind. Some sing with self-accompaniment of shamesen; others display their wonderful powers of mimicking and posturising, in which grace is never lacking. A long kimono, a carefully-arranged obi, and a pretty pair of white tabi—short socks with split toes—make up the graceful and simple attire in which they appear in the house. Their hair, plastered down with camelia oil, is a veritable work of art. It is carefully combed, oiled, and flattened behind the ears. A metal fastener at the lowest point of the curve keeps it in this flat position, and it is then raised again and fastened at the back of the head, first in a most elaborate twist, and then rolled up in graceful curves. A pretty, tasteful kanzashi—a long hairpin—is placed on the left side of the head, thus completing that part of a guecha's toilette.
A guecha is a singer or dancer (posing), or both, and usually attends dinner parties and all kinds of festivities. Some perform with a self-accompaniment on the shamisen; others show off their amazing skills in mimicking and posing, always filled with grace. Their elegant and simple outfit consists of a long kimono, a neatly arranged obi, and a cute pair of white tabi—short socks with split toes. Their hair, slicked down with camellia oil, is a true piece of art. It's carefully combed, oiled, and tucked behind the ears. A metal fastener keeps it flat, then it's lifted and secured at the back of the head in an elaborate twist and rolled into graceful curves. A beautiful, stylish kanzashi—a long hairpin—is placed on the left side of the head, completing the guecha's look.
The sallow complexion characteristic of the race is despised by the womankind of Japan, and all women are given to "painting" themselves. With us such a custom is not uncommon, but it is disregarded by most sensible women. In Japan it is part of the ordinary woman's daily toilette. A thick layer of white chalk is first smeared with a soft brush[Pg 118] over the face, neck, shoulders, arms, and hands; then the pretty mouseme, dipping her first finger in red paint, gently rubs this on her cheeks, her temples, and over the upper eyelids. The middle finger is the "black brush," and adds sentiment to the expression by blackening under the eyes; and sometimes when the eyebrows are not shaved it is also used to accentuate them. A piece of burnt cork is often used as a substitute for black paint. The fourth finger has no occupation, but the little finger is for finishing touches, brightening up the mouth with carmine, and adding a bit of gold on the lower lip. A guecha paints herself to a much greater extent than other women, and with brighter colours. As to her moral qualities, a guecha is usually not immoral enough to be called "fast," yet too fast to be qualified as "moral." Their music and posturing have a great charm for Japanese; and when money is made, a good quantity of it goes to keeping up these feminine musicians and their establishments.
The pale skin typical of the race is looked down upon by the women of Japan, and all women tend to "dress up" themselves. While this practice isn't unusual for us, most sensible women ignore it. In Japan, it's part of a regular woman's daily routine. First, a thick layer of white chalk is applied with a soft brush[Pg 118] over the face, neck, shoulders, arms, and hands; then, the attractive geisha dips her index finger in red paint and gently rubs it onto her cheeks, temples, and upper eyelids. The middle finger acts as the "black brush," adding depth to the expression by applying black under the eyes; it's also sometimes used to enhance the eyebrows if they aren’t shaved. Burnt cork is often used as a substitute for black paint. The fourth finger doesn’t have a specific job, but the little finger is for final touches, brightening the lips with carmine and adding a touch of gold on the lower lip. A geisha applies makeup more extensively and with brighter colors than other women. As for her morals, a geisha usually isn't immoral enough to be called "loose," yet she's too provocative to be seen as "virtuous." Their music and performances are very appealing to the Japanese, and when they earn money, a significant portion goes to supporting these female artists and their establishments.
To show how enterprising and Americanised the Nemuro people are, I shall ask the reader's forgiveness for again relating a personal experience which at the time greatly amused me.
To illustrate how resourceful and Americanized the Nemuro people are, I ask for the reader's understanding as I share a personal experience that amused me greatly at the time.
I was in the midst of my simple Japanese dinner in the Jamaruru tea-house, when four youths entered my room and offered to shake hands with me—a most unusual thing with Japanese. One of them handed me his card, on which I read, "K. Sato, Nemuro Shimbun" (Nemuro newspaper).
I was enjoying my simple Japanese dinner in the Jamaruru tea house when four young guys came into my room and offered to shake my hand—a pretty unusual gesture for Japanese people. One of them gave me his business card, which read, "K. Sato, Nemuro Shimbun" (Nemuro newspaper).
"Oh," I said in Japanese, "you have even a newspaper at Nemuro."
"Oh," I said in Japanese, "you even have a newspaper in Nemuro."
"Yes," answered in English one of his friends, a Mr. Yuasa, handing me his own card.
"Yes," replied one of his friends, Mr. Yuasa, handing me his card.
"You speak English, then, Mr. Yuasa?"
"You speak English, then, Mr. Yuasa?"
"Yes."
Yes.
"Can I offer you and your friends anything to drink or to eat?"
"Can I get you and your friends anything to drink or eat?"
"Yes."
"Yeah."
"What will you have?"
"What do you want?"
"Yes."
Yes.
[Pg 119] "Will you have some sake?"
"Want some sake?"
"No, no; I come to speak to you."
"No, no; I'm here to talk to you."
"Thank you."
"Thanks."
"No, no; I come to take your life in Nemuro newspaper. Please speak where come? How old? Where go?"
"No, no; I'm here to take your life in the Nemuro newspaper. Please tell me where you're from? How old are you? Where are you going?"
When I had sufficiently recovered from the shock of his announcement that he had come to take my life, and understood what he meant by it, I had a most pleasant conversation in English with him, and in Japanese with the others. Mr. Yuasa's English improved as his shyness wore off, showing that he had a very fair knowledge of the language. The interview lasted many hours, continually interrupted by the nara honto and the sajo deska—"really" and "indeed" of my visitors—while notes were taken by the editor and his staff. They finally departed, and early the next morning I received the following letter:—
When I had finally gotten over the shock of his announcement that he had come to take my life, and understood what he meant by it, I had a really nice conversation in English with him, and in Japanese with the others. Mr. Yuasa’s English got better as his shyness faded, showing that he had a pretty good grasp of the language. The interview went on for many hours, constantly interrupted by the nara honto and the sajo deska—“really” and “indeed” from my visitors—while the editor and his team took notes. They eventually left, and early the next morning, I received the following letter:—
"Sir,—I long that you will correspond to me any events wherever you have met them in your journey when you are not so awful busy, as I have to translate and write on the Nemuro News. I meet the first time here, and I hope to have your friendly favor hitherto, and thanks for your kindness I have received ever, believe me, your humble servant, F. Yuasa."
"Sir,—I hope you'll share any experiences you have during your travels when you have the time, as I need to translate and write for the Nemuro News. This is our first meeting, and I look forward to your ongoing support. Thank you for the kindness you’ve always shown me; sincerely, your humble servant, F. Yuasa."
The same afternoon the editor and his staff called again, accompanied by the two Mr. Nakamuras, the richest merchants in Nemuro, and they insisted on giving me a European dinner. After my experience at Otsu as regards European cooking by Japanese, I was rather loth to accept their kind invitation, but I had to yield. The feast began with biscuits and jam,[31] and the soup was brought immediately after; then vegetables were followed by roast chicken, and the latter by salad and fried fish. With the exception of the somewhat inverted order of the courses, this time it was actually a European dinner, and even well-cooked; but my hosts were seen at a great disadvantage when using a knife and fork. As for the anatomy of the chicken, that was decidedly their weakest point. Those of the party who were shy gave up the carving as a bad job; the bolder only fought bravely; and every now and then a knife[Pg 120] gave a terrible squeak on the plate, and half a leg, a wing, or a carcase was fired right across the table into one's plate, if not in one's face, or on one's lap.
The same afternoon, the editor and his team came by again, along with the two Mr. Nakamuras, the richest merchants in Nemuro. They insisted on treating me to a European dinner. Given my previous experience with European cooking by Japanese at Otsu, I was a bit hesitant to accept their generous invitation, but I had to agree. The meal started with biscuits and jam,[31], and the soup was served right after that; then came the vegetables, followed by roast chicken, and finally, salad and fried fish. Aside from the somewhat unusual order of the courses, it was actually a proper European dinner, and it was well-cooked too. However, my hosts struggled significantly with using a knife and fork. When it came to carving the chicken, that was definitely their weak spot. Those who were shy decided not to attempt it at all; the more courageous made a brave effort, but every now and then, a knife[Pg 120] would squeak loudly against the plate, and half a leg, a wing, or even a carcass would fly across the table into someone’s plate, if not directly into their face or onto their lap.
"Honto taihen muskashi"—"Really it is very difficult"—said the wit of the party, helplessly putting down his knife and fork after trying to separate the two parts of a wing. "This bird's bones have lost all their joints in the cooking."
"Honto taihen muskashi"—"It's really very difficult"—said the funny guy at the table, helplessly setting down his knife and fork after struggling to separate the two sections of a wing. "This bird's bones have completely lost all their joints in the cooking."
My hosts were extremely kind, and were, besides, so clever and bright that I enjoyed their good company immensely. At the same time I gained from them valuable information as regards the neighbouring country and the Kurile Islands.
My hosts were incredibly kind, and they were also so smart and engaging that I really enjoyed their company. At the same time, I learned a lot from them about the neighboring country and the Kurile Islands.


CHAPTER XII.
The Kuril Islands.
From Nemuro I put to sea in a miserable little Japanese craft—a kind of tug-boat—which once or twice a year goes to the principal islands of the Kurile group, and brings back their products to Nemuro. It is needless to say that I was the only passenger on board, though it is fair to add that the saloon was large enough to "accommodate" two, but not more. As for the only cabin, it had two berths, one over the other, but no available space for dressing or undressing, which therefore had to be got through outside, unless it was to be done by instalments, lying down in the berth itself. I shall spare my readers a minute description of this "ocean clipper," her tonnage, and horse-power, and I shall not attempt to narrate the many disadvantages of travelling in a ship engaged in the fish-manure, dried-fish, and sea-weed trade. These three very strongly scented articles speak for themselves without the need of words.
From Nemuro, I set sail on a cramped little Japanese boat—a sort of tugboat—that makes a trip to the main islands of the Kurile group once or twice a year and brings back their goods to Nemuro. It goes without saying that I was the only passenger on board, although I should mention that the lounge could “fit” two people, but no more. The single cabin had two berths stacked on top of each other, but there was no room to get dressed or undressed, which meant that had to be done outside unless you wanted to do it in stages while lying down in the berth. I'll spare my readers a detailed description of this "ocean clipper," her tonnage, and horsepower, and I won’t try to list the many drawbacks of traveling on a ship involved in the fish fertilizer, dried fish, and seaweed trade. These three extremely potent-smelling items speak for themselves without needing any explanation.
[Pg 122] The Kuriles are the islands which stretch like a row of beads from the most north-easterly coast of Yezo to the most southerly point of Kamschatka. They extend from 145° to 158° longitude east of Greenwich, and between 42° and 51° latitude north.
[Pg 122] The Kuriles are a chain of islands that stretch like a string of beads from the northeastern coast of Hokkaido to the southern tip of Kamchatka. They expand from 145° to 158° east longitude of Greenwich, and between 42° and 51° north latitude.
The archipelago forms part of the Japanese Empire, having been exchanged by Russia not many years ago for the southern half of Saghalien Island, then belonging to Japan. This group of islands is characterised mainly by the great extent of its volcanic rocks and tertiaries, showing marked evidence that it is only a continuation of the volcanic mountain-range forming the backbone of Yezo, and extending from Yubaridake, in the upper Ishikari province, to Cape Shiretoko; which volcanic region embraces a large portion of the Tokachi, Kitami, and Nemuro provinces. In this chain of islands there are many beautiful volcanic cones, especially in Kunashiri and Etorofu. Iron, copper, and other metal veins are found in small quantities in tuffs and andesites, but more important here, moreover, are the large sulphur accumulations near and in craters, both extinct and active; as on Mount Rahush, in Kunashiri, and the Ichibishinai, in Etorofu, the largest island of the Kuriles. At Pontoo, in Kunashiri, sulphur bubbles out from the bottom of a volcanic lake, which is probably an extinct crater.
The archipelago is part of the Japanese Empire, having been traded by Russia not too long ago for the southern half of Saghalien Island, which was then under Japanese control. This group of islands is mainly characterized by its extensive volcanic rocks and tertiary formations, clearly showing that it is just a continuation of the volcanic mountain range that makes up the backbone of Yezo, stretching from Yubaridake in the upper Ishikari province to Cape Shiretoko. This volcanic area includes a large part of the Tokachi, Kitami, and Nemuro provinces. In this chain of islands, there are many stunning volcanic cones, especially in Kunashiri and Etorofu. Small quantities of iron, copper, and other metal deposits can be found in tuffs and andesites, but what’s more significant here are the large sulfur deposits found near and within craters, both dormant and active; like on Mount Rahush in Kunashiri and Ichibishinai in Etorofu, the largest island in the Kuriles. At Pontoo in Kunashiri, sulfur bubbles up from the bottom of a volcanic lake, which is likely an extinct crater.
Beside being rich in minerals, the larger islands of the Kuriles abound in game; but fishing is the main industry practised by the sparse population of these rugged regions. The origin of the word "Kuriles" is not certain, but in all probability it is from the Russian kuril, smoke, as there are many active volcanoes in the islands. The more poetical Japanese call them Chishima, or the "Thousand Islands," meaning that they are numberless, and the nonchalant Ainu of Yezo profess entire ignorance as to their existence, and only some of the better informed give them the name of Krafto, by which they really mean Sakhalin. The hairy people are emphatically poor geographers, and have but little faculty for locating islands or any other places. In fact, how could they, having no maps, and no idea even of what a map is? The Chishima group and the island of Yezo, with all the smaller islands along and near its coast, when taken[Pg 123] collectively, are called by the Japanese "The Hokkaido." The nearest of the Kuriles to Yezo is Kunashiri, and south of it lies the smaller island of Shikotan; then comes Etorofu, the largest of the group; then Urup; after this a number of unhabited islets, reefs, and rocks form a barrier separating the Otkoshk Sea from the Pacific Ocean. Shimushir, at the south-western end of this barrier, and Onekotan, at the north-eastern, are the two largest, Shimushir being about thirty miles in length and four or five wide, and Onekotan about twenty-five miles long and eight wide. Paromushir (a corruption of the Ainu words poro, large, and mushiri, island) is the last island of the group. It has a large reef on its south-east coast, and is divided by a channel six or seven miles wide from Cape Lopatka, the most southern point of the Kamschatkan peninsula. Paromushir is about twice the size of Urup, and is very mountainous, with rugged cliffs of volcanic formation, and high picturesque peaks, bearing the same characteristics as the scenery in Etorofu and Kunashiri, and also of Kamschatka. I have mentioned this last island, as it is of some interest, being the most northern point of the Japanese empire; and also to a certain extent it is interesting from a geological point of view, but, as far as I know, it is not inhabited now, and the few Kurilsky Ainu who formerly lived there migrated further south from one island to another, till Shimushir[32] and Urup[33] afforded them a more hospitable home. However, they were not to live there for long, for the Japanese Government, asserting that subjects of the empire who chose to live so far could not be properly looked after, sent the small ship on which I was now travelling on a mission with orders to bring them all down to the formerly deserted island of Shikotan. The orders had to be obeyed; and reluctantly setting fire to the huts which they were about to abandon and never to see again, ninety souls, all that remained of that nomad tribe of Ainu, were embarked and carried into exile at Shikotan. The quiet life on the Shikotan rocks little suits the roaming disposition of the Kurilsky Ainu; and though even formerly they were rapidly dying out, the rate of mortality has increased since their exile. Having thus verified the fact[Pg 124] that of the "Thousand Islands" of the Chishima group only three are inhabited, I shall avoid giving a monotonous description of each bare-looking islet and rock, and I shall land my readers at Shikotan, on a visit to the Kurilsky Ainu, who are important to us in connection with the Ainu of Yezo.
Besides being rich in minerals, the larger islands of the Kuriles are full of wildlife; however, fishing is the main industry practiced by the small population of these rugged areas. The origin of the word "Kuriles" isn't certain, but it's probably derived from the Russian kuril, meaning smoke, due to the many active volcanoes on the islands. The more poetic Japanese call them Chishima, or the "Thousand Islands," implying that they are numerous. The indifferent Ainu of Yezo claim they are entirely unaware of their existence, and only some of the better-informed ones refer to them as Krafto, which actually means Sakhalin. The Ainu people have a poor sense of geography and struggle to locate islands or other places. In fact, how could they, considering they have no maps and no understanding of what a map is? The Chishima group and the island of Yezo, along with all the smaller islands near its coast, are collectively called "The Hokkaido" by the Japanese. The closest island of the Kuriles to Yezo is Kunashiri, with the smaller island of Shikotan lying to the south; next is Etorofu, the largest of the group; then Urup; beyond this are several uninhabited islets, reefs, and rocks forming a barrier between the Otkoshk Sea and the Pacific Ocean. Shimushir, at the southwestern end of this barrier, and Onekotan, at the northeastern end, are the two largest islands, with Shimushir about thirty miles long and four or five miles wide, and Onekotan about twenty-five miles long and eight miles wide. Paromushir (a variation of the Ainu words poro, meaning large, and mushiri, meaning island) is the last island in the group. It features a large reef on its southeast coast and is separated by a channel six or seven miles wide from Cape Lopatka, the southernmost point of the Kamchatka peninsula. Paromushir is approximately twice the size of Urup, and is very mountainous, with rugged cliffs formed by volcanic activity and high, picturesque peaks, sharing the same characteristics as the landscapes in Etorofu, Kunashiri, and Kamchatka. I mention this last island because it is of interest, as the northernmost point of the Japanese empire; it is also geologically significant, but, as far as I know, it is now uninhabited. The few Kurilsky Ainu who once lived there migrated southward from one island to another until they found a more hospitable home on Shimushir and Urup. However, their stay there was short-lived, as the Japanese Government claimed that subjects of the empire living so far away couldn't be properly cared for, and sent the small ship I was traveling on with orders to take them all to the previously deserted island of Shikotan. The orders had to be followed; and reluctantly, they set fire to the huts they were about to leave behind forever, as ninety individuals, the last of that nomadic Ainu tribe, were embarked and taken into exile on Shikotan. The quiet life on the Shikotan rocks doesn't suit the wandering nature of the Kurilsky Ainu, and even though they were already declining, their mortality rate has increased since their exile. Having established that only three of the "Thousand Islands" in the Chishima group are inhabited, I will refrain from giving a tedious account of each barren islet and rock, and instead, I will take my readers to Shikotan to visit the Kurilsky Ainu, who are relevant to us in connection with the Ainu of Yezo.
It was early in the morning when I looked out of the porthole, and by a fine moonlight saw that we were close to the coast. Huge cliffs and peaks, ending in a sharp point, some converging towards one another, some standing upright against the whitish cold sky, were reflected in the smooth water under the lee of the island. The moon, surrounded by a yellowish halo, shone bright over the rugged scene, giving delicate bluish tints to all the shadows; while the water, disturbed and cut by the prow of our craft, rose in gentle waves, pursuing one another, as if running for a place of refuge in the mysterious dark shadows of the cliffs. So weird, so enchanted and wild was the scene, that I jumped out of my stuffy bunk and went on deck. There I stood, notwithstanding the cold, gazing at the gigantic overhanging black rocks, at the precipices, crevices, and natural openings through which now and then the radiant moon peeped, covering the dark green water with a long undulating streak of silver dashes. There I stood, listening to the voices of the waves, which rippled on the shingle, contemplating this strange and poetic work of nature. I am certain that if sirens there ever were in this world, their home must have been among the whimsical and bizarre rocks of Shikotan Island. The old "tub" on which I was "ploughing the waves" moved slowly through this heavenly spectacle of ever-increasing beauty. When the sun rose, enchantment was added to enchantment. The cold bluish colour of the rocks became gradually warmer; and, as the light grew stronger, the tops of the cliffs turned into a mass of brilliant colours. Nature was waking slowly from her torpid sleep, and, in the freshness of the morning, a light breeze, caressing the shore, brought with it the smell of land.
It was early morning when I looked out of the porthole and, by the beautiful moonlight, saw that we were near the coast. Huge cliffs and peaks, with sharp points, some converging towards one another and some standing tall against the pale, cold sky, were reflected in the calm water sheltered by the island. The moon, surrounded by a yellowish halo, shone brightly over the rugged scene, casting delicate bluish tints on all the shadows; while the water, disturbed by the bow of our boat, rose in gentle waves, chasing each other as if seeking refuge in the mysterious dark shadows of the cliffs. The scene was so strange, so enchanting and wild, that I jumped out of my cramped bunk and went on deck. There I stood, despite the cold, gazing at the massive overhanging black rocks, at the cliffs, crevices, and natural openings through which the radiant moon occasionally peeked, covering the dark green water with a long, undulating streak of silver. I stood there, listening to the sound of the waves lapping against the shore, taking in this strange and poetic work of nature. I’m certain that if sirens ever existed in this world, their home must have been among the whimsical and bizarre rocks of Shikotan Island. The old "tub" I was "ploughing the waves" on moved slowly through this heavenly spectacle of ever-increasing beauty. When the sun rose, enchantment was added to enchantment. The cold bluish hue of the rocks gradually warmed; and as the light grew stronger, the tops of the cliffs transformed into a mass of brilliant colors. Nature was slowly waking from her deep sleep, and, in the freshness of the morning, a light breeze caressing the shore brought with it the scent of land.
The captain, a Japanese, informed me that we should soon enter the harbour of Shikotan, and, pointing to some huge pillars, said that was the entrance. We drew nearer and nearer to it, and the nearer we drew the more I became[Pg 125] convinced that the captain was under an hallucination. I could only see rock after rock, huge pillar after huge pillar; but no entrance whatever.
The captain, who was Japanese, told me that we would soon reach the harbor of Shikotan. He pointed to some massive pillars and said that was the entrance. As we moved closer, I became more and more convinced that the captain was hallucinating. All I could see were rocks and huge pillars, but there was no entrance at all.
"We are just going in," said the captain, laughing at my astonishment, and he gave orders to the quartermaster at the wheel to steer straight for one of the pillars. We were but a few yards from it when our craft was made to swing rapidly on her starboard side, and we turned round a gigantic shoulder of rock, to find ourselves in a narrow channel. One minute later we were in a pretty circular harbour, surrounded by high peaks—in fact, a kind of "fiord." The access to this harbour is certainly difficult to find, but when you are fairly in, it is seen to afford a well-sheltered anchorage. It has more the appearance of a small mountain lake than that of a sea-harbour; and undoubtedly it is a submerged crater. It is perfectly circular, and very deep, but not of large capacity. Directly opposite the entrance, on the shore, is a small narrow valley, on which is situated the village of the Kurilsky Ainu. Four men rowed me ashore, and I went to the village.
"We're just going in," said the captain, laughing at my surprise, and he instructed the quartermaster at the wheel to steer straight for one of the pillars. We were only a few yards away when our boat suddenly swung to the right, turning around a massive rock shoulder, and we found ourselves in a narrow channel. A minute later, we arrived in a beautiful circular harbor, surrounded by tall peaks—in fact, it looked like a kind of "fjord." The entrance to this harbor is definitely hard to spot, but once you're inside, it offers a well-protected anchorage. It resembles a small mountain lake more than a sea harbor, and it's clearly a submerged crater. It’s perfectly round and quite deep, but not very spacious. Directly across from the entrance, on the shore, is a small narrow valley where the village of the Kurilsky Ainu is located. Four men rowed me to shore, and I headed to the village.
When the Japanese imported these Kurilsky Ainu to Shikotan, they allowed them to build their huts in their own way; but this done, a railing with a gate was erected, closing the entrance of the valley which overlooks the harbour, thus preventing the poor wretches from abandoning the island to resume their migratory habits, and return to their more northern homes. Inside this gate two rows of huts, exactly similar to those of the Yezo Ainu, have been constructed by the exiles. There are sixteen huts altogether, and not a single one of them is built over a pit. In Chapter IX, I have fully explained the characteristics and mode of living, which leaves no doubt as to these people being proper Ainu, and not pit-dwellers, as some have asserted; though of course their type is slightly modified by external conditions—a common occurrence in all races. Take a Londoner, a provincial, and a seaman, and though they be all three Englishmen, one will have a washed-out look, the other will be healthy and strong, but not so sturdy, wiry, and weather-beaten as the sailor. The same natural process is at work with this tribe of Ainu. They conform their life according to circumstances and places; and though they possess the same general characteristics as the[Pg 126] rest of the Ainu, in some small details they cannot but differ from them.
When the Japanese brought these Kurilsky Ainu to Shikotan, they let them build their huts the way they wanted; but once that was done, a railing with a gate was put up, blocking the entrance to the valley overlooking the harbor, which kept the unfortunate people from leaving the island to resume their migratory way of life and return to their northern homes. Inside this gate, the exiles built two rows of huts, exactly like those of the Yezo Ainu. There are a total of sixteen huts, and not one of them is built over a pit. In Chapter IX, I have thoroughly explained the characteristics and lifestyle, leaving no doubt that these people are indeed true Ainu and not pit-dwellers, as some have claimed; though their type is slightly altered by their surroundings—a common occurrence in all races. Take a Londoner, a country person, and a sailor, and even though they are all Englishmen, one will look washed out, another will be healthy and strong but not as sturdy, wiry, and weather-beaten as the sailor. The same natural process is at work with this group of Ainu. They adjust their way of life according to their circumstances and environment; and while they share the same general traits as the rest of the Ainu, there are some minor differences.
Shikotan was a deserted island previous to these poor wretches being transplanted there by the Japanese Government. It does not abound in game, like Shimushir, Urup, or Poromushir, whence they were taken.
Shikotan was a deserted island before these unfortunate people were relocated there by the Japanese Government. It doesn't have much wildlife, unlike Shimushir, Urup, or Poromushir, from where they were taken.

The story of this tribe of Ainu is a sad one. Hunting, sealing, and fishing were their only aims in life, their only pastimes, the only things they lived for. At Shikotan they have none of these things. There is no big game; the only animal found being a beautiful species of white long-tailed fox. There are no large rivers at Shikotan; there is hardly any vegetation, and the whole island is nothing but a mass of barren rocks.
The story of this tribe of Ainu is a tragic one. Hunting, sealing, and fishing were their only goals in life, their only pastimes, the only things they lived for. At Shikotan, they have none of these things. There’s no big game; the only animal found is a beautiful species of white long-tailed fox. There are no large rivers at Shikotan; there’s hardly any vegetation, and the whole island is just a mass of barren rocks.
The food of the Kurilsky Ainu consisted chiefly of meat of bear and seals, berries, and eggs of sea-birds. They were a migratory people, and in their small cranky canoes they often crossed from one island to another, carrying with them all their property, consisting of skin garments and fishing and hunting implements, these latter the same as those employed by other Ainu. The dress of the men is shaped like a short tunic, made of sea-birds' skins, with the feathers inside. Some of the smart ones are trimmed with seal, and they are worn fastened round the waist with a girdle of sealskin or a belt of sea-lion hide, often ornamented with molten lead buttons or Chinese cash. The women's garment is much longer, and reaches nearly to the feet; it falls loosely, and has long sleeves covering the hands; it is fastened with a girdle in bad weather, and the gown is then pulled up to the knee, showing the long yellow boots. When carrying water or working this is also done, as it gives greater freedom to the limbs, making walking and all movement much easier. A red,[Pg 127] yellow, or brightly-coloured handkerchief, of Russian manufacture, is tied round the neck and another round the back of the head, and this makes the women look like Italian peasants. As the gown is worn usually loose it has the identical shape of a dressing-gown; it is ornamented with yellow feathers of puffins round the neck and the edge. Both men and women wear either moccasins, or long boots made of sealskin, with the fur inside, or else they wear salmon-skin boots, like the Ainu of Yezo. No woman that I saw at Shikotan had a moustache tattooed round her lips, or any tattoo marks on her arms. Very few of them wore earrings, though all had the ears bored for that purpose, and had worn them. The earrings which they possessed were mostly strings of coral beads and metal ornaments of Russian manufacture, which, like the brightly-coloured handkerchiefs, they had received in bartering with the crew of a sealing schooner. Since they have been at Shikotan the men have been presented with old caps and overcoats, similar to those of the Japanese police. Previous to this, however, when the Kuriles were under the rigid Russian régime, the Kurilsky Ainu men were compelled to trim their hair and beard, which was the first step taken by the priests of the Coptic Church in Christianising these nomadic barbarians. When this hair-dressing order was complied with, as the first link of the chain, the Coptic creed was enforced on them, and the barbarous Kurilsky Ainu became well-trimmed orthodox Christians.
The Kurilsky Ainu mainly ate bear and seal meat, berries, and seabird eggs. They were a nomadic group, often traveling between islands in their small, cranky canoes, moving all their belongings, which included skin clothing and fishing and hunting tools—the same as those used by other Ainu. The men's clothing resembled a short tunic made of seabird skins, with the feathers on the inside. Some were trimmed with seal fur and wore them cinched at the waist with a sealskin belt or a sea-lion hide belt, often decorated with lead buttons or Chinese coins. The women's outfit was much longer, nearly reaching their feet; it was loose-fitting with long sleeves covering their hands. They secured it with a belt in bad weather, pulling it up to the knee to show their long yellow boots. They did this while carrying water or working for better freedom of movement and easier walking. A red, yellow, or brightly-colored handkerchief, made in Russia, was tied around their neck and another around the back of their head, making the women resemble Italian peasants. Since the gown was usually worn loose, it looked similar to a dressing gown and was adorned with yellow puffin feathers around the neck and edges. Both men and women wore either moccasins or long sealskin boots with the fur inside, or salmon-skin boots like the Ainu from Yezo. None of the women I saw in Shikotan had a mustache tattooed around their lips or any tattoo marks on their arms. Very few wore earrings, although all had pierced ears for them. The earrings they had were mostly coral bead strings and metal ornaments made in Russia, which, along with the brightly-colored handkerchiefs, they received in trade with the crew of a sealing schooner. Since being in Shikotan, the men have been given old caps and coats similar to those of the Japanese police. Before that, when the Kuriles were under strict Russian control, the Kurilsky Ainu men were forced to cut their hair and beards, marking the first step taken by the Coptic Church priests in Christianizing these nomadic people. When the hair-trimming order was followed, it became the first link in a chain; the Coptic faith was then imposed on them, and the wild Kurilsky Ainu became well-groomed orthodox Christians.
At Shikotan, as it is, fishing on a small scale is their main occupation, praying the next, and Jacko, the chief of the village, is the high priest. Jacko's predecessor, in fulfilling the duties of this high post, was a man who had dropped his Ainu name, and had been baptized as Alexandrovitch. His house is now occupied by Jacko. It is the first on the right-hand side when the village is entered from the harbour side, and it is larger than any of the others; it is built of wood instead of rushes and reeds. The interior is divided into two rooms, and in the second are three stands, the middle one of which has a cross on it. On each of these stands is a Russian Bible, with images hanging on the page-marks. Several rough stools and a couple of benches are placed in rows in front of these stands, and on the walls hang two[Pg 128] or three Russian religious images. Taken altogether, and compared with other Ainu huts, Jacko's chapel had quite a stately appearance.
At Shikotan, small-scale fishing is their main job, and prayer is part of their routine. Jacko, the village chief, acts as the high priest. His predecessor had given up his Ainu name and was baptized as Alexandrovitch. Jacko now lives in that house, which is the first on the right when you enter the village from the harbor side. It's bigger than the other houses and made of wood instead of rushes and reeds. The inside has two rooms, and the second room features three stands, with the middle one having a cross on it. Each stand has a Russian Bible, with images hanging on the bookmarks. A few rough stools and a couple of benches are arranged in front of these stands, and on the walls hang two or three Russian religious images. Overall, compared to other Ainu huts, Jacko's chapel looks quite impressive.
Just as the Ainu of Yezo have partly acquired the Japanese language, the Kurilsky Ainu have learned to talk Russian, besides speaking an Ainu dialect.
Just like the Ainu people of Yezo have picked up some Japanese, the Kurilsky Ainu have learned to speak Russian, in addition to their Ainu dialect.
On Sundays, or on any day which Jacko thinks is a Sunday, the chief reads the mass before a congregation of the other fifty-nine hairy Christians of the Russian Orthodox Church; he does not spare them a sermon, which sometimes lasts half the day, and his audience are most attentive and well behaved. None of them would think of leaving church before service is over; but one detail in which these hairy Christians are not yet fully Christianised is, that no collection plate is ever sent round! The Kurilsky Ainu have undoubtedly accepted the form of their adopted religion, but I rather doubt whether they have fallen in with the principle. Their former barbarian ideas and superstitions are still well rooted in their brain, and each individual was a curious and enviable combination of a perfect heathen and a thorough Christian, according to what suited him or her better at the time being. In other words, they believed in two diametrically opposed principles, one of which fitted in with every phase of their life when the other was deficient.
On Sundays, or on any day Jacko thinks is a Sunday, the chief leads the mass in front of a congregation of the other fifty-nine hairy Christians of the Russian Orthodox Church; he doesn't hold back on a sermon that sometimes drags on for half the day, and his audience is very attentive and well-behaved. None of them would think of leaving church before the service is over; however, one thing that shows these hairy Christians aren't fully Christianized yet is that no collection plate is ever passed around! The Kurilsky Ainu have definitely embraced the style of their adopted religion, but I really question whether they've accepted its core principles. Their old beliefs and superstitions are still deeply embedded in their minds, and each person is a fascinating mix of a complete heathen and a devoted Christian, depending on what suits them best at the moment. In other words, they believed in two completely opposing principles, one of which applied to every aspect of their lives when the other was lacking.
As many as ninety people, all told, were landed at Shikotan, but thirty had already succumbed when I visited the island. A graveyard on a hill on the west side of the village was indeed a sad reminder of this fact. It will not be long before all the others will pass away, for consumption and rheumatism have a great hold on most of the wretches. In ten years from now, I dare say, not one of the Kurilsky tribe of Ainu will be left on this earth. It is pitiful that the last remains of these independent people will end their days secluded and in exile on the barren rocks of Shikotan.
As many as ninety people in total were landed at Shikotan, but thirty had already passed away when I visited the island. A graveyard on a hill on the west side of the village served as a sad reminder of this fact. It won't be long before all the others will die, as tuberculosis and rheumatism have a strong grip on most of the unfortunate individuals. In ten years, I would bet that not one member of the Kurilsky tribe of Ainu will still be alive. It’s tragic that the last remnants of these independent people will spend their final days isolated and in exile on the desolate rocks of Shikotan.
As it is, they seem to take life easily, and, with a characteristic proper to all nomadic peoples, they make the best of what they can get. They are not shy, and they have dropped the formalities and grand salutations of other Ainu. They are, however, as dirty, especially in their homes. The women dress their hair in small tresses.
As it is, they appear to take life casually, and, like all nomadic people, they make the most of what they have. They are not shy, and they’ve let go of the formalities and elaborate greetings of other Ainu. They are, however, just as unclean, especially in their homes. The women style their hair in small braids.
[Pg 129] The children wear long gowns similar to those of the women, and one or two of the children I saw had very fair hair. As will be seen by the illustrations, some of the men and women possess good features, more resembling those of European races than those of Mongolian type. They are gentle and quiet, like all other Ainu. They are submissive, and resigned to their sad fate.
[Pg 129] The children wear long dresses like the women, and I noticed that one or two of the kids had very light hair. As shown in the illustrations, some of the men and women have attractive features that resemble those of European races more than the Mongolian type. They are gentle and calm, just like all other Ainu. They are submissive and accept their unfortunate situation.
The island of Skikotan is almost circular in shape, and it has one or two small anchorages on its north coast. I judged its diameter to be about twelve or thirteen miles. Etorofu and Kunashiri, though much larger in size, are of less interest to us in connection with the Ainu, as most of that race found there migrate from Yezo during the fishing season; therefore, nothing is to be added about them.
The island of Skikotan is nearly round and has a couple of small anchorages on its north coast. I estimated its diameter to be about twelve or thirteen miles. Etorofu and Kunashiri, while significantly larger, are of less interest to us regarding the Ainu, as most of the Ainu people found there migrate from Yezo during fishing season; therefore, there's nothing more to say about them.
Etorofu is a long, narrow, but irregular island, over one hundred miles in length, and varying in breadth from five or six to twenty miles. It is very mountainous, and has some bold, rugged scenery, owing to its volcanic formation. Etorofu is by far the largest island of the Kurile group, and it possesses many safe anchorages, especially on its north-west coast, where several mountainous capes branch off the narrow strip of land, and afford small ships a fairly safe harbourage from west and south-westerly winds. Unfortunately, however, they are open to northerly and north-east gales, during the prevalence of which, should a ship happen to be cruising about in those latitudes, she would have to run for a shelter to the south-east coast. The south-east coast is not peopled, with the exception of a very few huts near Moyorotake, or "Bear Bay," at its most south-eastern point. A better shelter, however, is to be found in the bay, nearly in the middle of the island, on the shores of which are a few huts at Onembets and Imotsuto. Most of the coast is deserted, and the south-east portion is very rocky, huge cliffs, with high richly-coloured mountains in the background, ending like an impassable wall into the sea. Where the island is narrower there are some low terraces with scrub bamboo and stunted trees. Larch is found in Etorofu, while it is seldom found in Yezo. Heather-like plants are also indigenous in Etorofu, and cranberry bushes are frequent near the coast. From Betoya or Bettobu Bay down to its most south-western point Etorofu is[Pg 130] all mountainous, with the exception of a small valley near Rubets. It is along the banks of the Bettobu River, in that small valley and on those terraces, that the numerous pits of the Koro-pok-kuru are found, and also at Rupets, further south on the same coast. This, however, I have already explained in connection with the pit-dwellers. The two small fishing-stations above mentioned are respectively under the lee of the headlands ending in Cape Ikahasonets and Notoro Cape. On the first headland the mountain of Tsiriju rises to a great altitude. The largest fishing-station is at Shana, on the western side of this headland, and further north, besides Bettobu, is the small station of Shibets. South-west of Shana one finds Rubets, Furubets, Oitoi, and Naibo, the latter in the bay of the same name. There are five lakes in Etorofu, two of which are between Shana and Bettobu, one near Rubets, the other close to Naibo; the fifth is a very small one, fifteen or sixteen miles north-east of Bettobu. The country has a rugged look, and in some places, as near Rubets, where the volcanic mountain masses leave space for low terraces the scrub-bamboo is very thick, as in Yezo, and small and stunted trees form the chief vegetation. Larch is more common on the north-west coast than on the south-east. Good timber is rather scarce in Etorofu, but a fair quantity of it is to be found inland, and also at the south-western portion of the island about Naipo.
Etorofu is a long, narrow, and irregular island, over one hundred miles long, with a width that ranges from five or six to twenty miles. It's very mountainous and has some striking, rugged scenery due to its volcanic formation. Etorofu is by far the largest island in the Kurile group, boasting many safe anchorages, particularly along its northwest coast, where several mountainous capes extend from the narrow land, offering small ships relatively safe harbors from west and southwest winds. Unfortunately, they are exposed to northern and northeast gales; during these storms, a ship navigating those waters would need to head for shelter on the southeast coast. The southeast coast is mostly uninhabited, except for a few huts near Moyorotake, or "Bear Bay," at its far southeast point. However, better shelter can be found in a bay roughly in the middle of the island, where there are a few huts at Onembets and Imotsuto. Most of the coastline is deserted, and the southeast part is very rocky, featuring massive cliffs with tall, brightly-colored mountains in the background, which drop steeply into the sea. In the narrower sections of the island, there are some low terraces covered in scrub bamboo and stunted trees. Larch trees grow in Etorofu, which are rarely found in Yezo. Heather-like plants are also native to Etorofu, and cranberry bushes are common near the coast. From Betoya or Bettobu Bay down to its most southwestern tip, Etorofu is mostly mountainous, except for a small valley near Rubets. Numerous pits of the Koro-pok-kuru can be found along the banks of the Bettobu River, in that small valley and on those terraces, as well as at Rupets, further south on the same coast. I've already explained this in relation to the pit-dwellers. The two small fishing stations mentioned earlier are located on the lee side of the headlands at Cape Ikahasonets and Notoro Cape. On the first headland, Tsiriju mountain rises to a great height. The largest fishing station is at Shana, on the western side of this headland, and further north, aside from Bettobu, is the small station of Shibets. Southwest of Shana are Rubets, Furubets, Oitoi, and Naibo, with the latter located in the bay of the same name. There are five lakes in Etorofu; two are located between Shana and Bettobu, one near Rubets, the other close to Naibo; the fifth is a very small lake, fifteen or sixteen miles northeast of Bettobu. The landscape is rugged, and in some areas, like near Rubets, where the volcanic mountains leave room for low terraces, the scrub bamboo is quite thick, similar to Yezo, and small, stunted trees dominate the vegetation. Larch is more common on the northwest coast than on the southeast. Good timber is fairly scarce in Etorofu, but a decent amount can be found inland, particularly in the southwestern part of the island around Naipo.
Accumulations of sulphur are found at Ichibishinai, and there is an active volcano south-east of Bettobu, besides the beautiful volcanic cone of Atzosa, three or four thousand feet above sea-level. All this volcanic mountain mass, with its warmly-tinted peaks, bears the characteristics of the central portion of Yezo; and there seems to be little doubt that all this row of islands, with the frequent submerged craters and volcanic cones, is nothing but the continuation of the volcanic zone in Yezo. The main resource of Etorofu is the fishing. Four different kinds of salmon and salmon-trout are found, one similar to the salmon common in Yezo, the others somewhat differently marked. Salmon is extremely plentiful, and in July and August enormous catches are made, especially at the mouths of the rivers, where the fish are closely packed together.
Accumulations of sulfur can be found at Ichibishinai, and there’s an active volcano southeast of Bettobu, along with the stunning volcanic cone of Atzosa, which rises three or four thousand feet above sea level. This entire volcanic mountain range, with its warm-toned peaks, showcases the features of the central part of Yezo; and it's clear that this chain of islands, with its numerous submerged craters and volcanic cones, is simply an extension of the volcanic zone in Yezo. The primary resource of Etorofu is fishing. Four different types of salmon and salmon-trout are present—one similar to the salmon commonly found in Yezo, while the others have slightly different markings. Salmon are extremely abundant, and during July and August, massive catches occur, especially at the river mouths where the fish school tightly together.
[Pg 131] The Pico Strait, between Etorofu and Kunashiri, is about fourteen miles wide, and a strong current from the Okhotsk Sea passes through it, causing the sea to break in heavy tide-rips and overfalls similar to those observed in the La Perouse Strait, between Yezo and Sakhalin. Similar tide-rips are observed also in the channel between Etorofu and Urup, but, being much wider (about twenty-four miles), they seem there less formidable.
[Pg 131] The Pico Strait, located between Etorofu and Kunashiri, is about fourteen miles wide, and a strong current from the Okhotsk Sea flows through it, creating heavy tide-rips and overfalls similar to those seen in the La Perouse Strait, which is between Yezo and Sakhalin. You can also see similar tide-rips in the channel between Etorofu and Urup, but since that channel is much wider (about twenty-four miles), they seem less intimidating.
Kunashiri is the next largest island in the Kuriles after Etorofu. It is about sixty-five miles long, and very narrow; varying from three to eight miles in width. The north-east portion is somewhat wider, and extremely mountainous. The highest peak of this mountain range is the Tcha-Tcha-Nobori (the old-old-mountain), which is said to be about seven thousand five hundred feet above the level of the sea. From this volcano starts a chain of hills—some pyramidal in form, others somewhat rounder at the top—which forms the backbone of the island. Two more active volcanoes besides the Tcha-Tcha are on the south-west portion of Kunashiri, but they do not rise to a very great altitude. On Horanaho or Rausu volcano sulphur accumulations are found, and at Pontoo (small lake) sulphur bubbles out from the lake bottom, and seems to be worked with profit. The Tcha-Tcha-Nobori is curiously shaped. It is like a large cone cut about half-way up in a section, to which a smaller cone has been attached, leaving a wide ring right round. It is extremely picturesque, and a worthy finish to the strange outline of Kunashiri Island.
Kunashiri is the second largest island in the Kuriles after Etorofu. It's about sixty-five miles long and very narrow, varying from three to eight miles in width. The northeast part is a bit wider and very mountainous. The tallest peak in this mountain range is Tcha-Tcha-Nobori (the old-old-mountain), which is around seven thousand five hundred feet above sea level. This volcano is the starting point for a series of hills—some pyramid-shaped, others a bit rounder on top—which form the spine of the island. There are two more active volcanoes besides the Tcha-Tcha on the southwest part of Kunashiri, but they don't reach very high altitudes. At Horanaho or Rausu volcano, there are sulfur deposits, and at Pontoo (a small lake), sulfur bubbles up from the lake bottom and is harvested for profit. Tcha-Tcha-Nobori has a unique shape. It looks like a large cone that's been sliced halfway up, to which a smaller cone has been added on, leaving a wide ring all around. It's very picturesque and adds a striking finish to the unusual shape of Kunashiri Island.
Vegetation and products are the same as in Etorofu. Salmon is plentiful, and a few fishing-stations are spread out here and there at long intervals on the coast. As in Etorofu, the population of Kunashiri migrates there from Yezo during the fishing season, and leaves the island almost deserted in winter. The strait separating it from Yezo is only ten or twelve miles wide. Bears and foxes are said to be very numerous in all the larger islands of the Kuriles, and seals are captured in large quantities during the winter months, more especially in the islands nearer Kamschatka. Small game, as ducks, snipes, and sandpipers, is abundant. Besides the ruggedness and strange aspect of its numerous volcanic peaks, the bareness and the loneliness of the coast, there is nothing in[Pg 132] the Kurile group to entice the sightseer and the pleasure-seeker to a cruise among the islands. The geologist and zoologist, however, would find in the Kuriles a very rough but very interesting field for their investigations, and a "good shot," who does not mind a self-sacrificing and lonely life, would find some good sport among the bears, especially in Kunashiri and Etorofu.
Vegetation and products are the same as in Etorofu. Salmon is abundant, and there are a few fishing stations spread out along the coast at long intervals. Like in Etorofu, the population of Kunashiri migrates from Yezo during the fishing season and leaves the island almost deserted in winter. The strait separating it from Yezo is only ten or twelve miles wide. Bears and foxes are said to be very numerous on all the larger islands of the Kuriles, and seals are captured in large quantities during the winter months, especially on the islands closer to Kamchatka. Small game, like ducks, snipes, and sandpipers, is plentiful. Aside from the ruggedness and strange appearance of its many volcanic peaks, the barrenness and isolation of the coast, there is nothing in [Pg 132] the Kurile group to attract sightseers and pleasure-seekers for a cruise among the islands. However, geologists and zoologists would find the Kuriles a very rough but fascinating place for their research, and a keen hunter who doesn't mind a solitary and tough life would find good sport among the bears, especially in Kunashiri and Etorofu.


CHAPTER XIII.
On the East and North-East Coast—from Nemuro to Shari-Mombets.
I did not remain long at Nemuro after my return from the Kuriles; in fact, I remained only a few hours, and again my baggage was lashed to the pack-saddle, again I was perched on the top of this instrument of torture, and soon was rapidly moving north towards the inhospitable coast of the Okhotsk Sea.
I didn't stay in Nemuro long after I came back from the Kuriles; in fact, I was only there for a few hours. Soon, my luggage was secured to the pack-saddle again, and I found myself sitting on top of this uncomfortable setup, quickly heading north toward the barren coast of the Okhotsk Sea.
The first few days of the lonely life of a peripatetic Robinson Crusoe are unmistakably disagreeable, but after that initiation there is no doubt that it is a fascinating life. I was more than glad when the gay Nemuro was out of sight, and the noise and rumble of semi-civilisation out of hearing. The editor and seven gentlemen of Nemuro accompanied me for a few miles—then I was left to myself and my own resources. Crossing the Onnetto River, the outlet of a large lagoon of the same name, I passed through Nishibets and then Bitskai, where in former days the Japanese had established a salmon-canning factory, which proved a failure, owing to the incapacity of its directors and workmen. Salmon is very abundant in the Nishibets River, and a well-managed canning factory would be a great success. About ten or eleven miles north of Bitskai a peculiar peninsula stretches out from north-east to south-west, which affords a shelter for small junks from northerly winds. It is called Noshike, and is not more than a few feet[Pg 134] above the sea-level. The soil all along is very marshy, and the numerous little rivulets and rivers are extremely troublesome to cross. My pony was continually sinking into and struggling out of mud-holes, into which it had fallen when wading across these small watercourses, sometimes not more than a few feet wide. I pushed on as far as Shimbets, where there are only a shed and a couple of Ainu huts inhabited by half-castes. I had to put up here for the night, and by the light of a wick burning in a large oyster-shell filled with fish-oil I wrote a few notes in my diary. The fleas in that house were something appalling. The next morning I had some fun with a wild pony, which I received in exchange for the tired animal I had brought.
The first few days of the lonely life of a wandering Robinson Crusoe are definitely unpleasant, but after that initial period, there's no doubt it becomes an interesting life. I was really glad to see the cheerful Nemuro disappear from view and to no longer hear the noise and bustle of semi-civilization. The editor and seven gentlemen from Nemuro walked with me for a few miles—then I was left alone with just my own resources. After crossing the Onnetto River, which flows out of a large lagoon of the same name, I passed through Nishibets and then Bitskai, where the Japanese had previously set up a salmon-canning factory that failed due to the incompetence of its directors and workers. Salmon is plentiful in the Nishibets River, and a well-run canning factory would definitely thrive. About ten or eleven miles north of Bitskai, there's an unusual peninsula that stretches from north-east to south-west, providing shelter for small boats from northern winds. It's called Noshike, and it's only a few feet above sea level. The soil in the area is quite marshy, and the many little streams and rivers are really annoying to cross. My pony kept sinking into and struggling out of mud-holes it fell into while trying to wade across these small watercourses, sometimes just a few feet wide. I continued on to Shimbets, which has just a shed and a couple of Ainu huts occupied by half-castes. I had to stay there for the night, and by the light of a wick burning in a large oyster shell filled with fish oil, I wrote a few notes in my diary. The fleas in that place were absolutely terrible. The next morning, I had some fun with a wild pony that I got in exchange for the tired animal I had brought.
"Nobody can get on him," said the Ainu half-caste, "but if you think you can ride him he will go like the wind."
"Nobody can ride him," said the Ainu half-caste, "but if you think you can, he'll take off like the wind."
It took all hands in the small village to get the pack-saddle and baggage on to his back, and after we had tied him to a post and lashed his fore legs together I mounted. By instalments he was untied, let loose, and then afforded us some real fun. He revolved, bucked, kicked, stood on his hind legs, and did his very best to bite my legs and knock me off the saddle. A small fence was kicked and smashed into a thousand bits, and he even attempted to enter the huts—anything to get rid of his rider; but he did not succeed. His next trick was to plunge into the river close by, and when he reached the middle to shake himself violently. He then came out on the other side, and, turning his head, saw as well as felt that I was still on his back; then he neighed as if in great distress, and bolted. He galloped along the small track, and really did go "like the wind." As a punishment I made him keep up the pace even when he was tired of his contumacy, and in less than no time I reached Shibets, ten miles distant from where I had started.
It took everyone in the small village to get the pack-saddle and bags onto his back, and after tying him to a post and securing his front legs together, I climbed on. One by one, he was untied, set free, and then he gave us some real entertainment. He whirled around, bucked, kicked, stood on his hind legs, and tried his best to bite my legs and throw me off the saddle. He kicked down a small fence, scattering it into a thousand pieces, and even tried to rush into the huts—anything to get rid of his rider; but he didn’t manage to do it. His next move was to jump into the nearby river, and when he got to the middle, he shook himself violently. He then came out on the other side, and, turning his head, realized that I was still on his back; then he neighed as if he was in great distress and took off. He raced down the narrow path, indeed moving "like the wind." As a punishment, I made him keep up the speed even when he was tired of being stubborn, and in no time at all, I reached Shibets, ten miles away from where I started.
Shibets is a village of one hundred Japanese houses and twenty Ainu huts. The Ainu here have almost altogether adopted Japanese clothes, as well as something of the Japanese style of living. The river which goes by the same name is notable for the quantity and good quality of salmon caught in it, and it is the best salmon-fishing river on the north-east coast of Yezo. Herrings are also abundant, but not to the[Pg 135] same extent as on the south-east coast. A peculiarity of the river is that before entering the sea it turns sharply south and runs along a bank of sand and mud, which is growing larger every year, which shows that a current from the Okhotsk Sea must travel down in that direction through the strait between Kunashiri and Yezo. The same peculiarity is noticeable in nearly all the rivers of the north-east coast.
Shibets is a village with one hundred Japanese houses and twenty Ainu huts. The Ainu here have mostly adopted Japanese clothing and some aspects of the Japanese lifestyle. The river of the same name is known for the large quantity and high quality of salmon caught in it, making it the best salmon-fishing river on the northeast coast of Yezo. Herrings are also plentiful, but not as much as on the southeast coast. A unique feature of the river is that before it flows into the sea, it sharply turns south and runs along a bank of sand and mud, which grows larger every year, indicating that a current from the Okhotsk Sea must flow down in that direction through the strait between Kunashiri and Yezo. This same feature can be observed in nearly all the rivers along the northeast coast.
From Shibets to Wembets the track is fairly even, but from Wembets round Cape Shiretoko it is in many places impassable even on foot. The Peninsula, ending in Cape Shiretoko, is a mass of high volcanic mountains towards the interior, while scabrous cliffs and huge rocks fringe the line of coast. However, from Shibets there is a small mountain track inland which brings the traveller across to the north-east coast near Shari. The track was through beautiful forests of pine trees, oak, birch, and elm, and during the first few miles it is on almost level ground. After that, hill after hill is ascended and descended, and one goes ever onwards at a higher altitude, until Rubets, a small shed, is reached. From here the track follows a zig-zag direction till it reaches the summit of the mountain range, and one then begins to descend on the other side. From the summit there is a lovely view of beautiful blue mountains in the distant west, one of which is called Oakan, and the other Moyokan. The mountainous part of the track from Igiani, three miles from Shibets, as far as the north-east coast, reminded me much of the scenery in Switzerland, with its rapid and limpid fresh-water rivers, thickly-wooded country, and green grass, which last was replaced here by an undergrowth of scrub bamboo. When I went across this mountain pass the rain was pouring in torrents, and the road, such as it was, being very slippery and heavy, I only reached the north-east coast at dark. The moon would not rise till late, there were heavy black clouds, and I was more than puzzled how to find my way.
From Shibets to Wembets, the path is pretty flat, but from Wembets around Cape Shiretoko, it’s mostly impassable, even on foot. The Peninsula, which ends at Cape Shiretoko, is filled with tall volcanic mountains inland, while rough cliffs and massive rocks line the coast. However, there’s a small mountain path from Shibets that leads travelers inland to the north-east coast near Shari. The track goes through beautiful forests of pine, oak, birch, and elm, and for the first few miles, it’s mostly level. After that, you go up and down hills continuously at higher altitudes until you reach Rubets, a small shed. From here, the path zigzags up to the summit of the mountain range, and then you start descending on the other side. From the top, there’s a stunning view of blue mountains in the distance, one called Oakan and another Moyokan. The mountainous section of the track from Igiani, three miles from Shibets to the north-east coast, reminded me a lot of Switzerland, with its fast clear rivers, dense woods, and green grass, which here was replaced by scrub bamboo undergrowth. When I crossed this mountain pass, it was raining heavily, and the road, what there was of it, was very slippery and difficult, so I didn’t reach the north-east coast until it was dark. The moon wouldn’t rise until late, there were dense black clouds, and I was really confused about how to find my way.
To add to my bad luck, my pony this time was a sorry beast, with his back a mass of sores. I was simply drenched with the rain that never ceased. Now and then, by the blinding flash of lightning, I could see a long stretch of sand and a line of sand-hills; I could also see the reeds bending low under the squalls, and then everything was darkness again. I was[Pg 136] leading my tired beast, and dragging him along as well as I could. Every few yards the wretched creature collapsed, and it took a lot of petting, caressing, encouraging and beating to make him get up again. I had ridden and walked about fourteen hours in the rain, and was nearly frozen to death.
To make matters worse, my pony this time was a poor, sorry creature, its back covered in sores. I was completely soaked from the relentless rain. Every now and then, a blinding flash of lightning would reveal a long stretch of sand and a line of sand dunes; I could also see the reeds bending low from the gusts, and then everything would plunge back into darkness. I was[Pg 136]leading my exhausted pony, dragging him as best as I could. Every few yards, the miserable animal would collapse, and it took a lot of soothing, petting, encouragement, and even some hitting to get him back on his feet. I had been riding and walking for about fourteen hours in the rain and was nearly frozen to death.
Since I had got out of the forest a bitterly cold north wind chilled me through and through, and added the last touch to my weariness and discomfort. Again the pony fell, and all my efforts to make him get up were useless. The storm, if anything, seemed to increase in violence, while my own strength was decreasing every minute. I lay down by the side of the pony, trying to warm myself by his heat, and, shivering and rattling my teeth together, I tried to go to sleep.
Since I had come out of the forest, a bitterly cold north wind chilled me to the bone, adding to my exhaustion and discomfort. Once again, the pony fell, and all my attempts to get him up were in vain. The storm seemed to get stronger, while my own strength was fading by the minute. I lay down next to the pony, trying to warm myself with his body heat, and, shivering and chattering my teeth, I attempted to fall asleep.
A couple of hours were spent in this way, and when the moon rose I could see a little clearer. I climbed with hands and feet on to the sand-hills, and I fancied I saw some dark spots in the distance. Could they be Shari? First one end of my whip, then the other, was reduced into pulp on my pony's back, and with a great effort he again stood on all four legs. I had to support the wretch all the way, as you would a drunken man, and we went at the rate of less than a mile an hour. The spots grew bigger and bigger, and took the shape of huts.
A couple of hours went by this way, and when the moon rose, I could see a bit clearer. I climbed with my hands and feet onto the sand hills and thought I saw some dark shapes in the distance. Could they be Shari? The ends of my whip, first one and then the other, were beaten to pulp on my pony's back, and with a huge effort, he managed to stand on all fours again. I had to support him the whole way, like you would a drunk person, and we were moving at less than a mile an hour. The shapes grew larger and larger, turning into huts.
"Hem, hem, hem, hem!" I called out at the first hut, while three or four dogs barked furiously and went for my legs. "Will you let a stranger sleep here to-night?"
"Hem, hem, hem, hem!" I called out at the first hut, while three or four dogs barked loudly and lunged at my legs. "Will you let a stranger stay here tonight?"
"This is no house for strangers; go elsewhere!" answered a drowsy hoarse voice from inside.
"This isn't a place for strangers; find somewhere else!" replied a sleepy, raspy voice from inside.
"May you be kept—hot!" said I, in pure Ainu fashion, though in my heart I attached quite a different meaning to the sentence from that which the hairy people give it; and wearily I pulled myself together and passed on.
"May you be kept—hot!" I said, in true Ainu style, though I felt something completely different inside than what the hairy people mean by it; and tiredly, I gathered myself and moved on.
A shadow crept out of one of the huts, and thanks to that shadow I found a shelter for the night. There are fifty Ainu huts at Shari, and ten Japanese, with an Ainu population of about one hundred souls. The Ainu here have adopted Japanese clothes, and many of them eat Japanese food when they can get it. The Ainu women of Shari are exceedingly pretty, as[Pg 137] they do not tattoo the long moustache across their faces, like other Ainu. Some of them have a small semicircular tattoo on the upper lip, which is not very displeasing to the eye; and in some cases is even becoming. The girls have also given up tattooing their arms. The men are much taller than the Ainu men of other regions, and they seem to be rather ill-natured. Japanese blood can be detected in many of them, and that may account for it. While the women are prettier, the men have repulsive faces, possessing all the characteristics of purely criminal types.
A shadow emerged from one of the huts, and because of that shadow, I found a place to stay for the night. There are fifty Ainu huts in Shari, along with ten Japanese ones, and the Ainu population is around one hundred people. The Ainu here have started wearing Japanese clothing, and many of them eat Japanese food whenever they can get it. The Ainu women of Shari are extremely attractive, as[Pg 137] they don’t have the long moustache tattoos on their faces like other Ainu do. Some of them have a small semicircular tattoo on their upper lip, which is not very off-putting; in some cases, it's even quite flattering. The girls have also stopped tattooing their arms. The men are much taller than Ainu men from other areas, and they seem to have rather unpleasant personalities. You can see Japanese ancestry in many of them, which might explain that. While the women are more attractive, the men have unappealing faces, exhibiting all the traits of typical criminal types.
One young fellow who sat for me was the very image of Robespierre in his worst moments, and an old man who sat for me afterwards would, according to Phrenology, prove to be a murderer of the first water. This gentleman was a troublesome sitter, and excelled in making the most awful faces, which were accompanied by sounds imitating those of wild beasts. The Shari Ainu build their storehouses with cylindrical roofs, similar to those of their brethren on the Kutcharo Lake.
One young guy who posed for me looked just like Robespierre at his worst, and an older man who posed for me afterwards would, based on Phrenology, be classified as a top-tier murderer. This man was a difficult sitter and was really good at making the most terrible faces, which were paired with sounds that mimicked wild animals. The Shari Ainu build their storehouses with cylindrical roofs, just like those of their counterparts at Kutcharo Lake.
After the heavy storm of the previous night the weather cleared up for the rest of the day, and the sunset, reflected in the limpid waters of the river, was simply magnificent. On the other side, sheltered by the sand-hills, were a few Ainu huts standing out against the brilliant red and yellow sky, and here and there a large fish jumped out of the water, leaving circle after circle of concentric rings to break for the moment the reflection in the water.
After the intense storm last night, the weather cleared up for the rest of the day, and the sunset, reflected in the clear waters of the river, was truly magnificent. On the other side, sheltered by the sand dunes, were a few Ainu huts standing out against the vibrant red and yellow sky, and occasionally a large fish jumped out of the water, creating circle after circle of ripples that momentarily disrupted the reflection in the water.
From Shari to Abashiri the road is for some distance among trees, mostly fir and spruce, and then the Tobuts Lake is reached, half of which is a mere marsh. It is picturesquely situated, and I followed its borders for about three miles, having the sea on one side, the lake on the other. The track was easy and mostly on sand. At the outlet of the lake into the sea is the Ainu village of Tobuts, access to which is to be had only by boat, as the river is extremely deep, and its current very swift.
From Shari to Abashiri, the road runs for a while among trees, mainly fir and spruce, until you reach Tobuts Lake, half of which is just marshland. It's beautifully located, and I followed its edges for about three miles, with the sea on one side and the lake on the other. The path was easy and mostly sandy. At the lake's outlet into the sea is the Ainu village of Tobuts, which can only be reached by boat since the river is very deep and has a strong current.
In the proximity of Tobuts another and smaller lake, the Opoto, with its short and winding estuary, is on the left of the traveller, while a long way ahead the Abashiri rocks stand high on the horizon. A few Ainu huts are scattered along the[Pg 138] coast, and some of them have peculiarly shaped storehouses. They are small, built entirely of wood, and roofed with shingles. Some have two floors, and in this case, though built on piles, the first floor is only a few inches above the ground. The "mat" was supplanted by a wooden door at the entrance of the storehouse.
In the area near Tobuts, there's a smaller lake called Opoto, with its short and winding estuary on the left side of the traveler, while the Abashiri rocks loom up far ahead on the horizon. A few Ainu huts are scattered along the[Pg 138] coast, and some of them have uniquely shaped storage buildings. They are small, made entirely of wood, and have shingle roofs. Some are two stories high, and even though they're built on stilts, the first floor is only a few inches off the ground. Instead of a mat, a wooden door now marks the entrance to the storehouse.
The Abashiri cliffs are grand, and from a distance have all the appearance of, though they are not in reality, basaltic rocks. They are scarred, riven, and fractured in all directions, as if by excessive heat. The upper portion of the cliffs is of a beautiful grey-whitish colour, blending into yellow and red at their warm brown bases. The small cylindrical islet which I give in the illustration is on the north side of this cliff, and is of the same volcanic formation. It has certain traces of sulphur as a further evidence of its origin. Flocks of sea-gulls, penguins, and cormorants have chosen this island for their abode.
The Abashiri cliffs are impressive, and from a distance, they look like basalt rocks, even though they aren't. They're scarred, cracked, and broken in all directions, almost as if from extreme heat. The upper part of the cliffs has a stunning grayish-white color, fading into yellow and red at their warm brown bases. The small cylindrical islet I show in the illustration is on the north side of this cliff and has the same volcanic origin. It displays some traces of sulfur, which further confirms its origin. Flocks of seagulls, penguins, and cormorants have made this island their home.
Abashiri is the only place on the north-east coast which may eventually be of some importance, as it has a fair anchorage for small craft under the lee of the islet and outstretching cliff. No other place on the north-east coast possesses such an advantage. On the Shiretoko Peninsula sulphur accumulations are found at Itashibeoni; but, unfortunately, the want of a safe harbour, the ruggedness of the coast, and the lack of drinkable water in the vicinity, are all facts which make it improbable that it could be worked with profit for some years to come. The Ainu at Abashiri are repulsive creatures, especially the men, and have more the appearance of wild beasts than human beings. Their faces are almost square, the mouth large, with narrow lips, the ends of which converge towards the ears. The nose is short and stumpy, they have very heavy eyebrows, and the eyes are almost lost under the shadow of their projecting forehead.
Abashiri is the only spot on the northeast coast that might become significant since it has a decent anchorage for small boats sheltered by the islet and the overhanging cliff. No other location on the northeast coast has this advantage. On the Shiretoko Peninsula, there are sulfur deposits at Itashibeoni; however, the lack of a safe harbor, the rough coastline, and the absence of drinkable water nearby make it unlikely that it could be profitably mined for some time. The Ainu people in Abashiri are unappealing, especially the men, who resemble wild animals more than humans. Their faces are almost square, with large mouths and narrow lips that narrow towards their ears. Their noses are short and stubby, they have very thick eyebrows, and their eyes are nearly hidden under the shadow of their protruding foreheads.
Ponies are scarce and bad along this coast, and the further north one goes the more difficult the travelling becomes; the huts are rarer; the human beings more uncouth and solitary. The north-east coast is a region of swamps, lagoons, and quicksand rivers.
Ponies are rare and unreliable along this coast, and the farther north you go, the tougher the travel gets; the huts are less common; the people are more rough around the edges and isolated. The northeast coast is filled with swamps, lagoons, and quicksand rivers.
Not far inland from Abashiri there is a large lagoon, the Abashiri-ko; then, a few miles further north, another as large—the[Pg 139] Notoro-ko. The Abashiri Lake finds an outlet in a river which goes by the same name of, and falls into the pretty Bay of Abashiri; but the Notoro-ko, as well as the larger lagoon of Saruma-ko, which one comes upon after having passed the two villages of Tukoro and Tobuts, open directly into the sea. The strong current and the tide often block the entrance of these lagoons, and the rising water finds an outlet in a different spot. These lagoons are separated from the sea by a long and narrow strip of sand-hill; and crossing the outlet always involves great danger if the unwary traveller does not choose the right moment. The tide creating a great inequality of level between the sea and the lake, it follows that at the opening of the lagoon the water either throws itself from the sea into the lagoon, or vice versâ, according to the ebb or flow, and makes a kind of whirlpool. The Saruma Lake being much larger than any of the others, while its mouth is much smaller, and underlaid with quicksands, the danger is even greater, and the safest way is always to get across in a boat at slack water. The Saruma Lake is about fifteen miles in length and from two to three miles wide. Its water is salt, and large oyster-banks are found in it. It is also a favourite resort for seal and mallard. In winter they can be killed in great numbers, but in the warmer months they are shy, and very difficult to approach. The south-western shore of the lake is thickly wooded, and has as a background a long range of high mountains with smaller mountains in front of it.
Not far inland from Abashiri, there’s a large lagoon called Abashiri-ko. A few miles further north, there’s another equally large lagoon, Notoro-ko. Abashiri Lake drains into a river of the same name, which flows into the beautiful Bay of Abashiri. However, Notoro-ko, along with the larger lagoon Saruma-ko, which you reach after passing the two villages of Tukoro and Tobuts, opens directly to the sea. The strong current and tides often block the entrances of these lagoons, and as the water level rises, it finds a way out somewhere else. These lagoons are separated from the sea by a long, narrow strip of sandy hills, and crossing the outlet can be very dangerous if an unwary traveler picks the wrong moment. The tide creates a significant difference in water levels between the sea and the lake, so at the lagoon’s opening, the water can either rush from the sea into the lagoon or vice versa, depending on whether the tide is coming in or going out, creating a whirlpool effect. Saruma Lake is much larger than the others but has a much smaller mouth that's unstable because of quicksand, making it even more hazardous, so the safest way to cross is always by boat when the water is calm. Saruma Lake is about fifteen miles long and between two to three miles wide. Its water is salty, and there are extensive oyster beds within it. It’s also a popular spot for seals and mallards. In winter, they can be hunted in large numbers, but during the warmer months, they become skittish and are hard to get close to. The southwestern shore of the lake is densely wooded and is backed by a long range of high mountains with smaller peaks in front.

At Tobuts, a small village of a few huts, situated at the mouth of the Saruma lagoon, I halted for the night. There was a change in my diet that day, and I was entertained, or rather I entertained myself, to an oyster supper. They were enormous oysters, similar to those found at Akkeshi, but not very palatable. However, I was in luck that day, and not only did I have this oyster supper, but I actually was the hero of a tender little idyll. In this country surprises never come alone, and while I was sketching in the twilight to pass away the time, a tall slim figure of a girl came out of one of the huts. She had slipped her arms out of her robe, leaving the latter to hang from the girdle, and her breasts, arms, and the lower half of her legs were uncovered. She was pretty and quaint with her tattooed arms and a semicircular black[Pg 140] spot on her upper lip. She walked a few steps forward, and when she saw me she stopped. She looked at me and I looked at her. Hers, with her soft eyes, was one of those looks which a man feels right through his body, notwithstanding all the self-control he may possess. There she stood, a graceful silhouette, with a bucket made of tree-bark in one hand and a vine-tree rope in the other, her supple figure almost motionless, and her eyes fixed on me. She was the most lovely Ainu girl I had ever come across, and not nearly so hairy as most of them. Indeed, in that soft twilight, and her wavy long hair blown by the fresh breeze, she was a perfect dream.
At Tobuts, a small village with a few huts at the mouth of the Saruma lagoon, I stopped for the night. That day, my diet changed, and I treated myself to an oyster dinner. The oysters were huge, similar to those found at Akkeshi, but not very tasty. However, luck was on my side, and not only did I enjoy this oyster dinner, but I also became the hero of a sweet little moment. In this place, surprises come in pairs, and while I was sketching in the twilight to pass the time, a tall, slender girl emerged from one of the huts. She had slipped her arms out of her robe, letting it hang from her waist, leaving her breasts, arms, and lower legs exposed. She was charming and unique with her tattooed arms and a semicircular black[Pg 140] spot on her upper lip. She walked a few steps toward me and stopped when she saw me. She looked at me, and I looked back. Her gaze, with those soft eyes, was one of those looks a man feels deep in his bones, no matter how much self-control he thinks he has. There she stood, a graceful silhouette, holding a bucket made of tree bark in one hand and a vine rope in the other, her lithe figure almost still, with her eyes locked on me. She was the most beautiful Ainu girl I had ever seen and not nearly as hairy as most of them. Indeed, in that soft twilight, with her long wavy hair blowing in the fresh breeze, she was a perfect dream.
"Wakka!" ("Water!") cried an angry old voice from inside the hut, interrupting the beginning of our romance, and she sadly went to the brook, filled her bucket with water, and took it into the hut. It was only a few seconds before she reappeared, and came closer, and I finished the sketch somewhat hurriedly.
"Wakka!" ("Water!") cried an annoyed old voice from inside the hut, interrupting the start of our romance. She reluctantly went to the brook, filled her bucket with water, and carried it into the hut. It was only a few seconds before she came back, got closer, and I quickly finished the sketch.
"Let me see the tattoo on your arm," I asked her, and to my surprise the pretty maid took my hand in both her own, gave me one of those looks that I shall never forget, and her head fell on my shoulder. She clutched my hand tightly, and pressed it to her chest, and a force stronger than myself brought her and myself to the neighbouring forest. There we wandered and wandered till it grew very dark; we sat down, we chattered, we made love to each other; then we returned.[Pg 141] I would not have mentioned this small episode if her ways of flirting had not been so extraordinary and funny. Loving and biting went together with her. She could not do the one without doing the other. As we sat on a stone in the semi-darkness she began by gently biting my fingers, without hurting me, as affectionate dogs often do to their masters; she then bit my arm, then my shoulder, and when she had worked herself up into a passion she put her arms round my neck and bit my cheeks. It was undoubtedly a curious way of making love, and when I had been bitten all over, and was pretty tired of the new sensation, we retired to our respective homes.
"Let me see the tattoo on your arm," I asked her, and to my surprise, the pretty maid took my hand in both of hers, gave me a look I'll never forget, and rested her head on my shoulder. She held my hand tightly and pressed it to her chest, and something stronger than me led us to the nearby forest. We wandered and wandered until it got really dark; we sat down, chatted, and made love to each other; then we headed back.[Pg 141] I wouldn't have brought up this small episode if her flirting style hadn't been so unusual and amusing. Love and biting went hand in hand for her. She couldn't do one without the other. As we sat on a stone in the dim light, she started by gently biting my fingers, not hurting me, like affectionate dogs often do to their owners; then she bit my arm, then my shoulder, and when she got really passionate, she wrapped her arms around my neck and bit my cheeks. It was definitely a strange way to make love, and after I had been bitten all over and was pretty tired from the new sensation, we went back to our homes.
In the evening, as I was writing my diary by the light of one of the oyster-shell primitive lamps, somebody noiselessly crept by my side. I turned my head round. It was she! She grew more and more sentimental as it grew later, and she bestowed on me caresses and bites in profusion. Kissing, apparently, was an unknown art to her. The old woman, in whose house I was, slept soundly all through this, as old women generally do on such occasions. By the mysterious light of the dying wick, casting heavy shadows, which marked her features strongly, with her jet-black wild hair fading away into the black background, with her passionate eyes, and her round, statue-like arms, the girl was more like a strange fairy than a human being.
In the evening, while I was writing in my diary by the light of one of the primitive oyster-shell lamps, someone quietly slipped by my side. I turned my head, and it was her! She became more sentimental as the night went on, showering me with affection and playful bites. Kissing seemed like a completely new concept for her. The old woman whose house I was in slept soundly through it all, just like old women usually do in such situations. By the mysterious glow of the fading wick, casting deep shadows that accentuated her features, with her wild jet-black hair blending into the dark background, her passionate eyes, and her round, statue-like arms, the girl looked more like a strange fairy than a person.
I sketched her twice in pencil, and the wick—that wretched wick!—grew feeble, and, for the lack of oil, began to dwindle away. I persuaded her to return to her hut, and with a few "bites" my hairy maid and I parted.
I sketched her twice in pencil, and the wick—that horrible wick!—got weak, and, because of a lack of oil, started to go out. I convinced her to go back to her hut, and with a few "bites," my hairy maid and I said goodbye.
The morning came, and I was up early. In the vicinity of the huts I found three Koro-pok-kuru pits similar to those we have already seen; and previous to arriving at Tobuts I also found a fort belonging to the pre-Ainu race. From Tobuts, continuing my journey north, on the stretch of sand between the water of the sea and that of the Saruma lake the travelling was fairly easy but monotonous. The long chain of mountains on the other side of the lake was magnificent in the morning light. For twenty-two miles this went on; then I had to cross the Yubets River in the picturesque spot where its waters divide before again uniting[Pg 142] close to the sea. North of this river there are three more lagoons—the Komuki, the Shibumotzunai, and the Yassuchi, the first two of which have direct estuaries into the sea, generally blocked by drift-sand, and both are as dangerous as the Saruma lagoon when the water unexpectedly overflows. Owing to the heavy rains on the mountains the level of the lakes had risen considerably when I went through, and crossing the mouth of the first in a flat-bottomed boat, I was nearly swamped. The Ainu who was ferrying me across did not lose his presence of mind, and after a long struggle and violent efforts we reached the opposite shore. Yubets is a village of eighteen Ainu and three Japanese huts. The Ainu along these shores are extremely hairy, and some of them have red beards, while others are bald. Near some of their huts you may see cages where foxes and eagles are kept in captivity.
The morning arrived, and I was up early. Near the huts, I spotted three Koro-pok-kuru pits like the ones we had already seen; before reaching Tobuts, I also discovered a fort from the pre-Ainu people. From Tobuts, as I continued north, the stretch of sand between the sea and Saruma Lake was fairly easy to navigate but quite monotonous. The long mountain range on the other side of the lake looked stunning in the morning light. This went on for twenty-two miles; then I had to cross the Yubets River at a picturesque spot where its waters split before rejoining[Pg 142] close to the sea. North of the river, there are three more lagoons—the Komuki, the Shibumotzunai, and the Yassuchi. The first two have direct openings to the sea, usually blocked by drift sand, and both are as hazardous as the Saruma lagoon when the water suddenly overflows. Due to heavy rains in the mountains, the lake levels had risen significantly when I passed through, and while crossing the mouth of the first lagoon in a flat-bottomed boat, I almost got swamped. The Ainu ferrying me stayed calm, and after a long struggle and intense effort, we made it to the other side. Yubets is a village with eighteen Ainu and three Japanese huts. The Ainu along these shores are very hairy, with some sporting red beards and others being bald. Near some of their huts, you can see cages where they keep foxes and eagles in captivity.
The women, all the way to Soya Cape, the most northern point of Yezo, have given up tattooing a long moustache and their arms. A small semicircular spot, similar to the tattoo of the Shari women, is nevertheless not uncommon. Bears, yellow and black, again are said to be in huge quantities on the thickly-wooded mountains at the back of the Saruma and other lagoons.
The women, all the way to Soya Cape, the northernmost point of Hokkaido, have stopped tattooing long mustaches and their arms. A small semicircular mark, similar to the tattoos of the Shari women, is still fairly common. Bears, both yellow and black, are reportedly in large numbers in the thickly wooded mountains behind the Saruma and other lagoons.
The coast is most desolate-looking. One may travel mile after mile without seeing a hut or meeting a single human being. Now and then, when I came to a lonely fisherman's hut, I was civilly treated; and, riding from morn till night, I reached Shari Mombets, where there are forty Ainu huts and about the same number of Japanese fishermen's shanties. It has a small anchorage for small junks only; but, unfortunately, it is not well protected, as the reef of rocks which runs in a north-east direction does not extend far out to sea. I was roughly treated here at first, for some Russian convicts, who had escaped from Sakhalin in an open boat, had been drifted by the current down this coast, and previously to my arrival had landed in the vicinity of this village. They were half starved, and could not speak a word of the language. They had no money and no clothes, and none of the natives seemed willing to help them in any way. Now that the long-wished-for freedom was obtained after years of servitude and chains,[Pg 143] the four brave men, who had suffered agonies for days, and had almost miraculously escaped death in the treacherous currents of the Otkoshk Sea, were certainly not to be outwitted by a handful of hard-hearted Japanese or by a pack of hairy Ainu. They begged for food and could not obtain it, so they stole it, and ill-treated some of the natives who interfered. They then disappeared towards the south. When I put in an appearance, all alone and almost in rags, leading and dragging my tired pony, it is not astonishing that the first thing that struck them was that I must be another escaped Russian, "or bad man from Krafto,"[34] as the Ainu called me.
The coast looks very desolate. You can travel mile after mile without seeing a hut or meeting anyone. Occasionally, when I came to a lonely fisherman's hut, I was treated kindly; and after riding from morning till night, I reached Shari Mombets, which has forty Ainu huts and about the same number of Japanese fishermen's shanties. It has a small anchorage suitable for little boats only; but, unfortunately, it isn't well protected, as the reef of rocks that runs northeast doesn’t extend far out to sea. I was treated roughly here at first, because some Russian convicts who had escaped from Sakhalin in an open boat had been carried down this coast by the current and had landed near this village before I arrived. They were half-starved, couldn't speak a word of the language, had no money, and no clothes, and none of the locals seemed willing to help them. Now that they finally gained freedom after years of servitude and chains, the four brave men who had endured agony for days and had almost miraculously escaped death in the dangerous currents of the Otkoshk Sea were certainly not going to be outsmarted by a handful of cold-hearted Japanese or by a group of hairy Ainu. They begged for food but couldn't get any, so they stole it and mistreated some of the locals who tried to intervene. Then they vanished toward the south. When I showed up, all alone and almost in rags, leading and dragging my exhausted pony, it’s not surprising that the first thing they thought was that I must be another escaped Russian, "or bad man from Krafto," as the Ainu referred to me.
The reception I received was pretty stormy; but when I understood what the matter was which caused the rioting, I set their minds at rest, and, speaking in their own language, told them that the "bad men of Krafto" were my enemies as well as theirs, and that, should I find them, I would punish them. Not only that, but, to make them perfectly at ease, I gave them some little present of money, which turned them at once into friends. As to the Russian convicts, there was no possibility of my finding them, for they were travelling towards the south from this point, and I was moving towards the north, so I was perfectly safe in passing myself off as a kind of supreme judge.
The reception I got was quite chaotic; but once I figured out what was causing the uproar, I calmed everyone down. Speaking in their language, I assured them that the "bad men of Krafto" were my enemies too and that I would deal with them if I found them. To put them completely at ease, I even gave them a small gift of money, which instantly made us friends. As for the Russian convicts, there was no chance I could find them since they were heading south while I was going north, so I felt completely safe pretending to be a sort of supreme judge.
Shari Mombets is a miserable place. In the house where I put up I was received by a young man, but the owner of the house did not show himself. The next morning, however, as I gave much more money than they expected, the landlord was brought to my room to thank me. The poor man suffered from elephantiasis—the wretched disease by which the head and all the limbs of the body assume gigantic proportions. His head was swollen to more than twice its normal size, and had lost its shape; his body was piteously deformed and inflated, his eyes nearly buried in flesh. The weight of his head was such that the cervical vertebræ were scarcely strong enough to support it erect; and when he bowed down in Japanese fashion to thank me and bid me[Pg 144] good-bye, I had to run to his help, for he could not get up again. Poor man! And when we reflect that in more civilised countries many people think themselves very ill and suffering when they have a pimple on their nose, or a cold in their head!
Shari Mombets is a miserable place. When I arrived at the house, a young man welcomed me, but the owner didn’t come out. The next morning, though, after I gave much more money than they expected, the landlord was brought to my room to thank me. The poor man suffered from elephantiasis—a terrible disease that makes the head and limbs balloon to enormous sizes. His head was swollen to more than twice its normal size and had lost its shape; his body was sadly deformed and inflated, and his eyes were nearly buried in flesh. His head was so heavy that his neck couldn’t really support it, and when he bowed down in Japanese style to thank me and say goodbye, I had to rush to help him because he couldn’t get back up. Poor man! It’s hard to believe that in more civilized countries, many people think they are seriously ill and suffering when they have a pimple on their nose or a cold.


CHAPTER XIV.
Along the Lagoons of the Northeast Coast—From Shari Mombets to Poronai.
I proceeded north. The Ainu scattered here and there on the coast seemed to be hairier and uglier than any of their inland brethren. Two or three women had already put on their winter fur garments, as the cold weather had begun; and they looked extremely picturesque in them. Most of the huts were uninhabited, and had been abandoned by their owners. The sky was whitish and cold, and here and there along the beach some huge bones of whales had been washed[Pg 146] on shore by the tide. Some distance off an outcast horse was attacked by thousands of famished crows. It is not an uncommon occurrence in Yezo. The black scavengers generally attack very young animals, and, flying on the pony's head, peck out its eyes. The pony, frightened, and driven mad by pain, bolts, and in his blind and reckless race either falls down a precipice and is killed outright, or else is driven to the coast by these daring wretches, which continue to peck at him with cruel and ceaseless avidity. There, with its way barred by the waves, tortured to death, and neighing desperately, the helpless beast succumbs, and affords the hungry birds a good meal, while hundreds gathered thick on the body, peck the poor brute to death. Thousands of others sit screaming in long rows round the scene of the fight, attentively watching for the final result, when they too can join in, and experience the joys of sated hunger. Nature can indeed be cruel.
I headed north. The Ainu scattered along the coast looked hairier and less attractive than those from inland. Two or three women had already put on their winter fur clothing since the cold weather had started, and they looked quite striking in them. Most of the huts were empty, abandoned by their owners. The sky was pale and chilly, and here and there along the beach, some huge whale bones had been washed ashore by the tide. In the distance, an outcast horse was being attacked by thousands of starving crows. This isn’t uncommon in Yezo. The black scavengers usually prey on very young animals, and by flying at the pony's head, they peck out its eyes. The frightened pony, driven mad with pain, bolts, and in its blind and reckless dash, either falls off a cliff and dies instantly or is forced toward the coast by these bold birds, which continue to peck at it with relentless hunger. There, with the waves blocking its escape, tortured and neighing desperately, the helpless animal gives in, providing the hungry birds with a good meal while hundreds gather closely around the body, pecking the poor creature to death. Thousands of others sit screaming in long lines around the scene, eagerly watching for the outcome, waiting to join in and feel the satisfaction of a full belly. Nature can truly be ruthless.
I stopped at a hut. My host was decidedly peculiar. For convenience we shall call him Omangus, which only means a "gone man," or a lunatic. I had heard of him further south, and I was anxious to make his acquaintance. I had not been five minutes in his hut before I perceived that he really was a lunatic. His head was of an abnormally large size; his skull was well developed at the back, with those prominent bumps behind the ears which show great love of eating. His forehead was high, and very slanting; the upper part was wider than near the eyebrows, which were so thick and bushy as nearly to cover the eyes. His nose, with its large nostrils, was stumpy and covered with hair, while his enormous projecting eyes were restless and fierce. His luxuriant moustache and beard matched the thick crop of long black hair which covered his whole body. His legs were short, wiry, with stiff and swollen joints, probably owing to rheumatism. His arms were very long, and his toes were also abnormally long. Altogether he had the appearance of a large orang-outang more than that of a human being. All his movements resembled those of a wild beast, and now and then, when pleased or dissatisfied, he would groan in a way not dissimilar to the growling of a bear. In fact, he was labouring under the belief that he was a wild beast of[Pg 147] some sort, and apparently he regarded himself as a "bruin." I never heard him speak or utter words, but whether he was actually dumb or not I was not able to ascertain, as every time I tried to examine his mouth he attempted to bite me. His biting, however, was of a different nature from that of the sweet girl on the Saruma shores, and when he did bite he bit well. One day in a struggle I came off nearly minus two joints of the third finger of my right hand.
I stopped at a hut. My host was definitely strange. For convenience, let’s call him Omangus, which just means a "gone man" or a lunatic. I had heard about him further south, and I was eager to meet him. I hadn't been in his hut for five minutes before I realized he really was a lunatic. His head was abnormally large; his skull was well-developed at the back, with those prominent bumps behind the ears that indicate a big appetite. His forehead was high and slanted, with the upper part wider than near his eyebrows, which were so thick and bushy they almost covered his eyes. His nose, with large nostrils, was short and hairy, while his huge, bulging eyes were restless and fierce. His thick mustache and beard matched the long black hair that covered his whole body. His legs were short and wiry, with stiff, swollen joints that probably came from rheumatism. His arms were very long, and his toes were also unusually long. Overall, he looked more like a large orangutan than a human being. All his movements were like those of a wild animal, and occasionally, when he was happy or unhappy, he would groan in a way that sounded a lot like a bear growling. In fact, he seemed to believe he was some kind of wild beast and apparently thought of himself as a "bruin." I never heard him speak or say any words, but I couldn’t tell if he was actually mute because every time I tried to look in his mouth, he tried to bite me. His biting was a different kind of experience from that of the sweet girl on the Saruma shores, and when he bit, he really bit hard. One day, during a struggle, I almost lost two joints of the third finger on my right hand.
I several times attempted to take measurements of his skull and bones, but with no success. Once, as I had got hold of him and was feeling the "bumps" on his skull, he managed to disentangle himself, and grabbed me by the hair, which led to a conflict, and caused me a "très mauvais quart d'heure." We fought desperately, and I was thoroughly "licked"; not, however, before having found out that he had no bump of sensitiveness and none of philoprogenitiveness. He was pleased with his victory, and the hostilities ended. He hopped away cautiously, and I saw him climb on his hands and feet over the cliff near his hut, where he disappeared.
I tried several times to take measurements of his skull and bones, but I was unsuccessful. Once, when I had him and was feeling the "bumps" on his skull, he managed to break free and grabbed my hair, which led to a fight and gave me a "very bad time." We fought fiercely, and I was completely "beaten"; however, I did find out that he had no bump of sensitivity and none of parenthood. He was happy with his victory, and the fighting ended. He hopped away carefully, and I watched him climb up the cliff near his hut on his hands and feet, where he disappeared.
Some hours later I saw the monomaniac stealthily creeping back among the rocks. I was some way from the hut, in a place where he could not see me. He came slowly forward, watching the hut suspiciously, as he evidently thought I was still inside. When he got near he stopped to pick up a large stone, and with it in his right hand he sneaked along towards the hut. He listened, and crept in. I followed immediately after. He was furious when I entered, and tried to escape, but I barred his way. He retreated into a corner, crouched down groaning, and showed signs of impatience. I could see that he was frightened, and I went to him and endeavoured to soothe him; not without success, for he became quieter, and I once more noticed the great power that a stronger will can exercise over a weaker one. As long as I was staring at him he never dared to move, and I could "will" him to do almost anything I wanted by thinking hard that he should do it; but when once I turned my eyes away I had no more control over him.
A few hours later, I saw the obsessed man sneaking back among the rocks. I was a bit away from the hut, in a spot where he couldn't see me. He moved slowly, eyeing the hut with suspicion, clearly thinking I was still inside. When he got close, he stopped to pick up a big rock, and with it in his right hand, he stealthily approached the hut. He listened and crept in. I followed right after. He was furious when I walked in and tried to escape, but I blocked his way. He backed into a corner, crouched down groaning, and showed signs of impatience. I could tell he was scared, so I approached him and tried to calm him down; it worked to some extent, as he became more composed. I once again realized the great influence that a stronger will can have over a weaker one. As long as I was looking at him, he never dared to move, and I could "will" him to do almost anything I wanted just by thinking hard about it; but as soon as I looked away, I lost all control over him.
This is just what happened that day. Thinking that he would keep quiet for some minutes, I got out my palette and[Pg 148] brushes in order to take his likeness. I had till then relied on my power of "willing" people, when my host, seizing the opportunity of my turning my head away for one moment, grabbed the stone which he had picked up, and threw it with great force at me. I was hit in the ribs, and was hurt sufficiently to lose my temper. I went for him, and gave him a sound thrashing, which sometimes has more effect than all the "willing" in the world. He became docile after that, and I took him outside and forced him to squat down.
This is exactly what happened that day. Thinking he would stay quiet for a few minutes, I took out my palette and [Pg 148] brushes to capture his likeness. Until then, I had relied on my ability to “will” people, but my host, seizing the moment I turned my head, grabbed the stone he had picked up and threw it at me with great force. It hit me in the ribs, and I was hurt enough to lose my temper. I went after him and gave him a good beating, which can sometimes have a bigger impact than all the “willing” in the world. After that, he became compliant, and I took him outside and made him squat down.

He was restless while I was painting him, and hundreds of half-starved crows, which seemed to be on good terms with my sitter, gathered round him, chatting in their incomprehensible and noisy language. Some of them even flew on to his back and shoulders, and he touched them without their flying away.
He couldn’t sit still while I was painting him, and hundreds of half-starved crows, which seemed to get along well with him, gathered around, chattering in their confusing and loud language. Some even landed on his back and shoulders, and he touched them without them flying off.
I was astounded at the familiarity which existed between the madman and the birds. They seemed to understand each other, and had I only been sufficiently imaginative I might have asserted that I even saw them kissing him. Unfortunately, when the first astonishment was over I understood the reason of the affection on the part of the scavengers, and the whole mystery was unveiled to me. Like all mysteries, the apparently extraordinary friendship between the madman and the black birds turned out to be a plain bit of literal prose, and, I must add, a very disgusting bit. The maniac was covered with vermin, and the affectionate kisses of the crows were not kisses of love or sympathy, but only mouthfuls of parasites, which they found among the thick hair of his body.
I was shocked by the closeness between the madman and the birds. It seemed like they understood each other, and if I had been more imaginative, I might have claimed that I even saw them pecking at him affectionately. Unfortunately, once my initial shock wore off, I realized why the scavengers acted that way, and the whole mystery was revealed to me. Like all mysteries, the seemingly extraordinary friendship between the madman and the black birds turned out to be a straightforward and, I have to say, very disgusting reality. The man was infested with vermin, and the affectionate pecks from the crows were not gestures of love or sympathy, but just bites of parasites that they found in the thick hair on his body.
Two or three times the maniac crawled up to me, and seemed anxious to touch the colours on my palette, and also to put his fingers on the sketch. He saw that he gained nothing by being a foe, so he became a friend. He even became a great friend when I presented him with a shiny silver coin.
Two or three times the maniac crawled up to me and seemed eager to touch the colors on my palette and the sketch. He realized that being an enemy wasn't getting him anywhere, so he decided to be a friend. He even became a really good friend when I gave him a shiny silver coin.
Though Omangus was undoubtedly insane, he was a very practical person. As will be seen by the illustration, his attire was simple, and no allowance was made for pockets. He looked at the coin, turned it over in his hands several times, and grinned; then he placed it in his mouth for safe keeping. His mouth was apparently his purse. As I saw that he was fond of silver coins, I gave him one or two more, and all of them were religiously kept in the same natural pocket, except at night, when he hid them under a large stone. At sunrise they were collected again and placed back under his tongue or in one of his cheeks.
Though Omangus was clearly insane, he was a very practical guy. As you'll see in the illustration, his clothes were simple, and there were no pockets. He looked at the coin, flipped it around in his hands a few times, and grinned; then he popped it in his mouth for safekeeping. His mouth seemed to be his wallet. Noticing that he liked silver coins, I gave him one or two more, and he kept all of them safely in the same natural pocket, except at night when he hid them under a big stone. At sunrise, he would gather them up again and put them back under his tongue or in one of his cheeks.
I cannot say that my host was by any means brilliant, but, like most lunatics, he was a good soul apart from his little peculiarities. It was unfortunate that he had lost the power of speech, or I might have learnt some strange things from him.
I can’t say my host was particularly brilliant, but, like most crazy people, he was a good person despite his little quirks. It was unfortunate that he had lost the ability to speak, or I might have learned some strange things from him.
[Pg 150] Omangus was generally restless at night, and while asleep he seemed to suffer from awful nightmares. Most Ainu as a rule do not. One morning at dawn, as the first rays of light penetrated the hut, I watched him. He had been groaning frightfully all night, and I had not been able to sleep. He was lying flat on his back breathing heavily, and now and then he had a kind of spasm, during which he ground his teeth together with violence. It was during these spasms, or nervous contractions, that he groaned most fiercely. As he was so stretched I noticed how extraordinarily long his femur was compared to his tibia. I gently placed my hand over his heart, and found it was beating rapidly and irregularly. His forehead also was feverish and abnormally warm. He did not wake up, but as soon as the nervous strain was over he fell into a lethargic state. He appeared to have lost all strength, and it took me some time to awake him; but he finally opened his eyes, and, drowsily getting up, yawned to his heart's content, and went to fetch the hidden coins.
[Pg 150] Omangus was usually restless at night, and when he slept, he seemed to experience terrible nightmares. Most Ainu typically don’t. One morning at dawn, as the first rays of light came into the hut, I watched him. He had been groaning loudly all night, and I hadn’t been able to sleep. He was lying flat on his back, breathing heavily, and now and then he had a kind of spasm, during which he clenched his teeth violently. It was during these spasms, or nervous contractions, that he groaned the loudest. As he lay there, I noticed how incredibly long his femur was compared to his tibia. I gently placed my hand over his heart and found it was beating quickly and irregularly. His forehead was also feverish and unusually warm. He didn’t wake up, but once the nervous tension passed, he fell into a lethargic state. He seemed to have lost all strength, and it took me a while to wake him; but he finally opened his eyes, drowsily got up, yawned widely, and went to look for the hidden coins.
The more I saw of Omangus, the more he puzzled me. His faculties were defective; still, he seemed to possess a fairly good memory. If not, how could he remember the concealed treasure? Although he was not able to form ideas of his own, he could retain those which he had grasped. His hearing was extremely acute, and his inability to speak must have undoubtedly been caused by paralysis of the tongue and vocal organs. Several times he made violent attempts to utter words, which he would not have done had he been born dumb.
The more I saw of Omangus, the more he confused me. His abilities were limited; still, he seemed to have a pretty good memory. If not, how could he remember the hidden treasure? Even though he couldn't come up with his own ideas, he could hold on to the ones he understood. His hearing was incredibly sharp, and his inability to speak was definitely due to paralysis of his tongue and vocal cords. Several times, he made intense efforts to say words, which he wouldn't have done if he had been born mute.
After the second day of my pleasant stay in Omangus' ten feet square sea-side residence my host became more genial and even affectionate. Instead of constantly running away from me he sat opposite me, attentively watching all my movements; and if I happened to be whistling, he slowly crept nearer, grinning with delight. Occasionally he crouched himself by my side, even resting against me. I did not approve of the latter proof of affection, not so much for his own sake as on account of the "large company" which he carried with him; but I had to put up with it until I found a counter-action in loud singing, which frightened him away.
After the second day of my enjoyable stay in Omangus' tiny seaside place, my host became friendlier and even a bit affectionate. Instead of constantly running away from me, he sat across from me, carefully watching everything I did; and if I happened to be whistling, he slowly crept closer, grinning with joy. Occasionally, he would crouch beside me, even leaning against me. I didn’t like that display of affection, not so much for his sake but because of the "large company" he brought with him; however, I had to deal with it until I found a way to scare him off with loud singing.
Omangus had a quantity of last year's salmon, which he had[Pg 151] dried in the sun, and which was now hanging from the roof of the little hut. The first day or two of my stay there I had but little to eat, owing to his belligerent behaviour. He rebelled every time that I attempted to touch his provisions, and what I had to eat was generally appropriated while my host was out. Afterwards, however, he became generous, and gave me more than I wanted. He took good care to draw the three coins out of his mouth while he was eating, but once, during a nervous fit, to which he was often subject, he swallowed one of them.
Omangus had a stash of last year’s salmon that he had[Pg 151] dried in the sun, and it was now hanging from the roof of his little hut. During the first couple of days of my stay, I had very little to eat because of his aggressive behavior. He got upset every time I tried to touch his food, and what little I had to eat was usually taken while he was out. However, he eventually became more generous and gave me more than I needed. He made sure to take the three coins out of his mouth while he was eating, but once, during one of his frequent nervous fits, he accidentally swallowed one of them.
One morning, weary of my lunatic friend's company, I packed all my traps and went to fetch my pony. Omangus seemed aghast, suspecting that I was about to leave. He was restless, and followed me, moaning, from the hut to the pony and back, and, with a forlorn look in his eyes, watched me bring the baggage outside and lash it to the pack-saddle. I gave him a couple more silver coins, which I thought would make him happy; but he dropped them in the sand. I bade good-bye to him and left; and there poor Omangus stood motionless, gazing at me until the winding shore took me round the cliff. He was out of sight for some minutes, but he soon reappeared on the summit of the cliff itself, on to which he rapidly climbed, and from this point of vantage he could see the coast for several miles. There standing, a black figure against the rising sun, the hairy Ainu became smaller and smaller as I moved away from him, until nothing but a black spot could be seen against the sky; then even that spot disappeared. It was the last I saw of my host the madman.
One morning, tired of my crazy friend's company, I packed up all my stuff and went to get my pony. Omangus looked shocked, thinking I was about to leave. He was restless and followed me, moaning from the hut to the pony and back again, and, with a sad look in his eyes, watched me bring out the luggage and secure it to the pack-saddle. I gave him a couple more silver coins, hoping it would make him happy, but he dropped them in the sand. I said goodbye to him and left; there poor Omangus stood still, staring at me until the winding shore took me around the cliff. He was out of sight for a few minutes, but soon appeared on top of the cliff itself, which he climbed quickly, and from there he could see the coast for miles. Standing there, a dark figure against the rising sun, the furry Ainu got smaller and smaller as I moved away from him, until he was just a black dot in the sky; then even that dot vanished. That was the last I saw of my host, the madman.
The rivers were troublesome all along this part of my journey, and as most of them had quicksands, the safest plan was to cross them in a boat, when this was obtainable. However, as I went further north the boats became scarce and more scarce, and the small villages, few and very far between. I seldom came across a human being with whom I could exchange a word, and the constant solitude induced in me the bad habit of talking to myself, to animals, or to inanimate objects. My unfortunate pony was often lectured on different subjects, and the millions of seagulls and penguins all along the coast were asked questions of all sorts, which, however, they invariably left unanswered. It was strange to see the[Pg 152] myriads of birds stretched in two or three lines along the shore. Like the "beasts which roamed over the plains" in Alexander Selkirk's lament, they had seen so few human beings as to be indifferent to me and my pony, and I could walk among them without disturbing them or causing them to fly away. The penguins were my greatest source of amusement, with their fat bodies and their funny way of lifting up one leg as I was approaching, in order to get enough spring to raise themselves from the ground had I attempted to capture them. I was soliloquising, according to my then custom, while watching these droll birds, when not more than two hundred yards ahead I saw two large eagles. One of them was perched on a low cliff, the other was flying about, now and then returning near to its mate. I dismounted, with my revolver in my hand; I had a pocketful of cartridges. I crept stealthily from rock to rock, keeping well out of their sight until I came close to the pinnacled rock on which they stood. I was then about fifty yards from them, and it was useless my firing at such a distance with a revolver. I peeped over the rocks, and one of them saw me and flew away, while the other remained where it was, stretching its neck in my direction. Its piercing eyes were fixed full on me as I was approaching; it understood that danger was imminent, and it seemed ready to resist the attack. I drew nearer and nearer, and when about four yards away I fired two shots, both of which went through its breast, and the eagle, with its widespread wings, fell from its lofty pinnacle and came down heavily on its back.
The rivers were a hassle throughout this part of my journey, and since most of them had quicksand, the safest way to cross them was in a boat when one was available. However, as I traveled further north, boats became scarcer and scarcer, and the small villages were few and far apart. I rarely encountered another person to chat with, and the constant solitude led me to develop the bad habit of talking to myself, animals, or inanimate objects. My unfortunate pony often received lectures on various topics, and I found myself asking countless questions to the millions of seagulls and penguins along the coast, which they always ignored. It was odd to see the[Pg 152] countless birds lined up in two or three rows along the shore. Like the "beasts which roamed over the plains" in Alexander Selkirk's lament, they had seen so few humans that they were indifferent to me and my pony, allowing me to walk among them without causing any to fly away. The penguins provided me with the most amusement, waddling along with their chubby bodies and comically lifting one leg as I approached, seemingly preparing to bounce away if I tried to catch them. I was talking to myself, as was my habit at the time, while observing these amusing birds when I spotted two large eagles not more than two hundred yards ahead. One was perched on a low cliff, and the other was flying around, occasionally returning to its mate. I dismounted, revolver in hand and a pocketful of cartridges. I crept quietly from rock to rock, keeping out of their view until I got close to the rocky outcrop where they were. At that point, I was about fifty yards away, and shooting at that distance with a revolver would be pointless. I peeked over the rocks, and one eagle noticed me and took off, while the other stayed put, stretching its neck in my direction. Its sharp eyes were locked on me as I moved closer; it sensed danger was near and seemed prepared to fight back. I edged nearer and closer, and when I was about four yards away, I fired two shots, both hitting its chest. The eagle, with its wings spread wide, fell from its perch and landed heavily on its back.
In its last convulsions it made desperate efforts to clutch me with its long sharp claws; but a couple more shots finished it. The male bird, which meanwhile had been describing circles high up in the sky over my head, plunged down on me with incredible velocity. I emptied the last chamber of my revolver into him, just as the wind of his large wings made my eyes twinkle; and to evade the grip of his outstretched claws I had to cover my face with my left arm. The report stunned him, and flapping his wings, he rose again, to resume his circling over my head, leaving a few of his feathers floating in the air. I reloaded quickly, and each time he attacked me he was received with a volley. Another bullet went through[Pg 153] his wing, and his flying became unsteady; he flew on to a distant cliff, and there he remained. I seized this opportunity of carrying the dead bird away and lash it on to my saddle; but while I was so engaged the male eagle flew back to the pinnacle where I had first seen the two together, and stretching his enormous wings to their full width, screamed as if in despair. On the pinnacle was their nest and young, and that was why the female had kept watch and ward over her eyrie, and also why she had not abandoned it even when I approached.
In its final moments, it made frantic attempts to grab me with its long, sharp claws; but a few more shots took care of it. The male bird, meanwhile, had been circling high above me, diving down at me with incredible speed. I fired the last round from my revolver into him just as the air from his large wings made my eyes water. To avoid his outstretched claws, I had to shield my face with my left arm. The gunshot stunned him, and after flapping his wings, he rose back up to circle over me again, leaving some of his feathers floating in the air. I quickly reloaded, and each time he attacked, he was met with a barrage of bullets. Another shot hit his wing, making his flight shaky; he flew off to a distant cliff and stayed there. I seized the chance to take the dead bird and strap it onto my saddle; but while I was doing that, the male eagle flew back to the peak where I had first seen the pair together, stretching his massive wings to their full span and screeching as if in despair. On that peak was their nest and young, which was why the female had been guarding her territory and hadn't run away even when I got close.
I mounted my pony and away I rode with my prey. The male bird followed me for miles and miles, and now and then I had to fire to keep him at a respectful distance. Ultimately he left me, and my delight was immense when, instead of seeing him over my head, ready to plunge on me at any moment, I saw him disappear behind the cliff, flying rapidly but unsteadily back to his eyrie.
I got on my pony and took off with my catch. The male bird followed me for miles, and every now and then I had to shoot to keep him at a safe distance. In the end, he flew away, and I was overjoyed when, instead of seeing him hovering above me, ready to dive at any moment, I saw him vanish behind the cliff, flying quickly but awkwardly back to his nest.
As I now made sure that he had no intention of pursuing me any longer, I dismounted, and proceeded to skin the eagle I had shot. It was decidedly a magnificent specimen. It measured seven feet from tip to tip of wings, and its claws were nearly as large as a child's hand. The semicircular nails measured two inches, and were extremely pointed, which fact made me feel very thankful that I had just escaped the grip of its male companion. The beak was enormous, of a rich yellow colour, the upper mandible overlapping the lower. The feathers were black all over, with the exception of the tail, which was white. I believe that this kind of eagle is generally called the "black sea-eagle," and is found in Kamschatka, Yezo, and also along the Siberian coast of the Japan Sea and Gulf of Tartary.
As I confirmed that he wasn’t planning to chase me anymore, I got off my horse and started to skin the eagle I had shot. It was truly an impressive specimen. It measured seven feet from wingtip to wingtip, and its claws were almost as big as a child's hand. The curved nails measured two inches and were extremely sharp, making me very grateful that I had just escaped the grasp of its male partner. The beak was huge, a rich yellow color, with the upper mandible overlapping the lower. The feathers were all black, except for the tail, which was white. I believe this type of eagle is typically called the "black sea-eagle," and it can be found in Kamschatka, Yezo, and along the Siberian coast of the Japan Sea and Gulf of Tartary.
I found a sheltered spot, and with my large Ainu knife proceeded to dissect the bird. Each minute seemed as long as hours, for I feared the male bird might reappear on the scene as I was thus occupied in stripping the skin from the carcass of his beloved helpmate. There is no knowing what effect anatomical researches might have on a Yezo eagle. My heart bounded with joy when the operation was successfully completed, and I went to wash my hands in the sea. I came back to the bird, or rather its skin, and I was indeed proud of my work, when a horrid idea struck me. How was I to get[Pg 154] the skin dried? I should be moving day after day, and it would not be possible to pack it in that condition among my sketches; I had no arsenical soap, and unless I dried it in the sun it would certainly rot, and get spoiled.
I found a sheltered spot, and with my large Ainu knife, I started to dissect the bird. Each minute felt like hours because I was worried the male bird might come back while I was busy removing the skin from his partner's carcass. Who knows how a Yezo eagle might react to anatomical studies? My heart raced with joy when I finished the task, and I went to wash my hands in the sea. I returned to the bird, or rather its skin, feeling quite proud of my work, when a horrifying thought hit me. How was I going to get the skin dried? I would be moving day after day, and it wouldn’t be possible to pack it in that condition with my sketches; I had no arsenical soap, and unless I dried it in the sun, it would definitely rot and spoil.
I resorted to a trick. I fastened two sticks crossways, and having stuck one up the eagle's neck, I fastened the two opened wings to the two side branches of the cross. The skin was thus kept well opened, and with two additional strings, one at each wing, the frame was fastened on to my back, the feathered side against my coat, while the inside was exposed to the sun and the wind. In wading a river I saw my own image reflected in the water, and I must confess the appearance was strange. A few hours after a group of Ainu were able to certify to this. I was riding slowly along the shore, when I saw a few of them not very far ahead. Two men were the first to notice me, and they seemed terror-stricken. As I approached they stood still for a minute, shading their eyes with their hands so as to make out what kind of winged animal it was they saw riding on horseback. When they discovered that the black wings were on a human being, the two brave Ainu fled, crying out, "Wooi, wooi!" the hairy people's cry of distress.
I came up with a clever idea. I tied two sticks together to make a cross and then stuck one vertically up the eagle's neck. I secured the two outstretched wings to the side branches of the cross. This kept the skin wide open, and with two extra strings—one on each wing—I attached the frame to my back, the feathered side against my coat while the inside was facing the sun and the wind. While wading through a river, I noticed my own reflection in the water, and I have to admit, it looked odd. A few hours later, a group of Ainu confirmed this. I was riding slowly along the shore when I spotted a few of them not far ahead. Two men were the first to see me, and they looked terrified. As I got closer, they stood frozen for a moment, shading their eyes with their hands to figure out what kind of winged creature was riding on horseback. When they realized that the black wings were attached to a human being, the two brave Ainu ran away, shouting, "Wooi, wooi!" the distress call of the hairy people.
As I got nearer the village, dozens of wild dogs came to meet me, and, barking furiously, followed my pony, while the few inhabitants, frightened out of their wits at such an unusual sight, hid themselves inside their huts. Two or three hurriedly launched their "dug-outs" and put out to sea. When I passed the first hut some large salmon were thrown at me from inside, probably with the idea that I might satisfy my appetite on them, and spare the lives of the trembling donors. Food was not over-plentiful along that coast, so I dismounted and picked up the provisions so munificently provided by the scared natives. I tied them on each side of my pack-saddle, not sorry to be thus saved from the danger of dying of starvation—at least for the next two or three days.
As I got closer to the village, dozens of wild dogs came to greet me, barking wildly as they followed my pony. The few villagers, completely startled by such an unusual sight, quickly hid inside their huts. A couple of them hurriedly launched their small boats and paddled out to sea. When I passed the first hut, a few large salmon were thrown at me from inside, likely hoping I would eat them instead of the terrified people who threw them. Food wasn’t very plentiful along that coast, so I dismounted and picked up the offerings from the frightened locals. I tied them to each side of my pack saddle, relieved to have avoided the risk of starving—at least for the next few days.
As I was so occupied, a little child about four years old, evading the vigilance of his parents, ran out of one of the huts. I took him in my arms; whereat he cried bitterly, and when the people inside heard it there were screams of indignation and despair.
As I was busy, a little child around four years old, slipping away from his parents' watch, ran out of one of the huts. I picked him up, and he cried loudly, which made the people inside scream with anger and distress.
[Pg 155] Maternal love is occasionally strong even among Ainu women, and while I tried hard to quiet the shrieking baby, his mother, as pale as the dirt on her face allowed her to be, came out trembling, and, offering me another large salmon, begged me to accept it in exchange for her child, who, she said, was not good to eat! It is needless to say that I was magnanimous enough to accept her offer, and thereupon handed the child over to his mother, who fled with him back into the hut. Then I took off my wings and went in after her, explaining to the frightened natives what I really was. It took them some minutes, however, to overcome their first impression, and then the men were pretty hard on the women for having given all the salmon away. The same scene was more or less vividly repeated when I came across any other natives during all the time that I wore the eagle-skin on my back. I have related this small anecdote, as, a few years hence, when some worthy missionary or imaginative traveller visits that barren coast of Yezo, it is not improbable that he may hear of some additional Ainu legend, which, the good missionaries will say, proves that the Ainu are fully aware of the existence of heaven and hell.
[Pg 155] A mother's love can be surprisingly strong, even among Ainu women. While I struggled to calm the screaming baby, his mother, as pale as the dirt on her face, came out trembling and offered me another large salmon, pleading with me to accept it in exchange for her child, who, she insisted, wasn’t worth eating! Of course, I generously agreed to her offer and handed the child back to her, and she quickly ran back into the hut with him. Then I took off my wings and went inside after her, explaining to the frightened natives who I really was. It took them a few minutes to shake off their initial shock, and afterward, the men were pretty hard on the women for giving away all the salmon. A similar scene played out whenever I encountered other natives during the time I wore the eagle-skin on my back. I've shared this little story because, a few years from now, when some dedicated missionary or creative traveler visits that harsh coast of Yezo, it’s likely they’ll hear some new Ainu legend, which the well-meaning missionaries will say, proves that the Ainu are fully aware of the concepts of heaven and hell.
"A heathen child," the legend will very likely run, "whose parents had not embraced our Christian faith, was one day plainly seen by his mother in the arms of a black-winged devil. The devil was seen by many, and he came from the lower regions on an unknown animal with huge side paunches, in which he kept the heathen children he had eaten. The mother, who, through her wickedness, saw herself deprived of her child, gave offerings to the gods, some through the eastern window for the sun-god, and some through the door for the other gods. The offerings were accepted, but none of the gods came to her help, and the child was nearly lost. Her guiding star appeared to her in that supreme moment, and inspired her to reach down from the roof the largest salmon in store. She walked out of the hut and offered it to another god, whom she knew not before. Instantly the child was restored to his mother. (That the god took the salmon would probably be omitted in the legend.) The black-winged demon vanished, and the hut was visited by a white being (freely translated, "the guardian angel"), with a halo (my[Pg 156] white terai hat) round his head. He rewarded them, and from that day the family has been happy in the faith which they learned in such a miraculous manner."
"A heathen child," the legend probably goes, "whose parents had not accepted our Christian faith, was one day clearly seen by his mother in the arms of a black-winged devil. Many people saw the devil, who came from the underworld on a strange creature with large side bulges, where he stored the heathen children he had consumed. The mother, feeling wicked and realizing she was losing her child, made offerings to the gods, some through the eastern window for the sun-god, and some through the door for the other gods. The offerings were accepted, but none of the gods came to help her, and the child was nearly lost. In that crucial moment, her guiding star appeared and inspired her to reach down from the roof the biggest salmon she had. She stepped out of the hut and offered it to another god she didn’t know before. Instantly, the child was returned to his mother. (The part about the god taking the salmon would likely be left out of the legend.) The black-winged demon disappeared, and the hut was visited by a white being (translated as "the guardian angel"), with a halo (my[Pg 156] white terai hat) around his head. He rewarded them, and from that day on, the family has been happy in the faith they learned in such a miraculous way."
"Does not this legend speak for itself?" the good missionaries will tell us. "Does it not show that the savage Ainu are Christians without knowing it?"
"Doesn't this legend speak for itself?" the good missionaries will tell us. "Doesn't it show that the savage Ainu are Christians without realizing it?"
I have given these two versions of the same story, as they show the reader how easy it is to garble accounts and misrepresent facts. It is a good illustration of what I say in my chapter on the Ainu beliefs and superstitions, and I must be forgiven if I have ventured to make fun of the missionaries. It is not because I dislike them, for I gladly admit that some of them out in the East have done good work; but, unfortunately, most of them will not take an open-minded view of facts. They are so wrapped up in their good work of converting people to Christianity that, outside of that, they occasionally have a tendency to tinge with their own preconceived ideas, facts which to a less biased mind appear simple enough.
I’ve provided these two versions of the same story because they demonstrate how easily accounts can get mixed up and how facts can be misrepresented. It’s a good example of what I discuss in my chapter about Ainu beliefs and superstitions, and I hope you’ll forgive me for poking fun at the missionaries. It’s not that I dislike them; I acknowledge that some of them in the East have done great work. However, many of them struggle to view facts with an open mind. They’re so focused on their mission to convert people to Christianity that they sometimes color straightforward facts with their own preconceived notions.

CHAPTER XV.
On the Northeast Coast—from Poronai to Cape Soya.
It was late in the evening when I arrived at Poronai.[35] Saruru, the last village I had passed, had only six Ainu and three Japanese huts, and the nine or ten miles between there and this place were most uninteresting. I was taken across one of the quicksand rivers in the ferry by a lovely Ainu girl of about twelve years of age. I have never seen a more picturesque being than she was. She was partly dressed in skins, but half her chest was bare; her wildly-curled black hair fell over her shoulders, and while gracefully paddling across the ferry she occasionally threw back her head, thus shaking back the hair that the wind had blown over her eyes.
It was late in the evening when I arrived at Poronai.[35] Saruru, the last village I had passed, had only six Ainu and three Japanese huts, and the nine or ten miles between there and this place were pretty uneventful. I was taken across one of the quicksand rivers in the ferry by a beautiful Ainu girl who looked about twelve years old. I’ve never seen anyone more picturesque than she was. She was partly dressed in skins, but half of her chest was bare; her wildly curly black hair fell over her shoulders, and while gracefully paddling across the ferry, she occasionally threw her head back to shake off the hair that the wind had blown over her eyes.
I have often noticed how supple the children of savages are, and how like in ease and grace and unconscious rhythm their movements are to those of wild animals. Sometimes, to be sure, they have the jerky, quick, and ungraceful movements of monkeys, but as a rule their actions are unconsciously graceful. Of course, with our children such unconscious grace is rare at any time, even when found at all, as from the day when they[Pg 158] are born we train them to artificiality of all kinds, and this artificiality becomes in a sense second nature, overlaying, if not destroying, the original impress. And yet that impress is probably not wholly destroyed, for, so far as my own experience goes, I, who had from my birth led a civilised life, now that I had been for some months among barbarians had so little conventionality left in me as to be quite happy, or even happier than before, in leading a perfectly uncivilised existence. In the absence of chairs and sofas, instinct and the example of the natives taught me to squat as they did, and when I had once got into the way of it I found the position much more restful than any of our European so-called comfortable ways of sitting. It was the same thing when I had to sleep, either in the open air or in Ainu huts, where there was no more bedding than sofas or easy chairs. To protect myself from the cold I almost invariably slept sitting on the ground, with my head resting on my knees, just like the apes in the Zoological Gardens. I am sure that a good many of my readers, who have never gone through such an experience, will put me down as a "crank;" others will say that I am a worthy companion of my friend the hairy lunatic, and the most charitable will think that, bearing the name of "Savage Landor," I am only indulging in a new edition of "Imaginary Conversations," without the literary merits of the old. Such is not the case. I have mentioned these facts, not to amuse the reader, or merely for the sake of paradox, but to show how shallow is the veneer of civilisation which we are apt to think so thorough, and how a very short time spent unaccompanied by men of one's own stamp, and alone with "nature," rubs the whole thing away, and brings us back to instinct rather than education. I am willing to admit that not many people would care to follow in my footsteps, and live as I lived for months among the Ainu in order to prove whether I am right or wrong. Many who have only sat in comfortable chairs or slept in soft beds will hardly think my statements credible; but as the experiences, besides being of great amusement, were of great interest to me, I shall pass them on to my readers, no matter what opinion they may form of him who has written them.
I’ve often noticed how flexible the children of primitive cultures are, and how their movements are as easy, graceful, and instinctive as those of wild animals. Sure, sometimes they move in a quick, jerky, and awkward way like monkeys, but usually, their actions are effortlessly graceful. In contrast, our children rarely show such natural grace, as from the moment they are born, we train them to be artificial in all sorts of ways, and this artificiality becomes second nature, covering up, if not eliminating, their original instincts. However, that original instinct is probably not completely gone, because based on my experience, having led a civilized life from birth, I found that after spending months among primitive people, I had so little conventionality left that I felt quite happy—and even happier than before—living a completely uncivilized life. Without chairs and sofas, my instincts and the example of the locals taught me to squat like they did, and once I got used to it, I found that position much more comfortable than any of our so-called comfortable ways of sitting in Europe. The same went for sleeping, whether in the open air or in Ainu huts, where there was no more bedding than sofas or armchairs. To keep warm, I often slept on the ground, resting my head on my knees, just like the apes in the zoo. I’m sure many of my readers, who have never had such an experience, will consider me a “weirdo;” others might say I’m a fitting companion to my friend the furry madman, and the most generous will think that, since my name is “Savage Landor,” I’m just indulging in a new version of “Imaginary Conversations,” but without the literary quality of the original. That’s not the case. I’ve shared these facts not to entertain the reader or simply for the sake of shock value, but to illustrate how thin the layer of civilization is that we tend to believe is solid, and how just a short time spent away from people like ourselves and alone with “nature” can strip it all away, returning us to instinct instead of education. I’m willing to admit that not many people would want to follow in my footsteps and live as I did for months among the Ainu to determine whether I’m right or wrong. Many who have only sat in comfy chairs or slept in soft beds will hardly find my claims credible; but since these experiences were not only hugely entertaining but also deeply interesting to me, I’ll share them with my readers, regardless of what they think of the person sharing them.
[Pg 159] Another quality, merely instinctive, which I developed in my lonesome peregrinations was the power of accurate tracking. Most people are astonished at the wonderful tales told of the tracking abilities of the Australian black fellows, and of savages in general; but few ever think that if when young they had led the same life as these savages they would be as good trackers as the best. As there were absolutely no roads, and I travelled with no guide, servant, or companion, the power of discovering traces became invaluable to me. It was instinctive in me, developed rather than acquired, and therefore I mention it in connection with the other facts relating to animal and human instincts. Furthermore, I may assert that, until I was thus compelled to make use of that faculty, I was not aware that I possessed it.
[Pg 159] Another instinctive skill I developed during my solitary journeys was the ability to track accurately. Most people are amazed by the impressive stories about the tracking skills of Australian Indigenous people and other primitive cultures; however, few consider that if they had led the same lives as these groups when they were young, they would be just as skilled at tracking. Since there were no roads, and I traveled without a guide, servant, or companion, my ability to find traces became invaluable. It was an instinct I had developed rather than learned, which is why I mention it alongside other facts related to animal and human instincts. Additionally, I can say that I didn't even realize I had this skill until I was forced to use it.
We find that horses, bears, and most animals are good trackers. Dogs, the nearest in intelligence to men, are better than any other quadruped. Then come savages, who are the masters of tracking among human beings; but as we rise in the scale of civilisation we find that this faculty of following a slightly indicated track hardly exists. Does, then, intellectual education destroy our instincts instead of improving them?
We see that horses, bears, and most animals are great at tracking. Dogs, being the closest in intelligence to humans, are better than any other four-legged animals. Next are primitive people, who are the best trackers among humans; however, as we advance in civilization, we notice that this ability to follow faint traces is almost nonexistent. So, does education dull our instincts instead of enhancing them?
Tracking on sandy or tufaceous ground is an easy matter, as of course the foot leaves a well-marked print; but where I found real difficulty was over rocky ground, until I got used to it, and knew all the signs and what I had to look for. However, with a little practice, even over rocks which the sea has washed, it is not impossible to know if such and such creatures, human or animal, have passed that way.
Tracking on sandy or soft ground is straightforward since footprints are clearly visible. However, I found it challenging on rocky terrain until I became accustomed to it and learned to recognize all the signs and what to look for. With some practice, even on rocks that have been smoothed by the sea, it becomes possible to determine whether certain creatures, human or animal, have traveled that path.
One of the first things in tracking is to look for marks where they are likely to be; and this is just where the instinct comes in. Next to this, a clear knowledge of the person's or animal's way of walking and general habits is necessary. For instance, when I tried to discern tracks of Ainu, I invariably looked for them along the sea-shore, and failing that, on the adjoining cliffs, as I well knew that if any Ainu had passed by there he would have kept either along the coast or not far from it. By examination it is easy to see if the ground has been in any way disturbed of late. Sometimes a small stone moved from the place where it had been for years shows a[Pg 160] difference in colour where it has been affected by the weather and where not, thus giving a distinct clue of some passer-by, man or brute; and when once you have found what the characteristics of the tracks are, the most difficult part of the task is accomplished.
One of the first things in tracking is to look for signs where they are likely to be, and this is where instinct plays a role. Alongside this, a clear understanding of a person's or animal's walking patterns and general habits is essential. For example, when I tried to spot Ainu tracks, I always looked along the shore, and if that didn’t pan out, on the nearby cliffs, since I knew that any Ainu passing through would either stick to the coast or stay close to it. By examining the area, it's easy to see if the ground has been disrupted recently. Sometimes a small stone that has been moved from its long-held position shows a difference in color where it has been weathered compared to where it hasn’t, providing a clear clue of someone or something that has passed by; and once you figure out the characteristics of the tracks, the hardest part of the job is done.
On weather-beaten rocks the trail is more difficult to strike, and more difficult still on rocks over which the sea washes. "For," say the simple people, "how can you see tracks on hard stone? The foot certainly does not leave a print on rocks as on sand; and even supposing that the feet were dirty, the sea would wash away the marks, and you could not see anything."
On weathered rocks, finding the trail is tougher, and it's even harder on rocks washed by the sea. "Because," say the simple folks, "how can you see footprints on hard stone? A foot doesn’t leave a mark on rocks like it does on sand; and even if the feet were muddy, the sea would wash away the signs, and you wouldn't be able to see anything."
In my case I limited my search to bare-footed marks, as the Ainu generally go bare-footed. Everybody knows that dogs track by scent, and this is a sure proof that every footmark must have a certain special odour, however infinitesimal. When we remember that the act of walking makes the feet warm and perspire, it is easy to understand that this perspiration, which is a greasy substance, leaves a mark on the stone—though to be sure it is sometimes almost imperceptible, especially when quite fresh. But most of us, when children at school, have noticed that touching a slate with moist fingers leaves a greasy mark, which could not be rubbed off again. The same thing happens when we tread on stones with bare feet. If the sea washes over the stones after the greasy impression has been thus made on them, it does nothing but accentuate these marks, and show them more plainly, as the salt water acts in one way on the untouched parts of the stone, but in a different way where the grease has been absorbed. These marks are generally very faint, and it requires some training before they can be discerned; but when the knack is once acquired, they become evident enough. To an observant eye, and with a little practice, it is not difficult to perceive whether one or more persons have tramped on a given place, and in what direction they have travelled. The marks on stones which are washed over by the sea are usually of a lightish colour.
In my case, I focused my search on barefoot marks, since the Ainu typically go barefoot. It's common knowledge that dogs track by scent, which proves that every footprint must have a unique smell, no matter how tiny. When we consider that walking warms the feet and causes them to sweat, it's easy to see that this perspiration, which is greasy, leaves a mark on the stone—even if it's sometimes almost invisible, especially when it's fresh. However, many of us have noticed that touching a slate with damp fingers leaves a greasy mark that can't be wiped away. The same occurs when we step on stones with bare feet. If the sea washes over the stones after this greasy imprint has been made, it only highlights these marks more clearly, as the saltwater reacts differently with the untouched areas of the stone compared to where the grease has soaked in. These marks are usually very faint, and it takes some training to detect them; but once you've mastered it, they become quite clear. With a keen eye and a bit of practice, it's not difficult to tell if one or more people have walked in a certain spot and in what direction they went. The marks on stones that are washed by the sea are typically light in color.
I could almost invariably distinguish the footmarks of an Ainu from those of a Japanese, as the Ainu take longer strides, and their toes are longer than those of the Japanese.[Pg 161] Moreover, with the latter, when walking the greater pressure is forward under the foot, and their toes are turned in; while in Ainu footprints the whole foot rests on the ground, and they keep it perfectly straight, moving the two feet parallel to each other.
I could almost always tell the footprints of an Ainu from those of a Japanese person because the Ainu take longer strides, and their toes are longer than those of the Japanese. [Pg 161] Additionally, when Japanese people walk, most of their weight is on the front of the foot, and their toes point inward; whereas in Ainu footprints, the whole foot touches the ground, and they keep it perfectly straight, moving both feet parallel to each other.
I have given these few points on tracking, as it will explain to the reader how I was able to find my way from one village to another miles apart, to steer for huts where I had never been, and to overcome great difficulties, which I could not have surmounted if I had not learnt the art of tracking, and so far developed my natural powers. My ponies were also to a great extent my teachers; and by a close examination of their instinct I learned that I myself possessed it, and improved on it.
I’ve shared these key insights on tracking because they show how I managed to navigate from one village to another miles away, aim for huts I’d never visited before, and tackle significant challenges that I wouldn't have been able to overcome without mastering the skill of tracking and honing my natural abilities. My ponies were also major teachers for me; by closely observing their instincts, I realized I had that same instinct and improved upon it.
Between Sawaki, or Fujima, and Poronai there is a beautiful forest of oak and hard-wood trees on the hills and firs on the higher mountains, while the shore above the sea-wash is covered with thick scrub-bamboo, which reaches a height of about ten feet.
Between Sawaki, or Fujima, and Poronai, there’s a beautiful forest of oak and hardwood trees on the hills, and fir trees on the higher mountains. The shore above the waves is covered with thick scrub bamboo that grows about ten feet tall.
On the sandy beach, besides a large number of whales' bones, there is any amount of driftwood.
On the sandy beach, along with a lot of whale bones, there's plenty of driftwood.
At Poronai, which consisted of only eight huts, the Ainu had adopted an architecture for their storehouses different to that of other tribes. The walls and the roof were made partly of wood, partly of the bark of trees. Heavy stones were placed on the roof to prevent it from being blown away during the strong gales so frequent along that coast.
At Poronai, which had only eight huts, the Ainu had a unique style for their storehouses compared to other tribes. The walls and roof were made partly of wood and partly of tree bark. Heavy stones were laid on the roof to keep it from being blown off by the strong winds that often hit that coast.
The natives described the winter weather as very severe, especially during northerly winds, and they told me that some years the sea all along the coast is frozen for some eight or ten miles out, besides the drift-ice which sets in from the north and works its way along the coast as far as Cape Nossyap, in the neighbourhood of Nemuro. At the beginning of the winter this ice, probably drifted across from Sakhalin by the strong current in the La Perouse Strait, sets in from the north and works down all along the north-east coast of Yezo, filling up all indentations in the coast-line, and forming a solid mass on the surface of the water.
The locals described the winter weather as extremely harsh, especially during north winds. They told me that some years the sea along the coast freezes about eight to ten miles out, in addition to the drift ice that comes in from the north and moves along the coast all the way to Cape Nossyap, near Nemuro. At the start of winter, this ice, likely pushed over from Sakhalin by the strong current in the La Perouse Strait, flows in from the north and covers the entire northeast coast of Yezo, filling all the nooks in the shoreline and forming a solid layer on the water's surface.
Seals are very plentiful on these shores as far as Abashiri,[Pg 162] but the greatest number are found on the Saruma lagoon. In winter it is not difficult to come within reach of them, but even in September I saw many of them. They were, however, very shy, and when they caught sight of me instantly disappeared under water.
Seals are very abundant along these shores all the way to Abashiri,[Pg 162] but the highest number can be spotted in the Saruma lagoon. In winter, it’s not hard to get close to them, but even in September, I saw quite a few. They were, however, very skittish, and as soon as they noticed me, they quickly dove under the water.
A few miles from Poronai I came to a headland, and about one mile from it lay the small island of Chuskin.
A few miles from Poronai, I reached a headland, and about a mile from there was the small island of Chuskin.
The coast again, instead of being sandy, showed traces of its volcanic formation, forming beautiful cliffs and a rugged outline, rising in terraces at places, or cliffs of clay and gravel sediments, with reefs extending far out to sea, while below them stretched a beach of coarse sand or pebbles, strewn with enormous volcanic boulders. These terraces are wooded mostly with alder, Yezo fir, and beech.
The coast, rather than being sandy, displayed signs of its volcanic origins, creating stunning cliffs and a rough outline, rising in terraces in some areas, or showing clay and gravel cliffs, with reefs extending far into the ocean, while below them lay a beach of rough sand or pebbles, dotted with massive volcanic boulders. These terraces are mostly covered with alder, Yezo fir, and beech trees.
Soon after crossing the Porobets River I came across the wreck of a sailing ship, which lay flat on the shore disabled and dismasted; and at last I reached Esashi. There I again noticed a curious fact, which may be of some interest to anthropologists; namely, that Yezo is mostly formed of Tertiaries and volcanic rocks, and that the Ainu are mostly to be found in regions of Cainozoic or Tertiary formation. In volcanic districts they are very scarce. This is curious, for it is a well-known fact that the typical life-form of Tertiaries is anthropoid apes, and it is a remarkable coincidence that we should find ape-like men populating the same strata.
Soon after crossing the Porobets River, I came across the wreck of a sailing ship, which lay flat on the shore, disabled and without its mast; and eventually, I reached Esashi. There, I noticed an interesting fact that might intrigue anthropologists: Yezo is mainly composed of Tertiary and volcanic rocks, and the Ainu primarily live in areas of Cainozoic or Tertiary formation. They are quite rare in volcanic regions. This is interesting because it's a well-known fact that the typical life form of Tertiaries is anthropoid apes, and it's a remarkable coincidence that we find ape-like humans in the same geological strata.
From Esashi the coast is extremely rough and rocky for about eight miles. I had to take my famished pony up and down steep mountains rising directly from the sea in places where the beach was impassable. Owing to the lack of grass my wretched beast had but little to eat; and what with the danger of riding, and the miserable condition my pony was in, I had to walk most of the way and lead him. Shanoi, about thirteen miles further, came in sight—a group of wretched fishermen's huts; and from here the coast was somewhat better. The scenery all along is beautiful, especially looking back towards the Shanoi Mountains. I saw one or two abandoned huts blown down by the wind, but no people.
From Esashi, the coast is really rough and rocky for about eight miles. I had to take my starving pony up and down steep mountains that rise straight from the sea in places where the beach was impossible to cross. Because there was barely any grass, my poor horse had very little to eat; and with the risk of riding and the awful state my pony was in, I had to walk most of the way and lead him. Shanoi, about thirteen miles farther on, came into view—a cluster of run-down fishermen's huts; and from there, the coast improved somewhat. The scenery along the way is beautiful, especially when looking back towards the Shanoi Mountains. I spotted one or two abandoned huts that had been blown down by the wind, but I didn't see any people.
Near Shanoi the eruptive rocks and granitic cliffs suddenly[Pg 163] come to an end, as well as the mountainous character of the country, and for fifteen miles, till one comes to Sarubuts, the country is pretty flat and swampy, with a thick vegetation inland of spruce trees. There is a small lagoon formed by the Tombets River, and which often has its mouth blocked by the quicksands, which cause it to overflow.
Near Shanoi, the volcanic rocks and granite cliffs suddenly[Pg 163] come to an end, along with the mountainous landscape. For fifteen miles, until you reach Sarubuts, the land is mostly flat and swampy, with dense vegetation made up of spruce trees. There's a small lagoon created by the Tombets River, which often gets its mouth blocked by quicksand, leading to overflow.
I left Sarubuts in pouring rain, following the trail along the beach. The river forms a long narrow lake similar to that of Tombets, and at the back of it are terraces and high lands, but no very high mountains. Another wreck of a large boat lay in fragments on the sand, and after fifteen miles of very uninteresting scenery I arrived at Chietomamai, a group of four or five fishermen's huts. Here again the coast was rough, but my pony did not sink in the sand as it did on leaving Sarubuts, but it stumbled among large pebbles and stones as pointed as needles. Further on were grey and brown steep cliffs, which were extremely picturesque. The Mezozoic nature of this coast shows more distinctly between Chietomamai and Soya Cape, and a large rock emerging from the sea is both peculiar and picturesque with its numerous square sections. It is from this point that one gets the first view of Soya Cape. Going round a bay one passes a few fishermen's houses, and on the cliffs above them has been erected the Siliusi lighthouse. I cleared the Cape and rounded the bay on the other side, where I saw another wreck of a sailing ship dashed upon the rocks, making the scene a sad one. I still went on, and went round two or three smaller headlands, when the melancholy sight of a fourth wreck stood before me. This last ship had her stern out of the water, and a Turkish name was painted on it. Her appearance also was Turkish, and I was more than once puzzled as to what a Turkish ship could have been doing in the La Perouse Strait. Many months afterwards, on my return to Yokohama, but too late to be of any help to them, the sad story of the survivors of that ship was revealed to me. The mission of the ship in those far-off seas was a mysterious one. No one ever knew exactly whence she came, or whither she was bound. No one ever learned whether she had been disabled in a typhoon in the Chinese Sea, and had been drifted so far north by the strong currents, or whether the careless Turkish master had[Pg 164] mistaken his course and had met his fate in the dangerous currents of La Perouse Strait. Only four of the crew survived. There they were on that deserted coast, with no clothes, no food, no money; but the few natives treated them kindly. Two of them wore "Tarbouches" (red caps), the only things they had saved from the wreck. The natives on the north-west coast told me of these men who were tramping their way south, unable to make themselves understood, continually asking for "Sekhara," or "Sakhara," which, I believe, in the Turkish language means tobacco or cigarettes. After months of privations, half starved, and worn out with fatigue, they reached Hakodate, where, having no passport, and not being able to explain themselves, they were duly arrested and sent down to Yokohama. Unfortunately for them, at that time the "Entogroul," a Turkish man-of-war, had come to Japan, a voyage which took her two years, to bring some decorations which the Sultan had bestowed on the Mikado. Osman Pasha, the Admiral, had the poor devils brought before him, and they told him their sad story, what they had suffered, and how they had lost their ship. The story was too true to be believed, or too strange to sound true!
I left Sarubuts in heavy rain, following the trail along the beach. The river creates a long, narrow lake like that of Tombets, and behind it are terraces and high lands, but no really tall mountains. Another wreck of a large boat lay in pieces on the sand, and after fifteen miles of pretty dull scenery, I arrived at Chietomamai, a small cluster of four or five fishermen's huts. Once again, the coast was rough, but my pony didn’t sink in the sand like it did leaving Sarubuts; instead, it stumbled over large pebbles and sharp stones. Further on, there were grey and brown steep cliffs that were quite picturesque. The geological features of this coast are more clearly visible between Chietomamai and Soya Cape, and a large rock rising from the sea is both unusual and attractive with its many square sections. It’s from this point that you first get a view of Soya Cape. Going around a bay, you pass a few fishermen's houses, and on the cliffs above them, the Siliusi lighthouse has been built. I rounded the Cape and came around the bay on the other side, where I saw another wreck of a sailing ship smashed against the rocks, making the scene quite sad. I kept going and rounded two or three smaller headlands when I came across the grim sight of a fourth wreck. This last ship had its stern out of the water, and a Turkish name was painted on it. Its appearance also seemed Turkish, and I often wondered what a Turkish ship was doing in the La Perouse Strait. Months later, when I returned to Yokohama, but too late to help them, I learned the sad story of the survivors of that ship. The mission of the ship in those distant waters was mysterious. No one ever knew exactly where it had come from or where it was headed. It was unclear whether it had been disabled in a typhoon in the Chinese Sea and had drifted so far north due to the strong currents, or if the careless Turkish captain had mistakenly set his course and met his fate in the treacherous waters of La Perouse Strait. Only four of the crew survived. There they were on that deserted coast, with no clothes, no food, no money; but the few natives treated them kindly. Two of them wore “Tarbouches” (red caps), the only things they had managed to save from the wreck. The natives on the northwest coast told me about these men who were making their way south, unable to communicate, constantly asking for “Sekhara,” or “Sakhara,” which, I believe, means tobacco or cigarettes in Turkish. After months of hardships, half-starved and exhausted, they reached Hakodate, where, lacking passports and unable to explain their situation, they were arrested and sent to Yokohama. Unfortunately for them, at that time, the "Entogroul," a Turkish warship, had arrived in Japan after a two-year journey to deliver some decorations the Sultan had given to the Mikado. Osman Pasha, the Admiral, had the poor souls brought before him, and they shared their tragic story about what they had endured and how they lost their ship. The story was either too true to be believed or too strange to sound true!
"Impostors!" said Osman Pasha, and declining to listen any more to their tale of woe, which he called "pure lies," had them "put in irons," in which condition they were to be taken back to Constantinople. None of the foreign residents in Japan believed the story of these wretches, and all were glad to see the miscreants punished. "Impossible," said everybody, "that a Turkish ship should have been up there!"
"Impostors!" Osman Pasha exclaimed, and refusing to hear any more of their sob story, which he dismissed as "complete lies," had them "put in handcuffs," in which state they were to be taken back to Constantinople. None of the foreign residents in Japan believed the tale of these unfortunate people, and everyone was glad to see the wrongdoers punished. "No way," everyone said, "that a Turkish ship could have been up there!"
As it so happened, the "Entogroul," on her return trip to Constantinople, was herself caught in a typhoon, and, steaming full speed to resist the force of the wind and the waves, her boilers burst, and Osman Pasha and nearly all hands on board were blown to pieces or drowned. If I remember right, over three hundred and sixty lives were lost, and no doubt the four men, whose prison, I was told, was near the boilers, thus found a tragic end to their life of misery.
As it turned out, the "Entogroul," on her way back to Constantinople, got caught in a typhoon. Trying to push through the wind and waves at full speed, her boilers exploded, killing Osman Pasha and almost everyone on board. If I recall correctly, over three hundred sixty lives were lost, and the four men, whose prison I was told was close to the boilers, likely met a tragic end to their miserable lives.
When I arrived at Yokohama all this had already happened,[Pg 165] and my evidence, which probably might have saved the life of these men, was therefore useless.
When I got to Yokohama, all of this had already taken place,[Pg 165] and my evidence, which could have possibly saved these men's lives, was therefore pointless.
But let us return to Soya Cape, where we have left the wreck.
But let's go back to Soya Cape, where we left the wreck.
The rapid current which comes through the Strait gives a horrid look to the water, and I have never seen the sea look so vicious. The natives of the small Soya village told me that it is impossible to cross over to Sakhalin, the high mountains of which, covered with snow and glaciers, I could see distinctly. The distance from land to land is about twenty-eight miles, but no small boat can get across without being swamped. They told me also that often dead bodies of Russians are washed on shore, probably unfortunate convicts who found their death in attempting to obtain liberty. H.M.S. "Rattler" was wrecked in 1868 on one of the numerous reefs near this Cape, so the record of Soya could hardly be more mournful.
The strong current flowing through the Strait makes the water look really scary, and I’ve never seen the sea appear so aggressive. The locals from the small village of Soya told me that it’s impossible to cross over to Sakhalin, whose high mountains, covered in snow and glaciers, I could see clearly. The distance between the two lands is about twenty-eight miles, but no small boat can make it across without capsizing. They also mentioned that the bodies of Russians often wash ashore, likely unfortunate convicts who died trying to escape to freedom. H.M.S. "Rattler" was wrecked in 1868 on one of the many reefs near this Cape, so the history of Soya could hardly be more tragic.
After the Cape has been well rounded one finds oneself in a bay opening due north. In the winter time this bay is completely blocked with ice, but the Strait itself is never entirely frozen, owing to the strong warm current from the Chinese Sea, which the Japanese call by the name of Kuroshiwo.
After rounding the Cape, you find yourself in a bay that opens due north. In winter, this bay is fully blocked with ice, but the Strait itself never completely freezes due to the strong warm current from the Chinese Sea, which the Japanese call Kuroshiwo.
Soya village is a wretched place of thirty or forty sheds. A few planks, badly joined together, and with a kind of a roof over them, made my shelter for the night. Soya Cape is the most northern point of the north-east coast, and before we abandon it to move towards the south, along the west coast, it is important to mention the peculiar and conspicuous characteristic of the marked bending of watercourses in a south or south-easterly direction. They are forced that way by the drift-sand travelling along the coast from north-west to south-east with the Kuroshiwo current, which drift-sand is in such quantities as often to block altogether the mouths of some rivers, and form the large lagoons so common along this coast. The lack of harbours or sheltered anchorages, the inhospitable and unfertile shores, the quicksands, and the severe climate, besides the danger of being swamped and carried away by the overflow of a lagoon or lake, make this coast of little attraction for intending settlers or for pleasure-seekers.
Soya village is a miserable place with about thirty or forty shacks. A few poorly put-together planks with some sort of roof over them served as my shelter for the night. Soya Cape is the northernmost point of the northeast coast, and before we leave it to head south along the west coast, it's worth noting the unique and noticeable feature of the watercourses bending sharply in a south or southeast direction. They’re pushed that way by the drift-sand that moves along the coast from northwest to southeast with the Kuroshiwo current, which often builds up in such large amounts that it completely blocks the mouths of some rivers, creating the large lagoons that are common along this coast. The absence of harbors or safe anchorages, the unwelcoming and barren shores, the quicksand, and the harsh climate, along with the risk of being flooded and swept away by a lagoon or lake overflow, make this coast unappealing for potential settlers or leisure travelers.
[Pg 166] Herrings are plentiful all along the coast, but fishing stations could not possibly pay, even if any were established, owing to the difficulty and expense of carriage and freight, and the risk that ships would run in calling at such exposed and unprotected shores.
[Pg 166] Herring are abundant along the coast, but fishing stations wouldn’t be profitable, even if they were set up, because of the challenges and costs of transportation and shipping, as well as the danger that ships would face by going to such exposed and unprotected shores.


CHAPTER XVI.
From Cape Soya to the Ishikari River.
From Soya the coast forms a large bay, which opens due north, and which ends in Cape Soya on the eastern side and in Cape Nossyap on the western. Almost in the middle is the small village of Coittoe, and from this place, towering beyond the flat Nossyap peninsula, one can see Rishiri Island. Near the western part of the bay are some small hills, covered mainly with fir-trees. Wakkanai, a Japanese village, is on the west coast of the bay, and north of it is Cape Nossyap. From this cape is a lovely view of Rishiri and Repunshiri Islands. Rishiri is a volcanic cone 6,400 feet above the level of the sea. It has the identical shape of the famous Fujiama in Southern Japan, and rising as it does in graceful slopes directly from the sea, has the appearance of being higher than it really is. Repunshiri is hilly and partly of volcanic formation, but none of its peaks rise to a higher altitude than five hundred feet.
From Soya, the coastline creates a large bay that faces due north, ending with Cape Soya on the eastern side and Cape Nossyap on the western side. Almost in the center is the small village of Coittoe, and from here, you can see Rishiri Island rising above the flat Nossyap peninsula. Near the western part of the bay, there are some small hills mainly covered with fir trees. Wakkanai, a Japanese village, is located on the west coast of the bay, and north of it is Cape Nossyap. From this cape, there’s a beautiful view of Rishiri and Repunshiri Islands. Rishiri is a volcanic cone that rises 6,400 feet above sea level. It has the same shape as the famous Fuji in Southern Japan and appears taller than it actually is because it rises gracefully from the sea. Repunshiri is hilly and partly volcanic, but none of its peaks reach higher than five hundred feet.
Rishiri is almost circular at sea-level, and it has no well-sheltered nor safe anchorages; but Repunshiri has one good[Pg 168] anchorage on its north coast. Rishiri is about six and a half miles in diameter and twenty-five miles distant, directly west of Cape Nossyap; Repunshiri is eleven miles long, about four and a-half wide, and eleven miles distant to Ikaru, its nearest point east on the Yezo coast. As the Kuriles are a continuation east of the volcanic zone of Yezo, there is no doubt that Rishiri and Repunshiri are the terminus of the same volcanic zone at its north-west end.
Rishiri is almost circular at sea level, and it doesn't have any well-sheltered or safe anchorages; however, Repunshiri has one good[Pg 168] anchorage on its north coast. Rishiri is about six and a half miles in diameter and is twenty-five miles directly west of Cape Nossyap; Repunshiri is eleven miles long, about four and a half miles wide, and located eleven miles from Ikaru, its nearest point east on the Yezo coast. Since the Kuriles extend east from the volcanic zone of Yezo, it's clear that Rishiri and Repunshiri mark the end of the same volcanic zone at its northwest edge.
From Wakkanai a new horse-track has been opened to Bakkai, on the north-west coast. The ride for the first eleven miles was uncomfortable, as my pony, a worn-out brute, sank up to its belly in the mud; but in due course I came to the hilly part, and after having gone up one steep pitch and down another for a considerable distance, I rapidly descended a precipitous bank, and followed the soft sandy beach till I reached Bakkai. Here there is a large and peculiar stone, which the Ainu say resembles an old woman carrying a child on her back. It stands perpendicularly out of the ground at a great height, and it is of a rich dark-brown colour. If the north-east coast was barren and deserted, the western shore of Yezo was even yet more desolate. For thirty or forty miles, as far as the Teshio River, the beach was strewn with wrecks and wreckage. Here you saw a boat smashed to pieces; there a mast cast on the shore; further on a wheel-house washed away by the waves; then the helm of a disabled ship. It was a sight sad enough to break one's heart, with all the tragic circumstances it suggested.
From Wakkanai, a new horse trail has been opened to Bakkai, on the northwest coast. The ride for the first eleven miles was uncomfortable, as my pony, a tired old thing, sank up to its belly in the mud. But eventually, I reached the hilly area, and after climbing one steep incline and descending another for quite a while, I quickly went down a steep bank and followed the soft sandy beach until I arrived at Bakkai. Here, there's a large and unique stone that the Ainu say looks like an old woman carrying a child on her back. It stands vertically out of the ground at a great height, and it's a rich dark brown color. While the northeast coast was barren and deserted, the western shore of Yezo was even more desolate. For thirty or forty miles, all the way to the Teshio River, the beach was littered with wrecks and debris. Here, you could see a boat smashed to pieces; there, a mast washed up on the shore; further along, a wheelhouse carried away by the waves; and then the helm of a disabled ship. It was a sight sad enough to break your heart, with all the tragic circumstances it implied.
Between Bakkai and Wadamanai especially, I do not think that one can go more than a few yards at a time without being reminded by the wreckage which is strewn thick on the coast of some calamity. A white life-boat, with her stern smashed, lay on the sand helpless to save, and as a kind of satire on her name; and at Wadamanai, a large Russian cruiser, the "Crisorok," dismasted and broken in two, lay flat on the beach half covered with sand. Her bridge had been washed away and her deck had sunk in. Some of the bodies of her gallant officers and crew had been washed on shore by the sea. No one knows in what circumstances the ship was lost, but it is probable that during last winter, when she came to her ill-fated end, her rigging and sails got top-heavy with ice, and that she[Pg 169] capsized. Some of the wreckage one finds on that coast has been drifted there from the Chinese Sea by the Kuroshiwo current; and then, owing to the La Perouse Strait turning so sharply to the east, has been left on this last portion of the coast. Here and there a rough tent made with a torn sail, or a deserted shed knocked up out of pieces of wreckage, is a suggestive reminder that some unfortunate derelict seafarer had suffered and striven for life on these forlorn sands. An enormous quantity of drift-logs, and here and there some bones of whales, are strewn all along the beach.
Between Bakkai and Wadamanai especially, I don't think you can go more than a few yards without being reminded by the wreckage scattered all over the coast of some disaster. A white lifeboat, with its stern damaged, lay on the sand, unable to save anyone, a bitter irony given its name. At Wadamanai, a large Russian cruiser, the "Crisorok," was dismasted and broken in two, lying flat on the beach partially buried in sand. Its bridge had been swept away and its deck had sunk. Some of the bodies of its brave officers and crew had been washed ashore by the sea. No one knows exactly how the ship was lost, but it's likely that during last winter, when it met its tragic end, its rigging and sails became heavy with ice, causing it to capsize. Some of the wreckage found along that coast has drifted from the Chinese Sea thanks to the Kuroshiwo current; and then, due to the La Perouse Strait turning sharply to the east, it's been stranded on this last stretch of coast. Here and there, a makeshift tent made from a torn sail or an abandoned shed built from pieces of wreckage serves as a poignant reminder that some unfortunate shipwrecked sailor fought for survival on these desolate sands. A huge amount of driftwood, along with scattered whale bones, are littered all along the beach.
At Wadamanai there is a mere rough shed under the shelter of the sand-hills. When I left this place, moving south, a strong gale blew, which made the travelling most unpleasant. It was getting fearfully cold, and now that I needed clothes so badly mine were falling altogether to pieces. My "unmentionables," which reached down to my feet when I left Hakodate at the beginning of my journey, had long since been trimmed and reduced to a kind of knickerbockers. Then the knees got worn out, and they became more like bathing-breeches; and finally I dispensed with them altogether, and made use of them to protect my sketch-book and diary, round which I wrapped what remained of the ex-garment. My boots, of course, were a dream of the past, and little by little I was getting accustomed to walking barefooted. Thus, dressed in a coat, a belt ... and nothing else, I moved along this inhospitable coast, half frozen, but not discomfited.
At Wadamanai, there’s just a rough shed under the shelter of the sand dunes. When I left this place, heading south, a strong wind blew, making the journey really uncomfortable. It was getting extremely cold, and I desperately needed clothes since mine were completely falling apart. My "unmentionables," which had reached my feet when I left Hakodate at the start of my trip, had long since been trimmed down to a kind of knickerbockers. Then the knees wore out, and they became more like swim trunks; eventually, I got rid of them altogether and used what was left to protect my sketchbook and diary, wrapping them in the remnants of that old garment. My boots were just a memory, and little by little, I was getting used to walking barefoot. So, dressed in a coat, a belt, and nothing else, I continued along this unwelcoming coast, half frozen, but still in good spirits.
The mouths of some of the small rivulets were extremely nasty to cross, as my pony sank in the quicksands. I had to help him out, and that meant a cold bath each time. From Wadamanai I kept a little more inland, still steering for the south, and every now and then I again struck the beach. Still the old sad story of wreckages strewn all over the shore, sailing boats smashed to pieces, junks disabled and half buried in sand, met me at every turn, creating in my mind a very monotony of melancholy.
The mouths of some of the small streams were really unpleasant to cross, as my pony sank in the quicksand. I had to help him out, which meant getting a cold soak every time. From Wadamanai, I stayed a bit more inland, still heading south, and now and then I hit the beach again. The same old sad story of wreckage scattered all over the shore—sailing boats smashed apart, broken-down vessels half-buried in the sand—confronted me at every turn, creating a sense of monotonous sadness in my mind.
Late in the evening I reached the mouth of the Teshio River, a broad deep watercourse, one of the three largest rivers in Hokkaido, the other two being the Ishikari and the Tokachi. It has a long course in a general north-westerly direction, and then sharply turns southward, running parallel with the coast[Pg 170] for about four miles, and forming a kind of lagoon at its outlet, which seems now to be working towards the northward again. All the other rivers on the west coast tend northward owing to the drift-sand which the current brings north. It is strange that the Teshio should partly be an exception to this rule, though we have ample evidence, even in this watercourse, of the movement of the sand, for the bar at its mouth almost entirely blocks its entrance, and rapidly works in a northerly direction. Thus there is no doubt that the sand travels towards the north all along the west coast.
Late in the evening, I arrived at the mouth of the Teshio River, a wide, deep waterway that’s one of the three largest rivers in Hokkaido, alongside the Ishikari and the Tokachi. It flows generally northwest for a long stretch before sharply turning southward, running parallel to the coast[Pg 170] for about four miles and creating a sort of lagoon at its outlet, which now seems to be shifting back northward. All the other rivers along the west coast trend north due to the drift sand carried by the current. It's odd that the Teshio partially contradicts this pattern, although we can clearly see evidence of sand movement even in this river, as the bar at its mouth almost completely obstructs its entrance and is quickly shifting northward. So, it's clear that the sand moves north along the entire west coast.
Sea-trout is abundant in the Teshio River, but salmon, with which this stream formerly abounded, are now less plentiful owing to the sand-bar which blocks the entrance.
Sea-trout is plentiful in the Teshio River, but salmon, which used to be abundant in this stream, are now scarcer due to the sandbar blocking the entrance.
A gale was blowing fiercely when I crossed the lagoon in a small Ainu "dug-out," and my pony was made to swim across. Two or three times we nearly capsized, and we shipped a lot of water. It was just like sitting in a bath with water up to my waist; but the Ainu, who had as much as he could do to paddle me across and tow the pony as well, comforted me by saying, "Now that his 'dug-out' was full, we could not ship any more water, and that his skiff, being made of wood, could not sink!"
A strong wind was blowing hard when I crossed the lagoon in a small Ainu dugout, with my pony also swimming alongside. We almost tipped over two or three times, and we took on a lot of water. It felt like sitting in a bath with the water up to my waist, but the Ainu, who was doing his best to paddle me across while also towing the pony, reassured me by saying that now that his dugout was full, we wouldn’t take on any more water, and that since his boat was made of wood, it couldn't sink!
After a long struggle we got safely to the other side, and the Ainu boatman guided me for a mile or so to the fishing village at the mouth of the river. It has but ten huts, all more or less miserable. The pony was so done up that he was hardly fit to carry my traps, much less could he have borne my weight. I could not get a fresh animal, so I had to push forward walking, and dragging the beast on as well as I could. This had the advantage of keeping me warm, which I needed badly, for what with the cold and my dilapidated costume I was more nearly frozen to death than was pleasant. The track was heavy in the soft sand, and the dangerous and numerous quicksand streams were enough to make a saint swear—if swearing would have done any good. How unspeakably desolate it all was! Not a soul to be met; not a hut to be seen! Here and there more wreckage and drift-wood on the shore, telling of storms and death, and the absence of all human aid. At last I came in sight of an Ainu hut; but as I drew near I found that it was abandoned. My meals,[Pg 171] never very plentiful, were now specially scanty—few and far between; and, taken altogether, this part of my travels in Ainuland was somewhat lacking in cheerfulness.
After a long struggle, we made it safely to the other side, and the Ainu boatman led me for about a mile to the fishing village at the river's mouth. It had only ten huts, all pretty miserable. The pony was so exhausted that it was barely able to carry my gear, let alone my weight. I couldn't find a fresh animal, so I had to keep moving on foot, dragging the pony as best as I could. The upside was that it kept me warm, which I desperately needed because between the cold and my tattered clothes, I was nearly frozen to death. The path was tough in the soft sand, and the many dangerous quicksand streams were enough to make anyone swear—if swearing would have helped. How incredibly desolate it all was! No one around; not a hut in sight! Here and there was more debris and driftwood on the shore, evidence of storms and death, and the complete absence of any human help. Finally, I spotted an Ainu hut; but as I got closer, I realized it was abandoned. My meals, [Pg 171] never very plentiful, had become especially scarce—few and far between; overall, this part of my travels in Ainuland was pretty lacking in cheerfulness.
The cliffs near Wembets have the strange appearance of so many cones at equal intervals along the coast. On the Wembets River there were as many as two huts; and here again I had to cross in a boat, the stream being too deep to ford on foot or horseback; then again along the sand, dragging my pony, while I myself could hardly stand on my half-skinned feet, I went on and on, wearied of the monotony of my miserable experiences. The track grew narrow, and always worse. The high grey cliffs of clay-rock began, and the rough sea washed up to the foot of them, making progress more than ever unpleasant and dangerous. Each wave that came brought the water up to my knees, often up to my waist, and for about ten miles I was continually in and out of water. On a cold day my readers can imagine how pleasant it was! About sunset I came in sight of the two flat islands of Teuri and Yangeshiri, about fifteen miles off the coast. It then grew dark; but the moon came to my help, shining brightly on the greyish cliffs. The tide had risen, and in several places I had great difficulty in getting across on account of the furious waves dashing against the cliffs, and making a picturesque and living sheet of foam.
The cliffs near Wembets look like a series of cones spaced evenly along the coast. There were up to two huts by the Wembets River, and I had to cross it in a boat since the water was too deep to walk or ride through. Then I continued along the sand, dragging my pony while my half-skinned feet made it hard for me to stand. I trudged on, tired of the dullness of my miserable experience. The path got narrower and worse. The tall grey cliffs of clay-rock appeared, with the rough sea crashing at their base, making it even more uncomfortable and dangerous to move forward. Each wave brought the water up to my knees, often up to my waist, and for about ten miles, I kept going in and out of the water. On a cold day, you can imagine how enjoyable that was! Around sunset, I spotted the two flat islands of Teuri and Yangeshiri, about fifteen miles from the coast. It got dark, but the moon lit up the grey cliffs. The tide had come in, and in several spots, I struggled to get across because of the fierce waves crashing against the cliffs, creating a stunning scene of foam.
Late at night, as I had almost given up all hope of finding a shelter, I came upon a shed on the Furembets River, where I put up for the night.
Late at night, just when I had almost lost all hope of finding a place to stay, I stumbled upon a shed by the Furembets River, where I decided to spend the night.
My wretched pony was nearly dead with fatigue, and I let him loose so that he might get a feed of grass. The next morning, after the inmates of the hut had volunteered to go and bring him back to me, I heard them on the distant hills calling, "Pop, pop, pop, pop!" the Ainu way of approaching and calling horses. After a time they came back hopeless, saying that the brute had bolted, and there was no hope of getting him again. He could not be found anywhere! I was in the most awful dilemma, for had that been the case I would have been forced to abandon all my impedimenta, consisting of sketches and painting materials, and proceed as best I could on foot. Under other circumstances I could have carried the[Pg 172] baggage on my back easily; but as I was half-starved, and had my feet badly cut, I was hardly able to carry my own weight; therefore this was not possible now.
My poor pony was nearly dead from exhaustion, so I let him loose to graze on some grass. The next morning, after the people in the hut offered to go find him, I heard them on the distant hills calling, "Pop, pop, pop, pop!" which is how the Ainu approach and call horses. After a while, they came back empty-handed, saying that the pony had run off and there was no chance of getting him back. He was nowhere to be found! I was in a terrible situation because if that was the case, I would have to leave behind all my stuff, which included sketches and painting materials, and continue on foot as best I could. Normally, I could have easily carried the[Pg 172] baggage on my back, but since I was half-starved and had badly cut feet, I could barely carry my own weight; so this was not an option now.
As incredulity is one of the useful qualities I possess, I went to look after my pony myself. The shed was protected by a sand-mound at the back, and a small space was left between the mound and the wall of the shed. I do not know what made me go and look there, but sure enough there was my pony lying flat, and almost too weak to get up again. This was no horse-stealing ruse on the part of the Ainu; simply the wretched animal's own idea of good stabling and likely fodder. I dragged him out of his involuntary prison, and after having done what I could for his comfort and well-being, we set out once more on our melancholy travels. This may sound cruel to some who in the course of their life have never travelled in out-of-the-way places, and who are ready to condemn anyone who is the means of letting an animal suffer. It may sound cruel in our humane country, where animals are protected and prize-fights tolerated and enjoyed; so to avoid misunderstandings it might be as well for me to say, that as regards this tired pony it was simply the matter to push on with him as far as I could or lose all the valuable materials I had collected during months of sufferings and privations. No ponies were to be got for any money along that deserted coast, for there were none in existence. I did my best to alleviate the poor animal's sufferings by undergoing myself a considerable amount of pain, walking most of the way with my feet a mass of sores; and as winter was rapidly coming on, I was more than anxious to make my way south with all the speed I could, to prevent being blocked up with snow and ice and forced to spend the winter on this inhospitable coast. Consequently, I was, as a matter of fact, more cruel to myself than to my animals; to the others, those who will still cast the first stone at me, I can wish no better punishment than to be placed in the same position I was then. The trail became somewhat better, as it led over the cliffs for about three miles; then again it was on the beach. The high cliffs varied from a very rich burnt sienna colour to a nice warm grey, and in some places they are perfectly white, like the cliffs at Dover. Conical mounds frequently occur, and give a curious aspect to[Pg 173] this deserted shore. Ten miles further on, at Chukbets, I found a couple of huts; then I walked and dragged the pony on the cliffs for about four miles; then again I resorted to the beach; and finally I entered Hamboro, a small village, or rather a picturesque group of sheds and huts, and a capital fishing-station. Shake, salmon, mashe, and herrings are caught in abundance at the mouth of this river. A short distance from here hundreds of carcasses of seals were scattered on the beach, whence emanated pestilential odours. On account of the slowness of my pony I had to-night a modified repetition of last night's experience, but neither was the sea so rough nor the trail so narrow at the bottom of the cliffs; and though my wretched animal was naturally in a worse condition than before, I was able to push on to Tomamai that same night, where I arrived at a small hour of the morning.
As disbelief is one of the useful traits I have, I went to check on my pony myself. The shed was shielded by a sand mound at the back, and there was a small gap between the mound and the wall of the shed. I’m not sure why I decided to look there, but sure enough, I found my pony lying flat, nearly too weak to get up again. This wasn’t a horse-stealing trick by the Ainu; it was just the poor animal’s misunderstanding of good shelter and likely food. I pulled him out of his unintentional confinement, and after doing what I could to make him comfortable, we set out again on our gloomy journey. This might seem cruel to those who have never traveled in remote areas and are quick to judge anyone who allows an animal to suffer. It may sound harsh in our compassionate country, where animals are protected and prizefighting is accepted and enjoyed; so to clear up any confusion, I should clarify that, regarding this tired pony, the choice was either to push on with him as far as I could or lose all the valuable materials I had gathered over months of hardships and struggles. There were no ponies to be found for any amount of money along that empty coast, because none existed. I did my best to ease the poor animal’s suffering by enduring significant pain myself, walking most of the way with my feet covered in sores; and as winter was quickly approaching, I was more than eager to head south as fast as I could to avoid being trapped by snow and ice, forced to spend the winter on this inhospitable coast. As a result, I ended up being harsher on myself than on my animals; for those who would judge me, I could wish for no greater punishment than to be in the same position I was then. The trail improved somewhat as it went over the cliffs for about three miles; then it returned to the beach. The tall cliffs ranged in color from a rich burnt sienna to a warm gray, and in some spots, they were perfectly white, like the cliffs at Dover. There were often conical mounds, giving a strange look to this deserted shore. Ten miles further down, at Chukbets, I found a couple of huts; then I walked and dragged the pony along the cliffs for about four miles; then I went back to the beach; and finally, I reached Hamboro, a small village, or rather a charming collection of sheds and huts, and a great fishing spot. Shake, salmon, mashe, and herring are caught in abundance at the mouth of this river. A short distance away, hundreds of seal carcasses were scattered across the beach, emitting foul odors. Due to my pony’s slow pace, I had a similar experience to the night before, but neither was the sea as rough nor the path as narrow at the cliff's base; and although my poor animal was obviously in worse shape than before, I managed to continue on to Tomamai that same night, where I arrived in the early hours of the morning.
At Tomamai, the coast, which had described a long curve, the two ends of which are Ikuru north and this point south, turns sharply in a southerly direction, running straight for many miles from north to south.
At Tomamai, the coast, which formed a long curve, with Ikuru to the north and this point to the south, turns sharply to the south, running straight for many miles from north to south.
From Tomamai southwards the coast is not quite as deserted as it was further north, for here and there are villages of fishermen's houses. The population, however, is a migratory one, and when I went through, the herring-fishing season was over, and consequently most of the houses were abandoned and the people had migrated south. The winter weather is very severe, and the houses have to be barricaded with thick piles of wood as a protection against the strong westerly gales. The boats had been drawn far on shore, where they were well fastened to posts, and rough sheds thatched with grass built over them.
From Tomamai southwards, the coast isn't quite as deserted as it is further north, because there are a few villages with fishermen's houses. However, the population is mobile, and when I passed through, the herring-fishing season had already ended, so most of the houses were empty as people had moved south. The winter weather is very harsh, and the houses need to be reinforced with thick piles of wood to protect against the strong westerly winds. The boats had been pulled far onto the shore, where they were securely tied to posts, and rough sheds with thatched roofs were built over them.
Along the coast there was a string of these habitations, hut after hut, storehouse after storehouse, but hardly a soul to be seen. It was like going through the city of the dead. Many of the fishermen's huts were built on the side of the rugged cliffs, and they stood on piles about fifteen feet high, the back of the house resting on the cliff itself. Twelve and a half miles further another row of houses, similarly deserted for the winter, stood along the shore-line at Onishika. In this part of the coast salmon are very scarce, and the chief industry is[Pg 174] the herring fishery. There are no Ainu to be found either at Tomamai or Onishika.
Along the coast, there was a series of these dwellings, hut after hut, storehouse after storehouse, but hardly anyone to be seen. It felt like walking through a ghost town. Many of the fishermen’s huts were built on the sides of the rugged cliffs, raised on piles about fifteen feet high, with the back of the house resting on the cliff itself. Twelve and a half miles further, another row of houses, similarly deserted for the winter, lined the shore at Onishika. In this part of the coast, salmon are very rare, and the main industry is[Pg 174] the herring fishery. There are no Ainu to be found either at Tomamai or Onishika.
I continued my lonesome ride in the pouring rain, and soon came to a peculiar long tunnel, natural and partly excavated, between this place and Rumoi, a village prettily situated on the slope of a hill fifteen miles further. This place possesses a small anchorage at the mouth of the river, which is now only fit for junks and small sailing-boats, but could be considerably improved. Good coal has been discovered some way up the river. There is a track on the cliffs leading to Mashike. All along the coast are any number of fishermen's houses, but they were all closed and barricaded. Ultimately, descending from the cliffs in a zig-zag fashion, after another ten miles' ride I found myself at Mashike, the largest Japanese village in the Teshio district. Close to the tunnel there is a small Ainu village, where the natives let their hair grow very long, and then tie it up in a kind of knot, similar to the Corean fashion of head-dress, while the women have given up tattooing altogether. The fishermen at Mashike seem to suffer greatly from "Kaki," or rheumatism, and cancer, while consumption, malarial fever, and typhus are in a small proportion.
I kept riding alone in the pouring rain and soon came to a strange long tunnel, natural and partially dug out, between this place and Rumoi, a village beautifully located on the hillside fifteen miles further on. This place has a small harbor at the mouth of the river, which is currently only suitable for junks and small sailing boats, but it could be greatly improved. Good coal has been found some distance up the river. There’s a path on the cliffs leading to Mashike. Along the coast, there are many fishermen's houses, but they were all locked up and barricaded. Eventually, after another ten miles of zig-zagging down the cliffs, I arrived at Mashike, the largest Japanese village in the Teshio district. Near the tunnel, there's a small Ainu village, where the locals let their hair grow very long and then tie it up in a kind of knot, similar to the Korean style of headwear, while the women have completely stopped tattooing. The fishermen in Mashike seem to suffer greatly from "Kaki," or rheumatism, and cancer, while there are only a few cases of tuberculosis, malaria, and typhus.
I had to stop over one day at Mashike, for the river was swollen by the heavy rains, and it was impossible to get across. On the other side of it stood Mashike-san, a huge volcanic mountain rising sheer from the sea, and forming Cape Kamuieto, under the shelter of which lies Mashike village; and further south Cape Uhui projects into the sea. It is the end of a mountain range which here runs north and then south again, in the latter part forming one side of the upper basin of the Teshio River. Mashike is the largest settlement either on the north-east or west coast of Yezo. Its population is partly migratory, but not so wholly as is the case with the villages I had previously passed. I was delayed still another day owing to the condition of the river; for the rain, instead of decreasing, poured down to such an extent that the stream could not be crossed, the current being too swift and the water too deep. The sea was also too rough to allow of my leaving Mashike in a canoe.
I had to stop by Mashike one day because the river was swollen from heavy rains, making it impossible to cross. On the other side stood Mashike-san, a massive volcanic mountain rising straight out of the sea, forming Cape Kamuieto, under which lies Mashike village; further south, Cape Uhui juts into the sea. This marks the end of a mountain range that runs north and then south again, with the southern part forming one side of the upper basin of the Teshio River. Mashike is the largest settlement on the northeast or west coast of Yezo. Its population is partly migratory, but not as much as the villages I had passed earlier. I was delayed another day due to the river's condition; the rain, instead of letting up, fell so heavily that the stream couldn't be crossed, the current was too strong and the water too deep. The sea was also too rough for me to leave Mashike in a canoe.
On the third day I rose early, and decided to attempt this much-desired crossing of the river. It had not rained during[Pg 175] the night, and the waters seemed to have slightly diminished. As the stream runs down a very steep incline on the slopes of Mashike Mountain, the current rushes with tremendous force. It was about five in the morning when I took my baggage to the river bank. It was made up in two bundles, which I tied together firmly with a leather strap. Some of the natives who had collected round me entreated me to give up this foolish idea, for they said I should infallibly lose my life if I attempted to wade across the swollen river.
On the third day, I woke up early and decided to try crossing the river that I had wanted to cross for so long. It hadn’t rained during the night, and the water levels seemed to have gone down a bit. Since the stream flows down a steep slope on the sides of Mashike Mountain, the current is very powerful. It was around five in the morning when I brought my bags to the riverbank. I had them packed into two bundles, which I securely tied together with a leather strap. Some locals gathered around me and begged me to reconsider this reckless plan, saying I would surely lose my life if I tried to wade across the swollen river.
I saw at once that my pony would never be able to cross, so I left him, and, taking the baggage on my head, and passing my hands through the strap, I went into the water. The current was indeed so strong that, weak as I was, I could hardly stand against it. I had nearly reached the middle, with the water up to my mouth, when I fancied I heard the anxious crowd scream to me, "Abunai! abunai! abunai!"—"Look out! look out! look out!" Startled and alarmed at this piercing cry I turned my head, and saw within a few yards of me a huge trunk of a tree coming swiftly down with the current. There was a bump, and I saw nothing more. Half a minute later I was violently thrown on the opposite bank, and in trying to stand up on my feet in the shallow water my right foot unfortunately got jammed between two stones in the river bed; I was knocked down again, and broke my heel-bone just under the ankle. Several natives came to my rescue and I was lifted out of the water, half-stunned, half-drowned, but still holding fast to my load. I was nearly frozen, and trembling like a leaf from cold. When I tried to stand my right leg collapsed, and I had to lie down on the ground. What with the blow which I had received from the floating wood, what with the muddy water I had involuntarily swallowed, it took me some minutes before I could quite understand my situation, or what had befallen me. When I did I felt a terrible pain in my right leg. I looked, and there, on the sand, under my foot and leg, which were swollen up to an enormous size, was a pool of blood; the broken bone had penetrated the skin, and was exposed to the air. When I recovered my senses well enough I got a man to tear the wet lining of my drenched coat, and with it and a few improvised splints I proceeded to set my own broken bone. It was hard[Pg 176] work; but with the help of some natives I bandaged it up as well as I could, and with the extra help of a coarse flaxen rope I made a fairly good surgical job of the whole thing.
I immediately realized that my pony wouldn't be able to cross, so I left him behind, took the baggage on my head, and slipped my hands through the strap before stepping into the water. The current was so strong that, even though I was weak, I could hardly stand against it. I was almost in the middle, with the water up to my mouth, when I thought I heard the worried crowd shout, "Abunai! abunai! abunai!"—"Watch out! watch out! watch out!" Startled by this urgent cry, I turned my head and saw a large tree trunk rushing toward me with the current. There was a bump, and after that, I blacked out. Half a minute later, I was roughly thrown onto the opposite bank, and when I tried to get to my feet in the shallow water, my right foot got stuck between two rocks. I was knocked down again and broke my heel bone just below the ankle. Several local people came to help me, and I was pulled out of the water, half-stunned and half-drowned, but still gripping my load. I was nearly frozen, trembling like a leaf from the cold. When I tried to stand, my right leg buckled, and I had to lie down on the ground. Between the hit I took from the floating wood and the muddy water I had accidentally swallowed, it took me a few minutes to fully grasp my situation and what had happened. When I did, I felt an intense pain in my right leg. I looked down and saw a pool of blood on the sand under my swollen foot and leg; the broken bone had pierced the skin and was exposed. Once I regained enough sense, I got a man to rip the wet lining from my soaked coat, and with that and a few makeshift splints, I set about fixing my own broken bone. It was tough[Pg 176] work, but with some locals' help, I bandaged it up as best as I could, and with the added assistance of a coarse flax rope, I managed to make a pretty decent job of it.
Stopping there till I grew better would have been foolish, for winter was setting in; everything would soon be frozen and snowed up, and, far from all my friends, as well as from anything like civilised life or elementary comforts as I was, I should probably have died. As long as I had a spark of life left in me I decided that I would struggle and push on, come what might. Two men undertook to carry me over the Mashike Mountain, which rises to an altitude of 3,600 feet above the sea-level. The mountain is thickly wooded, and the trail is steep, heavy, and in many places dangerous, and when we reached a sufficient altitude the trail was merely in the bed of a rivulet composed mainly of huge stones. Travelling in the state in which I was, was something like going to one's own funeral. The jerking and the cold were excruciating; the continuous stumbling and unsteady walk of my men over the rough and slippery slopes did not improve my condition; but finally we reached the summit. What a lovely view! One could see far along the Teshio coast on the one side and down towards the Ishikari on the other, and towards the east rose up a picturesque chain of thickly-wooded mountains. Rising from the sea stood the fine Cape Airup, near Moi; then far beyond, dimly seen in the mist, was the towering outline of Shakotan. We went down the other side, and my men, poor fellows, did their best to cheer me up. One of them told me a cheering story of a grizzly bear—which, by the way, he said were numberless on this mountain—that had killed and eaten two children, and also their father when the latter went to their rescue. The other told me of the many men who had perished in crossing the mountain; some had been overtaken by a snowstorm, others had lost their way and fallen over precipices, while others again had been killed by avalanches in winter.
Stopping there until I got better would have been dumb, since winter was coming; everything would soon be frozen and covered in snow, and being so far from all my friends and anything resembling civilized life or basic comforts, I probably would have died. As long as I had even a spark of life left in me, I decided I would fight and keep going, no matter what. Two guys agreed to carry me over Mashike Mountain, which rises to an elevation of 3,600 feet above sea level. The mountain is densely forested, and the trail is steep, tough, and dangerous in many spots. When we got high enough, the path was just the rocky bed of a stream filled with large stones. Traveling like that felt like heading to my own funeral. The bumps and the cold were unbearable; the constant stumbling and unsteady movements of my men over the rough and slippery slopes didn’t help my condition at all, but finally, we made it to the top. What a beautiful view! You could see far along the Teshio coast on one side and down towards the Ishikari on the other, while to the east rose a stunning chain of thickly-wooded mountains. From the sea stood the impressive Cape Airup, near Moi; then far beyond, barely visible in the mist, was the towering silhouette of Shakotan. We went down the other side, and my men, poor guys, did their best to lift my spirits. One of them told me a comforting story about a grizzly bear—which, by the way, he said were countless on this mountain—that had killed and eaten two kids and their father when he went to save them. The other told me about the many men who had died trying to cross the mountain; some were caught by snowstorms, others lost their way and fell over cliffs, and some were killed by avalanches in winter.
Listening to this lively conversation, shaken and suffering, I arrived late at night at Moi, having been carried over a distance of twenty-five miles, to do which occupied about eighteen hours. There was no possible way of getting across the mountains between here and Atzta, as the high granitic perpendicular cliffs are unscalable, and I was bound to entrust[Pg 177] my life to a small Ainu canoe. Two other passengers, a Japanese woman and a man, asked if I would allow them to travel in the boat with me; and then we three, rowed by an Ainu man, put out to sea. The sea was rough outside, but as the large bay was well protected by the Aikap Cape, all went right at first; but in rounding the point we went too near the rocks, got caught in a breaker, and shipped so much water that the canoe began to slowly sink under the additional weight. The Ainu was pretty smart, and he put his skiff on the rocks. Between him and the two passengers I was helped out, and while the Ainu emptied the canoe, the two Japanese undressed entirely and spread out all their clothes and underclothes in the sun to dry.
Listening to this lively conversation, feeling shaken and in pain, I arrived late at night at Moi after being transported a distance of twenty-five miles, which took about eighteen hours. There was no way to get across the mountains between here and Atzta, as the steep, sheer granite cliffs are impossible to climb, so I had to trust my life to a small Ainu canoe. Two other passengers, a Japanese woman and a man, asked if they could join me in the boat; and so the three of us, rowed by an Ainu man, set out to sea. The ocean was rough, but since the large bay was well protected by Aikap Cape, everything went well at first. However, when we rounded the point, we got too close to the rocks, were caught in a wave, and took on so much water that the canoe began to slowly sink under the extra weight. The Ainu was quite resourceful, and he managed to steer the canoe onto the rocks. With help from him and the two passengers, I got out, and while the Ainu emptied the canoe, the two Japanese completely undressed and laid out all their clothes and underwear in the sun to dry.
We got on board again, and, coasting more carefully, passed several small fishing villages, of which Gokibira is the largest and most important. It is backed by high mountains ranging from twelve hundred to seventeen hundred and more feet above the sea. One of the mountains—the highest—is called Okashi-nae-yama.
We got back on board and, navigating more cautiously, passed several small fishing villages, the largest and most significant of which is Gokibira. It's surrounded by tall mountains that rise from twelve hundred to over seventeen hundred feet above sea level. One of the mountains—the tallest—is called Okashi-nae-yama.
Atzta is a long narrow village, of which almost all the houses are built against the cliff. From here I had to begin riding again along the bad and stony coast, among drift-wood, and up and down cliffs. Anyone who has ever had any broken bones will appreciate the tortures which I had to go through. Owing to pain, exhaustion, and fatigue I had no control over my pony, and could hardly stick on to the saddle. I took the precaution of tying the bridle to my wrist, for should the pony knock me off, he could not bolt away; but, unhappily, sometimes this was the means of his dragging me mercilessly on the ground for dozens of yards before he would stop. Then I had to wait for some charitable passer-by to help me into the saddle again, for I could no longer mount by myself. Day after day of this wretched life made me feel almost unconscious that I had a pain. I took things as they came, and I went on. Now that I sit here in a comfortable chair writing this by a cosy fire, I am myself astonished at my own perseverance. If I were called upon to go through the same experience now I could not. But in truth there are many things that one does not mind doing for motives of pleasure which one would never dream of attempting under the compulsion of an external[Pg 178] will. Kutambets is picturesquely situated in a large gully formed by a break in the red-tinted cliffs. From Kutambets to Moroi the track is slightly better, and from this to Ishikari it is quite easy. The latter river, a very large one, has to be crossed by a ferry, as the habitations are on the south banks of the stream.
Atzta is a long, narrow village where almost all the houses are built against the cliff. From here, I had to start riding again along the rough and rocky coast, navigating driftwood and climbing up and down cliffs. Anyone who's ever had broken bones will understand the pain I went through. Due to discomfort, exhaustion, and fatigue, I had little control over my pony and could barely stay in the saddle. I took the precaution of tying the bridle to my wrist, so if the pony threw me off, he couldn't run away. Unfortunately, sometimes this meant he dragged me mercilessly across the ground for dozens of yards before stopping. Then, I had to wait for some kind passerby to help me back into the saddle, as I could no longer mount by myself. Day after day of this miserable life made me feel almost numb to the pain. I took things as they came and pushed on. Now that I sit here in a comfortable chair writing this by a cozy fire, I’m surprised at my own persistence. If I had to go through the same experience now, I couldn't do it. But honestly, there are many things people are willing to do for pleasure that they wouldn’t even consider under the pressure of outside forces. Kutambets is beautifully located in a large gully formed by a break in the red-tinted cliffs. From Kutambets to Moroi, the path is slightly better, and from there to Ishikari, it’s quite easy. The latter river, a very large one, must be crossed by ferry since the homes are on the south side of the stream.


CHAPTER XVII.
The Ishikari River.
On the north side of the mouth of the Ishikari River is an Ainu village called Raishats. Its inhabitants are not natives of this island, but were imported by the Japanese Government from Sakhalin when it was exchanged with Russia for the Kuriles.
On the north side of the mouth of the Ishikari River is an Ainu village called Raishats. Its residents aren't natives of this island but were brought over by the Japanese Government from Sakhalin when it was exchanged with Russia for the Kuriles.
At the entrance of the river, and close to this village, another wreck—of the "Kamida Maru"—a schooner, ended the mournful list of disasters on this inhospitable coast.
At the mouth of the river, near this village, another wreck—the "Kamida Maru"—a schooner, marked the end of the tragic list of disasters along this unforgiving coast.
The Ainu of Raishats are different in some ways from the Yezo Ainu proper. They call themselves Kraftu Ainu, "Kraftu"[36] being the Ainu name for Sakhalin. Their skin is of a lighter colour; but the principal difference is in their eyes and eyebrows. The Kraftu Ainu have eyes of the Mongolian type, though larger, while the Yezo Ainu have not; and their eyebrows have a very pronounced curve near the nose. Most of the women seemed to suffer from consumption, and the men also did not seem as strong as the other Ainu. The women tattoo on their lips a small square pattern instead of the long moustache, and most of them have now adopted Japanese kimonos, or else wear gowns similar to those of[Pg 180] Russian peasants. Some also wear skin gowns similar to those of the Kurilsky Ainu, ornamented with feathers and bits of molten lead sewn on them. A velvet cap or a kind of tiara is their head-gear, and this also is ornamented with gold and silver or red beads, or else is embroidered in bright colours.
The Ainu of Raishats are different in some ways from the Yezo Ainu. They refer to themselves as Kraftu Ainu, with "Kraftu" being the Ainu name for Sakhalin. Their skin is lighter in color; however, the main difference lies in their eyes and eyebrows. The Kraftu Ainu have larger, Mongolian-type eyes, while the Yezo Ainu do not; their eyebrows also have a very noticeable curve near the nose. Most of the women appeared to suffer from tuberculosis, and the men didn’t seem as strong as the other Ainu. The women tattoo small square patterns on their lips instead of the long mustache, and most of them have now started wearing Japanese kimonos or dresses similar to those worn by Russian peasants. Some also wear skin dresses like the Kurilsky Ainu, decorated with feathers and bits of melted lead sewn onto them. Their headgear is a velvet cap or a type of tiara, which is also adorned with gold and silver or red beads, or is embroidered in bright colors.
The children are arrayed in more gaudy colours than their elders. They have bright red embroideries round their necks, and the whole gown is full of spangles and beads, the proceeds of parental barter. A peculiar paunch-suspender, which I saw here for the first time, was ingenious, and answered a great want in the Ainu country. As will be seen later, the majority of Ainu children have huge paunches, mostly due to the inability of the hairy people to tie and secure properly the umbilical cord at the child's birth. This not only produces great discomfort to the child, but often causes its death. The belt which I saw was made on the principle that the weight of the paunch, under which passed a kind of net made of strips of skin, was supported by braces going over the shoulders, and by this contrivance, if the original lesion did not get much better it did not get worse, as it does when not taken any care of at all. Neither men nor women wore earrings; but the fair sex wore a kind of velvet ribbon necklace round their neck, and on this ribbon were sewn ornaments of molten lead, silver, and other metals.
The children are dressed in brighter colors than the adults. They have vivid red embroidery around their necks, and their entire outfits are covered in sequins and beads, the results of their parents' trading. I saw a unique belly-supporter for the first time here, which was clever and fulfilled a significant need in the Ainu country. As will be explained later, most Ainu children have big bellies, mainly because the hairy people struggle to properly tie and secure the umbilical cord at birth. This not only causes great discomfort for the child but can also lead to death. The belt I saw was designed so that the weight of the belly, which was held up by a type of net made of skin strips, was supported by straps running over the shoulders. With this device, even if the initial problem didn’t improve much, it didn’t worsen, as it tends to do without proper care. Neither men nor women wore earrings, but women wore a type of velvet ribbon necklace around their necks, adorned with ornaments made of melted lead, silver, and other metals.
The habitations, storehouses, and customs of these Ainu are similar to those of the others. As I slowly rode along the banks of the river just before sunset, retracing my steps towards the Ishikari village, I saw a hidden trail, which apparently led to the woods. I made my pony follow it, and shortly afterwards I came to a graveyard. As I have said, the Ainu are extremely jealous of their burial-places, and they resent strangers, even Japanese, going near them. It was nearly fifteen days since the accident to my leg had occurred, and though I could neither walk nor stand on it, still I was beginning to be accustomed to the agony, and with great trouble and pain I could dismount from my tiny pony. Strange to say, mounting was not so difficult, for I could pull myself up with my arms, lie flat on my stomach on the saddle, and then swing round, and it did not jar me as much as coming down. I had my paint-box fastened to the saddle, and I unlashed[Pg 181] it to take a sketch. The tombs were so many trunks of trees cut and carved, and with one branch left on one side (see Chapter XXI.). One tomb particularly was more ornamented, and it had a flat-shaped monument, roughly but well carved at its head. An object resembling the bottom of a "dug-out" covered the body, and this was also carved. At each of the four corners a wooden blade was stuck in the ground. From the stench I should think that the body was only a few inches underground.
The homes, storage areas, and customs of the Ainu are similar to those of others. As I slowly rode along the riverbank just before sunset, making my way back to Ishikari village, I noticed a hidden path that seemed to lead into the woods. I had my pony follow it, and soon I arrived at a graveyard. As I've mentioned, the Ainu are very protective of their burial sites, and they dislike strangers, even Japanese, getting too close. It had been almost fifteen days since I had injured my leg, and even though I couldn’t walk or stand on it, I was starting to get used to the pain. With a lot of effort and discomfort, I was able to get off my small pony. Interestingly, getting back on wasn’t as hard; I could pull myself up using my arms, lie flat on my stomach on the saddle, and then swing around, which didn’t jolt me as much as getting off. I had my paintbox attached to the saddle, and I unfastened it to make a sketch. The tombs were shaped like tree trunks that had been cut and carved, with one branch left on one side (see Chapter XXI.). One tomb in particular was more decorative, featuring a flat monument that was roughly but skillfully carved at its head. An object resembling the bottom of a "dug-out" covered the body, which was also carved. At each of the four corners, a wooden blade was stuck in the ground. From the smell, I guessed that the body was only a few inches underground.
Fate had punished me so severely of late for faults which I never committed that I thought myself now entitled to commit a fault for the sake of squaring accounts. One of the small wooden blades, nicely carved, would just go under my coat. I decided to steal it. To my mind it was hardly a big enough crime even to balance the last accident I had had.
Fate had been so harsh on me lately for mistakes I never made that I felt I was now justified in making a mistake just to even the score. One of the small wooden blades, beautifully carved, would fit right under my coat. I decided to steal it. To me, it hardly seemed like a serious enough offense to even out what had happened last time.
I turned round to see that no one was looking. I put down my paint-box, crawled to the grave, took the blade, put it under my coat, and, ashamed of myself for committing the outrage—though with prepaid punishment—I scrambled up on my pony as well I could, and hurriedly left the place. I rode back to the ferry, a long way off, and went across to Ishikari, and catching a moment when no one was watching me, I quickly passed the carved blade from under my coat into my baggage.
I turned around to make sure no one was watching. I set down my paintbox, crawled over to the grave, took the blade, hid it under my coat, and feeling ashamed for what I was doing—even though I knew there would be consequences—I hurriedly got back on my pony and quickly left the area. I rode back to the ferry, which was quite far away, crossed over to Ishikari, and when I saw a moment where no one was looking, I swiftly slipped the carved blade from under my coat into my bag.
"What a good thief I would make," I thought to myself, when to my horror I remembered that in the hurry of leaving the graveyard I had forgotten my paint-box in the very same spot from which I had taken the blade!
"What a good thief I could be," I thought to myself, when to my shock I remembered that in my rush to leave the graveyard, I had left my paintbox in the exact spot where I had taken the blade!
If any Ainu had gone to the graveyard and found it, I would get into a nice mess! During the night I felt more than uncomfortable about it, and at dawn the next morning I got the tea-house man to bring my horse and set me on it, for I said, "I wish to go and see the sunrise from the other side of the river."
If any Ainu had gone to the graveyard and found it, I would be in big trouble! I felt really uneasy about it during the night, and by dawn the next morning, I had the tea-house guy bring my horse and help me get on it because I said, "I want to go watch the sunrise from the other side of the river."
The landlord thought it rather funny, and funnier still when he saw me coming back a couple of hours later with a paint-box lashed to my saddle, while he said he was sure I had started without one.
The landlord found it pretty amusing, and even more so when he saw me return a couple of hours later with a paintbox strapped to my saddle, while he remarked that he was sure I had left without one.
"Did you not see it this morning?" said I with assumed innocence.
"Did you not see it this morning?" I said, pretending to be innocent.
[Pg 182] "No, your honourable," said he, drawing in his breath.
[Pg 182] "No, your honor," he said, taking a deep breath.
"You did not look for it in the right place," said I, and up to this day the landlord does not know where the right place was.
"You didn't look for it in the right place," I said, and to this day the landlord still doesn't know where the right place was.
The Ishikari is one of the great salmon rivers of Yezo. About the end of September the salmon enter the river to spawn. They are in such abundance then that the stream is crowded thick with them, and it is quite sufficient to have a hook fastened to a stick to pull out a large fish each time it is dipped into the water. Millions of fine salmon are caught within a few days, and the banks of the river are packed with dead fish, while the whole population is occupied in splitting open each fish, taking out its inside, for preservation.
The Ishikari is one of the fantastic salmon rivers in Yezo. Around the end of September, the salmon come into the river to spawn. They are so plentiful at that time that the stream is filled with them, and it's easy to catch a big fish by just attaching a hook to a stick and dipping it into the water. Millions of great salmon are caught within a few days, and the riverbanks are lined with dead fish, while the entire community focuses on gutting each fish to preserve them.
The same method of netting as is practised for sardine fishing is employed for salmon. Eighteen or twenty excited men vigorously row the boats out into mid-stream, and after describing a semicircle, return to the bank. The nets are hauled in, the fish flung out on the river banks, and the same process begins de novo. A man in a "dug-out" watches when the salmon are more or less plentiful, and signals for the boat to start, while he himself spears them with a harpoon. At the right time of the year as many as 1500 or 2,000 and more good fish are caught each time the net is hauled in. This grand take of course only lasts a few days.
The same netting technique used for sardine fishing is also used for salmon. Eighteen or twenty enthusiastic men row the boats out into the middle of the river and, after making a semicircle, return to shore. The nets are pulled in, the fish are thrown onto the riverbanks, and the process starts over again. A man in a "dug-out" monitors when the salmon are plentiful and signals for the boat to launch, while he spears them with a harpoon. At the right time of year, as many as 1,500 to 2,000 or more good fish can be caught each time the net is pulled in. This impressive catch, of course, only lasts for a few days.
Though good, the Yezo salmon has none of the fine qualities of the salmon of northern European rivers, and it is not quite so good as that of the Canadian rivers. It does not keep so well, and in colour is much lighter than our salmon.
Though good, the Yezo salmon lacks the fine qualities of the salmon found in northern European rivers, and it's not quite as good as that from Canadian rivers. It doesn't preserve as well and is much lighter in color than our salmon.
The Ishikari River opens to the north, and runs parallel to the coast, leaving a flat tongue of sand between it and the sea. Following the course of the stream against the current, it goes winding south, then sharply turns to the south-east, following this direction for about fourteen miles. Then again it winds up to the north, and then to the east for a distance of over one hundred miles, where its source lies in the very heart of Yezo.
The Ishikari River flows north and runs alongside the coast, leaving a flat strip of sand between it and the ocean. If you follow the river upstream against the current, it twists south, then makes a sharp turn to the southeast, continuing in that direction for about fourteen miles. It then curves back north and continues east for over one hundred miles, where its source is located deep in the heart of Yezo.
The Ishikari carries a large body of water, and it is nine hundred and twenty feet wide near its mouth. Its "drainage area" has been estimated to be over three thousand square miles, including mountain slopes, while the actual valley does[Pg 183] not, in my opinion, exceed eight hundred square miles. The river receives many affluents, of which the most important are the Rubeshibe, Chupets, Piegawa, the Sorachi River, and the Toyohira on its south side, and the Uriugawa on its north side. Near the coast the valley is wooded mainly with scrub oak, but further inland its banks are heavily timbered. The Sorachi River is the most important affluent on the south side. It is navigable for "dug-outs" and small sailing boats for some considerable distance. At Sorachi one strikes the new road which leads from the Poronai coal mines to Kamikawa, where the site has been chosen for the intended new capital of Hokkaido.
The Ishikari River has a large body of water, and it's nine hundred twenty feet wide at its mouth. Its drainage area is estimated to be over three thousand square miles, which includes mountain slopes, while I believe the actual valley doesn't exceed eight hundred square miles. The river has several tributaries, the most important being the Rubeshibe, Chupets, Piegawa, the Sorachi River, and the Toyohira on the south side, along with the Uriugawa on the north side. Near the coast, the valley is mainly filled with scrub oak, but further inland, its banks are heavily forested. The Sorachi River is the crucial tributary on the south side. It's navigable for dugouts and small sailboats for quite a distance. At Sorachi, you’ll find the new road that connects the Poronai coal mines to Kamikawa, where the site has been selected for the new capital of Hokkaido.
The road between Sorachi and the latter place not being metalled, was exceedingly bad owing to the heavy rains, and my pony continually sank in mud up to his belly. The road follows the course of the Ishikari River more or less; and in the woods is a military settlement like those we have seen near Nemuro and Akkeshi. At Otoyebukets the traveller must change horses. About eight miles further on one reaches the Kamuikotan rapids, a poetic spot: huge rocks in the water, violently rushing between and over them, form pretty waterfalls. The Ainu occasionally shoot down these rapids in their "dug-outs," and remains of these are to be seen here and there smashed on the rocks. From this point the road rises almost all the way, and the wayfarer must cross over the hill range, from the top of which the whole plain of Kamikawa can be seen, in the upper basin of the Ishikari, which, winding like a silver snake, intersects the flat valley.
The road between Sorachi and the other place wasn't paved, making it really bad due to the heavy rains, and my pony kept getting stuck in mud up to its belly. The road generally follows the Ishikari River, and there's a military settlement in the woods similar to those we saw near Nemuro and Akkeshi. At Otoyebukets, travelers need to change horses. About eight miles further on, you reach the Kamuikotan rapids, a beautiful spot: large rocks in the water create pretty waterfalls as the water rushes violently between and over them. The Ainu sometimes navigate these rapids in their dugouts, and you can see the remains of some smashed on the rocks. From this point, the road mostly goes uphill, and travelers must cross over the hill range, from the top of which you can see the entire Kamikawa plain in the upper basin of the Ishikari, which winds like a silver snake through the flat valley.
Descending the hill on the other side, I reached the future capital of Hokkaido. It is indeed a town of the future, for at the present moment there are only five houses, if I may call them so. The site of this embryo metropolis is by the Chubets River; and on the hill called Nayosami I was told a palace for the Emperor is to be erected. However, they were not certain about it yet. It is a pretty hill, almost in the centre of the large plain, and from the top of it one gets a lovely view of a volcanic cone standing in front of you to the south. Near this hill the new road turns sharply almost at a right angle, and two miles further some Tondens have been[Pg 184] begun (Ciuta Hombu). Hundreds of convicts, who, by the way, have made the road between here and Poronai, were at work continuing the same road towards the east. I believe that eventually it will be prolonged to the north-east coast, where it will end near Abashiri. In my opinion the scheme practically will be a failure, for Kamikawa will never be a flourishing place, as there is nothing to support a large population. From a strategic point of view of course Kamikawa has the advantage of being in the centre of Yezo.
Descending the hill on the other side, I reached what will be the future capital of Hokkaido. It's definitely a town of the future, since right now there are only five houses, if I can even call them that. The location of this fledgling metropolis is by the Chubets River; and on the hill called Nayosami, I was told a palace for the Emperor is set to be built. However, they weren't sure about it yet. It’s a nice hill, almost in the middle of the large plain, and from the top, you get a beautiful view of a volcanic cone straight in front of you to the south. Near this hill, the new road turns sharply almost at a right angle, and two miles further, some Tondens have been[Pg 184] started (Ciuta Hombu). Hundreds of convicts, who have been working on the road between here and Poronai, were continuing the same road toward the east. I believe it will eventually be extended to the northeast coast, where it will end near Abashiri. In my opinion, the whole plan will probably fail, since Kamikawa will never be a thriving place, as there’s nothing to support a large population. From a strategic point of view, though, Kamikawa has the advantage of being in the center of Yezo.
Kamikawa is 342 feet above the level of the sea, but it is well sheltered, and the climate, though very cold, is not quite so severe as in other parts of Yezo.
Kamikawa is 342 feet above sea level, but it is well protected, and while the climate is very cold, it’s not as harsh as in other parts of Yezo.
The Ainu of the upper Ishikari are nearly the same as the Saru Ainu, only somewhat taller and more ill-tempered. They show greater skill than other Ainu in wood-carving and general ornamentation. Along the banks of the river huts are scattered here and there; but the largest number is at Chubets.
The Ainu of the upper Ishikari are pretty much like the Saru Ainu, but they are a bit taller and have more of a temper. They are more skilled than other Ainu in wood carving and decoration. Huts are spread out along the riverbanks, but the highest concentration is at Chubets.
At the present moment the Japanese population of Kamikawa is, with the exception of half-a-dozen policemen and as many civilians, composed entirely of convicts. These are dressed in red coats and trousers, and those who have committed murder have the top of their head shaved in the shape of a bottle (Jap., Hetzui). If any misbehave, they are beaten with the flat side of the long sword worn by the policeman in charge; but I must confess that otherwise the policemen are extremely kind in every way to these fellows. The well-behaved have one, two, or three small pieces of black cloth sewn to their left sleeve. They are made to work hard, but save this enforced diligence they seem to have a pretty good time. As I was talking to a policeman in charge, two dead men were brought on a cart by a man who had a towel over his mouth and a red blanket over his head. The two men had died suddenly. They had arrived only a few days previously from Southern Japan, where cholera was raging, and they had all the symptoms of having died of that deadly disease.
Right now, the Japanese population of Kamikawa is mostly made up of convicts, except for a handful of policemen and a few civilians. These convicts wear red coats and trousers, and those who have committed murder have their heads shaved in a bottle shape (Jap., Hetzui). If any of them misbehave, they're punished with the flat side of the long sword carried by the police officer in charge; however, I have to admit that, aside from that, the policemen are really kind to these guys in many ways. The well-behaved convicts have one, two, or three small pieces of black cloth sewn onto their left sleeves. They are made to work hard, but aside from this mandatory labor, they seem to enjoy themselves quite a bit. While I was speaking with a police officer, two dead men were brought in on a cart by someone who had a towel over his mouth and a red blanket over his head. The two men had died unexpectedly. They had just arrived a few days earlier from Southern Japan, where cholera was spreading, and they showed all the signs of having died from that deadly disease.
A very exciting way of retracing your steps down to the Sorachi River is to shoot the rapids in an Ainu "dug-out." You make one or two Ainu moderately drunk, as otherwise they do not seem anxious to attempt it, and when they are in[Pg 185] that pot-valiant condition you get them to paddle your canoe down the stream, while you sit in the bottom holding on to the sides. You start with the velocity of a turtle, increase it to that of a horse, then to that of a swallow, and when you are well in the rapids it is like travelling on an arrow. You go rubbing against rocks, and are shot in the air when going over a small waterfall, only to fall with a splash in the water some yards further, with an increase of velocity as you go on. It really requires but little skill to navigate rapids, for it is the current itself that does all the work. All that is needed is to keep the "dug-out" straight in the water. Of course if you should happen to collide with a rock when you are going at nearly double the rate of an express train you would have little chance of saving your life; but if you are neither smashed nor drowned, and you do not come to grief in any way, you can accomplish the journey, which takes you the whole day by land, in little over one hour when there is plenty of water in the stream.
A really thrilling way to retrace your steps back to the Sorachi River is by navigating the rapids in an Ainu "dug-out." You get one or two Ainu a bit tipsy, because otherwise they don't seem eager to try it, and when they're feeling brave, you have them paddle your canoe down the stream while you sit in the bottom, hanging on to the sides. You start off slow like a turtle, then pick up speed to that of a horse, then to that of a swallow, and when you're deep in the rapids, it feels like you're flying on an arrow. You scrape against rocks and get launched into the air when you go over a small waterfall, only to splash down in the water a few yards later, picking up speed as you go. Honestly, it takes very little skill to navigate rapids since the current does most of the work. All you need to do is keep the "dug-out" straight in the water. Of course, if you hit a rock while going nearly double the speed of an express train, you wouldn't have much chance of survival; but as long as you don't get smashed or drowned, and you avoid any disasters, you can make the trip, which takes a whole day by land, in just over an hour when there's plenty of water in the stream.
On the road from Sorachi to Poronai, and halfway between the villages of Naye and Takigawa, a new coal mine has been discovered and opened, which is said to be very rich in mineral of good quality; in fact, superior to the coal of Poronai. It is ten miles from Otaussi Nai village, where the high road has to be abandoned if the mine is to be visited.
On the way from Sorachi to Poronai, and halfway between the villages of Naye and Takigawa, a new coal mine has been found and opened, said to be very rich in high-quality minerals; in fact, it's even better than the coal from Poronai. It's ten miles from Otaussi Nai village, where you have to leave the main road if you want to visit the mine.
There are many Ainu both at Takikawa-Mura (Waterfall-River village), at Otaussi, and at Poronai-buts. Poronai has in its neighbourhood some rich coal mines. As others have reported more accurately and correctly than I can on the quality and extent of these coal seams, I shall abstain from repeating or copying what has been already said. I may, however, mention that the seams cut the valley of the Ikusum River eight miles from Poronai-buts, and a continuation of them is found near the springs of the Sorachi. The coal beds of Poronai are about three and a half feet deep, and many different beds have been found deeper than these, but of inferior quality. Poronai also goes by the name of Ishikishiri, and a large penitentiary has been erected here for the accommodation of the numerous convicts exported from the Main Island to improve the scheme for the colonisation of Yezo. I was called on by the chief yakunin (officer), and he expressed[Pg 186] a wish that I should inspect the prisons. A splendid horse was sent to convey me thither, and two policemen helped me on my progress through the buildings, owing to my inability to walk more than a few yards at a time. It was a large walled enclosure, with houses for the officials and cells for the akambos, a jocular term, meaning "babies," which is applied to convicts, because they wear red clothes like children. The buildings were beautifully clean, but what astonished me most was that no precaution whatever was adopted to prevent convicts from escaping. The outside gates were all wide open; there were neither soldiers nor policemen at the gates, and, moreover, the concierge was himself a convict!
There are many Ainu people living in Takikawa-Mura (Waterfall-River village), Otaussi, and Poronai-buts. Poronai is close to some valuable coal mines. Since others have reported more accurately on the quality and extent of these coal seams than I can, I won't repeat what’s already been said. However, I will mention that the seams run through the valley of the Ikusum River, eight miles from Poronai-buts, and a continuation can be found near the spring of the Sorachi. The coal beds at Poronai are about three and a half feet deep, and while many deeper beds have been discovered, they are of lower quality. Poronai is also called Ishikishiri, and a large prison has been built here to accommodate the many convicts sent from the Main Island to support the colonization of Yezo. The chief yakunin (officer) visited me and expressed a desire for me to inspect the prisons. A great horse was provided for me to get there, and two policemen assisted me as I moved through the facilities since I could only walk a few yards at a time. The area was a large walled compound with housing for the officials and cells for the akambos, a playful term meaning "babies," used for convicts because they wear red clothes like children. The buildings were impeccably clean, but what shocked me most was that no measures were taken to prevent the convicts from escaping. The outside gates were wide open; there were no soldiers or policemen at the gates, and, surprisingly, the concierge was a convict himself!
"But," said I, "do not many of these fellows escape?"
"But," I said, "don't a lot of these guys get away?"
"Oh, no, not many. Last month only sixteen ran away," was the insouciant answer of my guide.
"Oh, no, not many. Last month only sixteen ran away," was the carefree answer of my guide.
From Poronai-buts to Sappro there is a small railway, by which the coal trains are run to the coast as far as Otaru.
From Poronai-buts to Sappro, there’s a small railway that carries coal trains to the coast, all the way to Otaru.


CHAPTER XVIII.
Approaching Civilization.
Sappro, the present capital of Hokkaido, is a town of fairly large size, with wide streets intersecting each other at right angles. The Hokkaido-cho, a high red-brick building, the law courts, the Kofikan, the palace built for the Emperor, and used now as a kind of hotel, and the houses of officials, are the main buildings of the place. There are, besides, a sugar refinery, a hemp and silk factory, and a brewery, mainly supported by the Government. Neither of the first two were "flourishing industries," and one of the factories, if I remember aright, had long ceased working, and the other was soon to follow suit. The Government, I must say, have done their best to encourage and push on industries as well as agriculture in this district, but their efforts have produced but poor results. Machinery, which had been imported at great expense from England, America, Germany, and France, was left to rust and perish, and no private company seemed ready to continue the works. As a farming region the Sappro district has also proved more or less a failure from a financial point of view, though again the Government cannot but be highly praised for the money they have spent in trying to educate the people up to some kind of scientific, and therefore paying, method of agriculture. They have a large model farm of about 350 acres laid down in grain fields, as well as in meadows and pastures, stocked with cattle imported mainly from America. In the Toyoshira valley, south of the town, a[Pg 188] cattle farm is in full operation, but it yields the Government a very poor return. However, the Government, I believe, only wish to teach the people foreign ways of agriculture, and expect no direct returns for the pains taken and the money sunk—so at least it would appear. Another colonial militia settlement is also found near Baratte, eight miles north of Sappro. Regarding these settlements, it may prove interesting to transcribe the Imperial Ordinance No. 181, dated August 28th, 1890, by which they were brought into existence and the Tondens were built:—
Sapporo, the current capital of Hokkaido, is a fairly large town with wide streets that cross each other at right angles. The Hokkaido government building, a tall red-brick structure, the law courts, the Kofikan, the palace built for the Emperor that now serves as a hotel, and the homes of government officials are the main landmarks here. Additionally, there is a sugar refinery, a hemp and silk factory, and a brewery, mainly supported by the government. However, neither of the first two industries was thriving, and if I remember correctly, one of the factories had long stopped operations, while the other was soon to follow. I have to say that the government has made efforts to encourage and develop both industries and agriculture in this area, but their attempts have yielded disappointing results. Machinery, which was imported at great cost from England, America, Germany, and France, has been left to rust and deteriorate, and no private company appears willing to carry on the work. In terms of agriculture, the Sapporo district has also proven to be somewhat of a financial failure, though the government deserves praise for the money they have spent trying to educate the locals in scientific and thus profitable farming methods. They have a large model farm of about 350 acres devoted to grain fields, as well as meadows and pastures, stocked mainly with cattle imported from America. In the Toyoshira valley, south of the town, a cattle farm is in full operation, but it provides the government with very little return. However, I believe the government’s goal is primarily to teach the people foreign agricultural methods without expecting immediate financial returns for their efforts and investments—at least that seems to be the case. Another colonial militia settlement is also located near Baratte, eight miles north of Sapporo. Concerning these settlements, it might be interesting to note the Imperial Ordinance No. 181, dated August 28th, 1890, which established them and led to the construction of the Tondens:—
Article 1.—Colonial Militia shall be composed of colonial infantry, cavalry, and colonial artillery and colonial military engineers, and shall be set apart for the defence of Hokkaido, where they shall be stationed.
Article 1.—The Colonial Militia will consist of colonial infantry, cavalry, colonial artillery, and colonial military engineers, tasked with the defense of Hokkaido, where they will be stationed.
Article 2.—The Colonial Militia shall be organised as soldiers, in addition to their ordinary occupation of farmers; shall live in military houses which shall be provided for them, and shall take part in military drill, in cultivation, and in farming.
Article 2.—The Colonial Militia will be made up of soldiers who will also work as farmers. They will live in military housing provided for them and will engage in military training as well as farming and cultivation.
Article 3.—The Colonial Militia shall also be composed of volunteers from cities and prefectures, and shall change their registered residence (Houseki) to Hokkaido, and live there with their families.
Article 3.—The Colonial Militia will also include volunteers from cities and prefectures, who will change their registered residence (Houseki) to Hokkaido, residing there with their families.
Article 4.—The term of service of Colonial Militia shall be twenty years: the service with the colours being three years, in the first reserve four years, and in the second reserve thirteen years. Should a colonial militiaman be released from service during his term, owing to the attainment of the full age of forty years, or through death, or some other cause, a suitable male of the family shall be ordered to fulfil the remaining term of service. Such service may be remitted if there be no suitable male.
Article 4.—Members of the Colonial Militia will serve for twenty years: three years of active duty, four years in the first reserve, and thirteen years in the second reserve. If a member is discharged due to reaching the age of forty, death, or any other reason during this period, a suitable male family member will be required to complete the remaining service. This requirement may be waived if no suitable male is available.
Article 5.—The Colonial Militia shall fulfil supplementary military service during ten years after the end of service in the second reserve, and shall be mobilised in time of war or other emergency.
Article 5.—After completing their time in the second reserve, members of the Colonial Militia will perform an additional ten years of military service and may be called up during wars or other emergencies.
Article 6.—The term of each stage of military service under Articles 4 and 5 shall be counted from April 1st of the year in which the soldier enters the Militia.
Article 6.—The duration of each military service period as per Articles 4 and 5 will begin on April 1st of the year when the soldier joins the Militia.
Article 7.—The terms may be prolonged, even though the period for each stage has fully elapsed, should war or other emergency, or the requirements of military discipline, or the inspection of soldiers (kwampei-shiki) demand the same, or should the soldier be then in transit from or to, or be stationed in, a foreign country.
Article 7.—Service terms can be extended, even if the time for each stage has fully passed, if necessary because of war, other emergencies, military discipline needs, or the inspection of soldiers (kwampei-shiki), or if the soldier is currently traveling to or from, or stationed in, a foreign country.
Article 8.—Colonial Militia enlisted before the carrying out of these regulations shall be treated according to the following distinctions:—
Article 8.—Colonial militias enlisted before these rules take effect will be treated as follows:—
(a) Those enlisted between the eighth year of Meji and the sixteenth year of Meji shall serve in the first reserve during four years and in the second reserve during nine years.
(a) Those who enlisted between the eighth year of Meiji and the sixteenth year of Meiji will serve in the first reserve for four years and in the second reserve for nine years.
(b) Those who were enlisted between the seventeenth year of Meji and the twentieth shall serve in the first reserve during four years from the twenty-fourth year of Meji, and in the second reserve after the lapse of the above period during twenty years, reckoned from the year in which they were enlisted.
(b) Those who enlisted between the 17th and 20th years of Meiji will serve in the first reserve for four years starting from the 24th year of Meiji, and then in the second reserve for twenty years counted from their enlistment year.
(c) Those who were enlisted in the twenty-first year of Meji shall serve in the first reserve during four years from the twenty-fifth year of Meji, and in the second reserve after the lapse of the above period during twenty years, reckoned from the year in which they were enlisted.
(c) Those enlisted in the twenty-first year of Meiji will serve in the first reserve for four years starting from the twenty-fifth year of Meiji, and in the second reserve for twenty years after that, based on their enlistment year.
(d) Those who were enlisted in and after the twenty-second year of Meji shall be treated in accordance with these regulations.
(d) Those enlisted in and after the twenty-second year of Meiji will follow these regulations.
Article 9.—The mode of reckoning the terms of service of Colonial Militia levied before the twenty-first year of Meji shall be in accordance with Article 6 of these regulations. The term of service with the colours of those levied in the twenty-second and twenty-third years of Meji shall be counted from the day on which they were included in the Colonial Militia, and their term of service in the first and second reserves from the day next to the lapse of the full term of the former service.
Article 9.—The length of service for Colonial Militia members called up before the twenty-first year of Meiji will follow Article 6 of these rules. The service term for those called up in the twenty-second and twenty-third years of Meiji will start from the day they joined the Colonial Militia, and their first and second reserve service will start the day after their previous full term ends.
Article 10.—These regulations shall come into force on and after the first day of the fourth month of the twenty-fourth year of Meji.
Article 10.—These regulations will take effect starting on the first day of the fourth month of the twenty-fourth year of Meiji.
(Colonial Militia.) Imperial Ordinance No. 181.
(Colonial Militia.) Imperial Ordinance No. 181.
We hereby give our sanction to the present amendment of the regulations relating to Colonial Militia, and order the same to be duly promulgated.
We hereby approve the current amendment to the regulations concerning the Colonial Militia and order it to be officially announced.
(His Imperial Majesty's sign-manual),
Great Seal.(His Imperial Majesty's sign-manual),
Great Seal.Dated August 29th, 1890.
(Countersigned) Count Oyama Iwao,
(Minister of State for War).Dated August 29, 1890.
(Signed) Count Oyama Iwao,
(Minister of State for War).(Japan Daily Mail, September 14th, 1890.)
(Japan Daily Mail, September 14th, 1890.)
[Pg 190] Sappro was a civilised place compared to others I had seen in Yezo; but it had neither the picturesqueness, nor the strangeness, nor yet the interest of more uncivilised spots.
[Pg 190] Sappro was a more developed place compared to others I had seen in Yezo; but it lacked the charm, the uniqueness, and the intrigue of the less developed areas.
There is no doubt that savagery—when you have got accustomed to it—is a great deal more fascinating than civilised life, and infinitely more so than a base imitation of civilisation.
There’s no doubt that savagery—once you get used to it—is much more captivating than civilized life, and far more so than a shallow imitation of civilization.
It might have been thought that after the months of privation to which I had been subjected, after all the harassing experiences I had gone through, after the accident which had made the last thirty days of my journey so agonising, I should have been glad to rest in this "London" of the Ainu country, at least until I was well again. But in truth this indirectly reflected civilisation worried me. The bustle of the people, the lights in the streets, the sounds of the Shamesen—everything annoyed me.
It might have been expected that after the months of hardship I had endured, after all the stressful experiences I had faced, and after the accident that made the last thirty days of my journey so painful, I would be glad to relax in this "London" of the Ainu region, at least until I felt better. But honestly, this indirect reflection of civilization unsettled me. The crowds of people, the lights in the streets, the sounds of the Shamesen—everything irritated me.
His Excellency the Governor, Mr. Nagayama, kindly called on me, and when I put on some decent clothes which were lent me, he drove me to his house, where I had a lengthy conversation on the future of Yezo and the Kurile Islands. He seemed to approve of many of the points which I put before him, among which I suggested that the exports of sulphur from Kushiro, on the south-eastern coast, would be greatly increased if it were opened to foreign trade, and I was pleased to hear several months later that a motion to that effect was proposed in the Japanese Parliament. He also agreed with me that Yezo needed roads and railways badly, and that when more facile ways of communication should be established along the coast and across country, then without doubt Yezo would be rich and flourishing.
His Excellency the Governor, Mr. Nagayama, kindly visited me, and after I put on some decent clothes that were lent to me, he took me to his house. We had a long conversation about the future of Yezo and the Kurile Islands. He seemed to agree with many of the points I raised, including my suggestion that the exports of sulfur from Kushiro, on the southeastern coast, would greatly increase if opened to foreign trade. I was pleased to hear several months later that a motion to that effect was proposed in the Japanese Parliament. He also agreed with me that Yezo desperately needed roads and railways, and that once more efficient ways of communication were established along the coast and across the land, Yezo would undoubtedly become rich and prosperous.
He expressed sorrow that emigration was not carried on on a larger scale from the Southern Island of Japan, and that private companies of capitalists in no way helped the Government.
He expressed regret that emigration wasn't happening on a larger scale from the Southern Island of Japan and that private companies of investors weren't supporting the Government in any way.
His Excellency was also kind enough to drive me round the town and show me all the sights of Sappro, including the small museum containing zoological specimens from Hokkaido, and the implements of the Ainu and the Koro-pok-kuru. A huge grizzly bear which had killed two babies and a man is now stuffed, and occupies the first small room, while a bottle by the side preserves in spirit the head and foot of one baby[Pg 191] and some parts of the man which were found in its stomach when captured and dissected.
His Excellency was also generous enough to drive me around the town and show me all the sights of Sappro, including the small museum that has zoological specimens from Hokkaido and the tools of the Ainu and the Koro-pok-kuru. A massive grizzly bear that had killed two infants and a man is now stuffed and displayed in the first small room, while a bottle next to it preserves in alcohol the head and foot of one infant[Pg 191] and some parts of the man that were found in its stomach when it was captured and dissected.
I left Sappro for Otaru by the coal train. Otaru is situated on a semicircular well-sheltered bay, which makes it the best and only safe port on the western coast of Yezo.
I took the coal train from Sappro to Otaru. Otaru is located on a semicircular, well-protected bay, making it the best and only safe port on the western coast of Yezo.
The coast at the mouth of the Ishikari River curves gently round, and is exposed to the north as far as Cape Shakotan. Otaru is rapidly growing in importance, owing to the fact that it is the nearest shipping port to the Poronai coal mines. Unfortunately, three small hills, which were being levelled when I was there, had greatly interfered with the first laying out of the settlement, which accounts for the town being all crooked and irregularly planned. It has the appearance of a thriving place, and much resembles one of the small seaports of Southern Japan. In the main street a go-ahead tailor had written over his door the following inscription for the attraction of foreign clients: "Tailor. New Forms of every country shall be made here." The notice was tempting, and I went in to request his services in furnishing me with "new forms," as he called them, of English fashion; but to my great regret he had come to an end of his stock of goods, and I had to be contented with my "old forms," and go on as best I could with what I had till I should reach Hakodate, where I had left most of my baggage. At Otaru I left all my paraphernalia to be shipped to Hakodate by the first ship calling, and I proceeded by land on the north and then on the north-west coast. I felt that, suffering as I still was, I should keep alive as long as I kept moving, as long as I was distracted by new scenery and new excitements. I felt that if I were left to myself, not pitied or sympathised with, I should be able to drag on and conquer in the end. There is nothing, it seems to me, that makes people feel so ill or is so enervating as the sympathy of friends and the verdict of a doctor. Among civilised people nine out of ten do not know whether they are very ill or not until the doctor pronounces his opinion, which shows that many complaints would be scarcely felt at all if the patient did not know the name of his malady, or if he had sufficient determination as to prevent his physical pain from becoming a moral one as well. We have a proof of this in hypnotism, by which sicknesses of many kinds can be cured by impressing on[Pg 192] the subject the belief that his body is perfectly free from disease. Of course in this case it is a stronger will acting on a weaker one, which, so reinforced, is able to overpower the physical trouble. Again, I may be allowed to state that savages and barbarians, though affected with horrid diseases of all kinds, do not seem to suffer from them as much as we do. If an Ainu man breaks his leg he does not think for a moment of lying in bed for the regulation forty days; first of all, because he has no bed to lie on; and next, because the confinement and inaction would simply kill him. He may lie down on the hard ground for two or three days, after which time he crawls about as best he can until nature makes his broken bone right again. He does not worry himself much about it. Wild animals do the same. If, then, the Ainu, and with them savages of other countries, do that, why should not I, a human being like them, do the same?
The coast at the mouth of the Ishikari River curves gently and is open to the north all the way to Cape Shakotan. Otaru is quickly becoming more significant because it's the closest shipping port to the Poronai coal mines. Unfortunately, three small hills, which were being leveled while I was there, severely disrupted the initial layout of the settlement, resulting in a town that looks crooked and irregularly planned. It has the vibe of a lively place and resembles one of the small seaports in Southern Japan. On the main street, an ambitious tailor had put up a sign to attract foreign customers: "Tailor. New designs from every country will be made here." The sign was tempting, so I went in to ask him for his services in creating "new designs," as he referred to them, of English style; but to my disappointment, he had run out of materials, and I had to settle for my "old designs" and manage with what I had until I reached Hakodate, where most of my luggage was. At Otaru, I left all my belongings to be shipped to Hakodate by the next available ship, and I traveled overland along the north and then northwest coast. I felt that, even while I was still suffering, I would stay alive as long as I kept moving and was distracted by new sights and experiences. I believed that if I were left alone, without pity or sympathy, I could push through and eventually overcome. It seems to me that nothing makes people feel worse or is as draining as the sympathy of friends and a doctor's judgment. Among civilized people, nine out of ten don't know whether they are seriously ill until a doctor gives their opinion, which shows that many ailments would hardly be felt at all if the patient didn't know what was wrong or if they had enough determination to keep their physical pain from becoming a mental burden as well. Hypnotism proves this, as many sicknesses can be treated by convincing the subject that their body is completely free of disease. In this case, it's a stronger will influencing a weaker one, which, when reinforced, can overpower the physical problem. Furthermore, I can say that savages and barbarians, despite suffering from terrible diseases, don't seem to suffer from them as much as we do. If an Ainu man breaks his leg, he doesn't even consider lying in bed for the standard forty days; first, because he doesn't have a bed to lie on, and second, because being confined and inactive would just kill him. He might rest on the hard ground for two or three days, and then he crawls around as best as he can until nature heals his broken bone. He doesn't stress about it much. Wild animals do the same. So if the Ainu, along with other savages around the world, handle it that way, why shouldn't I, a human being like them, do the same?
Freed from the encumbrance of my baggage, I set off on a good horse down the north coast, and moving from east to west. My baggage now consisted of a crutch which I had made for myself, a stick, a couple of Japanese kimonos, and a few sketch-books.
Freed from the burden of my luggage, I set off on a good horse along the north coast, traveling from east to west. My luggage now consisted of a crutch I had made for myself, a stick, a couple of Japanese kimonos, and a few sketchbooks.
The travelling was extremely slow, and I shall not dwell at length on this part of my journey, for it has no interest in connection with the Ainu, as I met with scarcely any. On a practicable and pleasant track leading all across the hills beyond Oshoro village, a lovely view of the cliffs between that place and Yoichi, lying to the west, is to be had. In some parts the scenery is really grand. Coming down on the other side of the hill, Momonai and Kawamura, two fishermen's villages of some importance, are passed, and further west, through a picturesque and narrow entrance of rugged volcanic rocks, is Yoichi, a large village, which was entirely burnt down last year, but has since been built up again. The road to Iwanai branches off at Kawamura, across the Shakotan peninsula. This peninsula is partly volcanic, partly composed of tertiaries, on which metal veins are found, especially along the course of the Yoichi River.
The travel was really slow, and I won’t spend too much time on this part of my journey since it’s not particularly interesting regarding the Ainu, as I hardly encountered any. There’s a nice and enjoyable path that goes across the hills beyond Oshoro village, offering a beautiful view of the cliffs between that area and Yoichi to the west. In some places, the scenery is truly impressive. Coming down the other side of the hill, I passed by Momonai and Kawamura, two fairly significant fishing villages, and further west, through a picturesque and narrow opening of rugged volcanic rocks, is Yoichi, a large village that was completely destroyed by fire last year but has since been rebuilt. The road to Iwanai branches off at Kawamura, going across the Shakotan peninsula. This peninsula is partly volcanic and partly made up of tertiary rocks, where metal veins can be found, especially along the Yoichi River.
About three miles from Yoichi a small flax factory was being built as an experiment by a Mr. Tokumatz Kuroda, in the employ of the Mitzui Company. Twenty-five miles further[Pg 193] south-west of Yoichi is Iwanai. About ten miles from Kawamura, at Hando, a black tumbledown shed, like a haunted house, stands in the middle of the woods, and from here the track again goes over a mountain. On the other side is Iwanai. Five or six weeks previous to my arrival a large fire had destroyed nearly the whole of the village, and—just my luck again!—I had great difficulty in finding a place in which to obtain shelter for the night.
About three miles from Yoichi, a small flax factory was being built as an experiment by Mr. Tokumatz Kuroda, who worked for the Mitzui Company. Twenty-five miles further southwest of Yoichi is Iwanai. About ten miles from Kawamura, at Hando, there's a rundown black shed that looks like a haunted house, sitting in the middle of the woods, and from here the path goes over a mountain again. On the other side is Iwanai. Five or six weeks before I arrived, a large fire had destroyed almost the entire village, and—just my luck!—I had a hard time finding a place to stay the night.
From Iwanai the coast-line roughly describes a semicircle, which is almost concentric with Volcano Bay on the south coast, the distance between the two seas being about twenty or twenty-five miles, so that it forms a kind of large peninsula stretching towards the south, and widening considerably at its most southern part on the Tsugaru Strait. The first two or three miles from Iwanai were a pretty flat and easy track, but then I struck the mountain trail, which was steep and heavy for my pony. It was raining in torrents, and the narrow track was literally turned into a running rivulet. By good luck the rain stopped, and when I reached the summit I had a glorious panorama of the brilliant rocks and cliffs of the Shakotan Cape to the north-east, with the Kamui and the Hurupira Mountains on one side, and the villages of Shiribets, Isoya, and Karibayama along the coast on the other. I descended into the valley and then went up again the next mountain, the Iwaonobori, a higher peak than the first. I went down its slopes on the other side in a zig-zag fashion, and then came to the snake-like river called Shiribets, on both sides of which a few fishermen's houses are found, forming the Shiribets village.
From Iwanai, the coastline roughly forms a semicircle that nearly aligns with Volcano Bay on the south coast, with the distance between the two seas being about twenty or twenty-five miles. This creates a large peninsula extending southward, widening considerably at its southernmost point by the Tsugaru Strait. The first two or three miles from Iwanai had a fairly flat and easy path, but then I hit the mountain trail, which was steep and tough for my pony. It was pouring rain, and the narrow track had literally turned into a flowing stream. Luckily, the rain stopped, and when I reached the summit, I was rewarded with a stunning view of the vibrant rocks and cliffs of Shakotan Cape to the northeast, with the Kamui and Hurupira Mountains on one side and the villages of Shiribets, Isoya, and Karibayama along the coast on the other. I descended into the valley and then climbed up the next mountain, Iwaonobori, which is taller than the first. I zig-zagged down its slopes on the other side and soon came to the winding river called Shiribets, along which there are a few fishermen's houses, making up Shiribets village.
Three miles further is a larger settlement, Isoya, the half of which is called Notto Isoya, the other Shimakotan Isoya. It is a long row of fishermen's houses scattered along the coast until we get to Ushoro, eight miles further, a settlement of 120 houses.
Three miles farther is a larger settlement, Isoya, half of which is called Notto Isoya and the other half Shimakotan Isoya. It’s a long line of fishermen's houses spread along the coast until we reach Ushoro, eight miles further, a settlement with 120 houses.
Ushoro is connected by a road to Oshamambe, on Volcano Bay, but I went on to Shitzo, four miles north-west of Ushoro. The way was fairly good in some parts, and execrably bad in others. The heavy rain which had again come on was not exactly suited to my present state of health; moreover, it swelled all the small brooks, which fell in a series[Pg 194] of picturesque waterfalls over the high cliffs down on to the beach. As the beach was narrow, this meant each time a cold shower-bath, which, however, did not much matter, for I was already drenched by the rain, and I had no very "swell" garments to spoil, as my readers know.
Ushoro is connected by a road to Oshamambe, located on Volcano Bay, but I continued on to Shitzo, four miles northwest of Ushoro. The road was decent in some areas and really bad in others. The heavy rain that had started again wasn't great for my health; also, it had swollen all the small streams that cascaded in a series[Pg 194] of beautiful waterfalls over the high cliffs down to the beach. Since the beach was narrow, this meant I got a cold shower every time, but it didn’t really matter because I was already soaked from the rain, and I didn’t have any nice clothes to ruin, as my readers know.

Shitzo is an old-looking place, but there is nothing attractive about it. It is in a small bay sheltered by Cape Benke, but its anchorage is only fit for junks or very small skiffs. It is much exposed to northerly and easterly winds. The coast from Shitzo to the Cape is lined with rocky bluffs and cliffs of conglomerate and volcanic formation, with bare hills inland.
Shitzo looks worn out, but there's nothing appealing about it. It's in a small bay protected by Cape Benke, but only junk boats or very small skiffs can dock there. It's quite exposed to winds from the north and east. The coastline from Shitzo to the Cape is bordered by rocky bluffs and cliffs made of a mix of stones and volcanic rock, with bare hills further inland.
There are many reefs stretching out, both along the coast and off the Cape; but in many places channels are cut in them, to all appearance produced by some remote volcanic action.
There are many reefs extending both along the coast and off the Cape; however, in several places, channels are formed in them, seemingly resulting from some distant volcanic activity.
[Pg 195] On the western side of Cape Benke is the village of Masatomari. There were formerly some Ainu villages on this part of the coast, but hardly any natives are to be found now. The few remaining have adopted to a certain extent Japanese customs and manners.
[Pg 195] On the west side of Cape Benke is the village of Masatomari. There were once several Ainu villages along this part of the coast, but there are hardly any locals left now. The few that remain have partly adopted Japanese customs and ways of life.
At Baraputa I heard that it was impossible to continue my journey south on horseback along the coast, for the track was almost impassable, even on foot. It was a steep and difficult trail over the mountains, among rocks and precipitous cliffs, and I was quite unable to accomplish it; so I retraced my steps to Shitzo, and from there struck across the peninsula on the road for Oshamambe, on Volcano Bay. The road is a good one, and when bridges are built where needed it will be practicable for bashas, the four-wheeled vehicles of Southern Yezo. The way is across mountains or among well-wooded hills. Kuromatsunai is the largest group of houses found along the road. It is about halfway between the two coasts.
At Baraputa, I learned that it was impossible to continue my journey south on horseback along the coast because the trail was nearly impassable, even on foot. It was a steep and challenging path over the mountains, filled with rocks and steep cliffs, and I couldn’t manage it; so I went back to Shitzo and from there headed across the peninsula toward Oshamambe, located on Volcano Bay. The road is in good condition, and once bridges are built where necessary, it will be suitable for bashas, the four-wheeled vehicles of Southern Yezo. The route goes through mountains or alongside well-wooded hills. Kuromatsunai is the largest cluster of houses found along the road, situated about halfway between the two coasts.
Late at night, after having ridden twenty-five miles, I arrived at Oshamambe, a semi-Ainu village on Volcano Bay.
Late at night, after riding twenty-five miles, I arrived at Oshamambe, a semi-Ainu village on Volcano Bay.

CHAPTER XIX.
Completing the Circuit of Yezo—The Conclusion of My Journey.
Oshamambe is a group of seventy houses, just midway between Mororran and Mori. The Ainu of this bay are poor specimens of their race, as most of them have intermarried with Japanese. They are, however, those most talked about by Europeans, for they are of easy access to globe-trotters.
Oshamambe is a group of seventy houses located halfway between Mororran and Mori. The Ainu in this bay are not great representatives of their race, as many of them have intermarried with Japanese people. However, they are the most discussed by Europeans because they are easily accessible to travelers.
They are mostly half-castes, and even second and third crosses; wherefore it is no wonder that the incautious travellers who have written on the Ainu, studying only these easily-visited specimens, have discovered in them a remarkable likeness to the Japanese!
They are mostly mixed-race individuals, including some who are second and third generation mixed. It's no surprise that careless travelers who have written about the Ainu, only studying these easily-accessible examples, have found a striking resemblance to the Japanese!
The fact that I was rapidly nearing the end of my trip half filled me with pleasure, yet pleasure mingled with regret. It was nearly six weeks now since I met with the accident to my foot, and I was decidedly better. The cold weather had greatly contributed to this improvement of my condition; and had it not been for my bone which kept sticking out of my skin, I should have considered myself in fine case. I could hop along with my self-made crutch and my stick, and when riding[Pg 197] the pain was not nearly as acute as it had been the first fifteen or twenty days.
The fact that I was quickly approaching the end of my trip filled me with a mix of happiness and regret. It had been nearly six weeks since I injured my foot, and I was definitely feeling better. The cold weather had really helped improve my condition; if it weren't for the bone sticking out of my skin, I would feel pretty good. I could hop along with my homemade crutch and my walking stick, and when riding[Pg 197], the pain wasn't nearly as intense as it had been during the first fifteen or twenty days.
As the road was good, and there was nothing interesting to me on this portion of the journey, I tried to push on rapidly towards Mori. Unfortunately, at the last minute my patience was put to a trial. I hired a horse, and it was lame. No others were to be had that day for love or money. The animal had been lame for two years, they said, and though uncomfortable to ride he did not suffer any pain. This I ascertained afterwards was true, for that day the sturdy brute carried me 48½ miles without once requiring punishment. It is needless to say that what I suffered that day by the continuous jerking is beyond description. I rode fourteen hours in a fearful storm of rain and snow, and my feverish anxiety to reach Hakodate soon, so that I might receive letters, and have news of my parents and friends—from whom I had not heard for five months—helped me to pull through all the fatigue and worry of the way. The road between Oshamambe and Kunnui is fair, getting still better towards Yurap and Yamakushinai. But to shorten the journey and lessen the jerking I followed the sandy sea-beach, which, describing a smaller circle than the road, necessarily diminishes the distance. From Yamakushinai the road is very good and wide, and it has nicely-built bridges over the Otoshibe and Nigori Rivers. The small fishing villages, though not so imposing in appearance as some of those in other parts of Yezo, add to the picturesqueness of the bay, with its beautiful volcanic cone of Komagatage towering in the distance towards the south-east.
As the road was nice and there wasn't anything interesting on this part of the journey, I tried to speed up towards Mori. Unfortunately, at the last moment, my patience was tested. I rented a horse, but it was lame. There weren't any others available that day for love or money. They said the horse had been lame for two years, and although it was uncomfortable to ride, it didn't feel any pain. I later found out this was true, as the sturdy beast carried me 48½ miles without needing a whip. It's needless to say that the discomfort I endured that day was beyond description. I rode for fourteen hours in a dreadful storm of rain and snow, and my anxious desire to reach Hakodate quickly, to receive letters and news from my parents and friends—whom I hadn’t heard from in five months—helped me get through the fatigue and stress of the journey. The road between Oshamambe and Kunnui is decent, improving further towards Yurap and Yamakushinai. To make the trip shorter and reduce the jolting, I chose to follow the sandy beach, which creates a smaller circle than the road and shortens the distance. From Yamakushinai, the road is very good and wide, with well-constructed bridges over the Otoshibe and Nigori Rivers. The small fishing villages, while not as impressive as some others in different parts of Yezo, add to the charm of the bay, with the beautiful volcanic cone of Komagatage rising majestically in the distance towards the southeast.
The fishing in Volcano Bay consists mostly of mackerel, sprats, halibut, and herrings.
The fishing in Volcano Bay mainly includes mackerel, sprats, halibut, and herring.
I reached Mori late in the evening, and was received with a friendly greeting by the people of the tea-house in which I had stayed on my way up at the beginning of my journey.
I arrived in Mori late in the evening and was warmly welcomed by the staff of the tea house where I had stayed at the start of my journey.
The place was brilliantly lighted with numberless candles, and opposite the entrance was a kind of altar decked with flowers and cakes. A few bonzes, with their shaven heads and long, thin, depraved fingers, were saying their prayers and beating with a small wand on the round wooden bells. With the gods of Japan you must ring a bell or clap your hands before you begin to pray, or else the god will pay no attention[Pg 198] to your petitions. In the next room another Japanese, with less depraved fingers, but with a more wicked face, was dressed in European clothes, and was apparently giving a sermon, and sure enough he proved to be a native Christian minister!
The place was brightly lit with countless candles, and across from the entrance was an altar adorned with flowers and cakes. A few bonzes, with their shaved heads and long, thin, twisted fingers, were praying and tapping a small stick on the round wooden bells. When it comes to the gods of Japan, you have to ring a bell or clap your hands before starting to pray; otherwise, the god won’t pay attention[Pg 198] to your requests. In the next room, another Japanese man, with less twisted fingers but a more sinister face, was dressed in Western clothes and seemed to be delivering a sermon—sure enough, he turned out to be a native Christian minister!
"Hallo!" said I to the landlord; "what does all this mean?"
"Hey!" I said to the landlord, "what's going on here?"
"Oh," said he, smiling—for Buddhism teaches you not to show pain—"my old mother is dead. You saw her when you were here before. She died yesterday, and as she was formerly a Buddhist and had become a Christian, I have now got some Buddhist bonzes and a Christian minister to pray for her, for I want her to be happy in the other world."
"Oh," he said with a smile—since Buddhism teaches not to show pain—"my old mother has passed away. You met her when you were here before. She died yesterday, and since she was originally a Buddhist but later became a Christian, I've arranged for some Buddhist monks and a Christian minister to pray for her, because I want her to find peace in the afterlife."
"But do you not think," I replied, "that so much praying of different kinds might interfere with her happiness?"
"But don't you think," I replied, "that all this praying in different ways could disrupt her happiness?"
"Oh, no, your honourable," he said quickly, "I have paid the bonzes and the clergyman in advance, and the gods cannot get angry now!"
"Oh, no, your honor," he said quickly, "I have paid the bonzes and the clergyman in advance, and the gods can’t be angry now!"
It was curious to notice the competition between the representatives of the two different creeds.
It was interesting to see the rivalry between the representatives of the two different beliefs.
On the one side the Christian shouted his prayers and sang his hymns in a stentorian voice, to put the bonzes in the shade and get the start of them in the contest; and on the other side these rattled on the wooden bells with all their might, so that their prayers should be heard first. I was more than happy when this religious race was over, and I was allowed a few hours' rest.
On one side, the Christian shouted his prayers and sang his hymns loudly to overshadow the bonzes and get ahead in the competition. On the other side, they rang the wooden bells as loudly as they could to make sure their prayers were heard first. I was more than happy when this religious race ended, and I finally got a few hours of rest.
Instead of going straight to Hakodate by basha by the road I had already once traversed, I followed the coast in a south-easterly direction towards the volcano of Esan.
Instead of heading directly to Hakodate by basha along the road I had already traveled, I followed the coast southeast toward the volcano of Esan.
Near Usushiri, some two miles inland, are the hot springs of Obune, where, in a picturesque gully surrounded by mountains, are two dirty shanties for the benefit of those who wish to take the waters. At Isoya, five miles north of this place, similar springs are found, and three and a half miles south-east of Usushiri still more can be seen at Kakumi. The latter place is a picturesque little spot, with its three old sheds and the steaming bath-room framed in the multi-coloured foliage of trees with their lovely autumn tints. A clean path a few hundred yards long leads from the coast to the springs, and a track across the mountains is found between that place[Pg 199] and Hakodate; also another leading from Obune to the latter port. By both these tracks a most lovely view of Hakodate Bay can be obtained when the summit of the mountain range is reached. From Kakumi the coast-line is wretched for travelling, set thick as it is with stones as sharp as knives, while the waves continually wash over the narrow beach, drenching the wayfarer to the skin.
Near Usushiri, about two miles inland, are the hot springs of Obune, where, in a scenic gully surrounded by mountains, there are two rundown shanties for those who want to enjoy the waters. At Isoya, five miles north of this spot, there are similar springs, and three and a half miles southeast of Usushiri, even more can be found at Kakumi. The latter is a charming little place, with its three old sheds and the steaming bathhouse framed by the colorful foliage of trees showcasing their beautiful autumn colors. A clean path a few hundred yards long leads from the coast to the springs, and a trail across the mountains connects that spot[Pg 199] to Hakodate; there's also another path from Obune to that port. Both trails offer a stunning view of Hakodate Bay once you reach the top of the mountain range. From Kakumi, the coastline is awful for traveling, covered as it is with razor-sharp stones, while the waves constantly crash over the narrow beach, soaking travelers to the bone.
I reached Otatsube, a group of a few fishermen's huts; and as there is no traffic whatever along this coast, there were no regular tea-houses. Unfortunately for me, the British Squadron in the Pacific had spent the summer at Hakodate, and the ships had often gone for gun-practice somewhere near this place, scaring the natives to death, and furthermore angering them against foreigners in general, for they said the report of the guns frightened away all the fish. When I asked for food and offered money for it, they flatly refused me, saying contemptuously,—
I got to Otatsube, a small cluster of fishermen's huts, and since there’s no traffic at all along this coast, there weren’t any regular tea houses. Unfortunately for me, the British Squadron in the Pacific had spent the summer in Hakodate, and their ships frequently went for gunnery practice somewhere close to here, scaring the locals and making them resentful towards foreigners in general. They claimed the sound of the guns scared all the fish away. When I asked for food and offered to pay for it, they outright refused me, saying with disdain, —
"You foreigners come and scare all the fish away, and now you shall die of starvation before you shall get food from us. We do not want your money. We are rich."
"You outsiders come here and drive all the fish away, and now you’ll starve before you get any food from us. We don't want your money. We’re rich."
And so I was held responsible for the doings of Her Majesty's fleet, which until then I did not even know had been in those waters!
And so I was held accountable for the actions of Her Majesty's fleet, which until then I hadn't even realized was in those waters!
At Furimbé, the next small village, only a few miles further on, my experience was even more unpleasant. Not only would they not give me food, but they would not shelter me for the night in any of the houses; and many of the fishermen, taking advantage of my wretched condition, were impudent to such a point that I thought we should have come to blows.
At Furimbé, the next small village just a few miles down the road, my experience was even worse. Not only did they refuse to give me food, but they also wouldn’t let me stay in any of the houses for the night. A lot of the fishermen, taking advantage of how miserable I was, were so rude that I thought we were going to end up in a fight.
It was getting quite dark, and I was fearfully hungry and exhausted. The only course open to me was to push on, and see if I could come across some other hut where the owners were not so churlish. As it turned out, for the first time since I had been in Hokkaido I had some good luck that night!
It was starting to get pretty dark, and I was really hungry and tired. The only option I had was to keep going and see if I could find another hut where the owners were a bit nicer. As it happened, for the first time since I had been in Hokkaido, I got lucky that night!
A few hundred yards from this Japanese village, among the trees, was a little wooden shrine. Through the grating of the door I caught sight of offerings of cakes and rice which the religious fishermen had deposited on the kind of altar, probably to appease the angry gods, and induce them to fill the sea with[Pg 200] fish again. The door of the shrine, as is usual in country places in Japan, was not locked, but a small outside bolt was all there was to keep it closed. I had no difficulty in entering. The night was a terrible one. The rain was pouring in torrents, and having had nothing to eat all day, I felt I had not the strength to go another yard. "After all," I said to myself, "the home of the gods, Japanese or not, is good enough for me. So is this supper," I soliloquized, swallowing now a white cake, now a red one, then a green one, till nothing but the empty vessels were left. "Delicious" was my last word, when, smacking my lips over the last green cake, I proceeded to make myself comfortable for the night. It is needless to add that I left very early in the morning, when the first rays of light broke the dimness of the night, and I dare say that, for the sake of morality, I ought to add that I was sorry for committing the sacrilege; but I was not—indeed I was not!
A few hundred yards from this Japanese village, among the trees, was a small wooden shrine. Through the grating of the door, I caught sight of offerings of cakes and rice that the religious fishermen had left on the altar, probably to appease the angry gods and encourage them to fill the sea with[Pg 200] fish again. The door of the shrine, as is typical in rural Japan, wasn’t locked; a small outside bolt was all that kept it closed. I had no trouble getting in. The night was terrible. The rain was pouring down in torrents, and having eaten nothing all day, I felt too weak to go another step. "After all," I told myself, "the home of the gods, Japanese or not, is good enough for me. So is this dinner," I mused, devouring a white cake, then a red one, and finally a green one, until only the empty containers were left. "Delicious" was my last word as I savored the last green cake, then settled in for the night. There’s no need to say that I left very early in the morning when the first rays of light broke the night’s dimness, and I guess, for the sake of morality, I should add that I felt bad for committing the sacrilege; but I didn’t—honestly, I didn’t!
The mountain track continued, rough and steep in many places, and the autumn tints on the foliage were lovely, though not as varied as those of Northern America. Past Todohotke another volcano, the Esan, stared me in the face. Its crater, or rather its craters, for there are several, are not on the summit of the mountain, which is well rounded, but nearly halfway down its western slopes. Accumulations of very pure sulphur are deposited in and around these craters, and a continuous rumbling can be heard inside the mountain. The craters eject sulphurous vapours, and molten lava bubbles up as if in gigantic caldrons, congealing at the mouths of the craters and cracking with the extreme heat.
The mountain trail kept going, rough and steep in many spots, and the autumn colors on the leaves were beautiful, though not as diverse as those in Northern America. Past Todohotke, another volcano, Esan, loomed ahead. Its crater, or rather its craters, since there are several, aren't at the top of the mountain, which is well-rounded, but almost halfway down its western slopes. Very pure sulfur accumulates in and around these craters, and a constant rumbling can be heard within the mountain. The craters release sulfurous vapors, and molten lava bubbles up like it’s in giant cauldrons, solidifying at the mouths of the craters and cracking from the intense heat.
The coast-line is precipitous and almost impassable round Cape Esan, therefore the track leads over the mountain. The altitude of Esan is 1740 feet above the sea-level, but owing to its rising directly from the sea it has the look of a much more lofty mountain. Komagatage, near Mori, is 4,011, or more than double the height of Esan, while Makkarinupuri volcano, or Shiribeshi Mountain, as others call it, about forty-five miles south-west of Sappro, and ten miles north of Toya Lake, reaches an altitude of 6,440 feet.
The coastline is steep and almost impossible to navigate around Cape Esan, so the path goes over the mountain. Esan stands at 1,740 feet above sea level, but because it rises directly from the ocean, it appears to be a much taller mountain. Komagatage, near Mori, is 4,011 feet, more than twice the height of Esan, while Makkarinupuri volcano, also known as Shiribeshi Mountain by some, is about forty-five miles southwest of Sapporo and ten miles north of Toya Lake, reaching an altitude of 6,440 feet.
Iwaonobori, which I passed on the north coast in this latter part of my journey, is 3,374 feet. Usu, on Volcano Bay,[Pg 201] 1868 feet. Tarumai, directly south of Sappro, only reaches a height of 2,800 feet.
Iwaonobori, which I saw on the north coast during the later part of my trip, is 3,374 feet tall. Usu, located in Volcano Bay, is 1,868 feet. Tarumai, just south of Sappro, has a height of only 2,800 feet.
When this volcanic part of the coast round Esan Cape is passed the track becomes easier and flatter. One comes again to the sandy beaches, and the coast is lively with numbers of fishermen's huts, and a couple of villages like Shirikishinai and Toi. One day's journey on horseback from here takes you to Hakodate. The Hakodate Peak can be seen in the distance to the west; and only a few more hours, only a few more miles, and I should be in civilisation, I should see a few European faces, and I should hear English spoken again.
When you pass this volcanic section of the coast around Esan Cape, the path becomes easier and flatter. You arrive back at the sandy beaches, where the coast is bustling with numerous fishermen's huts and a couple of villages like Shirikishinai and Toi. A day's ride on horseback from here will take you to Hakodate. You can see Hakodate Peak in the distance to the west, and just a few more hours and a few more miles, and I'll be in civilization, I'll see some European faces, and I'll hear English spoken again.
As I approached the sandy isthmus, and the peak grew bigger before me, I wondered what had been going on in the world, and what news I should receive of my dear ones. I imagined myself already devouring with my eyes the hundreds of letters which must have been amassed at Hakodate, waiting for me during the many months I had been away. I imagined myself half buried in newspapers months old, anxiously reading the news of the world. I hurried on my pony, I crossed the sand isthmus—and there I was in the lively streets of Hakodate, gazed at by the astonished Japanese, who, I believe, were more than a little amazed—perhaps scandalised—at my turn-out.
As I got closer to the sandy isthmus and the peak loomed larger in front of me, I wondered what had been happening in the world and what news awaited me about my loved ones. I pictured myself already diving into the hundreds of letters that must have piled up in Hakodate, waiting for me during the many months I had been gone. I envisioned myself half-buried in old newspapers, anxiously catching up on the news. I urged my pony on, crossed the sand isthmus—and suddenly, I was in the bustling streets of Hakodate, stared at by the surprised Japanese, who I think were more than a little shocked—maybe even scandalized—by my appearance.
Such as I was, and before I went to the Japanese tea-house, I called at the Consulate for my correspondence. Her Britannic Majesty's representative, who knew me well enough, was more than thunderstruck when I appeared before him in such a strange attire. He was smoking a pipe, and he almost let it drop, such was his surprise.
Such as I was, and before I headed to the Japanese tea house, I stopped by the Consulate to check my mail. Her Britannic Majesty's representative, who knew me quite well, was completely taken aback when I showed up in such unusual clothes. He was smoking a pipe, and he nearly let it slip from his hands, he was so shocked.
"Who are you?" he feebly exclaimed, looking me all over from head to foot. "Surely you are not Landor?" he said when I told him my name.
"Who are you?" he weakly exclaimed, scanning me from head to toe. "You can’t be Landor?" he said when I told him my name.
"I believe I am," I answered, "and I have come to trouble you for my letters."
"I think I am," I replied, "and I've come to ask you for my letters."
"Oh, none have come; we have none," he said drily.
"Oh, no one has come; we have none," he said dryly.
And now that I was not quite so well dressed as when I had called on my arrival at Hakodate from Southern Japan, he seemed anxious to see me off the premises as soon as possible, I dare say for fear lest I should expire on his doorstep.
And now that I wasn’t dressed as well as when I first arrived in Hakodate from Southern Japan, he seemed eager to get me off the property as quickly as possible, probably fearing that I might collapse on his doorstep.
[Pg 202] "But there must be some letters," I said, as I was sadly leaving.
[Pg 202] "But there has to be some letters," I said, as I was sadly leaving.
"No, there are none. Good-bye," he repeated.
"No, there aren’t any. Goodbye," he repeated.
The first glimpse of civilisation and of a civilised being was certainly not a pleasing one. In a town where there are hardly half-a-dozen British subjects, all told, I expected a better reception than one which many would not bestow on a beggar to a compatriot in a foreign country. Kindness costs nothing, and I was asking no favour.
The first look at civilization and a civilized person was definitely not a pleasant one. In a town where there are barely half a dozen British subjects altogether, I expected a better welcome than what many wouldn't even give to a beggar in a foreign country. Kindness doesn't cost anything, and I wasn't asking for a favor.
I left the place disheartened, but feeling that the pompous official had made a blunder, unluckily at my expense.
I left the place feeling defeated, but sensing that the arrogant official had messed up, unfortunately at my expense.
Mr. Henson, in whose house I had left all my luggage, greeted me with open arms. He was kindness itself, and very different from the gold-collared gentleman of the Consulate. I must say that I felt most uncomfortable when, after having opened my trunks, I put on fresh clothes and boots; in fact, such was the change from my late airy costume that I caught a cold! I had now almost finished my self-imposed task. I had made the whole circuit of Yezo, and been up all its largest rivers, with the exception of that part of the western coast which lies between Barabuta and Hakodate. It would mean only a few more days of agony, and for the sake of completing my journey I left Hakodate again the next morning at 2 a.m. in a basha for Esashi, on the west coast. The distance is fifty-seven miles, and we employed sixteen hours in covering it. It was snowing when we crossed the hills, and it was fearfully cold. Fortunately, the road is one of the best in Hokkaido. Just in front of me sat a poor man piteously ill with kaki. His body was dreadfully swollen and his limbs were stiff. What the poor man must have suffered in being shaken for so many hours is beyond description. His lamentations were heartrending. He had come to Hakodate in the hope of getting cured, and now he was returning—to use his words—"to die near his home." When we reached Esashi he was truly more dead than alive. He was senseless, and had to be lifted up bodily and carried into the house.
Mr. Henson, the person I had left all my luggage with, welcomed me warmly. He was incredibly kind and very different from the fancy gentleman at the Consulate. I have to admit I felt pretty uncomfortable when, after opening my trunks, I changed into fresh clothes and boots; in fact, the drastic switch from my previous light outfit made me catch a cold! I had nearly completed my self-imposed task. I had traveled all around Yezo and navigated all its major rivers, except for the stretch of western coast between Barabuta and Hakodate. It would only take a few more days of struggle, so to finish my journey, I left Hakodate again the next morning at 2 morning in a basha heading to Esashi on the west coast. The distance is fifty-seven miles, and it took us sixteen hours to cover it. It was snowing when we crossed the hills, and it was freezing cold. Luckily, the road is one of the best in Hokkaido. Right in front of me sat a poor man who was desperately ill with kaki. His body was terribly swollen and his limbs were stiff. What that poor man must have endured being jostled around for so many hours is beyond words. His cries were heartbreaking. He had come to Hakodate hoping to get better, and now he was heading back—to use his words—"to die near his home." By the time we reached Esashi, he was truly more dead than alive. He was unconscious and had to be physically lifted and carried into the house.
Esashi is a large place, and is one of the oldest towns in Yezo. In front lies a small oblong island, with which various wonderful tales of treasure are connected. Its harbour is too[Pg 203] unsafe, being exposed to all winds, and I was told that the sea is always rough except during the months of July and August. I believe that this is greatly due to the currents.
Esashi is a big place and one of the oldest towns in Yezo. In front of it, there's a small oblong island that's linked to various amazing treasure tales. Its harbor is too[Pg 203]unsafe, as it's open to all winds, and I was told that the sea is usually rough except for July and August. I think this is largely because of the currents.
I went north to Kumaishi and Cape Ota, the most westerly point of Yezo. About ten miles west of this cape is the small island of Okushiri, peopled mostly by Japanese.
I traveled north to Kumaishi and Cape Ota, the westernmost point of Yezo. Approximately ten miles west of this cape is the small island of Okushiri, mostly inhabited by Japanese people.
The track is tolerably fair for about twenty-four miles as far as Kumaishi. It runs either along the beach or around clay and conglomerate rocky points, occasionally over the cliffs and through ravines. North of Esashi, along the Assap River, is a good stretch of cultivable land; then the thickly-wooded mountainous region begins again towards the north.
The road is pretty decent for about twenty-four miles to Kumaishi. It goes either along the beach or around clay and rocky areas, sometimes over cliffs and through ravines. North of Esashi, along the Assap River, there's a nice stretch of land suitable for farming; after that, the dense, wooded mountain area starts up again to the north.
Kumaishi is said to be the best district for herring fishing along that coast.
Kumaishi is known to be the best area for herring fishing along that coast.
From Kumaishi to Kudo numerous reefs extend out at sea, and small headlands afford a safe anchorage to junks. The track is mostly on a rough coast backed by high and well-wooded hills. Striking across the mountains, which rise sheer from the sea, we come to Cape Ota, the most westerly point of Yezo. From here the coast turns towards the north-east as far as Barabuta; but as it was impossible for me to go on horseback to that place, though only a few miles distant, I turned back and returned to Esashi, then following the coast towards the south to Matsumai or Fukuyama, one of the first Japanese settlements established in Yezo, and formerly the capital of the island. The coast is rugged and picturesque from Esashi to the two villages of Kaminokumi and Shiofuki, after which a mountain path leads to Ishisaki.
From Kumaishi to Kudo, a number of reefs stretch out into the sea, and small headlands provide safe anchorage for junks. The route mostly follows a rough coastline backed by high, wooded hills. Climbing over the mountains that rise steeply from the sea, we reach Cape Ota, the westernmost point of Yezo. From here, the coast bends northeast towards Barabuta. However, since it was impossible for me to continue on horseback to that location, even though it was only a few miles away, I turned back and returned to Esashi, then followed the coast south to Matsumai or Fukuyama, one of the earliest Japanese settlements established in Yezo and once the capital of the island. The coastline is rugged and picturesque from Esashi to the two villages of Kaminokumi and Shiofuki, after which a mountain path leads to Ishisaki.
I found the Japanese on this coast most polite and honest, and more like the "old Japanese" than the younger generations.
I found the Japanese on this coast to be very polite and honest, and more similar to the "old Japanese" than the younger generations.
The cliffs on the south side of the Ishizaki River were resplendent in beauty under the brilliant red and yellow light of the setting sun. Oshima (or Large Island) could be seen on the horizon in the distant south. Five miles further, across a mountain track, I came to Cisango, and five more miles beyond that place landed me at Haraguchi, two small fishing villages, with houses resting on high posts and against the cliffs, somewhat similar to the villages I found previous to my reaching the Ishikari River.
The cliffs on the south side of the Ishizaki River were stunning in the bright red and yellow light of the setting sun. Oshima (or Large Island) was visible on the horizon to the south. Five miles later, along a mountain trail, I arrived at Cisango, and another five miles beyond that took me to Haraguchi, two small fishing villages with houses built on high stilts and against the cliffs, somewhat like the villages I encountered before reaching the Ishikari River.
[Pg 204] After that are eight or ten miles of a monotonous hilly road, where you do nothing but ascend and descend one small hill after another, up and down a snake-like or a zig-zag path; but when Eramachi is passed the track becomes much more interesting, with its peculiar groups of rocks of all shapes sticking out of the sea, and the long line of reef over which the breakers roll foaming and thundering. From here by the side of Oshima, another small island, "Koshima," is seen on the horizon. Going south the coast gradually gets more and more picturesque, with its pretty little fishing villages hidden among the rocks and sheltered under the high cliffs. At Neptka a good road leads over the cliffs to Fukuyama.
[Pg 204] After that, there are eight to ten miles of a dull, hilly road, where you just keep going up and down one small hill after another, following a winding or zig-zag path. However, once you pass Eramachi, the route becomes much more captivating, with its unique groups of rocks in all shapes jutting out of the sea and the long stretch of reef where the waves crash, foaming and thundering. From here, you can see "Koshima," another small island, on the horizon next to Oshima. As you head south, the coast gradually becomes more picturesque, dotted with charming little fishing villages tucked away among the rocks and nestled under the tall cliffs. At Neptka, a nice road leads over the cliffs to Fukuyama.
About a mile before the town is reached, from a high point of vantage on the road, is a pretty peep of Benten Island, just off the shore, with an old temple on it, and by its side a new lighthouse. On the shore, a few yards from the road opposite the island, a large rock is literally covered with hundreds of stone images of Amida and different gods, and two Torii, sacred emblems of Japan, are placed in front of it.
About a mile before you reach the town, from a high point on the road, you can catch a nice view of Benten Island, just off the shore, featuring an old temple and a new lighthouse next to it. On the shore, a few yards from the road across from the island, there's a large rock completely covered with hundreds of stone images of Amida and various gods, with two Torii, sacred symbols of Japan, placed in front of it.
I descended the slope gently and reached Koromatsumai, otherwise called Matsumai, or Fukuyama. It is a "dear old spot," the most picturesque of all the towns in Hokkaido. It is ancient, for one thing, while other places are modern—some villages, indeed, only a year or two old, or even less. Thus weather has toned down the light yellow colour of the new wood, which is so offensive to the eye in a landscape, and is so common in all Japanese villages of Yezo. Besides, Fukuyama has pretty temples on the surrounding hills, and prettily-laid-out gardens with tiny stone bridges, bronze lanterns, and dwarfed trees. It is more like a town of old Japan. It has a three-storied castle with turned-up roofs, as one sees on the willow-pattern plates.
I gently made my way down the slope and arrived at Koromatsumai, also known as Matsumai or Fukuyama. It’s a "dear old spot," the most scenic of all the towns in Hokkaido. It’s historic, while other places are modern—some villages, in fact, are only a year or two old or even less. As a result, the weather has dulled the bright yellow color of the new wood, which can be so jarring in a landscape and is so typical in all Japanese villages in Yezo. Plus, Fukuyama has beautiful temples on the hills nearby, along with nicely designed gardens featuring tiny stone bridges, bronze lanterns, and miniature trees. It feels more like a town from old Japan. It boasts a three-story castle with upturned roofs, like the ones you see on willow-pattern plates.
The castle, formerly the residence of the Daimio, a feudal prince, is now a restaurant. The irregular streets of the town, the narrow lanes, the houses blackened by smoke and age, give a certain cachet which is peculiar to the place itself. The inhabitants, too, are more conservative than the younger colonists, and are quite "in keeping" with the place. Unluckily, the town has seen better days! It possesses no good harbour, and all its trade, little by little, is being[Pg 205] carried away by its more fortunate rival, Hakodate. The population of Matsumai decreases considerably every year, as the inhabitants leave this poetical but dead-alive and decaying spot for the more exciting life to be found in newly-opened districts further east or north.
The castle, which used to be the home of the Daimio, a feudal prince, is now a restaurant. The town’s winding streets, narrow alleys, and houses darkened by smoke and age give it a unique charm that is specific to the place. The locals are more traditional than the younger settlers and match the vibe of the area. Unfortunately, the town has seen better times! It doesn’t have a good harbor, and gradually, all its trade is being[Pg 205] taken over by its luckier competitor, Hakodate. The population of Matsumai drops significantly every year as residents leave this charming yet stagnant and decaying place for the more vibrant life in the newly opened areas further east or north.
Between Fukuyama and Hakodate, a distance of over sixty miles, the road is extremely bad, and there is nothing whatever to see. Shirakami Cape is interesting as being the most southern point of Yezo, and from here the coast turns slightly towards the north-east.
Between Fukuyama and Hakodate, a distance of over sixty miles, the road is really poor, and there’s absolutely nothing to see. Shirakami Cape is noteworthy as the southernmost point of Yezo, and from here the coast curves a bit toward the northeast.
Fukushima is an old village. The other headlands, and the Cape of Yagoshi, have no special features calling for attention. Near the latter cape the coast is volcanic, which renders it very rugged in shape and warmly tinted in colour. There are many villages along the coast, as Yoshioka, Shiriuchi, Kikonai, Idzumizawa, Mohechi, and Kamiiro, and the inhabitants seem well off and well-to-do people.
Fukushima is an old village. The other headlands and Cape Yagoshi don't have any notable features that stand out. Near that cape, the coast is volcanic, making it very rugged in shape and warmly colored. There are many villages along the coast, like Yoshioka, Shiriuchi, Kikonai, Idzumizawa, Mohechi, and Kamiiro, and the locals seem to be well-off and affluent.
A great quantity of coal and firewood is carried on pony-back from these mountains to Hakodate. Rows of ten, twelve, or fifteen ponies one after the other, loaded with as much as they can carry, can be seen slowly travelling, under the care of one man, down to the principal port of Yezo, especially at the beginning of the winter season; and here and there stacks of split wood are piled ready for transportation.
A large amount of coal and firewood is transported on ponies from these mountains to Hakodate. You can see lines of ten, twelve, or fifteen ponies one after another, loaded to their capacity, slowly making their way under the supervision of one person down to the main port of Yezo, especially at the start of the winter season; and scattered stacks of cut wood are piled up, ready for transport.
Rounding the Hakodate Bay, I was again at the point whence I had first started, and happy that, notwithstanding all the ill-luck I had had, notwithstanding the strain on my physique, which is not by any means herculean, and notwithstanding all the obstacles which had come in my way, I had finally succeeded in doing what no European had ever done before, namely, in completing the whole circuit of Yezo at one time, exploring all its most important rivers and lakes, studying the habits, customs, and manners of that strange race of people, the Hairy Ainu, and visiting the Kuriles besides.
Rounding Hakodate Bay, I found myself back at the starting point, and I felt happy that despite all my bad luck, the toll it took on my not-so-strong body, and all the obstacles I faced, I had finally accomplished what no European had done before: completing the entire circuit of Yezo in one go, exploring all its major rivers and lakes, studying the habits, customs, and ways of life of the unique Ainu people, and visiting the Kuriles as well.
Many parts which I travelled over had never been trodden by European foot, and this made my journey all the more interesting to me. As the book stands I have related but the principal adventures which I had during my long peregrinations in Hokkaido, most of which are intended to illustrate Ainu customs and traits by my own personal experience rather[Pg 206] than to excite sympathy for my hardships. Really, though the journey nearly cost me my life, I have never, in my extensive wanderings, enjoyed a trip more than that to Ainuland.
Many areas I traveled through had never been walked on by Europeans, which made my journey even more fascinating for me. In this book, I’ve only shared the main adventures I had during my long travels in Hokkaido, most of which aim to showcase Ainu customs and traits through my own experiences rather [Pg 206] than to elicit sympathy for my struggles. Honestly, even though the journey almost cost me my life, I’ve never enjoyed a trip more than the one to Ainuland.
I have touched but slightly, and not more than was absolutely necessary, on subjects relating to the Japanese; for this is intended as a work on the Ainu.
I have only briefly mentioned topics related to the Japanese, and only as much as was absolutely necessary, because this is meant to be a book about the Ainu.
I was happy yet sorry to be at the end of my journey! This was the 146th day since I first left Hakodate, and the distance I had travelled was about 4,200 miles, out of which 3,800 were ridden on horseback, or an average of twenty-five miles a day. The remaining 400 miles were either by steamer or canoe travelling.
I felt both happy and sad to be at the end of my journey! This was the 146th day since I first left Hakodate, and I had traveled about 4,200 miles, of which 3,800 were on horseback, averaging about twenty-five miles a day. The remaining 400 miles were traveled by steamer or canoe.
From the day I broke the bone in my foot I travelled fifty-eight days, mostly on horseback, and the first time it was attended to and properly bandaged up was sixty days after it occurred, or two days after my arrival in Hakodate, by Mr. Pooley, chief engineer on board the ss. Satsuma Maru.
From the day I fractured my foot, I traveled for fifty-eight days, mostly on horseback, and the first time it was properly treated and bandaged was sixty days later, or two days after I got to Hakodate, by Mr. Pooley, the chief engineer on the ss. Satsuma Maru.
Mr. Henson was again extremely kind, and pressed me to leave the tea-house and go and stay at his place, and after five months of "hard planks" I slept again in a comfortable bed. What a treat it was! What a curious sensation to sleep in a bed again, and actually have sheets and blankets! But this was not all, for surprise followed surprise.
Mr. Henson was once again very kind and insisted that I leave the tea house and stay at his place. After five months of sleeping on hard planks, I finally got to sleep in a comfortable bed again. What a treat it was! It felt so strange to sleep in a bed again, with actual sheets and blankets! But that wasn’t all; one surprise followed another.
The pompous Consul, who for the sake of saving himself the trouble of looking into his desk, had made my last portion of the journey wretched and sorrowful, found that after all he was mistaken, and on the breakfast-table in my place I found a packet of about 100 letters and newspapers, which the Consul sent to me with a message saying that when I called last time he had forgotten who I was, and therefore had forgotten to give me my correspondence!
The arrogant Consul, who, to avoid the hassle of checking his desk, had made the final part of my journey miserable, realized that he had been wrong all along. When I sat down for breakfast, I found a package containing about 100 letters and newspapers that the Consul had sent me with a note saying that when I came by last time, he had forgotten who I was and had thus failed to hand over my correspondence!
Now that we have travelled round and through the country in every direction; now that we have seen where the different tribes of Ainu are, I shall attempt to give my readers some insight into the Ainu themselves, and their mode of living.
Now that we've traveled around the country in every direction; now that we've seen where the different Ainu tribes are, I’ll try to give my readers some insight into the Ainu themselves and how they live.

CHAPTER XX.
Ainu Homes, Storage, Trophies, Furniture—Tradition.
Ainu architecture is by no means elaborate, let alone beautiful; but though it is so simple, it is to a certain extent varied, differing according to the exigencies of climate and locality. Huts of one district vary from those of another not only in small details, but also in the whole shape; or if the shape is the same, the materials are different.
Ainu architecture isn't fancy, and it's definitely not beautiful; however, even though it's simple, it does have some variety, influenced by the climate and location. Huts in one area differ from those in another not just in minor details but also in overall shape; or if the shape is similar, the materials used are different.
The principal characteristics of the Volcano Bay and Saru River huts is, that they have angular roofs and are thatched with tall reeds and arundinaria, while the huts up the Tokachi River are more often covered with bark, though in form they are almost identical with those others.
The main features of the Volcano Bay and Saru River huts are that they have angular roofs and are thatched with tall reeds and arundinaria, while the huts along the Tokachi River are usually covered with bark, although in shape they are almost identical to the others.
On the Kutcharo Lake, again, the huts are thatched with tall reeds like those of Volcano Bay, but the building itself has a totally different shape. The roof is semicircular, and each hut is in appearance like the half of a cylinder lying on its rectangular base.
On Kutcharo Lake, the huts are again thatched with tall reeds, similar to those at Volcano Bay, but the structure itself has a completely different shape. The roof is semicircular, and each hut looks like the half of a cylinder resting on its rectangular base.
On the north-east coast the huts have either roofs similar to the Kutcharo ones, or else the angle is very obtuse instead of being sharp, as with the Piratori or Volcano Bay huts.
On the northeast coast, the huts have either roofs like the Kutcharo ones, or the angle is very flat instead of being steep, like those of the Piratori or Volcano Bay huts.
In the Kuriles, at Shikotan, the Ainu have houses exactly similar to those at Piratori.
In the Kuriles, on Shikotan, the Ainu have houses that are exactly like those at Piratori.
Setting aside the varieties of form, we shall now consider how the huts are built. A frame is first made by horizontally lashing at short intervals long poles to others at the angles of the roof. Often the roof is made first and lifted up bodily on the forked poles on which it rests. Then long reeds and[Pg 208] arundinaria are collected in sufficient quantity to thatch the frame thickly on each side. Other poles or rafters are then placed over these reeds, and through them lashed tightly to the under frame, thus preventing the thatch from being blown or washed away. Care is taken to leave an opening for the door; and the small east window—usually the only one in Ainu huts—is cut out afterwards by means of a knife. Ainu huts have never more than one storey and never more than one room and a small porch. In districts where the climate is less severe the porch is often dispensed with. In building their habitations the hairy people make no attempt whatever at symmetry or beauty; all they aim at is to make themselves a shelter and nothing more.
Putting aside the different styles, let's take a look at how the huts are built. First, a frame is created by lashing long poles together horizontally at short intervals at the roof angles. Often, the roof is made first and then lifted onto the forked poles that support it. Next, long reeds and [Pg 208] arundinaria are gathered in enough quantity to cover the frame thickly on each side with thatch. Additional poles or rafters are then placed over these reeds and tightly lashed to the underframe, keeping the thatch from being blown or washed away. Care is taken to leave a space for the door, and a small window on the east side—which is usually the only window in Ainu huts—is cut out later with a knife. Ainu huts typically have only one story and consist of just one room plus a small porch. In areas with milder climates, the porch is often omitted. In building their homes, the Ainu people don't concern themselves with symmetry or aesthetics; their focus is simply on creating a shelter, nothing more.
There are no more professional architects than professionals of any other kind in the Ainu country. Each man is his own architect, builder, and carpenter. He may occasionally receive the help of a neighbour when he is building his hut, if all hands in the family are not sufficient to carry him through his work.
There are no more professional architects than any other type of professionals in Ainu country. Each person is their own architect, builder, and carpenter. They might sometimes get help from a neighbor when building their hut, if everyone in the family isn't enough to complete the work.
Each family has its own hut, which is used day and night by all the members. If one of the sons gets married he sometimes brings his bride to live in his father's hut, or else he goes to live in his bride's hut; but as the "hairy mother-in-law" is no better than other "mothers-in-law," the end of this arrangement is that generally the bridegroom has to build a habitation for himself and his better-half. Fortunately for him, he has to pay no ground-rent; nor has he to take a lease, nor pay the lawyer for an agreement, nor yet to buy the ground nor the materials on which and of which his not too luxurious abode is to be built. He chooses the site which is most suitable to him, and there he builds his hut as best he can; and no one is any the worse or the wiser for it. The "furnishing" is a matter of no consideration with the Ainu, as he prefers to live in an "unfurnished house." By instalments, however, as he finds his floor becoming rather damp, he provides himself with a few rough planks, which afford him comfortable sleeping accommodation; and during the winter, when fishing is not practicable, and he spends most of his day at home, he roughly carves for himself a moustache-lifter (the Kike-ush-bashui); a small paddle, the Hera (which is used both to stir the[Pg 209] wine and as an implement in weaving); a pestle and mortar carved out of the trunk of a tree; and, if he be a very ambitious person and fond of his wife, he will probably make her a weaving loom as well as two or three "water-jugs" if we may call them so—vessels made of bark bent into shape, and lashed so strongly as to be water-tight, and used for carrying water as needed.
Each family has its own hut, used day and night by all its members. When one of the sons gets married, he sometimes brings his wife to live in his father's hut, or he goes to stay in his wife's hut; but since the "hairy mother-in-law" is no better than other "mothers-in-law," this arrangement usually ends with the groom needing to build a home for himself and his partner. Fortunately for him, he doesn’t have to pay any ground rent, sign a lease, hire a lawyer for an agreement, or purchase the land or materials to construct his not-so-luxurious home. He picks a site that works best for him, and there he builds his hut as best as he can; and no one is any the worse or the wiser for it. "Furnishing" isn’t a big deal for the Ainu, as he prefers to live in an "unfurnished house." Over time, as he finds his floor getting a bit damp, he provides himself with a few rough planks for a comfortable sleeping area; and during winter, when fishing isn't possible and he spends most of his day at home, he roughly carves himself a moustache-lifter (the Kike-ush-bashui); a small paddle, the Hera (which he uses to stir the[Pg 209] wine and also in weaving); a pestle and mortar carved from a tree trunk; and if he’s particularly ambitious and fond of his wife, he may also make her a weaving loom along with two or three "water-jugs"—vessels made of bark bent into shape and lashed tightly to be water-proof, used for carrying water as needed.
A few wooden bowls, a wooden hook, which is suspended over the fire when bear-meat is smoked, occasionally a Kinna (a mat), and a skin or two, are all the articles of furniture of Ainu manufacture which an Ainu can possess, though few of them possess so many. The Ainu hut has a fire-place in the centre, or rather, a fire is lighted in the centre of the hut. The fire is lighted with a flint and steel—a method learned from the Japanese—or by the friction of two sticks. The more civilised Ainu have now adopted matches. A hole in the angle of the roof acts as chimney, but unfortunately more in name than in practice.
A few wooden bowls, a wooden hook that hangs over the fire when smoking bear meat, sometimes a Kinna (a mat), and a couple of skins are all the furniture made by the Ainu that they can own, though few have this much. The Ainu hut has a fireplace in the center, or rather, a fire is lit in the middle of the hut. The fire is started using flint and steel—a method learned from the Japanese—or by rubbing two sticks together. The more modern Ainu now use matches. A hole in the corner of the roof serves as a chimney, but unfortunately, it works more in theory than in practice.
Chairs, stools, sofas, beds, tables, etc., are all things unknown to the Ainu. While inspecting the hut it may be as well to see how the weaving-loom, the most complicated article of the Ainu household, is made and worked. There is a "yarn beam" (the Kammakappe), on which the "warp" of unwoven thread is wound and kept separated, and another "roll" by which the warp threads in the process of weaving are kept in tension between the two gratings. There then is the Poro-usa (the "large grating"), through the intervals of which the warp threads pass, and the Usa, a similar but smaller grating placed on the other side of the roll.
Chairs, stools, sofas, beds, tables, etc., are all things unknown to the Ainu. While checking out the hut, it’s a good idea to see how the weaving loom, which is the most complicated item in the Ainu home, is made and used. There’s a "yarn beam" (the Kammakappe), where the "warp" of unwoven thread is wound and kept separated, and another "roll" that keeps the warp threads under tension during the weaving process between the two frames. Then there’s the Poro-usa (the "large grating"), through which the warp threads pass, and the Usa, a similar but smaller grating located on the other side of the roll.

[Pg 210] The cloth is wound round a stick which rests on the lap of the weaver, and is kept in tension by means of her wrists; and at the same time the Ahunkanitte (the "shuttle"), is passed between the two sets of warp threads carrying the transverse thread, or "woof," from one side of the cloth to the other and back again. This is then beaten up by means of a long shuttle like a netting mesh, which first draws the weft into its place, and is then used to beat it up. In some ways this form of loom is similar to that of India. The "netting mesh" is called Atzis-Hera. Finally, the Pekoatnit is a bi-forked instrument for separating the threads.
[Pg 210] The cloth is wrapped around a stick that rests on the weaver’s lap and is kept taut by her wrists. At the same time, the Ahunkanitte (the "shuttle") is passed between the two sets of warp threads, carrying the transverse thread, or "woof," from one side of the cloth to the other and back again. This is then compacted using a long shuttle like a netting mesh, which first pulls the weft into position and is then used to press it down. In some ways, this type of loom is similar to those found in India. The "netting mesh" is called Atzis-Hera. Finally, the Pekoatnit is a forked tool used for separating the threads.

It is needless to say that with this primitive and homemade loom it takes a very long time to weave a very short piece of cloth; but as time is not money with Ainu women, and patience is one of their virtues, it answers their purpose, and they wish for nothing better.
It goes without saying that using this basic and handmade loom takes a long time to weave just a small piece of cloth; however, since time isn’t money for Ainu women, and patience is one of their strengths, it serves their needs, and they couldn’t ask for anything more.

The thread used for manufacturing the cloth is made of the inner fibre of the Ulmus campestris bark. At the beginning of the spring the elm bark is peeled off the trees and is put in water to soak and soften until the inner fibres can be separated, made into threads, and wound up round reeds. The material woven from these threads is very coarse and brittle, except in wet weather or when soaked in water, in which case clothes made of it cannot be worn out.
The thread used to make the cloth comes from the inner fiber of the Ulmus campestris bark. At the start of spring, the elm bark is stripped from the trees and soaked in water until the inner fibers can be separated, turned into threads, and wrapped around reeds. The fabric made from these threads is quite rough and fragile, except when it's wet or soaked in water, in which case clothes made from it are very durable.
The weaving is usually plain, but sometimes a simple pattern of black parallel lines is woven in with the material. The natural colour of the elm-fibre thread is dark yellow, and the black lines are composed of the same thread stained.
The weaving is typically simple, but occasionally a basic pattern of black parallel lines is added to the fabric. The natural color of the elm-fiber thread is dark yellow, and the black lines are made from the same thread that has been dyed.
The other contrivance in Ainu huts which strikes one as[Pg 211] being simple but clever is the hook suspended over the fire. The rope is passed over a rafter. One end of it is fastened to the hook, the other, as shown in the illustration, to a piece of wood through which the hook has previously been passed.
The other clever feature in Ainu huts that stands out is the hook hanging over the fire. The rope is looped over a rafter. One end is attached to the hook, and the other end, as depicted in the illustration, is connected to a piece of wood that the hook has already gone through.

Mat-making is closely allied to weaving, and is worked entirely on the same principle, but without the aid of any kind of machinery. The bulrushes are crossed and woven coarsely, and plaited flat. One of these mats is used in Ainu huts as a door—"the Apa Otki." A smaller one is hung over or by the window.
Mat-making is closely related to weaving and is done entirely on the same principle, but without using any machinery. The bulrushes are crossed and woven loosely, and then flattened. One of these mats is used in Ainu huts as a door—"the Apa Otki." A smaller one is hung over or beside the window.
Naturally, Ainu huts are somewhat draughty. The imperfectness of the door and window-fittings, the large outlet for the smoke, besides the wind which finds its way through the thatched walls, make Ainu dwellings "ideal" to anyone wishing to "catch his death of cold." The Ainu do not much mind it.
Naturally, Ainu huts are a bit drafty. The imperfect door and window fittings, the large opening for smoke, along with the wind that seeps through the thatched walls, make Ainu homes "perfect" for anyone looking to "freeze to death." The Ainu don’t really mind it.
The roof is low, and from it hang the winter provisions of dried salmon captured during the autumn. This gives an additional odour to the already strong scent of the hut—an "ancient fish-like smell," not redolent of the perfumes of Arabia. The smoke inside the hut is so dense when there happens to be a fire burning that one's eyes stream with involuntary tears, and one is nearly choked. When the days are short in winter the Ainu sometimes light their dwellings with a stick to which is fastened a piece of animal fat. It is hung up aloft, and when the lower end is lighted the fat slowly melting serves to feed the flame and keep this primitive lamp alight. Another mode of illumination is by firing a lighted piece of birch bark on a stick previously split at the upper end. The third way is by filling a large shell with fish-oil and burning in it a few strings of elm-fibre. None of these methods come much into use for everyday life, as, unlike the negroes, the Ainu are not fond of sitting up at night, except on extraordinary occasions; and when by chance they do sit up it is by the light of the fire only.
The roof is low, and hanging from it are the winter supplies of dried salmon caught in the autumn. This adds to the already strong smell of the hut—an "ancient fish-like scent," not reminiscent of the perfumes of Arabia. The smoke inside the hut is so thick when there's a fire burning that tears stream from your eyes, and it's hard to breathe. During the short winter days, the Ainu sometimes light their homes with a stick that has a piece of animal fat attached to it. It's hung up high, and when you light the lower end, the fat slowly melts and keeps the flame going, lighting up this primitive lamp. Another way they light up is by setting a piece of birch bark on fire attached to a stick that's been split at the top. The third method involves filling a large shell with fish oil and burning a few strands of elm fiber in it. None of these methods are commonly used for daily life, as, unlike some groups, the Ainu don’t usually stay up at night except on special occasions; and when they do, it’s just by the light of the fire.
If a stranger stops for the night in an Ainu hut, he is made to sleep directly under the east window; but the family take good care to sleep all together on the north side, which is the[Pg 212] most distant point from the door and the window. Occasional callers are received on the side nearest to the door.
If a stranger stays overnight in an Ainu hut, he is placed directly under the east window to sleep; however, the family makes sure to sleep all together on the north side, which is the[Pg 212] furthest point from the door and the window. Casual visitors are welcomed on the side closest to the door.
The few Ainu who possess mats on which they sit during the day hang them up at night round the hut, probably to protect themselves from the liberal ventilation, which even those who are used to it find trying when a gale is blowing or the thermometer is very low.
The few Ainu who have mats to sit on during the day hang them up at night around the hut, probably to shield themselves from the strong airflow, which even those accustomed to it find challenging when there's a strong wind or the temperature is really low.
There is no particular spot inside the hut set apart for meals, and the refuse is either thrown into a corner of the hut or flung outside the door and left there. It is difficult to say whether the inside or the outside of an Ainu hut is the dirtier. Heaps of stinking refuse are accumulated round the dwellings, and in summer-time these heaps are alive with vermin—mosquitoes, flies, abu, and black-flies. It is quite sufficient to move a step from the door to see a cloud of these noxious insects rise, and each one of them will have a bite at you.
There isn't a specific area inside the hut designated for meals, and the waste is either tossed into a corner of the hut or thrown outside the door and left there. It's hard to tell whether the inside or outside of an Ainu hut is messier. Piles of rotting garbage build up around the homes, and in the summer, these piles are filled with pests—mosquitoes, flies, abu, and black-flies. Just taking a step away from the door is enough to see a swarm of these annoying insects take flight, and each one will take a bite out of you.
Inside the house you are no better off. Taikki (fleas) are innumerable, and of all sizes, not to mention other well-known but usually anonymous enemies of the human skin.
Inside the house, you're not any better off. Taikki (fleas) are countless and come in all sizes, along with other familiar but typically unnamed foes of human skin.
The first night I slept in an Ainu hut, though I was provided with insecticide powder, I was literally covered with bites. With my fondness for statistics I proceeded to count them, and only from my ankle to my knee I counted as many as 220. The rest of my body and my head were covered in the same proportion, but I gave up the attempt to ascertain the exact number—the task was too overwhelming. My skin, however, got so inflamed by these bites as to produce fever, which lasted two or three days. After that time I never again suffered to such an extent, perhaps owing to the fact that no free spot was left to attack, or may be from that curious process called acclimatisation.
The first night I slept in an Ainu hut, even though I had insecticide powder, I ended up covered in bites. With my love for numbers, I started counting them and found 220 from my ankle to my knee alone. The rest of my body and my head had bites in similar amounts, but I stopped trying to count them all—it was just too much. My skin got so inflamed from these bites that I developed a fever that lasted two or three days. After that, I never suffered as much again, maybe because there were no bare spots left for them to bite, or perhaps due to that strange process called acclimatization.
The Ainu huts are built entirely above ground, and are used alike in winter and summer.
The Ainu huts are built completely above ground and are used in both winter and summer.
In olden times the hut was always destroyed at the death of its owner, or when abandoned; but in the former case the custom is seldom practised now, and in the latter they are merely left to decay.
In the past, the hut was always torn down when its owner died or when it was abandoned; however, in the first case, this custom is rarely followed today, and in the second, they are just left to fall apart.
It is singular that migrating Ainu, coming across an uninhabited hut, never live in it, but build a new one for themselves.
It’s interesting that migrating Ainu, when they come upon an unoccupied hut, never choose to stay in it but instead build a new one for themselves.
[Pg 213] The Kurilsky Ainu until quite recently destroyed their huts when migrating from one island to another. They also burnt the huts of deceased persons. It is needless to say that the Ainu have no churches, no hotels, no hospitals, and no public buildings of any kind. The huts in villages are a little way from one another, and each hut has directly in front a separate storehouse, built on piles or posts so as not to be accessible to wolves, dogs, or rats. These are small structures, the architecture of which has the local characteristics of the habitations, with the exception that they are invariably on piles, while the habitations are on the ground. Clothes, furs, mats, and winter provisions of sea-weed are kept in these storehouses, and access to them is by means of a peculiar ladder. It is a mere log of wood, six or seven feet in length, pointed at one end, and with five or six incisions, which serve as steps, and remind me of the steps cut by an ice-axe in a glacier or on frozen snow. Natives go up and down these ladders with ease, even when carrying heavy weights on their heads; and good care is always taken to remove the ladder when leaving the storehouse. Women principally look after these storehouses, and seem to have the whole care and control of them. I have often seen an Ainu girl—for a storehouse could hardly hold more than one—sitting on the tiny door working at her lord and master's Atzis robe. Hour after hour I have seen her sitting there, working patiently till the sun has set and the darkness has come. Her materials were then stowed away; the mat at the door was let down; the ladder descended and kicked away; and sadly singing in her soft falsetto voice, she retired into the dirt and dark of her habitation.
[Pg 213] The Kurilsky Ainu up until recently would destroy their huts when moving from one island to another. They also burned the huts of people who had died. It goes without saying that the Ainu don’t have churches, hotels, hospitals, or any kind of public buildings. The huts in the villages are spaced out a bit, with each hut having its own storehouse directly in front, elevated on piles or posts to keep wolves, dogs, and rats away. These storehouses are small structures that reflect the local style of the huts, except they are always raised while the huts sit on the ground. Clothes, furs, mats, and winter supplies of seaweed are stored in these buildings, accessed by a unique type of ladder. It’s just a log, about six or seven feet long, pointed at one end, with five or six notches cut in for steps, reminiscent of steps carved by an ice axe in a glacier or on frozen snow. The locals can easily climb up and down these ladders, even when carrying heavy loads on their heads; and they always make sure to take the ladder away when they leave the storehouse. Women mostly take care of these storehouses and seem to have full responsibility for them. I’ve often seen an Ainu girl—since a storehouse can hardly hold more than one—sitting at the tiny door and working on her lord and master’s Atzis robe. I’ve watched her for hours as she patiently stitched away until the sun set and darkness fell. Then she would pack up her materials, lower the mat at the door, pull down the ladder and kick it away, and softly singing as she went, she would retreat into the dirt and darkness of her hut.
The storehouses stand about six feet above the level of the ground, and are generally on four, six, or eight piles. Upon each pile is placed a large square piece of wood turned downwards at the sides, so as not to be accessible to rats and mice. Upon these square pieces of wood rest horizontally four rafters, forming a quadrangle about eight feet square. The small storehouse has as a base this quadrangle, and is seldom high enough to allow of an adult to stand inside.
The storehouses are built about six feet off the ground and are typically supported by four, six, or eight piles. Each pile has a large square piece of wood on top, angled downwards on the sides to keep rats and mice out. Four horizontal rafters rest on these square pieces of wood, creating a quadrangle that's about eight feet square. The small storehouse has this quadrangle as its base and is usually not tall enough for an adult to stand inside.
Storehouses are thatched like all other houses. On[Pg 214] the upper Tokachi, however, they are covered with the bark of trees.
Storehouses are thatched like all the other houses. On[Pg 214] the upper Tokachi, though, they are covered with tree bark.
Next in connection with Ainu habitations comes the skull-trophy at the east end of the hut. This is on a parallel line to the hut wall, and only a few yards away from it, and is made of a number of bi-forked poles, upon which are placed the skulls of the bears, wolves, and foxes killed by the owner of the hut. The Ainu is proud of this trophy, and if the number of bear skulls is very large, he commands a certain amount of respect from his hairy brethren. There is nothing that Ainu admire more than courage, and there is nothing in the world that an Ainu desires more than to be thought brave. When he has gained this character a man becomes in a certain way the "lion" of the village. He embellishes his trophy with a Nusa and Inaos (willow wands with overhanging shavings—see Chapter on Superstitions), and he always looks on it as an evidence of his manly glory. Besides this, many Ainu possess one or two live bears kept in cages. Bear hunters often secure one or more cubs, which they bring home and allow to live in the hut like one of the family or an Irishman's pig. These cubs are nursed along with and in the same manner as the children, and Ainu say that women often put them to the breast and suckle them like their own infants. Whether this is true or not I cannot say; but though I have never seen it, and therefore cannot vouch for it, it is not unlike Ainu women to do such a thing.
Next, regarding Ainu houses, there's a skull trophy at the east end of the hut. It's lined up parallel to the hut wall and just a few yards away, made of several bi-forked poles that hold the skulls of the bears, wolves, and foxes hunted by the hut owner. The Ainu take pride in this trophy, and if he has a large number of bear skulls, he earns a certain level of respect from his fellow Ainu. Nothing impresses the Ainu more than courage, and nothing means more to them than being seen as brave. Once a man earns this reputation, he somewhat becomes the "lion" of the village. He adorns his trophy with a Nusa and Inaos (willow sticks with hanging shavings—see Chapter on Superstitions), and he always views it as proof of his manly glory. In addition, many Ainu keep one or two live bears in cages. Bear hunters sometimes catch one or more cubs, bringing them home to live in the hut like part of the family or like an Irishman’s pig. These cubs are raised alongside the children, and it's said that Ainu women often breastfeed them as if they were their own babies. Whether that's true, I can't say; I've never seen it myself, so I can't confirm it, but it wouldn't be out of character for Ainu women to do such a thing.
When the new-comers grow big and powerful enough to be
dangerous, the men make a rough cage with logs of timber,
THE APE-KILAI, OR EARTH-RAKE, AS USED BY PIRATORI AINU.
placing them one over the other in a quadrangular
shape, and lashing them strongly
together. The bear is driven into the cage,
which is then roofed over; and after a couple
of years of confinement, during which it is
fattened, poor Bruin is killed for a bear festival.
In the lower part of the cage there is a small
wooden tray by which food is served to the
captive.
When the newcomers grow big and powerful enough to be dangerous, the men make a rough cage with logs, stacking them in a square shape and tying them tightly together. The bear is coaxed into the cage, which is then covered with a roof. After a couple of years of confinement, during which it is fed and fattened, poor Bruin is killed for a bear festival. In the lower part of the cage, there's a small wooden tray where food is given to the captive.
On the north-east coast of Yezo I have also seen smaller cages, in which foxes, eagles, or other animals are kept; and I always noticed the care which Ainu took to[Pg 215] feed up the imprisoned animals. That "charity begins at home" is true even among the hairy people; for if they are kind to animals it is only for the sake of making a good meal of them on the first occasion that presents itself.
On the northeast coast of Yezo, I've also seen smaller cages where foxes, eagles, or other animals are kept. I always noticed the care the Ainu took to[Pg 215] feed the captive animals. The saying "charity begins at home" rings true even among the Ainu; they show kindness to animals only to make a good meal out of them at the first opportunity.
PESTLE.
MORTAR.
It may be as well to state that
the Ainu have never been known
to make pottery. What they have
of the kind is imported and sold to
or exchanged with them by the
Japanese. If I were an Irishman
I should say that real Ainu pottery
is made of wood. Nevertheless,
large shells are often used by them
as drinking vessels where wooden
bowls are not obtainable. It is a
common occurrence in Ainu households
that one bowl is used by
several individuals, and a more
common occurrence still that none
of the bowls are ever washed or
cleaned after having been used.
PESTLE.
MORTAR.
It's worth mentioning that the Ainu have never been known to create pottery. Any pottery they have is imported and sold to them or traded by the Japanese. If I were Irish, I would say that true Ainu pottery is made of wood. Still, large shells are frequently used as drinking vessels when wooden bowls aren't available. In Ainu households, it's common for one bowl to be shared by multiple people, and even more common that none of the bowls are ever washed or cleaned after use.
The small Ainu porch which stands frequently at the entrance of Ainu huts answers the purpose of a stackhouse, and in it is stored the firewood used in the house. The wooden mortar and the long pestle are kept in a corner under the porch. In the more civilised parts of Yezo these pestles and mortars are general, as the natives use them for pounding millet.
The small Ainu porch that often stands at the entrance of Ainu huts serves as a storage area, where the firewood used in the house is kept. The wooden mortar and the long pestle are stored in a corner under the porch. In the more developed areas of Yezo, these pestles and mortars are commonly used, as the locals use them for grinding millet.
The pure Ainu live principally on animal food—fish and meat—sea-weed, and some kinds of roots and herbs, which[Pg 216] they find on the mountains. Metallurgy is utterly unknown to the Ainu. Until of late years they possessed nothing made of metal. Their arrows had bamboo or bone heads; tin or iron cooking utensils they had none; and the blades of their knives were and are of Japanese origin. Some of these blades are very old, and were acquired by the Ainu in the battles which they fought against the Japanese; others have been got by barter-metal exchanged for skins of animals.
The pure Ainu mainly live off animal food—fish and meat—seaweed, and certain roots and herbs that[Pg 216] they find in the mountains. The Ainu have no knowledge of metallurgy. Until recently, they didn’t own anything made of metal. Their arrows had bamboo or bone heads; they had no cooking utensils made of tin or iron; and the blades of their knives were and are of Japanese origin. Some of these blades are very old and were obtained by the Ainu during battles against the Japanese; others were obtained through barter—trading metal for animal skins.

Furthermore, save the weaving-loom, the Ainu possess no machinery of their own make. This too, as we have seen, is but a very rude and simple kind of machine. The application of wind or water power to economise human labour is in no way known to them; thus they have no windlasses, no pumps, no bellows, no windmills, no waterwheels; neither have they any signs of the rudest form of machinery moved by manual power which they have imagined and made for themselves. Furthermore, they are very loth to accept those mechanical means of economising labour which are employed by their neighbours the Japanese.
Furthermore, apart from the weaving loom, the Ainu have no machinery of their own design. This, as we have seen, is a very basic and simple type of machine. They are not aware of using wind or water power to save human labor; thus, they have no windlasses, pumps, bellows, windmills, or waterwheels. They also lack any signs of the most primitive kind of machinery powered by human effort that they might have imagined and created for themselves. Additionally, they are quite unwilling to adopt the mechanical methods for saving labor used by their neighbors, the Japanese.
The Ainu are very conservative, little as they may have to preserve. They show a great dislike to change or reform their habits and customs, or to improve themselves in any way. Worse they could certainly not be. They have no ancestral attachment which makes them unwilling to discard their rude practices for more civilised ways; but, acting according to their instincts, and not by their intelligence, they preserve customs which seem inconvenient and unpractical to us, which habit has rendered familiar and pleasant to them.
The Ainu are quite traditional, even if there's not much for them to hold onto. They really dislike changing or reforming their habits and customs, or improving themselves in any way. They couldn't be worse off. They have no family ties that make them reluctant to give up their basic practices for more civilized ones; instead, they follow their instincts rather than their intellect, keeping customs that seem inconvenient and impractical to us, but are familiar and comfortable for them.
Various natives in other parts of the world show signs of an earlier state of civilisation, but the Ainu do not. They have never had a past civilisation, they are not civilised now, and what is more, they will never be civilised. Civilisation kills them. As a hog delights in filth, so the Ainu can only live in dirt, neglect, and savagery of personal habits. They are made that way, and they cannot help it. They are excluded from progress by an impassable barrier. They have many miseries in their life, but no greater misery could befall an Ainu than to be forced to lead a civilised existence. Even after they have been educated in Japanese schools, when they return home, in a short time they forget all they have learned, and[Pg 217] discard their acquired civilisation for the old, free, untrammelled mountain life; the wild habits of the woods and sea-shore; the nakedness of summer and the stifling squalor of the one small dingy hut in winter; the uncombed hair and matted beard; the putrid flesh of salmon, and the vile compound they revel in till they get gloriously drunk and bestial.
Various indigenous people around the world show signs of an earlier stage of civilization, but the Ainu do not. They have never had a past civilization, they aren't civilized now, and what's more, they will never be civilized. Civilization destroys them. Just as a pig finds joy in filth, the Ainu can only exist in dirt, neglect, and wild personal habits. They are made that way, and they can't help it. They are kept from progress by an insurmountable barrier. They face many hardships in life, but no greater misery could befall an Ainu than to be forced to live a civilized way of life. Even after being educated in Japanese schools, when they return home, they quickly forget everything they've learned and discard their acquired civilization for the old, free, unrestrained mountain life; the wild habits of the woods and the coastline; the bare skin of summer and the stifling squalor of the one small, dingy hut in winter; the unkempt hair and matted beard; the rotten salmon flesh, and the disgusting mix they indulge in until they get gloriously drunk and savage.


CHAPTER XXI.
Ainu Art, Ainu Symbols, Decorations, Weapons—Graves and Tattoos.
The expression of ideas by graphic signs is utterly unknown to the Ainu. They have no alphabet, and furthermore, they have no methods whatever of writing. Hence the utter incapacity of the hairy people to record events, time, or circumstances in their history; for even the system of picture-writing is not known to them.
The Ainu have no concept of expressing ideas through graphic symbols. They don’t have an alphabet and don’t use any form of writing. This means the hairy people are completely unable to record events, time, or details from their history; they don’t even know about picture-writing.
Thus they have neither graven records nor any form of visible history; and tradition transmitted from mouth to mouth is all they have by way of historic continuity. The nearest approach made to graphic signs is in the owner's marks, which we occasionally find on some of their implements. The moustache-lifter is the article on which this mark is most commonly found. What these marks are meant to represent I do not know for certain; but I believe that Fig. 1 is supposed to convey the idea of a house, and Fig. 2 that of a boat; Fig. 3 a bear cage, and 4 the mere result of fancy. Even these marks are only rarely found, and have probably been suggested by Japanese writing.
Thus, they have no written records or any visible history, and the only way they pass down their history is orally. The closest thing they have to graphic signs are the owner’s marks, which we occasionally find on some of their tools. The moustache-lifter is the item where this mark is most commonly seen. I’m not sure what these marks represent, but I think that Fig. 1 is meant to represent a house, Fig. 2 a boat, Fig. 3 a bear cage, and Fig. 4 is just a product of imagination. Even these marks are rarely found and likely inspired by Japanese writing.
The illustration shows the four specimens which I found carved on moustache-lifters.
The illustration shows the four samples that I found carved on mustache-lifters.

Closely allied with writing is, of course, map-drawing and ornamentations. Map drawing can be dismissed at once, like that famous chapter on snakes in Iceland, as the Ainu know nothing of it.
Closely related to writing is, of course, map-making and decorations. Map-making can be disregarded immediately, like that well-known chapter on snakes in Iceland, because the Ainu don’t know anything about it.
Rough ornamentations on bone and wooden implements are their only artistic efforts. Truthful representations of[Pg 219] figures and animals are seldom attempted,[37] but conventionalised symbols, suggested by and based on certain forms of animal or vegetable life, are occasionally used for ornamentation.
Rough carvings on bone and wooden tools are their only artistic expressions. Accurate depictions of figures and animals are rarely attempted, but simplified symbols inspired by various forms of animal or plant life are sometimes used for decoration.
The Ainu have no rock-sculptures, and can neither paint nor draw in any form; what they have are mere simple wood-carvings. But only a few have any aptitude for even this crude work, though of course they are not all alike. As with us we have people who are artistic and people who are Philistine, so with the Ainu, in that very humble degree which is to Western art what an acorn is to an oak.
The Ainu don’t have rock sculptures, and they can’t paint or draw in any way; what they do have are simple wood carvings. However, only a few have any skill for even this basic work, although they’re not all the same. Just like us, where some people are artistic and others are not, the Ainu have a similar range, but at a much simpler level, comparable to how an acorn relates to an oak tree in Western art.
Like all early work, Ainu art—if we may call it so—aims at a certain uniformity, especially in leaf-portraiture, so as to produce a somewhat symmetrical pattern; for at all times geometry has been the mother of design.
Like all early work, Ainu art—if we can call it that—aims for a certain uniformity, especially in leaf portraits, to create a somewhat symmetrical pattern; because geometry has always been the foundation of design.
An Ainu does not go for his models direct to Nature, neither does he servilely copy his neighbour's work; but he gets his ideas indirectly from both these sources, and through inability to copy accurately, negligence in close study, and some amount of native imagination combined, varies the design which he has seen to such an extent as to make it in a sense original. The talent shown by different men in the art of carving varies considerably, even in men of the same tribe; while certain tribes show both aptitude and fondness for these ornamentations, whereas others have little of either.
An Ainu doesn’t go directly to Nature for his inspiration, nor does he just imitate his neighbor’s work; instead, he takes ideas from both sources indirectly. Due to his inability to copy exactly, lack of detailed study, and a bit of native imagination, he alters the design he has observed to the point of making it somewhat original. The talent displayed by different individuals in the art of carving varies significantly, even among people from the same tribe, while some tribes show both a natural skill and a passion for these decorations, whereas others have hardly any of either.
It is the Ainu of the upper Ishikari River who chiefly excel in these carved ornamentations. The knife represented in the illustration comes from Kamikawa, and was carved with the point of a knife by the chief of the Ainu there. It took the man many months to accomplish, and it is by far the best specimen of Ainu workmanship that I saw in Yezo, though the ornamentations on it are not purely Ainu in character.
It’s the Ainu people of the upper Ishikari River who mainly excel in these carved decorations. The knife shown in the illustration is from Kamikawa and was carved with a knife tip by the chief of the Ainu there. It took him many months to finish, and it's definitely the best example of Ainu craftsmanship that I saw in Yezo, even though the designs on it aren’t entirely Ainu in style.
SIDE VIEW.
This man was a genius as compared to other Ainu, and his
ideas of form and precision were considerably more developed
than in most of his race. He has ornamented the sheath with
conventionalised symbols, which were apparently suggested to
him by leaves and branches of trees; and the suggestion of
a flower can be noticed in the upper part of the handle. A[Pg 220]
suggestion of fish-scales has been used by him to fill up small
open spaces; others he filled up with parallel lines. The
sheath is made of two parts, to allow the carver to
cut the space for the blade inside; but these two
parts are well fitted together, and kept fast by six
rings of neatly-cut bark fastened on while fresh, so
that by shrinking the two sides of the sheath are
brought close together, and are as if made of one
single piece.
Side view. This man was incredibly talented compared to other Ainu, with his concepts of shape and accuracy significantly more advanced than most of his people. He decorated the sheath with stylized symbols, seemingly inspired by leaves and tree branches; a floral design can also be seen in the upper part of the handle. A[Pg 220] suggestion of fish scales was used to fill small gaps; he filled in others with parallel lines. The sheath consists of two pieces to allow the carver to create the space for the blade inside; however, these pieces fit together well and are held in place by six rings of neatly cut bark attached while fresh, so that as they shrink, the two sides of the sheath come together as if they were made from a single piece.
The side view of the same knife shows the clever contrivance for fastening it on to the girdle without removing the latter from around the body. This knife may be ranked among the chefs d'œuvre of Ainu art.
The side view of the same knife shows the smart design for attaching it to the belt without taking it off the body. This knife can be considered one of the chefs d'œuvre of Ainu art.
The principal characteristics of the more usual ornamentations are interesting to study.
The main features of the more common decorations are interesting to explore.
Art of course is only the personification, so to
speak, the expression of the mind, character, and
knowledge of the artist; thus, in Ainu ornamentations
we have patterns which could be nothing but
Ainu, taken collectively, yet which show distinctly
the temperament of each individual. For instance, taking
KIKE-USH-BASHUI, OR MOUSTACHE-LIFTERS.
the moustache-lifters (Figs. 1, 2, 4 in the illustration).
Fig. 1, with its roundish, undecided, lines, was carved by[Pg 221]
a man weak in physique and morale; Fig. 2, which is much
simpler and with more decided lines, was the work of a quiet
but strong and proud man; and Fig. 4, with its coarse incisions,
was the outcome of a brutal mind.
Art is essentially the expression of the artist's mind, personality, and knowledge; thus, in Ainu decorations, we find patterns that are uniquely Ainu when viewed together, but they also clearly reflect the individual temperament of the artist. For example, consider the moustache-lifters (Figs. 1, 2, 4 in the illustration). Fig. 1, with its round, uncertain lines, was carved by [Pg 221], a man who was physically and morally weak; Fig. 2, which is much simpler with more defined lines, was created by a quiet but strong and proud man; and Fig. 4, with its rough carvings, was produced by someone with a brutal mindset.
Ainu designs, though slightly varied by each individual, are
principally formed of simple geometrical patterns; then of coils
SUGGESTIONS OF LEAVES.
and scrolls; and, rarest of all,
because the highest attainment
of all, of conventionalised representations
of animal or vegetable
forms. Of the representations
from animal forms the
fish-scale is the only one adopted
by the Ainu, but suggestions
of leaves may not infrequently
be found in these designs. Some
of these are long and narrow; others are short and stumpy.
Ainu designs, while slightly different for each person, mainly consist of simple geometric patterns, coils, and scrolls. Rarely, they also feature more advanced representations of animals or plants. Among animal representations, the fish scale is the only one used by the Ainu, but hints of leaves can often be seen in these designs. Some designs are long and narrow, while others are short and stubby.
The above are, to my mind, the models which the Ainu have chiefly taken for their leaf patterns, following nature at a long distance indeed!
The ones mentioned above are, in my opinion, the models that the Ainu have primarily used for their leaf patterns, drawing inspiration from nature from quite a distance!
ROPE-PATTERN AND
SIMPLE BANDS.
Beside these, and much more common,
are the rope-pattern and the simple bands.
Often the rope-pattern has bands above
and below, especially in drinking vessels.
Rope Pattern and Simple Bands.
In addition to these, which are quite common, there are the rope-pattern and simple bands. The rope-pattern often features bands above and below it, particularly in drinking vessels.
Triangles filled with lines parallel to one of the sides are
TRIANGLES.
frequently met with in moustache-lifters, and
occasionally the annexed patterns are found:
but as a rule the Ainu are not fond of merely
straight single lines except for "filling" purposes.
These patterns are mostly used on
their graves. In articles of every-day use they prefer curves
as a foundation of their ornamentations. The lozenge
CHEVRONS.
pattern, especially one lozenge inside
the other, is a favourite among
their geometrical designs; also contiguous
and detached circles, chevrons,
double chevrons, and triple
chevrons. The chevrons are mainly
used by them on their graves, and they are invariably
enclosed between two or four lines.
Triangles filled with lines parallel to one of the sides are
TRIANGLES.
often seen in moustache-lifters, and sometimes you find the attached patterns as well; however, generally speaking, the Ainu don’t like simple straight lines except for filler purposes. These patterns are mostly used on their graves. For everyday items, they prefer curves as the basis of their decorations. The lozenge
CHEVRONS.
pattern, especially when one lozenge is inside another, is a favorite in their geometric designs; they also like adjacent and separate circles, chevrons, double chevrons, and triple chevrons. The chevrons are primarily used on their graves, and they are always bordered by two or four lines.
[Pg 222] The two following patterns are elaborations of the foregoing, but are much more uncommon.
[Pg 222] The two patterns that follow are extensions of the previous ones, but they're much rarer.
ELABORATIONS OF
CHEVRONS.
The parallel incised lines and parallel
lines crossing each other at right
angles are met with again and again
in Ainu patterns. More common still
is the occurrence of a number of parallel lines meeting
perpendicularly another lot of parallel lines without crossing
them.
Elaborate Chevron Designs.
The parallel lines carved into patterns and the lines that intersect at right angles keep appearing in Ainu designs. Even more common is when several parallel lines meet other parallel lines at right angles without crossing them.
A COMMON
PATTERN.
Parallel lines have a fascination for the
Ainu, as we find them in most of their
designs.
A COMMON PATTERN.
The Ainu are really drawn to parallel lines, as they appear in many of their designs.
Concentric circles are not often met with, neither is the
plain or loop coil often found, owing to the difficulty of
WAVE PATTERNS.
execution; but the wave pattern and double
wave are typical Ainu patterns; also the
reversed wave.
Concentric circles aren't commonly seen, nor are simple or loop coils, due to the challenges in creating them; however, the wave pattern and double wave are classic Ainu designs, as is the reversed wave.
From these may have been derived the
REVERSED COIL.
other two, the last
of which is a mere
double reversed coil.
From these, the other two may have been derived, the last of which is just a simple double reversed coil.
REVERSED COIL.
Triangular marks are occasionally
FRETS.
"put in" by the Ainu in some of
their more complicated designs, and
finally we find that, though rarely, they
sometimes attempt a kind of fret.
Triangular marks are sometimes
FRETS.
"added" by the Ainu in some of their more intricate designs, and lastly, we see that, although infrequently, they occasionally try a type of fret.
Other strange forms of lines which are thoroughly characteristic of the Ainu are the following.
Other unusual types of lines that are distinctly characteristic of the Ainu are as follows.
OTHER CHARACTERISTIC
DESIGNS.
I never came across any Ainu wood-carvings
that were coloured, but in
bone-carvings—which, I must add, are
very rare—black is used to assist shade,
and bring out the higher lights by
contrast. The Ainu have no idea of
tones, semi-tones, or gradations; the
contrast is merely between the strong
black and strong white. Enamelling
is not known by them.
OTHER DESIGN FEATURES.
I’ve never seen any Ainu wood carvings that were colored, but in the bone carvings—which are very rare—I’ve noticed that black is used to create shade and highlight features through contrast. The Ainu don’t have a concept of tones, semi-tones, or gradations; the contrast is simply between strong black and strong white. They are not familiar with enameling.
The objects which bear these incised ornamentations,[Pg 223] beside the sheaths and handles of their knives and swords and their moustache-lifters, as has been shown, are the Tchutti, or war-clubs; the Hera, or netting-mesh used in weaving; drinking-vessels, quivers, pipes and tobacco-boxes, the thread-reeds, cloth-hangers, and graves.
The items that feature these carved decorations,[Pg 223] along with the sheaths and handles of their knives and swords and their moustache-lifters, as demonstrated, include the Tchutti, or war clubs; the Hera, or netting mesh used in weaving; drinking vessels, quivers, pipes, and tobacco boxes, along with thread reeds, cloth hangers, and graves.
The modern Ainu are not a warlike people, therefore many
of the weapons which were used in former days for defence
and offence are rarely found now. For instance, the old war-clubs
are not used by the present generation. These clubs
were long and heavy, and were carried on the wrist by a piece
of rope passed through a hole at the upper end. Some were
plain and straight, others were curved towards the end to
TCHUTTI, OR WAR-CLUBS.
make them heavier. Now and
again some carved all over are
found. Pieces of leather or rope
were often knotted round the
heavier part to make the blow
more severe. In some of the
very old clubs a stone was inlaid
to add to the weight and consequent
efficiency of the weapon.
These clubs are from two to two and a half feet in length,
and are made of hard wood.
The modern Ainu are not a warlike people, so many of the weapons used in the past for defense and offense are rarely seen today. For example, the old war clubs are no longer used by the current generation. These clubs were long and heavy, and were worn on the wrist by a piece of rope threaded through a hole at the top. Some were plain and straight, while others were curved at the end to make them heavier. TCHUTTI, OR WAR CLUBS. Occasionally, some intricately carved ones can still be found. Pieces of leather or rope were often tied around the heavier part to increase the impact of the blow. In some of the very old clubs, a stone was embedded to add weight and improve the weapon's effectiveness. These clubs measure between two to two and a half feet in length and are made of hard wood.
Ainu bows are simple, and not very powerful. They are
about fifty inches in length, and made of only one piece of
yew. The arrows, which are poisoned, are of bamboo or bone.
The poison is extracted from aconite roots mixed with other
ingredients. It is somewhat greasy owing to certain fatty
TROUGH IN WHICH
RESIN IS KEPT FOR
FIXING ARROW-POINTS.
matters which it contains, and is smeared
into the cavity in the arrow-point, which
has previously been treated with pine-tree
gum to fix the poison. The arrow-point
is barbed, and so fashioned that when the
shaft is drawn from the wound this poisoned point remains.
Ainu bows are straightforward and not very powerful. They are about fifty inches long and made from a single piece of yew. The arrows, which are poisoned, are made of bamboo or bone. The poison is derived from aconite roots mixed with other ingredients. It has a somewhat greasy texture because of certain fatty substances it contains, and it's applied to the cavity in the arrow-point, which has been treated with pine gum to hold the poison in place. The arrow-point is barbed and designed so that when the shaft is pulled from the wound, the poisoned point stays there.
POISONED ARROWS.
The illustration gives two
different kinds of poisoned
arrows. In Figs. 2 and 3, the
black part in the point shows
the cavity filled with poison.
Fig. 2 shows how the arrow-head is separated from the reed,[Pg 224]
and how when the arrow is drawn from the flesh the poisoned
point remains inside the wound.
Poisoned Arrows.
The illustration shows two different types of poisoned arrows. In Figs. 2 and 3, the dark part at the tip indicates the cavity filled with poison. Fig. 2 illustrates how the arrowhead is separate from the reed,[Pg 224] and how, when the arrow is pulled from the flesh, the poisoned tip stays lodged in the wound.
The arrows, when in war or hunting, are kept in a quiver, and a small Inao is hung to it to bring good luck to the owner.
The arrows, when used for war or hunting, are stored in a quiver, and a small Inao is attached to it to bring good luck to the owner.
Spears and harpoons of one barb are common, and some of the poisoned spears have heads similar to the arrows but of a larger size. Spears are out of date now, but harpoons are still employed in fishing.
Spears and one-barbed harpoons are common, and some of the poisoned spears have heads similar to arrows but are larger in size. Spears are outdated now, but harpoons are still used in fishing.
Knives are the weapons on which a modern Ainu most relies. Some of these knives are of such length that they might pass for swords. The blade is single-edged, and is protected by a wooden sheath. Nearly every man possesses one, which he carries in his girdle when dressed; when naked, he carries it in his hand. The illustration shows knives of different sizes, and with different patterns worked on them. From an artistic point of view the sheaths of knives are the most carefully wrought over, and ornamented to a greater extent than any other article of Ainu manufacture.
Knives are the main weapons that a modern Ainu relies on. Some of these knives are so long that they could be mistaken for swords. The blade is single-edged and is protected by a wooden sheath. Almost every man has one, which he carries in his belt when dressed; when not wearing clothes, he holds it in his hand. The illustration shows knives of various sizes, each with different patterns on them. From an artistic perspective, the sheaths of the knives are the most intricately designed and decorated more than any other item made by the Ainu.

[Pg 225] Then come the graves. The Ainu are very jealous of these places of eternal rest, and good care is taken to hide them either in the midst of a forest, on a distant and almost inaccessible hill, or in some remote spot, difficult to find or reach.
[Pg 225] Then come the graves. The Ainu are very protective of these places of eternal rest, and great care is taken to hide them either deep in a forest, on a faraway and nearly unreachable hill, or in some secluded spot that's hard to find or get to.
Each village has its own semi-secret graveyard, in which all its dead are buried. Occasionally, when the site of a graveyard has become known to others than these local Ainu, the place is deserted, and a fresh place of sepulture is chosen. The manner of burial is as follows. The body, wrapped up in a Kinna (mat), is fastened to a long pole and carried to the grave by two men. All the villagers follow, each carrying some article which was owned by the deceased. A grave is dug, wide and long enough to hold the body laid flat. In it are placed the bow and arrows with their quiver, the knife—from which, for the sake of economy, the blade has been previously removed—and the drinking-vessel which belonged to the deceased, if he were a man. Women are usually buried with some beads, earrings, and furs. All these articles, carried[Pg 226] by the mourners, are broken before they are laid in the grave with the corpse; a few boards are then placed over the body, and earth is thrown over these till the ground is level again.
Each village has its own semi-secret graveyard where all its dead are buried. Sometimes, when others learn about the location of the graveyard, it is abandoned, and a new burial site is chosen. The burial process is as follows. The body, wrapped in a Kinna (mat), is tied to a long pole and carried to the grave by two men. All the villagers follow, each carrying an item that belonged to the deceased. A grave is dug, wide and long enough to hold the body laid flat. Inside, they place the bow and arrows with their quiver, the knife—from which, for the sake of practicality, the blade has been removed—and the drinking vessel that belonged to the deceased if he was a man. Women are typically buried with some beads, earrings, and furs. All these items carried[Pg 226] by the mourners are broken before being placed in the grave with the body; a few boards are then laid over the body, and soil is added until the ground is level again.
The grave is generally so shallow that the body is only a few inches underground—sometimes not more than four inches. The body lies flat on its back. Close to its head is erected a monument. For men it is the trunk of a tree, about six feet in length, from which the bark has been peeled off, and whereon certain ornamentations are cut. A short branch is left on one side. The top of the tree-trunk and the end of the branch are cut either in the shape of a lozenge, a hexagon, or a semicircle; and a hole is made through it. At the branch end, the cloth-earrings or the head-gear of the deceased are hung and left to decay.
The grave is usually so shallow that the body is only a few inches underground—sometimes not more than four inches. The body lies flat on its back. Near the head, a monument is set up. For men, it’s the trunk of a tree, about six feet long, with the bark stripped off, and certain decorations carved into it. A short branch is left on one side. The top of the tree trunk and the end of the branch are shaped like a diamond, a hexagon, or a semicircle, and there’s a hole made through it. At the branch end, the deceased's cloth earrings or headgear are hung and left to decay.

Women have simpler graves; they are flat instead of round,
and are cut into the shape of a canoe-paddle. The chief of a
village has a more elaborate tomb than others if he has been
liked by the villagers. At Raishats, on the Ishikari River,
I saw a really imposing monument put over the grave of
the chief who had recently died. It was of very large size,
and well carved—in the same patterns as those shown in
the illustration. Its chief peculiarity was that the body,
instead of being covered by earth, was covered by what
appeared to be a canoe or "dug-out" turned upside down,
the bottom of which had been laboriously carved. On each of
the two sides, at the head and foot of the grave, was stuck into
the ground a wooden blade twenty-one inches in length, resembling
WOODEN BLADE.
in shape the
blade of a sword. Each
of these four blades was
carved alike, and had a
strange design resembling
the number 88. Whether a meaning is attached by the Ainu
to this design I cannot say, and the curious circumstance,
as my readers will remember, through which I came into
possession of one of these blades, did not permit me to
ask many questions on the subject. I often wondered
whether it meant that life begins, goes its way round, and
ends where it began? It is more likely, though, that no
meaning whatever is attached to those lines, for such[Pg 227]
deep thoughts would hardly harmonise with the Ainu
philosophy—such as it is. The Ainu do not stop to mourn
or pray or trouble themselves about a grave when the body is
once buried. Those who have touched the body wash their
hands in a tub of water which has been brought for the
purpose; afterwards the water is thrown over the grave and
the tub is smashed. The Ainu seldom visit their graveyards
except when some one has to be buried. They hate their
dead to be disturbed, and nothing makes them more angry
than to know that a stranger has been near their burial-ground.
When a man is dead they try to forget all about
him and his doings, in which they generally succeed to perfection.
This naturally is not conducive to anything like
continuity in the history of the country, and may partly
account for their having none. Moreover, none of the tombs
bear the name or the mark of the person to whom it was
erected. Tombs of children are of similar shape to those of
adults, only smaller in size. When carrying the dead—or, as
we should say, going to a funeral—the Ainu put on their best
clothes, and when the burial is over they all get helplessly
drunk to make up for the loss of the departed friend.
Women have simpler graves; they are flat instead of round and shaped like a canoe paddle. The village chief has a more elaborate tomb than others if he was well-liked by the villagers. At Raishats, on the Ishikari River, I saw a truly impressive monument over the grave of a recently deceased chief. It was large and well-carved, featuring the same designs shown in the illustration. Its unique aspect was that the body, instead of being buried under dirt, was covered with what looked like an upside-down canoe or "dug-out," the bottom of which was intricately carved. Stuck into the ground at the head and foot of the grave were two wooden blades, each twenty-one inches long, resembling the shape of a sword blade.
Wooden Blade.
Each of these four blades was carved the same and featured a strange design that looked like the number 88. Whether this design holds a specific meaning for the Ainu, I can't say, and the curious way I obtained one of these blades didn’t allow me to ask many questions about it. I often wondered if it signifies that life starts, goes in circles, and ends where it began. However, it’s more likely that there’s no real significance to those lines, as such profound thoughts probably wouldn’t fit with Ainu philosophy—whatever that may be. The Ainu don’t take time to mourn, pray, or concern themselves about a grave once the body is buried. Those who touched the body wash their hands in a tub of water brought for that purpose; afterward, the water is poured over the grave, and the tub is broken. The Ainu rarely visit their graveyards except when someone needs to be buried. They despise their dead being disturbed, and nothing angers them more than knowing a stranger has been near their burial ground. When a person dies, they try to completely forget about him and his life, which they typically manage to do. This, of course, doesn’t promote anything resembling continuity in the country’s history and might partly explain why there is none. Furthermore, none of the tombs display the name or mark of the person for whom they were created. Children’s tombs are similarly shaped to those of adults, only smaller. When transporting the dead—or, as we would call it, going to a funeral—the Ainu wear their best clothes, and after the burial, they all get extremely drunk to cope with the loss of their departed friend.
To leave this somewhat grim subject and to return to
every-day art, it may be well to mention that the designs for
embroideries differ in no way from the wood-carvings. They
are often more accurately finished, owing to the greater facility
of materials, but the lines and all the characteristics of the
patterns are the same. In the tattoos the lozenge pattern
and bands are the two more commonly used. The Egyptian
cross is sometimes met with (
), and also a kind of reversed
fylfot, or svastika. Moreover, the St. Andrew's cross with
an additional line is not uncommon(X|). In the present
volume this is all I have to say on Ainu art. I may, however,
add that their ornamentations could not be more primitive, but
their frequency on weapons, clothing, implements, and graves
shows us that art, though not understood by the Ainu, has a
certain fascination, which, in their ignorance, they cannot
explain. They know art without knowing what art means.
Certain lines and simple designs which are familiar to them
appeal to their taste, else they would not ornament all their
articles with them. But this does not show any great intellectual[Pg 228]
activity, for beyond that point the Ainu brain cannot
go. As art in its natural state is merely the pictorial outcome
of what the brain has grasped, we have in these crude
beginnings another strong proof that the brain-power of the
Ainu is indeed very limited, and their inability to represent
animal form seems extraordinary in view of what other
savages have done; but of course superstition may have
something to say to the omission. The Ainu rank very low
in the scale of civilisation; they are probably below the
Australian blacks and the tree-dwellers of India, who are
supposed to be among the lowest races in creation. The
Terra del Fuegians and certain African tribes run them hard;
but, taken all in all, the Ainu are the furthest behind in the
great race of human development.
To shift away from this somewhat bleak topic and return to everyday art, it’s worth noting that embroidery designs are no different from wood carvings. They are often more finely detailed due to the easier materials used, but the lines and overall characteristics of the patterns remain the same. The tattoo designs mainly feature the lozenge pattern and bands. The Egyptian cross is sometimes seen (
), as well as a type of inverted fylfot or svastika. Additionally, the St. Andrew's cross with an extra line is fairly common (X|). In this volume, that’s all I have to say about Ainu art. However, I can add that their designs can’t be more basic, but their prevalence on weapons, clothing, tools, and graves indicates that art, even if not fully understood by the Ainu, holds a certain allure that they cannot articulate in their ignorance. They recognize art without understanding what it really means. Specific lines and simple patterns that they're familiar with appeal to their taste; otherwise, they wouldn’t embellish all their items with them. But this doesn’t reflect any significant intellectual capacity since the Ainu mind doesn’t progress beyond this point. As art in its purest form is simply the visual expression of what the brain has perceived, these rough beginnings provide strong evidence that the Ainu’s cognitive ability is indeed quite limited, and their failure to depict animal forms is surprising given what other primitive cultures have accomplished; though, of course, superstition might explain this omission. The Ainu are ranked very low on the civilization scale; they are likely below the Australian aboriginals and the tree dwellers of India, who are thought to be among the lowest races in existence. The Terra del Fuegians and some African tribes are also comparable, but overall, the Ainu seem to be the most behind in the larger race of human evolution.

CHAPTER XXII.
Ainu Heads and their Features.
The faces of the Ainu are far from ugly, and their heads are singularly picturesque, though of course there are the finer types as there are the meaner; by which we come to gradation and comparison. The general idea that all Ainu are hideous has arisen from the accounts of the few who have travelled in the more civilised parts of Yezo, and have seen and studied only a limited number of half-breeds and actual Japanese, mistaking them for Ainu. In one of the last publications on the Ainu, photographs of Japanese and half-breeds are given as typical specimens of the Ainu race; and one or two real Ainu are given as phenomena and exceptions. That the Ainu are disgustingly filthy is undoubted; that in many ways they are monkey-like is certain; but also that on a close examination many are not devoid of good features is undeniable. As regards looks, it is a great mistake to compare savages with ourselves, and to judge of them from our own standpoint. This is no more fair than to compare a thoroughbred fox-terrier with a thoroughbred poodle-dog, to the disadvantage of the one or the other. Passing off half-breeds as pure types of course makes things ten times worse, and complicates matters for those who care for accuracy, and are interested in anthropological researches.
The faces of the Ainu are far from ugly, and their heads are uniquely picturesque, though, of course, there are both more refined types and less attractive ones; thus, we come to gradation and comparison. The common belief that all Ainu are unattractive has come from the accounts of a few who have traveled in the more developed areas of Yezo and have only seen and studied a limited number of mixed-race individuals and actual Japanese, mistaking them for Ainu. In one of the latest publications on the Ainu, photographs of Japanese and mixed-race individuals are presented as typical examples of the Ainu race, while one or two real Ainu are shown as anomalies and exceptions. It is certainly true that the Ainu can be quite unclean; it is also true that, in many ways, they resemble monkeys; but it is undeniable that, upon closer examination, many of them do not lack good features. When it comes to appearance, it’s a big mistake to compare indigenous peoples to ourselves and to evaluate them from our own perspective. This is no fairer than comparing a purebred fox terrier to a purebred poodle in a way that unfairly disadvantages one or the other. Passing off mixed-race individuals as pure types obviously makes things much worse and complicates matters for those who care about accuracy and are interested in anthropological research.
Ainu physiognomy is an interesting study. When seen full-face the forehead is narrow, and sharply sloped backward. The cheek-bones are prominent, and the nose is hooked, slightly flattened, and broad, with wide, strong nostrils. The mouth is generally large, with thick, firm lips, and the underlip well[Pg 230] developed. The space from the nose to the mouth is extremely long, while the chin, which is rather round, is comparatively short and not very prominent. Thus the face has the shape of a short oval. The profile is concave and the mouth and eyebrows are prominent, though of course the nose projects more than the lips, yet without being too markedly projecting. The chin and forehead recede, as has been said, and in the supraorbital region the central boss is extremely well marked; also the brow ridges, which, however, are slightly less conspicuous than the central boss. The ears are usually large, flat, and simply-developed, with long lobes; but unfortunately, owing to the heavy weight of their enormous earrings this part of their ears is generally much deformed. Sometimes I have seen children with a hole in their lobes large enough for me to pass my finger through; with others, where the skin was not so elastic, the lobes were torn right through and the two sides hung down. In older people one does not see this so much, as their long hair entirely covers their ears. The average length of a man's ear is two and three-quarter inches; of a woman's, two and a half inches.
Ainu facial features are a fascinating subject. When viewed from the front, the forehead is narrow and slopes sharply backward. The cheekbones stand out prominently, and the nose is hooked, slightly flattened, and broad, with wide, strong nostrils. The mouth is generally large, with thick, firm lips, and the lower lip is well developed. The distance from the nose to the mouth is quite long, while the chin, which is rather round, is relatively short and not very prominent. As a result, the face has a short oval shape. The profile is concave, and both the mouth and eyebrows are prominent, although the nose does project more than the lips without being overly pronounced. The chin and forehead recede, and in the area above the eyes, the central bump is distinctly marked; the brow ridges are also noticeable but slightly less prominent than the central bump. The ears are usually large, flat, and simply shaped, with long lobes; however, due to the heavy weight of their large earrings, this part of the ears often becomes severely deformed. Sometimes, I've seen children with holes in their lobes big enough for my finger to fit through, while in others, where the skin wasn't as elastic, the lobes were completely torn, causing them to hang down. Older individuals don't show this as much, as their long hair typically covers their ears. On average, a man's ear measures two and three-quarter inches, while a woman's ear is about two and a half inches long.
People have classified the Ainu as Mongolians, notwithstanding that they possess no characteristics whatsoever of the Mongolian races.
People have classified the Ainu as Mongolians, even though they have no traits at all that resemble the Mongolian races.
The colour of their skin is light reddish-brown, and not yellow and sallow, like that of Mongolians; they are very hairy, and the Mongolians are smooth-skinned; the features of the one race are diametrically opposed to those of the other; the mouth is strong and firm in the Ainu and weak in the Mongolian; and the Ainu eyes, the strongest characteristic of Mongolian races, do not slant upwards, nor are they long and almond-shaped, as with the Chinese or the Japanese, but with their long axes are in one horizontal plane, as in most Europeans. Indeed, the Ainu have a much greater resemblance to the northmen of Europe in their prehistoric stage than to any modern races, and least of all to the Mongolians.
The color of their skin is a light reddish-brown, not yellow and sickly like that of Mongolians; they have a lot of body hair, while Mongolians have smooth skin; the features of the two groups are completely different. The Ainu have a strong and firm mouth, whereas the Mongolian mouth is weaker; the Ainu's eyes, which are the most notable feature of Mongolian races, don’t slant upwards, nor are they long and almond-shaped like those of the Chinese or Japanese. Instead, their eye shape is more horizontal, similar to most Europeans. In fact, the Ainu resemble early Northern Europeans much more than any modern races, especially not Mongolians.
But let us examine the eye more carefully. The iris is light brown, sometimes tending towards dark grey. One seldom sees black or very dark brown eyes save in half-breeds; and they are deeply set, as with Europeans. The[Pg 231] eyelids are no thicker than those of Caucasian races, though they droop, as is common among people exposed to the full glare of the sun. The broad ridges being very heavy and prominent, cover part of the upper eyelid over the outer angle of the opening. The eyelashes are extremely long, and the eyebrows are shaggy and bushy. The eyes are full of animal-like expression and emotional warmth, a thing very rare with their neighbours the Japanese or Chinese. The long eyelashes shading the large eyes and rendering them soft, together with their pathetic and slow way of talking, make men and women singularly interesting. Like most animals, the Ainu can "speak" with their eyes.
But let's take a closer look at the eye. The iris is light brown and sometimes leans toward dark grey. You rarely see black or very dark brown eyes, except in mixed-race individuals; those tend to be deeply set, similar to Europeans. The[Pg 231] eyelids are no thicker than those of Caucasian people, although they do droop, which is common among those who are often exposed to bright sunlight. The prominent, heavy brow ridge partially covers the upper eyelid near the outer corner of the eye. The eyelashes are very long, and the eyebrows are thick and bushy. The eyes exude an animal-like expression and emotional warmth, which is quite rare among their neighbors, the Japanese or Chinese. The long eyelashes frame the large eyes and give them a soft look, combined with their slow and gentle way of speaking, making both men and women particularly interesting. Like most animals, the Ainu can "speak" with their eyes.
The hair in Ainu adults is for the most part black, wavy, and easily breaking into large curls. Among children, however, one sees brown shades, which darken with years, until the hair turns quite black. Along the north-east coast of Yezo I came across several Ainu adults who had reddish hair and beard; and in the Kurile Islands, at Shikotan, several of the children had light auburn hair hanging in large loose curls and rather flaxy in texture, while the hair of adults was even darker than that of the Yezo Ainu.
The hair of Ainu adults is mostly black, wavy, and tends to break into large curls. However, among children, you can see brown shades that darken over the years until their hair becomes quite black. Along the northeast coast of Yezo, I encountered several Ainu adults with reddish hair and beards; and in the Kurile Islands, at Shikotan, some of the children had light auburn hair that hung in large, loose curls and had a somewhat flaxy texture, while the adults’ hair was even darker than that of the Yezo Ainu.
The hair, which is coarse and strong, is uniformly and thickly planted over the whole scalp, and reaches well down over the forehead, where, as my readers will remember, a space is cut out or shaved off. It grows long in men as in women, but when it exceeds ten or twelve inches it is generally trimmed in the shape of a half-circle at the back of the head, and is cut off level with the shoulders at the sides. The men have a luxuriant beard, whiskers, and moustache, which grow to a great length. The hair of the beard often begins directly under the eyes, and covers all the lower part of the face. Many of the natives also have a few short coarse hairs on the nose (especially noticeable in natives of the north-east coast of Yezo). The beard, whiskers, and moustache begin to grow in the Ainu when they are fairly young. A man at about twenty can grow a good beard, and at thirty his beard is very long. Ainu women, whom nature has not provided with such a luxuriant growth of hair on the lower part of the face, make up for it by having a long moustache tattooed on the upper and lower lip, which in their idea makes them look[Pg 232] "very manly" (see Tattoos). Baldness is not common among thoroughbred Ainu, even at a very old age, when, however, they generally turn grey and then white, which gives a patriarchal appearance to the hairy people.
The hair is thick and strong, evenly distributed all over the scalp, and extends down over the forehead, where, as you may remember, there's a section that’s cut out or shaved. It grows long for both men and women, but when it goes beyond ten or twelve inches, it's typically trimmed into a half-circle shape at the back of the head, with the sides cut level with the shoulders. The men sport a full beard, sideburns, and mustache that can grow quite long. The beard often starts just below the eyes, covering the entire lower part of the face. Many locals also have a few short, coarse hairs on their noses (particularly noticeable among those from the northeast coast of Yezo). Ainu men begin to grow facial hair at a young age; a twenty-year-old can have a decent beard, and by thirty, it’s usually very long. Ainu women, who aren’t naturally equipped with such heavy facial hair, compensate by having a long mustache tattooed on both the upper and lower lip, which they believe makes them look[Pg 232] "very manly" (see Tattoos). Baldness is rare among purebred Ainu, even in old age, although they usually turn grey and then white, giving them a patriarchal look.
The Ainu face seldom undergoes the marked changes common to civilised nations, as they are not subject to large emotions; but different expressions are as easily discernible by anyone who really knows and has studied the natives, as the different expressions in the eyes of animals by one who is familiar with them. When the Ainu is pleased he seldom wrinkles his face and draws back his mouth at the corners, as we do, but he shows it by a peculiar sparkle in the eyes and by an almost imperceptible wrinkle in his eyelids, which contract and diminish the opening. The corners of the mouth turn slightly upwards. The smile is an accentuation of this expression, with the additional lowering of the eyebrows, especially in the middle near the nose, causing the forehead to wrinkle.
The Ainu's facial expressions rarely change as much as those in more developed societies, since they're not easily swayed by strong emotions. However, anyone who truly understands and has observed the natives can recognize their different expressions just as easily as someone familiar with animals can read their emotions through their eyes. When an Ainu person is happy, they usually don't wrinkle their face or pull back the corners of their mouth as we do. Instead, their happiness is reflected in a unique sparkle in their eyes and a nearly unnoticeable fold in their eyelids, which slightly narrow the opening. The corners of their mouth turn up a bit. A smile enhances this expression, and they also lower their eyebrows, especially in the middle near the nose, which creates wrinkles on their forehead.
Laughter Ainu know not. During my long stay among them I never once saw a real Ainu laugh heartily, for the hero of the dab of blue paint laughed less than he roared with pleasure; and I do not remember even direct crosses doing so; hence travellers have reported the Ainu to be "dull," "sad," "expressionless."
Laughter is something the Ainu do not know. During my long stay among them, I never saw a real Ainu laugh genuinely; the hero with the dab of blue paint smiled less than he roared with delight, and I don't recall even direct crosses doing so either.
Certainly, the first thing that strikes one on coming in contact with them is, how depressed they look, and how, even in their work, their games, their festivals, sadness is greater than joy. In fact, the Ainu, with their sentimental nature, enjoy sadness.
Certainly, the first thing that stands out when you come in contact with them is how downcast they appear, and how, even in their work, their games, and their festivals, sadness outweighs joy. In fact, the Ainu, with their emotional nature, find pleasure in sadness.
Astonishment and surprise are expressed by a perplexed look in the wide-opened eyes, by raising the eyebrows, and by the contraction of the mouth. The hands are not raised nor directed towards the object or person causing astonishment; but if the arms be hanging down, the fingers are widely separated. With the Ainu sorrowful emotions are more marked than the more pleasing, the more joyous. Thus, when in low spirits the head is bent forwards, the eyes are staring and drooping, and the mouth is drawn downwards. In greater grief howling is added to these signs. Ainu men occasionally indulge in quiet tears without sobbing, but[Pg 233] women weep copiously at the death of their children when these are young.
Astonishment and surprise are shown through a confused expression in wide-open eyes, raised eyebrows, and a tight mouth. The hands aren't raised or pointed toward the source of astonishment; instead, if the arms are hanging down, the fingers are spread apart. In Ainu culture, sad emotions are more pronounced than happy ones. When feeling down, the head droops forward, the eyes stare and fall, and the mouth turns downwards. In deeper sorrow, howling is added to these signs. Ainu men sometimes shed quiet tears without sobbing, but women cry a lot at the death of their young children when they pass away.
When an Ainu stands very erect, with one hand in the other in front, and, turning his head on either shoulder, throws it back and looks down at you with expressionless eyes, in the meanwhile raising his eyebrows, you may be sure that he means to show contempt. If, however, his eyes are restless and his lips quiver, if the eyebrows are rapidly brought down over the eyelids, while he opens his eyes wide showing the whole of the iris; if the nostrils are inflated and he breathes heavily; if the head is thrown forward and he is slowly arching, and, as the French say, "making a round back," you may be certain that he is in a very bad temper, and means to go for you, if he sees his way to it.
When an Ainu stands up straight, with one hand holding the other in front of him, and turns his head over each shoulder, looking down at you with blank eyes while raising his eyebrows, you can be sure he's showing contempt. However, if his eyes are twitchy and his lips are trembling, if his eyebrows come down quickly over his eyelids while he opens his eyes wide to show all of the iris; if his nostrils flare and he's breathing heavily; if his head is thrust forward and he's slowly arching his back, as the French say, "making a round back," you can be certain that he's really upset and ready to confront you if he gets the chance.
When obstinate, the pose of the arms and legs is similar to that by which he wishes to show contempt, but the expression of the face is absolutely stolid, the eyes are firm and frigid, meaning in that way to impress you with the certainty that, come what may, he will not move from his decision.
When stubborn, the way he positions his arms and legs is like the stance he uses to show disdain, but his face is completely expressionless, with cold, steady eyes, intending to convey that no matter what happens, he won't change his mind.
When actively angry, the Ainu sneer and snarl at one another, frowning ferociously, and showing all their front teeth, but specially uncovering their fangs or dog teeth; the arms are stretched out, but always with the fist open—if no knife or other weapon be held in the hand. Shame and disgust are two expressions which one does not often see on Ainu faces. The former I cannot describe, for I never saw an Ainu who was ashamed of anything he had done; the latter is manifested by an upward movement of the corners of the lips, and a curling of the nose, with a sudden expiration almost like a snort.
When angry, the Ainu sneer and snarl at each other, frowning intensely and showing all their front teeth, especially their fangs or canine teeth. Their arms stretch out, but they always keep their fists open—unless they’re holding a knife or some other weapon. Shame and disgust aren't expressions you see often on Ainu faces. I can’t describe shame because I’ve never seen an Ainu who felt ashamed of anything they did; disgust is shown by the corners of the lips curling upwards and the nose wrinkling, followed by a sharp exhale that’s almost like a snort.
Shyness, which is the nearest approach to shame, is shown by women when meeting a stranger, and gives them a submissive look. They bend their heads and look down until the first emotion has passed, when they gaze at the new-comer with a certain restlessness and curiosity, again, as in so many of their gestures and ways, reminding one of monkeys. I never found any shyness whatever in Ainu men; neither could I detect in them any signs of fear for objects, animals, or powers with which they were familiar. Things which they do[Pg 234] not understand of course frighten them, like eclipses of the sun or moon, or as my revolver did when I was attacked by them at Horobets; and also when I appeared as a black-winged rider on the north-east coast. In the latter case, unfortunately, I was too far off to see their faces clearly, and in the former, after the attack they showed more sensible submission to the inevitable than true cowardice. What I chiefly saw then was here and there a face with wide-open, undecided eyes heavily frowning; while some of the others shrugged their shoulders and closed their eyes, waiting for the loud report of the revolver, which unpleasant noise, heard before from Japanese guns, always gives a shock to their nerves.
Shyness, which is pretty close to shame, is evident in women when they meet a stranger, giving them a submissive appearance. They lower their heads and look down until the initial feeling passes, at which point they look at the newcomer with a mix of restlessness and curiosity, reminiscent of monkeys in many of their gestures and behaviors. I’ve never noticed any shyness in Ainu men; I also didn’t see any signs of fear towards things, animals, or powers they were familiar with. Of course, they’re scared of things they don’t understand, like eclipses of the sun or moon, or my revolver when they attacked me at Horobets; and also when I appeared as a black-winged rider on the northeast coast. Unfortunately, I was too far away to clearly see their expressions in that situation, and during the attack, they showed a more sensible acceptance of what was coming than outright cowardice. What I mainly observed were faces with wide-open, uncertain eyes and heavy frowns; while some others shrugged their shoulders and closed their eyes, bracing for the loud bang of the revolver, which always shocks their nerves since they’ve heard that unpleasant noise from Japanese guns before.
When an Ainu wishes to show that something cannot be done, or that he cannot prevent someone else from doing it, he neither shrugs his shoulders like a Frenchman, nor shakes his head laterally like an Englishman; nor does he throw out his hands like a Neapolitan, but, quietly standing erect, and with his head slightly bent forward, he gently lifts it up, and slowly winking his eyes, says that he cannot do it.
When an Ainu wants to indicate that something can't be done, or that he can't stop someone else from doing it, he doesn't shrug his shoulders like a Frenchman, shake his head side to side like an Englishman, or throw up his hands like a Neapolitan. Instead, he stands up straight, tilts his head slightly forward, gently lifts it, and slowly winks his eyes, expressing that he can't do it.
When children are sulky or displeased they frown and protrude their lips, making a nasal noise similar to this—"Ohim"—without any of the vowels clearly pronounced.
When kids are grumpy or unhappy, they frown and stick out their lips, making a nasal sound like this—"Ohim"—without clearly pronouncing any of the vowels.
Our way of nodding the head vertically in sign of affirmation and shaking it laterally in negation is not known to the thoroughbred race. Those, either Ainu or half-castes, who practise it have learned it from the Japanese. The right hand is generally used in negation, passing it from right to left and back in front of the chest; and both hands are gracefully brought up to the chest and prettily waved downwards—palms upwards—in sign of affirmation. In other words, their affirmation is a simpler form of their salute, just the same as with us the nodding of the head is similarly used both ways.
Our way of nodding our heads up and down for yes and shaking them side to side for no isn’t understood by the thoroughbred race. Those who do it, whether Ainu or mixed race, have picked it up from the Japanese. The right hand is usually used for no, moving it from right to left and back in front of the chest; while both hands are lifted gracefully to the chest and then waved down gently—palms facing up—for yes. In other words, their yes is a simpler version of their greeting, just like how we use head nods for both yes and no.
It is quite enough to look at an Ainu's eyes to see at once whether he consents or not, just as it is quite enough to look at a monkey's face to know if it will accept the apple you offer it. Slyness and jealousy are well marked in the Ainu face, and the former is seen in the glittering, restless eyes, the latter in the sulky glance and protruding mouth. Slyness is a very common characteristic among Ainu men; jealousy is recognised and frequent in women.
It’s easy to look into an Ainu’s eyes and immediately tell if they agree or not, just like you can tell if a monkey will take the apple you offer by looking at its face. You can see slyness and jealousy clearly in the Ainu face; slyness is evident in the shiny, restless eyes, while jealousy shows up in the sulky look and pouting mouth. Slyness is a common trait among Ainu men, while jealousy is often seen in women.
[Pg 235] I could give a large number of other characteristic expressions, of less ethnological importance, but in the present work I shall limit myself to the principal ones which I have attempted to describe, leaving out altogether "expressions" of half-castes, so as to avoid confusion.
[Pg 235] I could list many other distinctive expressions that are less important from an ethnological perspective, but in this work, I will focus on the main ones I've tried to describe, completely omitting "expressions" from mixed-race individuals to avoid any confusion.
I must beg my reader's forgiveness for the "dryness" of the imperfect description I have given of the Ainu physiognomy, as many will agree with me that it is a great deal easier to notice unfamiliar expressions on faces than to describe them accurately in so many words.
I must ask for my reader's forgiveness for the "dryness" of the imperfect description I've provided of the Ainu appearance, as many will agree that it's much easier to notice unfamiliar expressions on faces than to describe them accurately in so many words.

CHAPTER XXIII.
Movements and Mindsets.
The Ainu people may be called physically strong, but yet they are not to be compared to the Caucasian races. They are fairly good walkers, capable mountaineers, and deft marksmen, but they do not excel in any of these exercises, either by speed and endurance in the former two, or by special accuracy and long-range in the latter.
The Ainu people might be considered physically strong, but they shouldn't be compared to Caucasian races. They're decent walkers, capable mountaineers, and skilled marksmen, but they don't stand out in any of these activities, whether it's speed and endurance in the first two or precision and long-range shooting in the last.
In the Ainu country most of the hard work is done by the women, who thus surpass the men in both endurance and muscular strength. Ainu men are indolent, save under excitement.[Pg 237] They will cover a long distance—say forty miles—in one day, bear-hunting, and not suffer from great fatigue, while they will not be able to walk half that distance under less exciting conditions. The average distance which an Ainu can walk in one day on a fairly level track does not exceed twenty-five miles at the rate of two and a half miles an hour. The distance he can run would not go beyond ten English miles, and this is partly from want of training, as he never runs if he can help it. If, however, the walk of twenty-five miles, or the run of ten miles, had to be kept up for several days in succession at the same pace, few Ainu could manage to hold out for more than three days at most; while a walking average of fifteen miles and a running average of six miles each day could be kept up for a week. In walking and running women are as good as men in one day's distances; but, contrary to what they are in manual labour, they lack endurance in locomotion, and break down after the second or third day. Men regard running as unbecoming after childhood. "If we must go quick, why not go on horseback?" says the practical Ainu, who is as perfect a horseman as the Indian.
In Ainu territory, most of the hard work is done by women, who outshine men in both endurance and physical strength. Ainu men are lazy, except when they’re excited. They can cover a long distance—like forty miles—in a single day while bear-hunting and won’t feel too tired, but under less thrilling conditions, they can’t walk even half that distance. The average distance an Ainu can walk in one day on a fairly flat path is about twenty-five miles at a pace of two and a half miles per hour. They can run no more than ten English miles, which is partly due to lack of practice since they avoid running if they can. However, if they needed to maintain a walk of twenty-five miles or a run of ten miles for several days in a row at the same speed, few Ainu could last more than three days at the most. A walking average of fifteen miles and a running average of six miles each day could be managed for a week. In terms of walking and running, women perform as well as men over one-day distances; but unlike in manual labor, they lack endurance for longer distances and tend to tire out after the second or third day. Men think running isn’t appropriate after childhood. "If we need to go fast, why not just ride a horse?" says the practical Ainu, who is as skilled a horseman as any Indian.
When riding, he is able to cover a distance of fifty-five miles easily in one day on a good pony, and about seventy miles if he changes his quadruped four times. Both men and women ride in the same fashion, astride, and nearly always on bareback, or with simply a bear-skin thrown over the horse. Pack-saddles are only used when carrying wood, fish, sea-weed, or other heavy articles; and though the Japanese of Yezo designate these by the name of Ainu kurah (Ainu saddles), they are only in reality rough imitations of their own pack-saddles. Though women do ride on occasions, it is the men who are the true equestrians. From their infancy they spend a great deal of their time on horseback, while women ride only when obliged. Being, therefore, accustomed from their earliest days to ride pretty nearly from morning to night, men can stand many days of hard riding, and are not so easily exhausted as by walking or running. The Ainu are good at horse-racing, as we have seen at the Piratori festival, but foot-racing, even when the distance was short, gave but poor results.
When riding, he can easily cover fifty-five miles in one day on a good pony, and about seventy miles if he switches horses four times. Both men and women ride the same way, astride, and almost always bareback, or with just a bear-skin thrown over the horse. Pack-saddles are only used for carrying wood, fish, seaweed, or other heavy items; and although the Japanese of Yezo call these Ainu kurah (Ainu saddles), they are really just rough imitations of their own pack-saddles. While women do ride occasionally, men are the true riders. From a young age, they spend a lot of time on horseback, while women ride only when necessary. Because they are used to riding almost from morning till night from an early age, men can endure many days of hard riding and are not as easily worn out as they are from walking or running. The Ainu excel at horse racing, as we've seen at the Piratori festival, but foot racing, even over short distances, tends to be less successful.
Weights and burdens are carried entirely by women, and[Pg 238]
they carry them either on the head, if the load be not too
heavy, or on the back by means of a Thiaske Tarra, or simply
Tarra, a long ribbon-like band tied round the bundle, leaving
a loop which goes over the forehead, thus dividing the weight
between the shoulders and the forehead. When carrying a
weight with the Tarra the woman stoops, and the greater
the weight the lower the head has to be. The strain on the
forehead and muscles of the neck is greatly modified by
bending the body more or less; the weight increasing on the
shoulders in proportion as the pull decreases from the forehead.
The advantage of this contrivance is that it leaves both
hands free. Very heavy loads can be carried by average
women with this simple contrivance, and its common use may
account for the strong and well-developed necks noticeable
among them, but not among the men. Children are carried
on the back of other children by means of a modified Tarra
that has a stick about twenty inches long, the two ends of
THE THIASKE-TARRA,
FOR
CARRYING
CHILDREN.
which are fastened to the two ends of the band.
The child carried sits comfortably on this stick
while the centre part of the Tarra rests on the
head of the child-carrier. This centre part is
generally lined with a piece of skin or cloth, and
ornamented with a few simple Ainu designs.
A weight which cannot be lifted with both
hands is easily borne for a long distance by
the aid of the Tarra; and I should think that
with it a strong woman could carry on her back
a load, say, of from eighty to ninety pounds. It
is difficult to institute comparative tests of
strength, as constant practice, without counting
"knack," often enables a person to perform feats which baffle
a much stronger man. Taken altogether, the Ainu strength is
relative to their height; but they are somewhat below the
average Caucasian races both in endurance, and yet more in
speed and muscular power.
Weights and burdens are solely carried by women, and[Pg 238] they typically carry them on their heads if the load isn't too heavy, or on their backs using a Thiaske Tarra, or simply Tarra, which is a long ribbon-like band wrapped around the bundle, with a loop that goes over the forehead. This design splits the weight between the shoulders and forehead. When carrying a load with the Tarra, the woman bends forward, and the heavier the weight, the lower her head has to go. The strain on the forehead and neck muscles is reduced by bending the body more or less; the weight on the shoulders increases as the pull on the forehead decreases. The benefit of this setup is that it keeps both hands free. Average women can carry very heavy loads with this simple tool, and its frequent use might explain the strong and well-developed necks seen among them, but not among men. Children are carried on the backs of other children using a modified Tarra that includes a stick about twenty inches long, with both ends attached to the band. The child being carried sits comfortably on this stick while the middle part of the Tarra rests on the head of the child-carrier. This middle section is usually lined with a piece of skin or cloth and decorated with some simple Ainu designs. A weight that can't be lifted with both hands can be carried for long distances with the help of the Tarra; I believe a strong woman could carry a load of about eighty to ninety pounds on her back using it. It’s hard to make fair comparisons of strength, as constant practice, without counting "knack," often allows someone to perform feats that can stump even much stronger men. Overall, Ainu strength is relative to their height, but they fall somewhat below average Caucasian races in both endurance and even more so in speed and muscle power.
When actively employed, the Ainu can abstain from food for fourteen or sixteen hours; when quiescent for about twenty. They can go without drink (when it is not alcoholic) for ten or twelve hours without feeling inconvenience. A pebble is often sucked, or a straw is chewed when fluid is not obtainable,[Pg 239] thus causing a flow of saliva, which to a certain extent quenches their thirst. However, the reason given by the Ainu is not this. According to them, certain stones and some kinds of grass contain a great amount of water.
When they are working, the Ainu can go without food for fourteen or sixteen hours; when they are resting, they can last about twenty hours. They can also refrain from drinking (not counting alcoholic beverages) for ten or twelve hours without discomfort. When they can't find any liquids, they often suck on a pebble or chew on a straw,[Pg 239] which helps produce saliva that somewhat eases their thirst. However, the Ainu don't explain it this way. They believe that certain stones and types of grass hold a lot of water.
More interesting to me than their physical characteristics were their movements and attitudes, which I was able to study and note correctly without their observation. For instance when Ainu try to move some heavy object they pull it towards them. Thus, when they drag their "dug-outs" and canoes on shore, and again when they launch them, they never push from them, but always pull towards them. If an Ainu has to break a stick planted in the ground he does it by pulling it; whereas a Japanese will push it. Again, in pulling a rope the Ainu pull; the Japanese push by placing the rope over one shoulder and walking in the direction wanted. In a crowd where a Japanese would push his way through by extending his arms and thus separating people, the Ainu seizes a man on each side, pulling one to the right and the other to the left till space for him to pass is made.
More interesting to me than their physical traits were their movements and attitudes, which I could observe and note accurately without them noticing. For example, when Ainu try to move a heavy object, they pull it toward themselves. So, when they drag their "dug-outs" and canoes ashore, and again when they launch them, they never push them away but always pull them closer. If an Ainu needs to break a stick stuck in the ground, he does so by pulling it; whereas a Japanese person would push it. Similarly, when pulling a rope, the Ainu pull; the Japanese push by placing the rope over one shoulder and walking in the desired direction. In a crowd where a Japanese would push his way through by extending his arms to separate people, the Ainu grabs a person on each side, pulling one to the right and the other to the left until space is made for him to pass.
As muscles are only strengthened by exercise, it is not astonishing that we never find well-developed arms among the hairy people, who so seldom make vigorous use of them. Children are as fond of climbing trees as the average English boy; and sometimes this is done in our way, by putting the legs and arms round the trunk and gradually "swarming" up; but with trees of a small diameter the ways of monkeys are adopted. The arms are stretched, and one hand is placed on each side of the tree. Both feet are then pushed against the trunk, keeping the leg slightly bent, but stiff. One hand goes rapidly over the other, one foot above the other, and so on; and the more rapid the movement the easier the climb, if care be taken to plant the feet firmly so as not to slip. Ainu boys are dexterous at this; but I have never seen full-grown men attempt it, though I am sure they could if they chose. Elderly people are very sedate in Ainuland, and violent movements are generally avoided.
As muscles only get stronger through exercise, it's not surprising that we don't see well-defined arms among the hairy people, who rarely use them vigorously. Kids love climbing trees just like the average English boy; sometimes they do it our way by wrapping their arms and legs around the trunk and gradually climbing up. But with smaller trees, they use a monkey-like method. They stretch their arms, placing one hand on each side of the tree. Both feet are pushed against the trunk, keeping the legs slightly bent but stiff. One hand moves quickly over the other, one foot above the other, and so on; the faster the movement, the easier the climb, as long as they plant their feet firmly to avoid slipping. Ainu boys are skilled at this, but I’ve never seen adult men try it, although I’m sure they could if they wanted to. Older people in Ainuland are very composed, and they generally avoid sudden movements.
Where the Ainu are indeed great is at making grimaces. The Ainu resemble monkeys in many ways, but in this special accomplishment they beat monkeys hollow. It would take volumes to describe all the different grimaces which I saw them[Pg 240] make, especially at myself while I was sketching them; but one or two of their "favourites" may prove worth describing.
Where the Ainu really excel is in making faces. The Ainu resemble monkeys in many ways, but when it comes to this unique skill, they outperform monkeys by a long shot. It would take many pages to detail all the different faces I saw them make[Pg 240], especially at me while I was sketching them; but a couple of their "favorites" might be worth mentioning.
One Ainu at Shari, on the north-east coast, excelled in moving his scalp, and by raising his eyebrows at the same time creased the skin of his forehead to such an extent as to make his eyebrows almost meet his hair. The nostrils were expanded and the upper lip was raised so as to show the teeth firmly closed. The same man was also good at moving his ears. Others preferred to put out their tongue, emitting at the same time a harsh sound from the throat.
One Ainu at Shari, on the northeast coast, was really good at moving his scalp, and by raising his eyebrows at the same time, he wrinkled the skin on his forehead so much that his eyebrows almost touched his hair. His nostrils flared, and he lifted his upper lip to show his tightly closed teeth. This same guy was also skilled at moving his ears. Others liked to stick out their tongues while making a harsh sound from their throats.
Although many Ainu could not voluntarily move their scalp they often did so unaware. When eating, especially if a piece of food required some effort to swallow, the neck was outstretched, the mouth closed tight, the eyebrows raised high, and the scalp brought far forward over the forehead. In masticating, the ears would sometimes move involuntarily, as with dogs or monkeys.
Although many Ainu couldn't consciously move their scalp, they often did so without realizing it. When eating, especially if a piece of food was difficult to swallow, they would stretch their neck, keep their mouth tightly closed, raise their eyebrows high, and pull their scalp far forward over their forehead. While chewing, their ears would sometimes move involuntarily, similar to how dogs or monkeys behave.
The Ainu are also good at rapid "winking," first with one eye, then the other, each eye playing at an inexpressibly funny kind of bo-peep. En revanche, they make no great use of their hands, and it is not uncommon for them to use their feet to assist their hands. Indeed, their toes are supplementary fingers, and they often hold things between the big toe and the next, as when making nets or Inaos (wooden wands with overhanging shavings). When making nets, the string is firmly held by the big toe bent over; when shaping Inaos the lower point of the wand is passed between the two toes, which keep it fast while the long shavings are cut.
The Ainu are also skilled at quick "winking," first with one eye and then the other, each eye playing a hilariously funny game of peek-a-boo. En revanche, they don’t really use their hands much, and it's not uncommon for them to use their feet to help out their hands. In fact, their toes act as extra fingers, and they often hold things between their big toe and the next one, like when they're making nets or Inaos (wooden wands with overhanging shavings). When making nets, they firmly hold the string with their bent big toe; when shaping Inaos, the lower end of the wand is placed between the two toes, which keep it steady while they cut the long shavings.
When women wind the thread made of the Ulmus campestris fibre, they often let it run between the two larger toes while they wind it on a spool or a reed. Then, again, the toes are often used to pick up small objects out of the reach of the hands, and also to scratch the lower extremities. The two middle fingers of the hand and the three smaller toes of the foot are seldom used by the Ainu, and are somewhat inert. The little finger is slightly more active. Whenever Ainu point at anything they habitually do so with the open hand, for they have a certain difficulty in using any finger separately. This difficulty is not so great with the first finger; but where a European would use only his thumb and first finger, an[Pg 241] Ainu uses all four fingers and his thumb as well, as in carrying food to his mouth, picking up small objects, lifting a cup, pulling his own hair, scratching his ears, &c. That the Ainu have more muscular power in the head than either in the hands or feet when violent exertion is required is certain, as I had frequent proof when requiring natives to make my baggage fast with ropes to my pack-saddle. Where a European would have done this by passing the ropes round the baggage and pulling them fast to the saddle, the Ainu set his foot (generally the right) against the baggage and pulled the ropes with his teeth. By this method he used one-third more force than he would had he done his work with his hands. Though the Ainu are very supple about the body, they are nevertheless stiffer than we are about the knees and hands, which last peculiarity prevents them from learning any kind of sleight-of-hand. They are supple because of the singular flexibility of their spine and the "looseness" of their arms about their shoulders. When resting or tired, the shoulders droop so far forward as to prove that the muscular tension which we constantly exert to have "square shoulders" is foreign to the hairy people. The Ainu are deficient in biceps, and such an arm as a blacksmith's or athlete's, which is not uncommon among ourselves, is in Ainuland a thing unknown. Their muscles have not the firmness of those of civilised men. Want of use entails loss of power in the muscular system, and that, unfortunately, produces further results in paralysis, kaki, and rheumatism. In the legs the tendo Achillis, which often assumes such enormous proportions with us, is only moderately developed with them, though it is generally larger than the biceps, owing to the habit of walking and riding. Notwithstanding this, the centre of muscular power, as we have seen, is undoubtedly in the head, as with inferior animals; and the Ainu are fully aware of this, for if not why should they carry all weights on the head or by the help of the head? Why should they use their teeth instead of their hands when an extra powerful pull is required? And why should they push with their heads when pulling with their teeth is not practicable?
When women wind the thread made from the Ulmus campestris fiber, they often let it run between their two big toes while they wind it onto a spool or a reed. They also frequently use their toes to pick up small items that are out of reach of their hands and to scratch their legs. The two middle fingers of their hands and the three smaller toes of their feet are rarely used by the Ainu and tend to be somewhat inactive. The little finger is a bit more functional. When the Ainu point at something, they usually do it with their open hand since they find it somewhat challenging to use any finger individually. This challenge isn’t as significant with the index finger; however, where a European would use just their thumb and index finger, an Ainu uses all four fingers and their thumb to carry food to their mouth, pick up small objects, lift a cup, pull their hair, scratch their ears, etc. It’s clear that the Ainu have more muscular strength in their heads than in their hands or feet when physical effort is needed, as I witnessed many times when I asked locals to secure my baggage with ropes to my pack-saddle. While a European would typically wrap the ropes around the baggage and pull them tight to the saddle, the Ainu places their foot (usually the right one) against the baggage and pulls the ropes with their teeth. This method allows them to exert one-third more force than if they used their hands. Although the Ainu are very flexible in their bodies, they are still stiffer than we are in their knees and hands, which makes it difficult for them to learn tricks or sleight-of-hand. They are flexible due to the unique flexibility of their spine and the "looseness" of their arms at the shoulders. When they are resting or tired, their shoulders sag forward so much that it’s evident that the muscular tension we constantly apply to maintain "square shoulders" is unusual for them. The Ainu have less developed biceps, and the strong arms typical of blacksmiths or athletes in our culture are not found in Ainuland. Their muscles lack the firmness seen in civilized people. Lack of use leads to a decrease in muscular power, which unfortunately results in conditions like paralysis, kaki, and rheumatism. In their legs, the tendo Achillis, which can become very pronounced in us, is only moderately developed in them, although it is generally larger than their biceps due to their walking and riding habits. Nonetheless, as we’ve seen, the center of their muscular strength is undoubtedly in their heads, similar to lower animals, and the Ainu recognizes this. If they didn’t, why would they carry all weights on their heads or with the help of their heads? Why would they use their teeth instead of their hands for a stronger pull? And why would they push with their heads when pulling with their teeth isn’t possible?
Having examined the different movements of the Ainu, let us now take some account of their attitudes. What struck me[Pg 242] most was the unconscious ease with which they stood, sat, and slept, no matter in what circumstances.
Having looked at the different movements of the Ainu, let's now consider their attitudes. What stood out to me[Pg 242] the most was the natural ease with which they stood, sat, and slept, regardless of the circumstances.
It may be well to repeat here that the Ainu are not burdened, as we are, with articles of furniture and a code of manners which so greatly modify our attitudes and make us conscious of all we do. Moreover, we wear crippling boots and nonsensical garments, which, besides not being ornamental, more or less alter and deform different parts of our body, considerably restrict certain attitudes, and greatly stiffen some of our limbs; as, for example, the exaggerated smallness of waist in women.
It might be good to mention again that the Ainu aren't weighed down like we are by furniture and social rules that heavily influence our behaviors and make us aware of everything we do. Plus, we wear restrictive shoes and ridiculous clothing that, besides not looking good, change and distort parts of our bodies, limit certain movements, and stiffen some of our limbs; for example, the extreme smallness of the waist in women.
It is remarkable what a close resemblance the hairy people bear to the prehistoric man as constructed by savants out of skulls and skeletons—a resemblance found, I believe, in no other race of savages.
It’s amazing how closely the hairy people resemble prehistoric humans as pieced together by experts using skulls and skeletons—a resemblance I think is not found in any other group of savages.
Take an Ainu standing at ease; he carries his head straight, but without stretching his neck, so that if a horizontal line were passed through the meatus auditorius it would cut the face directly under the eyes. If another line were drawn perpendicular to the horizontal, we should find that the front of the face is not on the same plane with the forehead, but projects considerably beyond in its lower part. In thoroughbred Ainu the head is well posed on the cervical vertebræ, and seldom shows an inclination from back to front, from right to left, or vice versâ; but in half-castes an inclination forward, and also slightly from the left to the right, is a marked characteristic.
Take an Ainu standing comfortably; he holds his head straight, but without straining his neck, so that if you drew a horizontal line through the meatus auditorius, it would bisect the face just below the eyes. If you drew another line perpendicular to the horizontal, you would see that the front of the face does not align with the forehead but extends noticeably beyond it at the bottom. In purebred Ainu, the head is well positioned on the cervical vertebrae and usually doesn’t tilt forward or backward, or side to side; however, in mixed heritage individuals, a forward tilt and a slight tilt from left to right are obvious traits.
The body when standing still is a trifle inclined forward, but when walking the inclination is greatly increased.
The body is slightly tilted forward when standing still, but when walking, the tilt is much more pronounced.
The body is well balanced, and this inclination is partly due to the head being abnormally large for the body; also to the habit of keeping the knees slightly bent either when standing still or when in motion.
The body is well balanced, and this is partly because the head is unusually large for the body; it’s also due to the tendency to keep the knees slightly bent, whether standing still or moving.
The women, through carrying heavy weights on the head, are straighter than men when standing as well as when walking without a burden. Their spinal column describes a gentle curve inwards, while with men it has a slight tendency outwards. When an Ainu is standing at rest his arms hang by his side, the palms of the hands are turned inwards with a small inclination towards the front. But a pose which is[Pg 243] even more characteristic than this is when both hands are placed in front, the fingers of the right hand overlapping those of the left. When sitting this is their invariable attitude, but in walking the arms hang by the side, and no swing is given to them to help the motion. In running, the arms are bent, and sometimes the hands are kept half opened about the level of the shoulders.
The women, by carrying heavy loads on their heads, stand and walk straighter than men, even when they aren’t carrying anything. Their spines have a gentle inward curve, whereas men tend to have a slight outward curve. When an Ainu is standing still, his arms hang at his sides, with the palms facing inward and slightly forward. However, a more distinctive pose is when both hands are positioned in front, with the right hand's fingers overlapping the left. When sitting, this is their typical posture, but while walking, the arms stay at the sides, without swinging to assist the movement. When running, the arms are bent, and the hands are sometimes kept half open at shoulder level.
The Ainu legs, notwithstanding their greater muscular power than that of the arms, are neither stout nor well-developed—but they are wiry. The hips are narrow, and the legs are slightly curved.
The Ainu legs, although stronger than the arms, are neither thick nor well-built—but they are lean. The hips are narrow, and the legs have a slight curve.
The gait is energetic but not fast, each step being flat, with the foot firmly planted on the ground. When in motion the feet are perfectly straight, and move parallel to each other, and at each step the heel and toes touch the ground at the same time—an undeniable proof that the body is well balanced when they walk.
The walk is lively but not hurried, with each step flat and the foot solidly on the ground. While moving, the feet are completely aligned and move parallel to one another, and at every step, the heel and toes hit the ground simultaneously—clear evidence that the body is well balanced while walking.
The Ainu walk mostly unshod, and the average length of the step in men is twenty-six inches (from heel of left to tip of right foot), and in women about twenty inches. The average number of steps to the minute is ninety-two in men and ninety-eight in women. Where the Ainu is seen at his best is when he is riding bareback. He sits so firmly that animal and rider seem to be only one body. The knees are slightly bent, and the legs and feet hang so that the toes are a great deal lower than the heels, and are also turned in. No voluntary muscular contraction is affected on the muscles of the legs; for if the knees are bent this is because of the shape of the horse's body, and if the rider "sticks" on his steed it is merely by the counterbalance of the dead weight of his two legs. The body of the rider is quite erect when riding gently, but on increasing speed the body is thrown backwards, the legs remaining in the same position. The single rein is held in the right hand resting on the horse's mane, and the left arm habitually hangs or rests on the rider's leg. When feeding in his hut, the Ainu sits cross-legged, but in places where he can lean against something, or out in the open, he squats, bearing his weight on both feet, but with the legs bent to such an extent that his head is on a level with his knees. Often his arms are rested on the knees themselves, and food is passed[Pg 244] with the hands to the mouth, to be then torn by the teeth. No forks, spoons, or chopsticks are used by the thoroughbred Ainu; but Japanese influence has induced some of the more civilised specimens of Volcano Bay and Piratori to give up partly the use of mother Nature's forks and take to the Hashi (chopsticks), also to adopt some ugly tin spoons as the sign of their adherence to civilisation. Lastly, when asleep the Ainu generally lie flat on the back. Sleeping on the right side and resting the head on the bent elbow is also a common posture; and when sleeping for a short period of time during the day I have often seen men still sitting, bring up their legs, cross their arms on their knees, and then rest the head on the arms; thus placidly having a "nap" without waking up with a stiff neck, stiff legs, and "pins and needles" in their arms, which would be the sure result if the average European tried that mode of repose.
The Ainu mostly walk barefoot, with men averaging a step length of twenty-six inches (from the heel of the left foot to the tip of the right foot) and women about twenty inches. Men take about ninety-two steps per minute, while women take about ninety-eight. The Ainu are at their best when riding bareback. They sit so securely that both horse and rider appear as one. Their knees are slightly bent, and their legs and feet hang down, with their toes much lower than their heels and angled in. There's no active muscle tension in their legs; if their knees are bent, it’s due to the horse's shape, and if the rider is secure on the horse, it’s simply because of the dead weight of their legs. The rider's body is upright when moving at a slow pace, but as speed increases, the body leans back while the legs stay in the same position. The single rein is held in the right hand, resting on the horse's mane, while the left arm usually hangs by the rider's side. When eating in their hut, the Ainu sits cross-legged, but in places where they can lean on something or outside, they squat, distributing their weight on both feet with their legs bent, bringing their heads down to their knees. Often, their arms rest on their knees, and they pass food to their mouths with their hands, tearing it with their teeth. The traditional Ainu don’t use forks, spoons, or chopsticks; however, some of the more Westernized individuals from Volcano Bay and Piratori have partially given up using nature’s utensils in favor of using chopsticks (or Hashi) and some unattractive tin spoons as a sign of their shift toward civilization. Finally, when sleeping, the Ainu typically lie flat on their backs. It’s also common for them to sleep on their right side with their head resting on a bent elbow. During short naps in the day, I’ve often seen men sit, pull up their legs, cross their arms over their knees, and rest their heads on their arms, comfortably napping without waking up with a stiff neck, cramped legs, or tingling arms, which would surely happen if an average European tried that way of resting.
Most Ainu have no bedding of any kind, and most of them sleep on hard rough planks or on the ground itself. Some of the people, however, sleep on bear-skins in winter, as it keeps them warm, and the colder the night the closer all the members of the family pack together to warm each other with their natural heat. A strange peculiarity, when Ainu are asleep, lying flat on their back, is, that instead of keeping both legs fully stretched out, one, or sometimes both, are raised and bent, with the sole of the foot planted on the ground. This peculiarity is chiefly noticeable in men, and I have observed it many times, especially in old people. The reason of it is this. The Ainu having no pillow, the head has to be turned so far back to rest on the ground itself that action at the other end of the body is necessary to counterbalance the strain on the spine. I came to this conclusion by being often placed in the same circumstances as the hairy people themselves, when I found that lying flat on my back on the hard unpillowed ground, if the legs were straightened only a small portion of the spine between the shoulders was supported, but by raising the legs the whole spinal column rested on the level surface.
Most Ainu people don’t have any bedding, and they typically sleep on hard, rough planks or directly on the ground. However, some of them sleep on bear skins in the winter since it helps keep them warm. The colder the night, the more the family members huddle together to share their body heat. A peculiar thing about Ainu while they sleep, lying flat on their backs, is that instead of keeping both legs fully extended, one or sometimes both legs are raised and bent with the soles of their feet resting on the ground. This is especially noticeable in men, and I’ve seen it many times, particularly in older individuals. The reason for this is that since the Ainu don’t use pillows, their heads have to be tilted back to rest on the ground, which causes a strain on the spine. To counterbalance this, they adjust their legs. I concluded this after finding myself in the same position as the Ainu when I noticed that lying flat on my back on the hard, unpadded ground meant that only a small part of my spine between the shoulders was supported, but by raising my legs, my entire spine rested more evenly on the flat surface.
As we have now seen the Ainu asleep in a "comfortable attitude," we shall leave them for the present, and I shall take my readers to examine their clothes, their ornaments, and their tattoos.
As we’ve now seen the Ainu sleeping in a "comfortable position," we’ll leave them for now, and I’ll take my readers to look at their clothing, their accessories, and their tattoos.

CHAPTER XXIV.
Ainu Clothing, Accessories, and Tattoos.

The Ainu men generally go naked in summer time, but in some parts of Yezo civilisation has forced them to adopt cheap Japanese clothes. It must not be supposed from this that the real Ainu never wear any clothes at all, for indeed on grand occasions they dress gaudily enough, but always in a rude, elementary kind of way. For winter use they sew together the skins of either bear or deer, fox or wolf, making a kind of sleeveless jacket, which protects the chest, the shoulders, and the back. Another kind of fur garment of deer-skin is longer and has sleeves, is large at the shoulders, and very narrow at the wrist, as a still further protection against the cold. This deer-skin coat is mostly worn by women as an under-garment. Besides these fur garments for winter weather, they wear the atzis, a long reddish-yellow wrapper, made of the woven fibre of the Ulmus campestris. It has sleeves similar to the deer-skin coat, only these sleeves are a great deal wider.
The Ainu men usually go without clothes in the summer, but in some areas of Yezo, they’ve been forced by society to wear inexpensive Japanese clothing. However, this doesn't mean that the true Ainu never dress up at all; on special occasions, they wear bright, eye-catching outfits, but always in a rough, simple style. For winter, they sew together the skins of bears or deer, foxes or wolves, making a kind of sleeveless jacket that covers the chest, shoulders, and back. Another type of fur garment made from deer skin is longer with sleeves, wider at the shoulders, and much narrower at the wrists for extra warmth. This deer-skin coat is mostly worn by women as an undergarment. In addition to these winter fur garments, they also wear the atzis, a long reddish-yellow wrap made from woven fibers of the Ulmus campestris. The atzis has sleeves like the deer-skin coat, but these sleeves are much wider.

[Pg 246] On the southern coast some of the civilised tribes have either adopted Japanese kimonos altogether, or make their atzis after the same pattern, to ingratiate themselves with their masters, on the principle of imitation being the sincerest flattery, and perhaps also because they come cheaper in the end. The atzis reaches below the knees, and is folded round the body. It is kept in position by a girdle or belt of the same material, or of bear or sea-lion skin. This atzis is ornamented with embroidery both back and front, round the sleeves, round the neck, and all round the border, or, as we should say, hem. The embroideries are done in Japanese coloured cottons and threads. The colours are invariably red, blue, and white, on a background of this yellow Ulmus campestris cloth. They have the same characteristic patterns, and are identical with the ornaments on knife-sheaths, drinking-bowls, moustache-lifters, &c., as the readers will find in the chapter on the "Arts of the Ainu." Men and women wear atzis of the same shape, only those of the women are longer than those of the men, and reach nearly to the feet. Moreover, the patterns which are embroidered on the men's dresses are not considered suitable for the women's, and vice versâ. Women—who, by the way, do all these embroideries—have to content themselves with the simplest patterns devisable—a mere thin line of blue stitches; but they give to the men a more elaborate ornament. They first sew on heavy bands of material, which then they embroider in highly complicated patterns, thus giving a much heavier and handsomer appearance to the male atzis. In winter the sleeveless fur jacket is sewn over the atzis, and, as has been said, women wear the deer-skin gown as an under-garment. Ainu embroideries vary considerably, not only in different tribes and different villages, but also in each family, according to the talent and patience possessed by the embroidress. It takes an affectionate wife a year or longer to ornament the elm-bark dress of her beloved husband, and in the case of a chief's robe the work never comes to an end, as additions are constantly made. Children have an extremely simple embroidery, when any, round the sleeves and hem of the[Pg 247] atzis, but never any, simple or elaborate, either on the back or front.
[Pg 246] On the southern coast, some of the civilized tribes have either completely adopted Japanese kimonos or create their atzis in the same style to win favor with their masters, following the idea that imitation is the sincerest form of flattery. This might also be because they are more affordable in the long run. The atzis reaches below the knees and wraps around the body. It stays in place with a girdle or belt made from the same fabric or from bear or sea-lion skin. This atzis is decorated with embroidery on both the front and back, around the sleeves, the neck, and along the border, or as we would say, the hem. The embroidery is done using Japanese colored cottons and threads, with the colors typically being red, blue, and white against a yellow background made from Ulmus campestris cloth. They feature the same distinctive patterns and are identical to the decorations found on knife sheaths, drinking bowls, moustache lifters, etc., which readers will find in the chapter on the "Arts of the Ainu." Both men and women wear atzis of the same basic shape, although women's atzis are longer, reaching nearly to the feet. Additionally, the patterns embroidered on men's garments are considered inappropriate for women's, and vice versa. Women—who, by the way, do all the embroidery—must settle for the simplest designs, often just a thin line of blue stitches, while they create more intricate decorations for the men. They start by sewing on heavy bands of material, which they then embellish with complex patterns, giving a much richer and more attractive look to the male atzis. In winter, a sleeveless fur jacket is worn over the atzis, and as mentioned, women wear the deer-skin gown as an undergarment. Ainu embroidery varies significantly, not only between different tribes and villages but also within each family, depending on the skill and patience of the embroiderer. It can take a devoted wife a year or longer to decorate the elm-bark dress of her beloved husband, and for a chief's robe, the work is never complete, as new additions are continually added. Children have very simple embroidery, if any, on the sleeves and hem of the atzis, but they don't have any, whether simple or elaborate, on the front or back.[Pg 247]
I have often seen women working patiently hour after hour while sitting on the tiny door of their storehouses; and the result of their labour would be half an inch of coarse stitching, which for them was a great work of art. Most Ainu now possess needles of Japanese manufacture, but in former days they had only bone needles, and instead of fine well-dyed Japanese thread were obliged to be content with the fibre of the elm tree dyed black. The ornamentations on the atzis of Ainu who have no Japanese needles are necessarily a great deal coarser and simpler than those which are done with steel needles and cotton threads. The essential characteristics are the same in both. In sewing together skins for winter garments fish-bone needles are often used up to this day.
I have often seen women working patiently for hours while sitting on the small door of their storage sheds; and the result of their labor would be half an inch of rough stitching, which for them was a significant work of art. Most Ainu now have needles made in Japan, but in the past, they only had bone needles, and instead of fine, well-dyed Japanese thread, they had to make do with the fiber of the elm tree dyed black. The decorations on the atzis of Ainu who do not have Japanese needles are necessarily much coarser and simpler than those made with steel needles and cotton thread. The essential characteristics are the same in both. In sewing together skins for winter garments, fish-bone needles are still often used today.
These embroidered clothes, when new, are only worn on grand occasions, as at a bear festival, or when paying a visit to a neighbouring village. A few rags constitute the usual every-day costume, and no difference is made between the in-door and the out-of-door clothing. In fact, most Ainu sleep in their clothes, such as they are.
These embroidered clothes, when they’re new, are only worn on special occasions, like during a bear festival or when visiting a nearby village. Most people typically wear a few rags every day, and there's no distinction between indoor and outdoor clothing. In fact, most Ainu people sleep in whatever clothes they have on.

One article of dress which is worn by all alike, young and
old, male or female, is the hoshi, or leggings. Like their
gowns, these are sometimes made of the
inner fibre of the elm-tree bark and sometimes
of rushes and reeds plaited as in the
ordinary rush matting. When of elm-tree
bark, they are often embroidered in the
upper part, as can be seen in the illustration.
They are fastened just under the knee
by means of the two upper strings, then
wrapped tightly round the leg and bound
round the ankle with the lower and longer
ribbon. The Ainu go barefooted in the
summer, but during the winter months, when
the cold is too severe for this, they cover their
feet with mocassins and long boots made of salmon-skin, and
often of deer-skin. When the Ainu goes for a long journey
or a hunt, during which he has to traverse rough ground, he
generally protects his skin boots—the soles of which would[Pg 248]
soon be destroyed by the sharp stones and ice—by slipping
over them a pair of thick rope sandals, which protect the
sides, the back, the toes, and sole of the foot. If to this
BOOTS TO BE SOAKED
IN WATER SO AS TO
TAKE SHAPE OF
FOOT, AND TO BE
KEPT UP WITH A
STRING.
DEER-SKIN SHOE.
inventory be added a head-gear
consisting of a band
wound round the head,
and an occasional apron,
the whole of the Ainu
wardrobe is catalogued. This band,
which is worn principally by women,
is untied and removed when saluting
or meeting a man, whether on the road or in the woods. A
THE TARRA OR HEAD-BAND.
Japanese towel often
takes the place of the
native manufacture. I
am inclined to think
that this custom of covering the head has been acquired
from the Japanese, as none of the Ainu of the Upper
Tokachi—the only pure ones remaining—wore anything in
the shape of band or kerchief, while it is extremely
common with the Ainu of Volcano Bay and Piratori to wear
these unbecoming towels. At Piratori the Ainu women
give a more artistic character to this ugly headgear by
embroidering it in front and wearing it like a tiara. An
apron is occasionally worn by Ainu, but this too, in my
opinion, has been borrowed from the Japanese. Ainu clothes
often get undone, owing to their shape, and therefore Ainu
men sometimes wear these aprons, but rather because they are
made to wear them than from native modesty or inclination to
be commonly decent. I have seen Ainu on the north-east
coast of Yezo and on Lake Kutcharo wear coarse hats of
matted rushes. When laid flat, these hats have a diameter of
about thirty inches; but when worn, they are folded in two,
and kept in this position by a string tied under the chin and
passed through the hat. They are used principally in winter as
a protection against the snow. The Ainu care more to adorn
than to clothe themselves. A few glass beads, a metal earring,
a silver coin, or anything that shines, can make a man or a
woman as happy as a king. Intoxicants come first of all
things, but after them there is nothing in this world that Ainu[Pg 249]
cherish more than personal ornaments, and this is, of course,
even truer of women than of men. What strikes a stranger
when looking at an Ainu for the first time is, as I have
already said, the size of their metal earrings and heavy glass
necklaces. As the Ainu cannot work in metals or make glass,
these ornaments have been purchased from Japanese, Chinese,
and Corean adventurers, and many costly skins of bears,
foxes, wolves, or seals are gaily bartered for a few beads,
worth next to nothing. The Ainu is fond of metals, but he
does not know the difference between one and the other. All
that glitters is gold for him; and if it is not gold then it must
be silver. Therefore some Ainu are known to have invested
all their fortune of valuable furs for a pair of brass earrings,
and, what is more, they have never grudged the bargain!
Previous to the importation of these worthless articles their
ornaments were made of wood, bone, and shells, of which
"survivals" are still to be seen with the Ainu of the Upper
Tokachi.
One clothing item that everyone wears, regardless of age or gender, is the hoshi, or leggings. Like their gowns, these are sometimes made from the inner bark of the elm tree and sometimes from rushes and reeds woven together like regular rush matting. When made from elm bark, they often feature embroidery at the top, as shown in the illustration. They are secured just below the knee with two upper strings, then tightly wrapped around the leg and fastened at the ankle with a lower, longer ribbon. The Ainu go barefoot in summer, but during the winter months, when it’s too cold, they wear moccasins and long boots made from salmon skin and often deer skin. When the Ainu embark on long journeys or hunts over rough terrain, they typically protect their skin boots—the soles of which would[Pg 248] quickly wear out from sharp stones and ice—by slipping on a pair of thick rope sandals that guard the sides, back, toes, and soles of their feet. If we add a headpiece made up of a band wrapped around the head and occasionally an apron, we have the complete Ainu wardrobe. This band, mostly worn by women, is untied and removed when greeting or meeting a man, whether on a road or in the woods. A
BOOTS TO BE SOAKED IN WATER TO MOLD TO THE SHAPE OF THE FOOT, AND TO BE HELD UP WITH A STRING.
Deer-Skin Shoe.
Japanese towel often replaces locally made options. I think this custom of covering the head was borrowed from the Japanese, as none of the Ainu from Upper Tokachi—the only pure ones left—ever wore anything resembling a band or kerchief, while it’s quite common for the Ainu of Volcano Bay and Piratori to wear these unflattering towels. In Piratori, Ainu women add some artistic flair to this unattractive headgear by embroidering the front and wearing it like a tiara. Occasionally, Ainu wear an apron, but I believe this, too, has been adopted from the Japanese. Ainu clothing often comes undone due to its shape, so Ainu men sometimes wear these aprons, but mainly because they’re expected to, not out of modesty or a need to be decently dressed. I’ve seen Ainu on the northeast coast of Yezo and Lake Kutcharo wearing coarse hats made of matted rushes. When laid flat, these hats have a diameter of about thirty inches; however, when worn, they are folded in half and secured under the chin with a string threaded through the hat. They serve mainly in winter as protection against the snow. The Ainu focus more on decoration than on actual clothing. A few glass beads, a metal earring, a silver coin, or anything shiny can make anyone feel as happy as a king. Alcohol is the top priority, but after that, nothing else matters to the Ainu as much as personal ornaments, and this is particularly true for women. What stands out to a stranger when seeing an Ainu for the first time is, as I mentioned before, the size of their metal earrings and heavy glass necklaces. Since the Ainu cannot work with metals or make glass, these ornaments have been bought from Japanese, Chinese, and Korean traders, and many expensive furs from bears, foxes, wolves, or seals are cheerfully exchanged for a few insignificant beads. The Ainu have a fondness for metals, but they don’t distinguish between them. To them, everything shiny is gold; if it’s not gold, then it must be silver. As a result, some Ainu are known to have traded all their valuable furs for a pair of brass earrings, and they have never regretted that choice! Before the introduction of these worthless items, their ornaments were made from wood, bone, and shells, some of which can still be found with the Ainu of Upper Tokachi.
The large circular earrings are much prized: men and women alike wear them. Many men, however, do not wear these metal earrings, but prefer instead a long strip of red or black cloth, or skin.
The big circular earrings are highly valued: both men and women wear them. Many men, however, don’t wear these metal earrings but rather choose a long strip of red or black cloth or leather instead.
The lobes of the ears are frequently torn down by wearing these heavy earrings from early childhood, and they know not how to mend them by sewing them. Another hole is sometimes bored in the upper and sound part.
The lobes of the ears are often torn by wearing these heavy earrings from early childhood, and they don't know how to fix them by sewing. Another hole is sometimes made in the upper and healthy part.
Ainu women of civilised districts occasionally wear metal finger-rings, but these are of course of foreign make, and imported.
Ainu women in modern areas sometimes wear metal rings, but these are obviously made abroad and are imported.
Ainu menokos (girls) seem to have no partiality for bracelets or amulets, but necklaces are the dream of their life. The delight of an Ainu woman in a new necklace is in proportion to the size and number of the beads. A woman who possesses one of extra large beads is envied by all her less fortunate neighbours; and she who has several strings is at once admired and hated by all the womankind of the village. For, indeed, Ainu women are "human" enough to know how to hate each other! The beads which most take their fancy are the blue, black, white, or metal ones. The larger beads in the necklace are in front; and the rough wooden[Pg 250] pendants with bits of bone, metal, or broken beads inlaid in it, which hang to the necklace, rest on the breast. Large Japanese sword-hilts are often used as pendants by the Volcano Bay natives.
Ainu menokos (girls) don’t seem to care much for bracelets or amulets, but necklaces are their ultimate dream. The joy of an Ainu woman with a new necklace depends on the size and number of the beads. A woman with beads that are extra large is envied by all her less fortunate neighbors, and one with several strands is both admired and envied by all the women in the village. Because, indeed, Ainu women are "human" enough to know how to dislike each other! The beads they prefer are typically blue, black, white, or metallic. The larger beads are positioned at the front of the necklace, while the rough wooden[Pg 250] pendants, adorned with bits of bone, metal, or broken beads, rest on the chest. Large Japanese sword-hilts are often used as pendants by the natives of Volcano Bay.
The Ainu of the Upper Tokachi region had none of these beads, but a rough wooden pendant was suspended round their neck by a leather string.
The Ainu of the Upper Tokachi region didn't have any of these beads, but they wore a rough wooden pendant around their necks on a leather string.
Girdles are worn by men and women for two purposes—first, to keep their clothes together; next, to support the large knives which the Ainu always carry with them.
Girdles are worn by men and women for two reasons—first, to hold their clothes together; second, to support the large knives that the Ainu always carry with them.
The Ishikari Ainu who lived formerly in Sakhalin wear leather belts, and the women wear besides a peculiar cloth headgear. Both these articles are ornamented with drops of melted lead and Chinese cash sewn on to the cloth.
The Ishikari Ainu who once lived in Sakhalin wear leather belts, and the women also wear a unique cloth headpiece. Both of these items are decorated with drops of melted lead and Chinese coins sewn onto the fabric.
These are all the articles of clothing and ornament which are in common use among the Ainu. None of them are worn as symbols of rank, or to denote virginity. No Ainu can explain why he or she wears one thing more than another, except for the reason that he or she likes it. There are no Ainu laws as regards clothing, and with the exception of the "chief," who on special occasions dresses more gaudily, and wears a crown made either of willow-tree shavings or dried sea-weed, with a small carved-wood bear head in front, they all dress pretty much alike. A chief could not be distinguished from a commoner by his everyday clothing.
These are all the clothes and accessories commonly worn by the Ainu. None of them serve as symbols of status or to indicate virginity. No Ainu person can really explain why they choose one item over another, other than that they simply like it. There are no Ainu laws regarding clothing, and aside from the "chief," who dresses more elaborately on special occasions and wears a crown made from either willow tree shavings or dried seaweed, topped with a small carved bear head, everyone pretty much dresses the same. You couldn’t tell a chief from a commoner by their everyday outfits.
Speaking of personal ornamentation, I may as well describe the way in which the hair is dressed, and also the tattoo-marks.
Speaking of personal decoration, I might as well describe how the hair is styled and the tattoo designs.
Little care is taken of the long hair, which reaches down to the shoulders. It is never washed, nor brushed, nor combed. At the back it is cut in a semicircle round the neck. Over the forehead the men shave a small part of the long hair, which, falling over their eyes, is uncomfortable to them; but women do not. Until lately this shaving was done with sharp shells, and wives shaved their husbands. The process was said to be rather painful, and the thoughtful women have now adopted knives for that purpose, to the great delight of the stronger sex. The part shaved is in the shape of a lozenge two and a half inches by two inches respectively from angle to angle. This open space causes the hair to part in two different[Pg 251] directions and hang down in large wavy curls. The fingers are occasionally passed through it, and then with the palms of the hands it is plastered down on both sides.
Little care is taken of the long hair, which falls to the shoulders. It is never washed, brushed, or combed. At the back, it is cut in a semicircle around the neck. Over the forehead, the men shave a small portion of the long hair that falls into their eyes, which is uncomfortable for them; but women do not. Until recently, this shaving was done with sharp shells, and wives would shave their husbands. The process was said to be rather painful, so thoughtful women have now started using knives for that purpose, much to the delight of the men. The shaved section is shaped like a diamond, measuring two and a half inches by two inches from corner to corner. This open space causes the hair to split into two different directions and hang down in large wavy curls. Fingers are occasionally run through it, and then the palms of the hands are used to smooth it down on both sides.
A characteristic Ainu method of making the morning "toilette" is to bend the head low and let the long hair fall over the forehead. The two hands are then placed under it on the temples, and suddenly and violently the head is shaken and thrown back, the hair being pressed down by the hands at the same time. If the first attempt at neatness is not approved of, the process is repeated two or more times. I must confess that personally I could seldom see any marked difference between a head of hair "dressed" and one "not dressed"; but it must be remembered that the Ainu have no looking-glasses, and what they think is right is of course right for them.
A typical Ainu way of getting ready in the morning is to bend the head low and let their long hair fall over their forehead. They then place both hands under the hair at the temples and quickly shake and throw their head back, while simultaneously pressing down the hair with their hands. If they aren’t satisfied with how it looks the first time, they repeat the process two or more times. I have to admit that I could rarely see a significant difference between hair that was "dressed" and hair that was "undressed"; but it's important to remember that the Ainu don’t have mirrors, and what they believe looks good is clearly right for them.
Formerly, when an old woman lost her husband she had her head entirely shaved, and when the hair had grown long again she repeated the process as a proof of fidelity and affection to her deceased spouse. It is very rarely done now. She used to wear a sort of cap, with an aperture at the top, round the crown of the head during the time that her hair was short; and it was incumbent on the widow to wear a look of sorrow and pain till her hair grew long again.
Formerly, when an elderly woman lost her husband, she completely shaved her head, and once her hair grew back, she would do it again as a sign of loyalty and love for her late spouse. This practice is very rarely seen today. She would wear a kind of cap with an opening at the top, covering the crown of her head while her hair was short; it was expected that the widow would maintain an expression of grief and sorrow until her hair grew long again.
The Ainu men have long beards and moustaches, which are never trimmed, with the exception of the Kurilsky Ainu, who trim theirs. The beard begins to grow when they are very young, but it is shaved till they reach manhood. It is then left to grow naturally, and never touched again as long as they live. Ainu women, whom nature has not favoured with such a manly ornament, supplement their deficiency by having a long moustache tattooed on their lips. Their hands and arms are also tattooed.
The Ainu men have long beards and mustaches that are never trimmed, except for the Kurilsky Ainu, who do trim theirs. The beard starts to grow when they are very young, but it's shaved until they reach adulthood. After that, it's allowed to grow naturally and is never touched again for the rest of their lives. Ainu women, who aren’t naturally gifted with such a manly feature, make up for it by getting a long mustache tattooed on their lips. Their hands and arms are also tattooed.
The tattooing among the Ainu is limited to the fair sex, and it is confined to the head and arms. Why and when the fashion was adopted is not known, and the semi-Ainu legends on the subject are very vague. One legend says that when the Ainu conquered Yezo, which was then inhabited by a race of dwarfs—"the Koro-pok-kuru"—some Koro-pok-kuru women came to the Ainu camp to beg food from them, and they did so by passing their arms through the reed walls of[Pg 252] the Ainu huts. One day an Ainu clutched one of these arms and pulled it in, when a tattooed pattern on the tiny arm was greatly admired by the hairy conquerors, who adopted the practice from that day.
The tattooing among the Ainu is only for women and is limited to the head and arms. It’s unclear why and when this trend started, and the semi-Ainu legends about it are quite vague. One story tells that when the Ainu took over Yezo, which was then home to a race of dwarfs—the "Koro-pok-kuru"—some Koro-pok-kuru women came to the Ainu camp to ask for food. They did this by reaching their arms through the reed walls of[Pg 252] the Ainu huts. One day, an Ainu grabbed one of these arms and pulled it in; the tattooed design on the small arm caught the attention of the hairy conquerors, who then decided to adopt the practice from that moment on.
A simpler reason is that the women, not being so hairy as the men, are humiliated by their inferiority in that respect, and try to make up for it by tattooing themselves. In support of this theory may be quoted the fact that women are only tattooed in parts which are left uncovered when clad in their long atzis gowns.
A simpler reason is that women, not being as hairy as men, feel embarrassed by their lack in that area and try to compensate by getting tattoos. Supporting this theory is the fact that women are only tattooed in areas that remain exposed when wearing their long atzis gowns.
The Ainu process of tattooing is a painful one. The tattoo marks are usually done with the point of a knife; not with tattooing needles, as by the Japanese. Many incisions are cut nearly parallel to each other. These are then filled with cuttlefish-black. Sometimes smoke-black mixed with the blood from the incisions is used instead. On the lips the operation is so painful that it has to be done by instalments. It is begun with a small semicircle on the upper lip when the girl is only two or three years of age, and a few incisions are added every year till she is married, the moustache then reaching nearly to the ears, where at its completion it ends in a point. Both lips are surrounded by it; but not all women are thus marked. Some have no more than a semicircular tattoo on the upper lip; others have an additional semicircle under the lower lip; and many get tired of the painful process when the tattoo is hardly large enough to surround their lips. The father of the girl is generally the operator, but occasionally it is the mother who "decorates" the lips and arms of her female offspring. Besides this tattooed moustache, a horizontal line joins the eyebrows, and another line, parallel to it, runs across the forehead. The tattoo could not be of a coarser kind. A rough geometrical drawing adorns the arms and hands of women, the pattern of one arm being often different from that of the other. Frequently only one arm is tattooed. I never saw tattoos that went further than the elbow, neither did I see any other part of the body tattooed. The four specimens given in the illustration show the patterns most usual in different tribes, though each individual has some slight variations.
The Ainu tattooing process is quite painful. The tattoos are typically made with a knife instead of tattoo needles like those used by the Japanese. Many cuts are made nearly parallel to each other, which are then filled with cuttlefish-black ink. Sometimes, a mix of soot and blood from the cuts is used instead. Tattooing on the lips is so painful that it has to be done in stages. It starts with a small semicircle on the upper lip when the girl is just two or three years old, and a few more cuts are added each year until she gets married. By then, the tattooed design almost reaches her ears, ending in a point. Both lips are surrounded by this tattoo; however, not all women have these markings. Some have just a semicircular tattoo on the upper lip, while others have an extra semicircle under the lower lip. Many women give up on the painful process when the tattoo is barely large enough to go around their lips. Usually, the girl's father does the tattooing, but sometimes the mother is the one who "decorates" her daughter's lips and arms. In addition to the tattooed moustache, a horizontal line connects the eyebrows, and another line runs across the forehead, which is quite coarse. A rough geometric design typically decorates the arms and hands of women, with the pattern on one arm often differing from the other. Frequently, only one arm is tattooed. I never saw tattoos that went beyond the elbow, nor did I see any other body part tattooed. The four examples shown in the illustration display the most common designs among different tribes, although each individual has slight variations.
Fig. 1 was copied by me from the arm of a woman at Frishikobets[Pg 253] (Tokachi River); Figs. 2 and 3 are the two arms of Kawata Tera, a girl of Tobuts (north-east coast of Yezo); and Fig. 4 is the left arm of a girl at Piratori.
Fig. 1 was copied by me from the arm of a woman at Frishikobets[Pg 253] (Tokachi River); Figs. 2 and 3 show the two arms of Kawata Tera, a girl from Tobuts (northeast coast of Yezo); and Fig. 4 is the left arm of a girl from Piratori.

It will be noticed that in the regions where the Ainu have come in contact with Japanese, rings are tattooed round the fingers, while the Tokachi Ainu women have none. In the two arms of Kawata Tera (Figs. 2 and 3) the dissimilarity of the two patterns is very marked at first sight, but on a close examination it is easy to perceive that the operator meant to carry out the same pattern on the right arm as on the left; only through his incapacity to reproduce correctly his former lines, or for other reasons, he got muddled up in the design, and left his work unfinished. If all the lines in the upper half of Fig. 3 were continued, the design would be very similar to Fig. 2.
It can be seen that in the areas where the Ainu have interacted with the Japanese, tattoos are marked around the fingers, while the Tokachi Ainu women have none. In the two arms of Kawata Tera (Figs. 2 and 3), the difference between the two patterns is very noticeable at first glance, but upon closer inspection, it’s clear that the artist intended to create the same pattern on the right arm as on the left; however, due to his inability to accurately replicate his previous lines, or for other reasons, he became confused with the design and left it incomplete. If all the lines in the upper half of Fig. 3 were extended, the design would closely resemble Fig. 2.
Tattooing is considered an ornament, besides, as I have already mentioned, adding the coveted air of "virility" to women. There is no religious feeling connected with it, and the practice is rapidly dying out, as the Japanese men make fun of the Ainu women, who after all only tattoo their mouths and arms, while they themselves often tattoo the whole of the body. The Ainu have no rules as to when the girls are to be operated on. They are done both before and after marriage, contrary to what has been said, that the women do not tattoo themselves[Pg 254] after they have become wives. The moustache is generally finished before a girl gets married, as she herself is anxious to be thus decorated; but there are no rules as to virginity or marriage, for the arms and hands are as often tattooed after marriage as before. Indeed, in the Ainu country, "tattooing" one's wife seems to be one of the pleasures of the honeymoon. The design of these tattoos is meant to be, but is seldom, symmetrical. The Ainu apparently execute these designs on a preconceived plan, but the results rarely come up to expectation, as no drawing of the design is prepared beforehand. The bluish-black colour of the tattoo is very permanent and strong, and many an Ainu woman is disfigured for life, who, according to our ideas, would otherwise be good-looking.
Tattooing is seen as a form of decoration, and it also gives women a desirable sense of "virility." There’s no religious significance attached to it, and the practice is quickly fading as Japanese men mock Ainu women, who only tattoo their mouths and arms, while they themselves often tattoo their entire bodies. The Ainu have no specific rules about when girls should be tattooed. They get tattoos both before and after marriage, contrary to the belief that women don’t tattoo themselves after they become wives. Usually, a girl finishes her mustache tattoo before she gets married, as she wants to have that adornment; however, there are no strict rules regarding virginity or marriage, since arms and hands can be tattooed just as often after marriage as before. In fact, in Ainu culture, tattooing one’s wife is seen as one of the joys of the honeymoon. The designs of these tattoos are intended to be symmetrical, but they rarely are. The Ainu seem to have a plan for these designs, but the outcomes often fall short of expectations, as there’s no drawing prepared ahead of time. The bluish-black ink of the tattoo is very enduring and intense, leaving many Ainu women disfigured for life, who, by our standards, might otherwise be considered attractive.


CHAPTER XXV.
Ainu Music, Poetry, and Dance.
The music of each nation has certain characteristics of its own; and though according to European ideas the music of what are called barbarous peoples may sound in some sense excruciating, it always has a certain occult charm, more especially to one who is able to forget his former training, and teach himself to see, hear, and think in the same way as the natives he is studying.
The music of every country has its own unique traits; and even though European standards might find the music of so-called primitive cultures quite harsh, it always has a certain hidden appeal, especially for someone who can let go of their previous training and learn to see, hear, and think the way the locals do.
Undoubtedly we Westerns have brought music to a pitch of refinement that no savage nation has even attempted to reach; but in my opinion we do savages injustice when we call their music "unmitigated discord." Barbarians like the Ainu do not indicate their rhythmical effects and modulations by means of a musical notation; and harmony is of course very defective with them, from our point of view. On the other hand, the feeling and passion with which they chant their songs make them go straight to the heart, if as a melody they are not always pleasing to the cultivated Western ear.
Without a doubt, we in the West have taken music to a level of sophistication that no so-called "savage" culture has ever attempted to achieve. However, I believe we do these cultures a disservice when we label their music as "unmitigated discord." Groups like the Ainu don't use musical notation to express their rhythms and variations, and from our perspective, their harmony is quite lacking. On the flip side, the emotion and passion they bring to their songs resonate deeply, even if the melodies aren't always pleasing to refined Western ears.
An Ainu seldom sings for the mere pleasure of art as art, and it is only when full of joy or "crazed with care" that he gives expression to his feelings in music. Then he pours out[Pg 256] his whole soul in that which to him is melody beyond the power of words to compass.
An Ainu rarely sings just for the sake of art itself; he only expresses his feelings through music when he’s feeling joyful or "overwhelmed with worry." In those moments, he pours out his entire soul in what he considers a melody that words can't fully capture.
After a hunt, a fishing expedition, a journey, or a misfortune, the Ainu enters his hut and seats himself cross-legged on the ground. He then holds out both hands with the palms together, and rubs them backwards and forwards three or four times; after this he raises them, palms upwards, to a level with his head, gracefully lowers them to his knees, and then, raising them again, strokes his hair and beard. Again he lowers his hands twice, thrice, or even more times, according to the amount of respect to which the person saluted is entitled, the latter following in every smallest detail the motions of his saluting friend. When this complicated salutation has been performed separately before each male member of the household, the new arrival relates the tale of his good-or ill-luck; and if the events be of an unusual character the story is chanted in a sort of sing-song which makes each note of joy or lamentation vibrate in the heart of the listener. It is only in such circumstances of stress of feeling that I ever heard the Ainu sing, though sometimes women and young folks when alone, fishing, riding, or travelling, sing out bits of their past lives as they remember this scene or that event.
After a hunt, a fishing trip, a journey, or some bad luck, the Ainu enters his hut and sits cross-legged on the ground. He then puts both hands together in front of him and rubs them back and forth three or four times. After that, he raises them, palms up, to the level of his head, gracefully lowers them to his knees, and then raises them again to stroke his hair and beard. He lowers his hands a couple of times, three times, or even more, depending on how much respect the person being acknowledged deserves, with the other person mirroring every small detail of his movements. Once this elaborate greeting is done for each male member of the household, the newcomer shares the story of his fortune or misfortune; if the events are unusual, the story is sung in a sort of melodic style that resonates with each note of joy or sadness in the listener's heart. I’ve only heard the Ainu sing in such emotionally charged situations, although sometimes women and young people, when alone—fishing, riding, or traveling—sing snippets of their past lives as they recall different scenes or events.
Ainu music is almost entirely vocal, and their singing has more the character of the recitative than of the aria proper. Their songs are always for solo; and during my stay among the hairy people I never heard a concerted piece, nor even an air or a single voice with a chorus for a number of voices; neither did I hear any songs performed by men and women together, but invariably by men to other men, and by women to other women. It seems to me that the reason why they have no choruses is their strict etiquette, which forbids them to interrupt a speaker till he has finished his narrative; and as their songs are only narratives which the musical sing-song makes more impressive, it seems more than probable that the reason I have given is the right one. If a singer during his narrative stops, and is silent for a minute or two, another takes up the "lost chord" in exactly the same intonation of voice, asking a question or singing words of comfort, anger, or scorn, as the case may be; but no Ainu ever joins in the song before the person singing has stopped.
Ainu music is almost entirely vocal, and their singing is more like a recitative than a true aria. Their songs are always solo; during my time with the Ainu people, I never heard a group performance, nor even a single song with a chorus or multiple voices. I also didn't hear any songs performed by men and women together; they sang only among their own genders—men to men and women to women. I believe the lack of choruses stems from their strict etiquette, which prevents them from interrupting a speaker until they have finished their story. Since their songs are essentially narratives made more impactful by the musical delivery, it seems very likely that this is the reason. If a singer pauses and goes silent for a minute or two, another will pick up the "lost chord" in the same tone, either asking a question or singing words of comfort, anger, or scorn, depending on the situation. However, no Ainu ever joins in the song before the original singer has finished.
[Pg 257] The hairy people are fond, not only of their own, but of all music, and their ear is acute enough to hit a tone or note when sung to them, and even to remember with more or less accuracy a short air after they have heard it two or three times. Many who have come in contact with the Japanese have learned from them songs of a totally different character from their own. Of my personal experience I can speak of a boy who, while I was sketching, heard me sing a few bars of the Trovatore. An hour or two later I heard him repeat this passage, certainly with an Ainu libretto, and somewhat Ainuized; but for all that he had managed to catch the melody, which showed that the lad must have had some musical instinct as well as a good musical memory.
[Pg 257] The Ainu people love music, not just their own, but all kinds of it. They have a sharp ear that allows them to recognize a tone or note when it's sung to them, and they can usually remember a short tune after hearing it just two or three times. Many people who have interacted with the Japanese have picked up songs that are completely different from their own. From my own experience, I remember a boy who, while I was sketching, heard me sing a few lines from the Trovatore. A couple of hours later, I heard him singing that same part, definitely with a mix of Ainu lyrics, and slightly altered; but despite that, he managed to capture the melody, which demonstrated that he had a natural musical instinct as well as a good memory for music.


The Ainu are remarkably quick at reproducing sounds which are direct imitations of noises, cries of animals, &c., and it is instinctive in them, as when children they are not taught or trained to do so. The education of Ainu children is indeed a thing far to seek in every way, and what they know is self-taught. Nature is their only school. The Ainu voice is pleasant, flexible, and very soft in quality. The men are mostly baritone and bass, the women alto; but when singing, a falsetto is preferred to the natural voice, especially by the women, and this always without an instrumental accompaniment. Musical instruments are more than rare among the Ainu; indeed, I saw only one, which is now in my own possession. It is a black-stained wooden instrument, fifty-one inches in length and three wide. The upper part is flat, the under is half a cylinder scooped out by a knife, while five keys are fixed in the short neck, in which a cavity is cut, leaving a space for the strings to be tied to each key. The top is circular, and flattened on each side. One very small hole is bored exactly in the middle of the instrument and another is at the lower end, where the point of a triangular piece of leather, seven inches long, is passed through and fastened by a knot tied in the leather on the opposite side. The five strings, which are of Ulmus campestris fibre, are fastened to this leather piece and then to each key. A peculiarity of this instrument is, that it has two prism-shaped bridges, and they are placed at each end of the harmonic case. The Ainu call it mukko, which word, however, means only a musical instrument;[Pg 258] and as it is applied by them to all Japanese instruments of music, it shows that they do not distinguish very sharply one instrument from another. Though in my long journeying I found one of these mukkos, I was never able to discover any Ainu who could play on it, and the Ainu of Ishikari from whom I bought it told me that the man, the only one, who could play on it, was dead. This was unfortunate, as none of the others could tell me how he tuned it; and one old man, in attempting to solve the problem, broke three strings. Seeing that I was then quite unable to learn any of the tunes of the deceased Ainu Paganini I purchased the instrument, and found by cross-examining the natives that it was played by twanging the strings with the fingers, and not with a plectrum, as is the case with the Japanese shamesen. In the illustration I have faithfully drawn a front and a side view of this instrument, so as to give the reader an exact idea of its shape. The Ainu of Volcano Bay sometimes make bamboo jew's-harps for their children; but even those are very uncommon, so we might as well define Ainu music as entirely vocal. Ainu music is sentimental, and not displeasing, but it is monotonous, and continually repeats itself. It is difficult to establish a rule as to what order of intervals their music is founded on, as their progressions, modulations, and rhythmical effects are often so peculiar as to make it impossible to indicate them accurately by means of our musical notation; but the nearest approach to it is the diatonic minor scale. The Ainu are fond of chromatic intervals, and when their recital comes to an exciting point they make use of this method in a[Pg 259] crescendo to give strength to the narrative, especially at the end of the tune, which invariably winds up in the tonic. The intervals which are of most frequent occurrence in the Ainu tunes are as follows:—
The Ainu are remarkably quick at mimicking sounds, like animal cries and other noises, and they do this instinctively without any teaching or training as children. The education of Ainu children is really hard to find in every aspect, and what they learn is self-taught. Nature is their only school. The Ainu voice is pleasant, flexible, and very soft in quality. Most of the men have baritone or bass voices, while the women sing alto; however, when singing, women especially prefer falsetto over their natural voices, and they always do this without any musical accompaniment. Instruments are very rare among the Ainu; in fact, I saw only one, which I now own. It is a black-stained wooden instrument, fifty-one inches long and three inches wide. The upper part is flat, while the bottom is shaped like a half-cylinder carved out with a knife. There are five keys attached to the short neck, where a cavity is created to leave space for the strings to be tied to each key. The top is circular and flattened on each side. There is one small hole exactly in the middle of the instrument and another at the lower end, where the tip of a seven-inch triangular piece of leather is passed through and tied with a knot on the opposite side. The five strings made from Ulmus campestris fiber are attached to this leather piece and then to each key. A unique feature of this instrument is that it has two prism-shaped bridges located at each end of the harmonic case. The Ainu call it mukko, which only means a musical instrument;[Pg 258] and since this term is used for all Japanese musical instruments, it shows that they don't clearly distinguish between different instruments. Even though I found one of these mukkos during my long travels, I never encountered any Ainu who could play it. The Ainu from Ishikari, from whom I bought it, told me that the only person who could play it had passed away. This was unfortunate, as none of the others could tell me how he tuned it; and one elderly man broke three strings while trying to figure it out. Since I was unable to learn any of the tunes from the deceased Ainu Paganini, I bought the instrument and discovered from questioning the locals that it was played by plucking the strings with fingers, not with a plectrum like the Japanese shamisen. In the illustration, I have accurately drawn both a front and side view of this instrument to give the reader a clear idea of its shape. The Ainu from Volcano Bay sometimes make bamboo jew's harps for their children; however, even those are quite rare. Therefore, we can say that Ainu music is entirely vocal. Ainu music is sentimental and not unpleasant, but it is monotonous and keeps repeating itself. It’s difficult to determine the order of intervals in their music, as their progressions, modulations, and rhythmic effects are often so unique that they can’t be accurately represented using our musical notation; but the closest similarity is to the diatonic minor scale. The Ainu enjoy chromatic intervals, and when their performance reaches an exciting point, they use this method in a[Pg 259] crescendo to add strength to the narrative, especially at the end of the tune, which always concludes in the tonic. The intervals that occur most frequently in Ainu tunes are as follows:—

The tunes seldom contain modulations from one key into another, except in the case of genius-gifted improvisators, who sometimes indulge in such a luxury, especially when intoxicated; but the usual modulation is generally begun pianissimo and in irregular time, and is sometimes like a slow lamentation gradually and irregularly increasing in force, some notes marked violently and the next very faintly, thus giving a weird effect of light and shade. When a sentence comes to an end, there is a chromatic interval fortissimo, and the keynote generally concludes the tune. The melody repeats itself again in the next sentence, sometimes altering the pianissimo into fortissimo, and vice versâ, according to the force which the narrator wishes to give to certain words. The Ainu, as far as I could judge, have no fixed rhythmical method, and each man constructs his own. Their melodies are generally short and simple, and the same phrases and passages—in fact, usually the whole melody—occur again and again in their songs. No Ainu melody that I heard was constructed according to any rule of musical form. All were invariably of one part only, in which the name of the tune was often applied to a certain form of rude poetical composition. For instance, some of the folk-lore legends—which, unfortunately, are not purely Ainu—are chanted in a musical intonation, and are a kind of extempore composition, though the roots of the songs and the verse have probably been brought down from former generations. This is proved by the preservation in them of some obsolete words and forms of speech which are never used in current conversation, and which none of the younger folks can understand or explain. I believe, however, that none of these legends are very old. The Ainu, having no written language, it is but natural that their tradition and legends should have been greatly changed and corrupted, especially by intercourse[Pg 260] with the more imaginative Japanese. It is to be noted, however, that the Ainu, though to a certain extent as imitative as monkeys, have also a large amount of personality and originality, due to their shy and unsocial habits. This originality is not surprising when we remember that they are taught nothing, and that each man provides for himself and his family, but has no markedly friendly feelings towards his neighbours; in other words, it is a state of degradation very similar to that of wild animals. Perfect indifference is shown by the people of one village towards those of another. They are neither friends nor foes. All have a right to live, but as for helping one another, that is out of the question.
The tunes rarely shift from one key to another, except for exceptional improvisers who sometimes enjoy that freedom, particularly when under the influence; but the usual key change typically starts pianissimo and in an irregular rhythm, sometimes resembling a slow, mournful piece that gradually and unevenly increases in intensity, with some notes played forcefully and the next ones softly, creating a strange effect of light and shadow. When a phrase ends, there’s a strong chromatic interval fortissimo, and the main note mostly wraps up the tune. The melody repeats itself in the following phrase, sometimes switching pianissimo to fortissimo, and vice versa, based on the emphasis the narrator wants to give to specific words. From what I could gather, the Ainu don’t seem to have a fixed rhythmic style, and each person creates their own. Their melodies are generally brief and straightforward, with the same phrases and sections—often the entire melody—repeating multiple times in their songs. None of the Ainu melodies I heard followed any musical form rules. They were all consistently one-part pieces, and the name of the tune was often used for a particular type of simple poetic creation. For example, some folk legends—unfortunately not purely Ainu—are sung with a melodic intonation and are a kind of spontaneous composition, although the roots of these songs and verses likely go back to earlier generations. This is shown by the presence of some outdated words and expressions that aren’t used in everyday speech and are incomprehensible to the younger members of the community. However, I believe these legends aren’t very old. The Ainu, lacking a written language, have naturally seen their traditions and legends significantly altered and distorted, especially through interaction with the more imaginative Japanese. It’s important to note that the Ainu, while somewhat imitative like monkeys, also possess a significant amount of personality and originality due to their shy and unsocial behavior. This originality isn’t surprising given that they learn nothing formal, each person fending for themselves and their family, without particularly friendly feelings toward their neighbors; in other words, their situation resembles a state of decline similar to that of wild animals. There’s perfect indifference between one village and another. They neither consider each other friends nor enemies. Everyone has a right to exist, but offering help to one another is out of the question.
Having no written documents, each man, in his easy-going manner, recites and sings as best pleases himself such verses or legends as he has heard from his father or from some other person, and the result is that, according to the reciter's greater or smaller poetical and musical tastes, the grandfather's composition, already altered by his father, is again altered by the son, which makes it a composition of his own. This transformation of a given theme is common even among civilised nations when people are set to repeat the same story verbally transmitted from one to the other—the version of the third person has but little in common with that of the first. If this we do with a spoken narrative, how much more with tunes learned by ear only, and characterised in the delivery by individual temperament and transient mood.
Without any written records, each person, in their relaxed way, recites and sings whatever verses or legends they like, based on what they've heard from their father or someone else. As a result, depending on the reciter's level of poetic and musical taste, the version of the grandfather's work, already changed by the father, is further altered by the son, making it his own creation. This transformation of a familiar theme is common even among civilized societies when people orally share the same story—each person's version often has little in common with the original. If we can see this with spoken stories, it's even more true with melodies learned by ear, which reflect personal temperament and mood in their performance.
The Ainu do not teach these legends to their children, and if learned at all they are merely "picked up" by ear and, in a manner, at random; therefore, most Ainu profess ignorance as to their existence, and a man, when I asked him if he knew any, scornfully answered in these identical words, translated:—"The Ainu are taught nothing, and they know nothing."
The Ainu don't teach these legends to their kids, and if they do learn them, it's usually just by hearing them randomly. As a result, most Ainu claim they don’t even know these stories exist. When I asked one man if he knew any, he scornfully replied in these exact words: "The Ainu are taught nothing, and they know nothing."
The few legends, &c., that I heard were told me by Benry at Piratori, and by another old man, the chief of a village up the Saru River. The title of one was "Tushi-une-pan"—"Twice Below;" the story of Yoshitsune, a Japanese hero, and Samoro-kuru (a Japanese man-friend of Yoshitsune), who came to Yezo and had a great struggle with a huge fish, which was harpooned by them and disappeared twice under the water, capsizing the boat which contained the two fishermen.[Pg 261] Yoshitsune's temper was roused, and he cut the nipesh[38] rope to which the harpoon was fastened. The fish went to die at the mouth of the Saru River, when plains of hemp sprouted out of its body.
The few legends I heard were told to me by Benry at Piratori and by another old man, the chief of a village up the Saru River. One was titled "Tushi-une-pan"—"Twice Below;" it was the story of Yoshitsune, a Japanese hero, and Samoro-kuru (a Japanese friend of Yoshitsune), who came to Yezo and had a fierce battle with a huge fish. They harpooned it, but it vanished twice underwater, capsizing the boat that held the two fishermen.[Pg 261] Yoshitsune got angry and cut the nipesh[38] rope tied to the harpoon. The fish swam to die at the mouth of the Saru River, and from its body, fields of hemp began to grow.
Another legend, called "Kimta-na," is a rather different and more simple version of Tushi-une-pan's story which I have just related.
Another legend, called "Kimta-na," is a simpler and quite different version of the story of Tushi-une-pan that I just shared.
Yet another variant of the same legend is found in the "Inu-sapk"—or "A Summer Story" (literally translated: Inu, hear, relate; sapk, summer), which was so very confused that I could not make head or tail of its minuter details; but, like the "Kimta-na," it was about a famine in the Ainu land.
Yet another version of the same legend appears in the "Inu-sapk"—or "A Summer Story" (literally translated: Inu, hear, relate; sapk, summer), which was so tangled that I couldn't understand its finer details; but, similar to the "Kimta-na," it was about a famine in Ainu territory.
Then there was a fourth, which went by the name of "Abe-ten-rui"—"Burning to embrace," or love-sick. It was again about Yoshitsune, who had fallen in love with a pretty Ainu maid, and could not eat either good or bad fish until she appeared to him in a dream. As Yoshitsune was a strong-minded man he got over his love, and taught the Ainu not to be deceived by woman's wiles.
Then there was a fourth, known as "Abe-ten-rui"—"Burning to embrace," or lovesick. It was about Yoshitsune, who had fallen for a beautiful Ainu girl, and couldn't eat any fish, good or bad, until she showed up in a dream. Since Yoshitsune was a strong-willed man, he got over his love and taught the Ainu not to be fooled by women's tricks.
These and other similar legends, some of which do not bear repeating, being too improper, can be collected at Piratori or on Volcano Bay from the half-civilised Ainu; but I am inclined to think that they are mostly concoctions of Japanese ideas construed or misconstrued in the Ainu language.
These and other similar legends, some of which are too inappropriate to mention, can be gathered from the semi-civilized Ainu at Piratori or Volcano Bay; however, I tend to believe that they are mostly a mix of Japanese ideas interpreted or misunderstood in the Ainu language.
Ainu do not indulge in poetic compositions which have a definite metre, nor do they use special words for rhyme or rhythm; but all the words in their songs are intelligible, and seldom meaningless syllables are used, as in many of the chants of other savage nations. This of course is because, as has been said, their songs are merely a form of conversation adopted on certain occasions.
Ainu don’t engage in structured poetry with a specific meter, nor do they use special terms for rhyme or rhythm. However, all the words in their songs make sense, and they rarely use meaningless syllables like many of the chants from other indigenous cultures. This is because, as previously mentioned, their songs are simply a type of conversation used during certain occasions.
Some of their music seems to have been suggested to them by such animal sounds as the plaintive howling of bears, wolves, and dogs.
Some of their music seems to have been inspired by animal sounds, like the mournful howling of bears, wolves, and dogs.
Music is believed by the Ainu to have the power of curing illness, or rather, of scaring away from the body those evil spirits which are supposed to have taken possession of it; but, when used as exorcism, the music is no longer grave, slow,[Pg 262] and sentimental, but verily diabolical, consisting mainly of wild howling with an accompaniment of stamping feet and the rattling of sword and knife, and followed by a disgusting expectoration of chewed convolvulus roots, which are said to be powerful in expelling the evil spirit and restoring the sick person to health.
Music is thought by the Ainu to have the ability to heal illness, or more specifically, to drive away the evil spirits that are believed to have taken over someone's body; however, when it's used for exorcism, the music shifts from being serious, slow, and emotional to genuinely chaotic, consisting mainly of wild howling accompanied by stomping feet and the clattering of swords and knives, followed by the gross act of spitting out chewed convolvulus roots, which are said to be effective in driving out the evil spirit and bringing the sick person back to health.
Furthermore, music is invariably used by the Ainu—especially by the women—to facilitate manual labour, as when pounding millet, rowing, pulling canoes on shore, or drawing water from a well, when packing sea-weed, or when preparing salmon for the winter; and also in their games, which I have already described in the chapter on the festival at Piratori.
Furthermore, music is always used by the Ainu—especially by the women—to help with manual labor, like when they're pounding millet, rowing, pulling canoes onto the shore, or drawing water from a well, packing seaweed, or preparing salmon for the winter; and also in their games, which I’ve already described in the chapter on the festival at Piratori.
During the process of pounding millet—which is only practised in the southern part of Yezo—two or three girls stand round a mortar in which the millet has been placed, and each girl, holding with both hands a pestle, beats and sings, one after the other, the words "Huye, huye," as the pestle is let down, increasing in loudness when the grain requires harder pounding, and slowly decreasing in volume towards the end. This pounding begins about sunset, and the place chosen for the operation is generally the small porch of the huts. It has indeed a weird effect to hear these many voices from the distant huts gradually dying away as darkness comes on, till finally only two or three break the stillness of the coming night. Then even those wear away, and everything becomes as silent as the grave.
During the process of pounding millet—which is only done in the southern part of Yezo—two or three girls gather around a mortar filled with millet. Each girl, holding a pestle with both hands, takes turns beating and singing the words "Huye, huye" as the pestle comes down, getting louder when the grain needs more pounding and slowly fading out towards the end. This pounding starts around sunset, and the spot chosen for it is usually the small porch of the huts. It’s quite eerie to hear these voices from the distant huts gradually fading away as darkness falls, until finally only two or three remain to break the stillness of the approaching night. Eventually, even those voices fade, and everything becomes as silent as the grave.
When riding on horseback, especially if alone, young men are fond of singing, and when going through forests, chopping and collecting firewood, Ainu invariably sing.
When riding horseback, especially alone, young men enjoy singing, and when they’re in the woods chopping and gathering firewood, Ainu always sing.
I have often heard two or three Ainu, when packing sea-weed within a few yards of one another, each singing to himself, and each so much absorbed in his own composition as not to even hear his neighbours. An Ainu does not and cannot sing unless he feels in the mood for it; but if he sings he is carried away by his own music. Of course this is a good quality in Ainu music, as in all arts where "feeling" is to be appreciated as much as execution. The latter is to be got by constant practice and teaching; but the first has to be born in one.
I have often noticed two or three Ainu, while packing seaweed just a few yards apart, each singing to themselves and so lost in their own songs that they don’t even notice their neighbors. An Ainu won’t sing unless they’re in the right mood; but when they do sing, they get completely absorbed in their own music. This is a great quality in Ainu music, as it is in all arts where "feeling" matters as much as skill. Skill comes from constant practice and teaching, but feeling is something you're born with.
My readers must forgive me if I am judging Ainu music,[Pg 263] not from the European, but from the native standpoint, for I think it is only fair to give things as they are, without too much reference to our own ideas.
My readers have to excuse me if I'm evaluating Ainu music,[Pg 263] not from a European perspective, but from a native one, because I believe it's only right to present things as they truly are, without overly relying on our own concepts.
With savage nations, music is the expression of the feelings and passions of the musician. Thus, it is necessary to well know the man himself before we can understand his productions and appreciate them; and such knowledge is only attained by constantly living with natives, not as a mere stranger, but as one of them.
With savage nations, music expresses the feelings and passions of the musician. Therefore, it’s essential to understand the person themselves before we can comprehend and appreciate their work; this understanding can only be gained by living alongside the natives, not as a mere outsider, but as one of them.
Very few travellers have seen the real Ainu, or studied them accurately, while many, partly owing to their inability to differentiate one race from another, have given us highly imaginative descriptions, and even photographs, of Japanese half-castes and actual Japanese, describing them as Ainu. If such worthy ethnologists as have visited the "civilised part only" of the Ainu country, have been unable to distinguish types of the hairy Ainu race from those of the hairless Japanese, or from mixtures of the two, undoubtedly racial characteristics have been but imperfectly recorded.
Very few travelers have seen the real Ainu or studied them accurately, while many, partly because they can't tell one race from another, have given us very imaginative descriptions, and even photos, of Japanese mixed-race individuals and actual Japanese people, describing them as Ainu. If respected ethnologists who have visited only the "civilized part" of Ainu territory have been unable to tell apart the distinct features of the hairy Ainu from the hairless Japanese or from mixes of the two, it’s clear that racial characteristics have been poorly documented.
It is more particularly in music and poetry, as I have already explained, that temperamental characteristics are shown, and one ought to be careful to clearly define what is native music and poetry—in which I include legends, traditions, and folk-lore—and what has been transmitted by neighbouring and conquering races. Loud music is not appreciated by the Ainu, and makes them grin with more scorn than enjoyment. I could only try experiments in this direction by singing to them, as I had no European musical instruments with me; but I found that singing con brio at the top of my voice was not so pleasing to them as when I sang piano con passione. For instance, the song "Toreador," in the opera Carmen, created fits of merriment from a crowd at Frishikobets, while the same crowd, a few minutes later, listened attentively and silently to Gounod's "Ave Maria," sung in a kind of "miaoling" voice.
It’s especially in music and poetry, as I’ve mentioned before, that unique characteristics come through. It’s important to clearly distinguish between native music and poetry—which includes legends, traditions, and folklore—and what has been passed down from neighboring and conquering cultures. The Ainu do not enjoy loud music; instead, it seems to make them grin more out of contempt than pleasure. I could only experiment by singing since I didn’t have any European musical instruments with me. I found that singing con brio at the top of my lungs didn’t please them as much as when I sang piano con passione. For instance, my rendition of the song "Toreador" from the opera Carmen prompted laughter from a crowd at Frishikobets, while just a few minutes later, they listened intently and quietly to Gounod's "Ave Maria," sung in a sort of "miaoling" voice.
I may here mention incidentally, to show the different musical tastes of Ainu and Japanese, that some months previous to this I was at a concert at Tokio in which the same "Ave Maria" was performed by some distinguished European musicians. The large Japanese audience, who had been attentive[Pg 264] and well-composed till then, went into fits of laughter when Gounod's masterpiece was played, and all through it the noise of people laughing was so great as to drown entirely the orchestra and singers. Some of the women in the audience nearly went into hysterics at the long legato notes at the beginning of the piece. Louder melodies and of a livelier character did not affect them so. I wish to draw attention to this fact, that amongst all primitive peoples the native music is sad and slow—the livelier melodies coming later; and also, that with both wild and domestic animals the most noteworthy effects are produced by slow and simple music. We all know how dogs will remain quiet and calm when a soft and gentle air is played, but get furious to the point of savageness under the "plan-plan-rataplan" of a merry noisy tune. As for the last item connected with Ainu music, viz., dancing, it is rarely practised, even by the Ainu women, to whom alone it pertains. At the best it is of a very rude form. In the Piratori festival (Chapter IV.) we have seen that their dancing is accompanied by rhythmical sounds imitating the noises produced by implements in everyday use, as the squeaking of a paddle by the friction on the canoe, the cry which accompanies the pounding of millet, blowing alight the fire, and similar sounds. Time is kept by clapping the hands and by vociferations which tell the partners what position or action to assume, each action being accompanied by a different sound, but all performed while the hopping is kept up. I have not felt justified in classifying these rhythmical sounds, which accompany the dancing, as choruses, for there is not enough in them to constitute either a tune or a melody. They are suggested more by the action of the arms and upper part of the body than by the steps; in fact, if it were not for the continuous hopping it would be more accurate to describe Ainu dancing as "posturing." The dancers form a circle, with sometimes one or two children in the centre. As there are no professional musicians, there are no professional dancers; but though each man may be his own composer of music, the women never alter their dances, which are handed down unchanged from one generation to another. It is only at festivals that the dance is performed, and never inside the huts, but in the open air. It is not for the amusement of spectators, for besides one or two of the older women,[Pg 265] spectators there are none; but it is for the enjoyment of the dancers themselves. The men do not seem to take the slightest interest in the dancing, and apparently regard it as unmanly. They remain in the hut drinking while the girls enjoy themselves in this way outside, and should one of them by chance come out, he would stop and look on no more than men in civilised countries would stop and watch little children at play. On the other hand, on such occasions Ainu matrons squat in a semicircle not far from the dancers, and keep up a lament-like or sometimes quarrelsome conversation among themselves, and occasionally encourage the girls in their hopping, and suggesting encores of this figure or that, which, between one quarrel and another, has taken their fancy.
I should mention, just to illustrate the different musical tastes of the Ainu and the Japanese, that a few months before this, I attended a concert in Tokyo where some renowned European musicians performed the same "Ave Maria." The large Japanese audience, who had been attentive and composed until that point, burst into fits of laughter when Gounod's masterpiece was played, and the noise from the crowd was so loud that it completely drowned out the orchestra and singers. Some of the women in the audience nearly laughed hysterically at the long *legato* notes at the beginning of the piece. They were not affected as much by louder, livelier melodies. I want to highlight the fact that among all primitive peoples, native music tends to be sad and slow, with livelier tunes coming later on. Additionally, we see that both wild and domestic animals respond more to slow and simple music. We all know that dogs remain calm and peaceful when soft and gentle music plays, but they can get aggressive and almost savage with the "plan-plan-rataplan" of a cheerful, noisy tune. Regarding Ainu music and dancing, it's rarely practiced, even by Ainu women, as it only pertains to them. At best, it takes a very rudimentary form. In the Piratori festival (Chapter IV.), we saw that the dancing is accompanied by rhythmic sounds mimicking noises from everyday life, like the squeaking of a paddle in the canoe, the sounds made while pounding millet, blowing on the fire, and similar sounds. Timing is kept by hand clapping and loud calls to signal to the dancers what position or action to take, with each action paired with a different sound, all performed while hopping. I haven't felt it right to classify these rhythmic sounds that accompany the dancing as choruses because there isn't enough to constitute a tune or melody. They are more influenced by the movements of the arms and upper body rather than by the footwork; in fact, if it weren't for the continuous hopping, it would be more accurate to call Ainu dancing "posturing." The dancers form a circle, sometimes with one or two children in the center. There are no professional musicians, so there are no professional dancers; however, while each man may compose his own music, the women never change their dances, which are passed down unchanged from generation to generation. The dance is only performed at festivals and never inside the huts, but outdoors. It's not for the entertainment of spectators; aside from a few older women, there aren't any. It's meant for the enjoyment of the dancers themselves. The men show little interest in the dancing, seemingly regarding it as unmanly. They stay in the hut drinking while the girls have their fun outside, and if one does happen to come out, he would stop to watch just as men in civilized countries might observe little children at play. Meanwhile, on these occasions, Ainu matrons squat in a semicircle close to the dancers, engaging in lament-like or sometimes quarrelsome conversations among themselves. They occasionally cheer on the girls in their hopping and suggest *encores* for certain moves that catch their interest between arguments.

CHAPTER XXVI.
Genetics—Breeding—Psychological Insights.
The mental qualities of the Ainu are not many, and what they have are by no means great; nor are they improved by education, for what they know comes more from inheritance than personal acquirement, though naturally every rule has its exceptions. I repeatedly noticed that talent, such as it was, ran in certain families, the members of which were all more or less intelligent. Certain families were more musical than others; other families were more artistic—if, indeed, such a word could be applied to the very low development of the artistic faculty when at its best among the hairy people. Various members of one household were potently insane; others were as potently idiotic. I shall not class under this heading of heredity transmitted disease, like leprosy, consumption, &c., but I shall limit myself to heredity in physical traits and mental qualities. Unfortunately, with the Ainu intercourse between the sexes is so imperfectly regulated as to often lead one to erroneous conclusions. The reader may easily imagine the difficulty of establishing precise rules of transmission in a race like the Ainu, where castes are not marked, with the exception of the chieftainship in each village, the only necessary qualifications for which are a sound, sharp intellect, a strong physique, and personal courage. The office is hereditary if these qualifications are also inherited; but should the sons or brothers of the chief prove unworthy of his place, the Ainu would assemble in a "village council" and elect another strong, clear-headed, and brave man in place of the roi fainéant thus summarily deposed. These chiefs have no absolute authority, though the men often consult them in[Pg 267] their quarrels and difficulties, which they are asked to settle. Thus, because of these qualities necessary for the office, these chiefs are a slightly superior type to the other natives; for with savages, as with civilised people, sharp-witted, strong, and brave men are naturally of a finer type than those who are their inferiors in these qualities: but the difference among the best Ainu and the worst is so small that I do not feel justified in classing chiefs as of a different caste. Besides, exceptional beauty, strength, or larger stature is not necessarily transmitted in the families of chiefs, nor do the Ainu themselves consider them better-looking than others.
The mental traits of the Ainu are limited, and what they do have isn’t particularly impressive; their knowledge comes more from inheritance than personal learning, although there are always exceptions. I noticed that talent tended to run in certain families, where members were all somewhat intelligent. Some families were more musical than others, while others had a bit more artistic flair—if you can even call it that, given the very basic level of artistic ability found among these people. Various family members might be severely insane, while others could be quite idiotic. I won't include hereditary diseases like leprosy or tuberculosis under this discussion, but I will focus on inherited physical traits and mental qualities. Unfortunately, among the Ainu, relationships between the sexes are so poorly regulated that they often lead to misinterpretations. You can imagine the challenge of establishing clear rules of inheritance in a group like the Ainu, where social classes aren’t very defined, except for the chieftainship in each village, which requires a sharp mind, strong body, and personal courage. This position is hereditary if these traits are also passed down; however, if the chief's sons or brothers are unworthy of the role, the Ainu will gather in a "village council" and elect a new strong, clear-headed, and brave leader to replace the ineffective one. These chiefs don’t have absolute authority, but people often seek their advice during disputes and challenges. Thus, due to the qualities needed for the role, chiefs are slightly superior to other members of their community; for both savages and civilized people, sharp-witted, strong, and brave individuals are naturally of a better type than those lacking these qualities. However, the difference between the best and worst Ainu is so slight that I don’t feel it’s right to categorize chiefs as a separate caste. Moreover, exceptional beauty, strength, or height isn’t necessarily passed down in chief families, nor do the Ainu consider them more attractive than others.
As Ainu laws of marriage have no relation to the physical and moral improvement of the race, the only way of classifying the natives for purposes of heredity is by tribes, each village being considered as a tribe. Ainu villages are generally very small, and the inhabitants of each village intermarry among themselves, therefore each member of the community is in some way related to every other member; hence heredity in certain physical traits, mental qualities, and diseases shows itself in one community and not in another. The difficulty of tracing the exact connection of each individual with his or her relations beyond the acknowledged father and mother also baffles research in more minute details. Abnormal formations are sometimes transmitted to many members of one tribe, as, for instance, the hare-lip and webbed fingers, of which deformities two or three specimens could be found in a small village numbering fifteen or twenty houses. Malformation of the umbilicus is common—sometimes in almost every member of one small community—while it is very rare in others. Children are mostly affected by this, as in some villages the cord is not treated at all at birth; and this leads to an abnormality till the child grows older, when the few who survive seem to get all right. In other villages the cord is fastened in a very primitive, not to say imperfect, manner, with a common string of Ulmus campestris fibre.
As Ainu marriage laws have no connection to the physical and moral improvement of the race, the only way to classify the natives for heredity purposes is by tribes, with each village considered a tribe. Ainu villages are typically very small, and the people within each village intermarry, which means everyone in the community is somewhat related to each other. This leads to the inheritance of certain physical traits, mental characteristics, and diseases appearing in one community but not in another. The challenge of tracing the exact relationships of individuals with their relatives beyond their acknowledged parents also complicates detailed research. Abnormal formations can sometimes be passed down to many members of a single tribe; for example, hare-lips and webbed fingers, which can be seen in two or three individuals in a small village of around fifteen to twenty houses. Malformation of the umbilicus is common—sometimes affecting nearly every person in a small community—while it is quite rare in others. Children are mostly impacted by this issue, as in some villages the umbilical cord is not treated at all at birth, leading to abnormalities as the child grows older; however, the few who survive seem to recover. In other villages, the cord is tied in a very basic and not-so-effective way using a common string made from Ulmus campestris fiber.
Albinism is very uncommon among the Ainu. I do not know of any case when it has been transmitted, as albinos are greatly disregarded by the Ainu, and, I was told, seldom marry.
Albinism is very rare among the Ainu. I don't know of any cases where it has been passed down, as albinos are largely marginalized by the Ainu, and I was told they rarely marry.
Red hair, or hair with red shades in it, is common among[Pg 268] the Ainu of the north-east coast of Yezo, and also among the Kurilsky Ainu of Shikotan, where nearly all the children have light hair. It darkens considerably as they grow older, as many of the men said they had light hair when young, which turned dark with age. Members of certain communities have inherited the love of bear-hunting; others the love of fishing; some tribes have a musical aptitude, and a certain artistic talent for rough ornamentations on wood; others have developed their inherited power of sustaining hunger and thirst. The only characteristic which all the different tribes have inherited, without exception, is love for intoxicating drinks; and this love is not only inherited by thoroughbred Ainu, but also by half-castes.
Red hair, or hair with red tones, is common among[Pg 268] the Ainu from the northeast coast of Yezo, and also among the Kurilsky Ainu of Shikotan, where almost all the kids have light hair. It darkens significantly as they get older; many men mentioned they had light hair when they were young, which turned dark as they aged. Some communities have a strong passion for bear-hunting; others for fishing. Certain tribes are musically talented and have a knack for crafting rough wood ornaments; while others have developed the ability to endure hunger and thirst. The one trait all the different tribes share, without exception, is a love for alcoholic drinks; and this love is inherited not just by purebred Ainu, but also by those of mixed heritage.
Mixed marriages between Japanese and Ainu are frequent, but the progeny are unfortunate beings, of whom a large percentage die when very young: those who live are generally malformed, ill-natured, and often idiotic. Their sight and hearing are not so acute as with the pure Ainu, and crosses are said to be sterile, with very few exceptions. If children of second crosses are born they seldom live to be more than five years old.
Mixed marriages between Japanese and Ainu happen often, but the children are unfortunate and a large percentage die very young: those who survive are generally malformed, difficult, and often mentally impaired. Their vision and hearing aren't as sharp as those of pure Ainu, and it's said that mixed offspring are usually infertile, with very few exceptions. If children from subsequent generations are born, they rarely live beyond five years old.
Half-breeds are invariably from a Japanese man with an Ainu woman, but occasionally an Ainu man marries or cohabits with a half-caste woman. I have never seen a pure-blood Ainu man marry a pure-blood Japanese woman. The majority of half-breeds are males: I should think two-thirds males and one-third females. The half-caste women are physically finer than the men, but they are said to be very generally, if not uniformly, sterile.
Half-breeds are usually the result of a Japanese man with an Ainu woman, but sometimes an Ainu man will marry or live with a mixed-race woman. I have never seen a pure-blood Ainu man marry a pure-blood Japanese woman. The majority of mixed-race individuals are males; I'd estimate about two-thirds are male and one-third are female. The mixed-race women tend to be physically more attractive than the men, but they are often, if not always, unable to have children.
The products of the first cross greatly resemble in general look the Ainu parent, without being quite as hairy, though still very hairy; but a strange peculiarity is, that they get bald while quite young. One can easily detect them by their eyes, which are frequently like those of the Japanese, by the wide flat forehead, and by the pose of the head, which inclines forward. They generally walk with their toes turned in, instead of keeping their feet perfectly straight, like the pure Ainu. The moral and intellectual position of these half-breeds is a pitiful one. They are rejected by both the Ainu and Japanese, and are held inferior to both alike.
The offspring from the first crossbreed generally look a lot like the Ainu parent, although they're not quite as hairy, but still pretty hairy; however, a strange thing is that they tend to go bald when they're quite young. You can easily recognize them by their eyes, which often resemble those of the Japanese, by their wide, flat foreheads, and by the way their heads lean forward. They usually walk with their toes pointed inward, instead of keeping their feet perfectly straight like pure Ainu. The moral and intellectual standing of these mixed-race individuals is quite unfortunate. They are rejected by both the Ainu and the Japanese and are considered inferior by both groups.
[Pg 269] A high moral standard, whether got from philosophic breadth or Christian virtues, does not suit a despised barbarian race like the Ainu. Nothing could or does kill them quicker than civilisation. Experiments have been tried to civilise certain Ainu: they were made to wash, bathe, and live in comfortable, clean quarters: they were instructed and got good food; but after a few months they had to be sent back to their native place and ways, for civilisation only killed them.
[Pg 269] A high moral standard, whether rooted in philosophical ideas or Christian values, doesn’t fit a marginalized group like the Ainu. Nothing destroys them faster than civilization. Attempts have been made to civilize some Ainu: they were taught to wash, bathe, and live in comfortable, clean environments; they were educated and given good food. But after a few months, they had to be returned to their original home and lifestyle, because civilization only harmed them.
The half-castes have none of the good qualities of either race. They are neither as brave as the Ainu nor courteous and light-hearted like the Japanese. The following remarks, which I take direct from my diary, were written by me between Shimokebo and Tomakomai, on the south-west coast of Yezo, where many half-breeds are found along the sea-shore, and I shall pass them on untouched to my readers.
The mixed-race individuals don’t really have the best traits of either group. They aren’t as courageous as the Ainu or as polite and cheerful as the Japanese. The following notes, which I copied directly from my diary, were written by me between Shimokebo and Tomakomai, on the southwest coast of Yezo, where many mixed-race people live along the shoreline, and I will share them exactly as they are with my readers.
"The Ainu along this coast were decidedly ugly. Many half-breeds are also found along this coast. These half-breeds invariably grow bald in early life, whereas the Ainu do not. The hair on their back, arms, and legs is not so long or so thick as with the pure Ainu. Their teeth are neither so strong nor so sound. As is usually the case when a mixture of two or more races takes place, the lower and upper jaws not being of the right proportion, it follows as a matter of course that unusual pressure and friction injure and wear out the enamel of the teeth, thus causing premature decay. The Americans and Australians are good examples of this premature decay caused by the disproportion of the upper and lower jaws. Also, teeth which do not fit well together sometimes grow so long as to be a nuisance to the person who owns them. I found that these half-breeds have all the bad qualities of both the Ainu and the Japanese, and have not retained any of the good ones. They are ill-tempered, lazy, and vindictive. It is well to mention that, on the Japanese side, they have come mostly from the criminals exported by the Japanese Government, which fact partly explains why they are so evil-minded and untrustworthy. Instead of falling into the more civilised ways of the Japanese, these half-breeds prefer the wild life of their Ainu ancestors; and if anything they are wilder than the Ainu themselves. Insanity is very common among half-breeds.[Pg 270] The head is in most instances of an abnormal size; the frontal bone is generally more sloping than with the thoroughbred Ainu; and though the skull be wide from one temple to the other, it is not spacious enough from the frontal bone to the back of the head. They have heads so shaped that the animal propensities are in excess of the moral and mental faculties. In thoroughbred Ainu I found the bumps of amativeness, philoprogenitiveness, and tune very well developed. In the half-breeds these bumps hardly show at all, and in some cases the back of the head—where the two first bumps are found—is almost flat.
The Ainu along this coast were definitely not attractive. Many mixed-race individuals are also found along this coast. These mixed-race individuals often lose their hair early in life, while the Ainu do not. The hair on their backs, arms, and legs isn’t as long or thick as that of pure Ainu. Their teeth aren’t as strong or healthy either. As is usually the case with a mix of two or more races, the upper and lower jaws aren’t proportionate, which leads to unusual pressure and friction that damages the enamel of the teeth, resulting in premature decay. Americans and Australians are good examples of this early decay caused by jaw misalignment. Additionally, teeth that don’t fit well together can sometimes grow so long that they become a nuisance for the person. I found that these mixed-race individuals possess all the negative traits of both the Ainu and the Japanese, without any of the positive ones. They tend to be bad-tempered, lazy, and vengeful. It’s important to note that, on the Japanese side, many of them are descendants of criminals sent by the Japanese Government, which partly explains their malicious and untrustworthy nature. Instead of adopting the more civilized ways of the Japanese, these mixed-race individuals prefer the wild lifestyle of their Ainu ancestors, and in fact, they are often wilder than the Ainu themselves. Insanity is quite common among mixed-race individuals. [Pg 270] The heads are generally abnormally sized; the forehead is usually more sloped than that of pure Ainu; and although the skull is wide from one temple to another, it isn’t roomy enough from the forehead to the back of the head. Their heads are shaped in such a way that their animal instincts outweigh their moral and mental abilities. In pure Ainu, I found that the bumps related to love, nurturing, and musicality were very well developed. In mixed-race individuals, these bumps hardly appear at all, and in some cases, the back of the head—where the first two bumps are located—is almost flat.
"Ainu half-breeds never live to be very old. They are often affected with rheumatism—kaki, a disease peculiar to the Far East—leprosy, and consumption, and they suffer from these diseases much more than do the pure Ainu. I found leprosy quite common among half-breeds—while I have seen but few Ainu affected with it. In most instances, though, leprosy had only attained its first stages—contraction of fingers and subsequent dropping off of the three phalanges, ears, and nose; but this may be explained by the fact that the sufferers in general succumb before the disease attains its more serious character, when the whole body is visibly affected by it."
"Ainu mixed-race individuals don’t tend to live very long. They often struggle with rheumatism—kaki, a disease specific to the Far East—leprosy, and tuberculosis, and they experience these illnesses much more than the pure Ainu do. I found leprosy to be fairly common among mixed-race people—while I’ve seen only a few pure Ainu affected by it. In most cases, though, leprosy had only reached its early stages—such as the curling of fingers and the subsequent loss of the three phalanges, ears, and nose; but this can be explained by the fact that the sufferers generally don’t survive long enough for the disease to progress to a more serious stage, when the entire body is visibly impacted."
Precise laws as to the degree of quickness of perception, power of reasoning, and learning of the Ainu race cannot be given, for, as I have mentioned before, almost each individual would require a special rule for himself. My readers may have noticed that, while some Ainu were but little above monkeys, others were sharp, and gave answers very much to the point. This may apparently be regarded as a contradiction on my part by people who have neither lived with savages, nor studied the temperament of beasts. But it is not a contradiction. There are in this world clever monkeys and stupid monkeys: some can never be made to learn any tricks; others will learn them in no time. Intelligence is instinctive, and not acquired, though of course it can be greatly developed with education; thus, the Ainu are instinctively intelligent, but I wish my readers clearly to understand that their intelligence does not go much further than that of an intelligent monkey, though of course the Ainu have the advantage over beasts of being able to talk, and therefore, to a limited[Pg 271] extent, discuss and combine. The Ainu memory is a perfect blank in certain respects, as with arithmetic, science, mechanics, reading, writing, drawing, and delineating maps; while in other directions it seems to be fairly keen, as in hunting, fishing, tracking, and acquiring languages up to a certain point. This last faculty is noticeable in nearly all the lowest races, as the Australian aborigines, the Tasmanian natives (now extinct), the Tierra del Fuegians, &c. The Ainu ideas of time are vague, and if you add to that the extreme difficulty which they experience in counting even up to ten, and their inability to count beyond that number, it is easy to understand why we can never learn the exact age of Ainu individuals.
Precise laws regarding how quickly the Ainu perceive, reason, and learn can't be established because, as I've mentioned before, each person would need a unique standard. Readers may have noticed that while some Ainu individuals are just slightly above monkeys in their abilities, others are sharp and provide very direct answers. This might seem contradictory to those who haven't lived with indigenous people or studied animal behavior. However, it isn't a contradiction. There are clever monkeys and not-so-clever ones: some will never learn any tricks, while others can pick them up in no time. Intelligence is instinctual and not learned, although it can be significantly enhanced through education. So, the Ainu are instinctively intelligent, but I want my readers to understand that their intelligence doesn’t extend much beyond that of an intelligent monkey. However, the Ainu have the advantage of being able to talk, which allows for a limited degree of discussion and collaboration. The Ainu's memory is quite empty in some areas, such as arithmetic, science, mechanics, reading, writing, drawing, and map-making, while in other areas, they seem to have a decent memory in hunting, fishing, tracking, and learning languages to a certain extent. This last ability is common among many of the least advanced races, such as the Australian aboriginals, Tasmanian natives (now extinct), and the Tierra del Fuegians, etc. The Ainu have a vague sense of time, and when you consider their extreme difficulty in counting even up to ten, and their inability to count beyond that, it becomes clear why we cannot determine the exact ages of Ainu individuals.
Like the monkeys, the Ainu cannot concentrate their attention, and they are easily wearied. Beads and shiny objects have a fascination for them; but other objects, even perfectly new to them, arouse but little curiosity, which soon passes, and they show no intelligence and less imagination as to the probable use of these strange objects. They show no inquisitiveness, and no wish to be taught the use of anything new and unfamiliar.
Like the monkeys, the Ainu struggle to focus their attention and get tired easily. They are drawn to beads and shiny objects, but other items, even if they're brand new, hardly spark their curiosity, which fades quickly. They display little intelligence and even less imagination regarding the potential use of these unfamiliar objects. They lack inquisitiveness and have no desire to learn how to use anything new or strange.
It will be remembered that at Yamakubiro, on the Tokachi River, beyond the natural astonishment caused by the first appearance of my ponies, the strange baggage, and myself, the Ainu did not pay much attention to this novel sight, and did not show any wish to have it explained, while more civilised people, like the Japanese, would not have been satisfied until I had shown and explained every article in my possession, and allowed each person to try its use, &c., after which they would talk for hours of what they had seen. The Ainu are not "built" so, and therefore they have never made any progress. In the more civilised parts of Yezo we have a proof of it. Their backwardness in acquiring the habits and customs of their conquerors the Japanese, arises from incapacity more than from conservatism. Yet for all that the Ainu are so incapable of improving themselves, they are very persevering in what they do attempt, as in their rough wooden carvings, the hollowing of their "dug-outs," the construction of their wooden tools and weapons, the weaving of their rough garments, and the ornamentation thereof; but in all these they[Pg 272] appear to act more automatically than with keen and constructive intelligence.
It will be remembered that at Yamakubiro, on the Tokachi River, besides the natural surprise caused by the first sight of my ponies, the unusual baggage, and myself, the Ainu didn’t pay much attention to this new sight and didn’t show any desire to have it explained. In contrast, more civilized people, like the Japanese, wouldn't have been satisfied until I had demonstrated and explained every item I had, letting each person try using them, etc., after which they would talk for hours about what they had seen. The Ainu are not "wired" that way, and as a result, they have never made much progress. In the more civilized areas of Yezo, we see evidence of this. Their delay in adopting the habits and customs of their conquerors, the Japanese, stems more from inability than from conservatism. Yet despite their challenges in self-improvement, the Ainu are very persistent in their efforts, as seen in their rough wooden carvings, the hollowing of their "dug-outs," the crafting of their wooden tools and weapons, the weaving of their simple garments, and the decorating of those items; however, in all these activities, they seem to operate more automatically than with sharp and creative intelligence.
The Ainu are not to be taken au pied de la lettre, for the illusions produced by ignorance and untutored imagination prevent anything like literal accuracy; but they are not what we may call conscious and immoral liars. A good example of this is my adventure at Horobets, when, although they knew that they would be severely punished by the Japanese policeman, the Ainu confessed their attack on me, and did not attempt either denial or evasion. They are often plucky, and even distinctly courageous; as, when out bear-hunting, a man armed only with a large and not over sharp knife unhesitatingly attacks this formidable beast, who sits up on his hind quarters, sure to crush the life out of his assailant should he miss his stroke. The Ainu, protecting his head with his left arm, and having taken the precaution to cover his back with skins, goes merrily for the embrace; and while Bruin squeezes, the hairy man splits its body open with the large knife.
The Ainu shouldn't be taken literally, as the misconceptions created by ignorance and untrained imagination lead to a lack of literal accuracy. However, they are not what we would call deliberate and immoral liars. A good example of this is my experience in Horobets when, even though they knew they would face severe punishment from the Japanese policeman, the Ainu admitted their attack on me without trying to deny or avoid responsibility. They often show bravery and even courage, like when bear hunting, where a man with just a large, not-so-sharp knife fearlessly charges at the powerful animal, which sits up on its hind legs, ready to crush him if he misses his strike. The Ainu, protecting his head with his left arm and covering his back with skins, goes for the bear, and while the bear squeezes him, the Ainu slices its body open with the large knife.
The Ainu are cool-blooded. They are not subject to strong emotions, and therefore they are not much affected by dreams and nightmares. They are not affectionate except for a momentary impulse; but, like most animals, they are faithful when they love. Mothers are fond of their children till they have reached puberty; but after that the affection seems to fade away. Paternal love is much less strong.
The Ainu are cool-blooded. They don’t experience strong emotions, so they aren’t heavily influenced by dreams and nightmares. They’re not very affectionate except for brief moments; however, like most animals, they are loyal when they love. Mothers care for their children until they reach puberty, but after that, that affection seems to diminish. Paternal love is much weaker.
The pure Ainu are comparatively honest people, which may be due to the incapacity for being dishonest. In a country where there is no exact definition of property, where anybody can get what he requires without resorting to theft, there is no reason why everybody should not be honest. Then, according to Ainu ideas, stealing is not always stealing. For instance, if an Ainu, without asking, takes away some of the salmon caught by one of his hairy brethren, he will be blamed for it, he will get into a row, and probably be beaten; but if the theft is perpetrated on a Japanese or a stranger he will be praised, though the Ainu well knows that he is not acting right. Their desire is stronger than their conscience, such as it is; and having no laws of their own to rule them worth speaking of, they often do according to their desire, without deserving the accusation of conscious dishonesty. It is exactly[Pg 273] the same case as when a dog jumps on the dining-table when everybody is absent and carries off the leg of mutton which he knows he ought not to touch; but the temptation was too strong, and he could not resist it. The Ainu are fond of independence, though in many instances I found them gentle, and apparently submissive to a stronger will than their own. The field of their brain-power is of course very narrow, and the same rough, rude, primitive thoughts and ideas are constantly repeated in their conversation as well as in their designs.
The pure Ainu people are generally honest, which might be because they're not capable of being dishonest. In a place where there's no clear definition of property, and anyone can get what they need without stealing, there's no reason for everyone not to be honest. According to Ainu beliefs, stealing isn’t always considered stealing. For example, if an Ainu takes some salmon caught by one of his hairy brothers without asking, he'll be criticized for it, might get into a fight, and probably get hit; but if he steals from a Japanese person or a stranger, he'll be praised, even though he knows it's not right. Their wants often overpower their conscience, as weak as it may be; and since they don't have meaningful laws to follow, they frequently act on their desires without being justly accused of deliberate dishonesty. It’s like when a dog jumps on the dining table when no one is around and snatches away the leg of mutton that he knows he shouldn't touch; he just couldn’t resist the temptation. The Ainu appreciate independence, yet in many cases, I found them gentle and seemingly submissive to stronger wills. Their mental capacity is naturally quite limited, and the same rough, simple, primitive thoughts and ideas are often echoed in their conversations and intentions.

CHAPTER XXVII.
Physiological Observations—Heart Rate and Breathing—Exposure—Odor of the Ainu—The Five Senses.
The following physiological remarks are mostly from observations made on Ainu of the Upper Tokachi district, the natives of which have had no communication with Europeans and little with Japanese previous to my own visit to them. Observations made on the semi-civilised Ainu of Volcano Bay and[Pg 275] Piratori, on those of the north-east and west coasts, and the Ishikari River, as well as on half-castes of different districts, have been taken into consideration.
The following physiological notes are mainly based on observations of the Ainu people in the Upper Tokachi district, who had little to no contact with Europeans and very limited interaction with Japanese before my visit. Observations of the semi-civilized Ainu from Volcano Bay and[Pg 275] Piratori, as well as those from the northeast and west coasts, along with the Ishikari River, and half-castes from various areas have also been included.
Owing to the lack of a clinical thermometer and other instruments, I, unfortunately, was not able to ascertain the normal temperature of the body; nor could I get any very accurate observations as to the frequency of the pulse-beat, owing to the miserable condition of my watch and the difficult task of getting natives to sit perfectly still while their pulse was felt. A superstitious fear, too, that some evil would befall them accelerated the pulsations, and they invariably moved away rubbing the spot I had touched on their wrist. Though I could not count the exact number of pulsations to a minute, the movement of the pulse was as a rule slow and rather weak. Respirations were fourteen to seventeen to a minute in men, and about sixteen to twenty in women, and the respiratory movements were similar in both sexes, viz., costal breathing was predominant. In half-castes I have sometimes noticed abdominal breathing.
Due to the absence of a clinical thermometer and other instruments, I unfortunately couldn't determine the normal body temperature; nor could I obtain very accurate observations of the pulse rate, because my watch was in terrible condition and it was challenging to get the locals to sit completely still while I checked their pulse. A superstitious fear that something bad would happen to them made their pulse quicken, and they usually pulled away while rubbing the spot on their wrist where I had touched them. Although I couldn't count the exact number of pulses per minute, the pulse was generally slow and somewhat weak. Breathing rates were between fourteen to seventeen breaths per minute for men and about sixteen to twenty for women, with the breathing patterns being similar for both genders, mainly involving chest breathing. In mixed-race individuals, I sometimes observed abdominal breathing.
The Ainu not only bear cold well, but prefer it to heat, though, indeed, their country is never very hot. The sun's rays have no fascination for them, as with so many other races; and I have seldom seen Ainu basking in the sun for purely physical pleasure, although they go about with uncovered heads, and do not seem to suffer any ill effects from the practice. The Ainu of Piratori wear Japanese hats of wicker-work; and others, especially women, tie round their head a Japanese towel—a fashion, as we have seen, also adopted from the Japanese. With this head-dress the crown of the head is left uncovered.
The Ainu not only handle the cold well but actually prefer it over heat, even though their region is never very hot. The sun doesn’t appeal to them like it does to many other groups; I’ve rarely seen Ainu people basking in the sun just for the enjoyment of it, although they walk around with their heads uncovered and don’t seem to suffer any negative effects from it. The Ainu in Piratori wear Japanese wicker hats, and others, especially women, wrap a Japanese towel around their heads—a style, as we’ve noted, also taken from the Japanese. With this headwear, the top of the head is left uncovered.
The Ainu are not massively formed, but they are sturdy, and, as we have seen, can bear almost any amount of privation as regards food and drink. Sleep is necessary to them, and they require a great deal to be in anything like good condition. The sleeping hours are generally from an hour or so after sunset to sunrise; but during the day they are often drowsy, and turn in to have a siesta after food and exercise. In men the voice is soft and deep; shriller but still gentle in women. The Ainu seldom perspire, partly because the pores of their skin are blocked with dirt; partly because their long[Pg 276] hair absorbs a great quantity of natural moisture; and mostly because they do not drink much except when they can get hold of intoxicants.
The Ainu aren't very bulky, but they're strong, and, as we've seen, they can handle almost any level of hardship when it comes to food and drink. Sleep is essential for them, and they need a lot of it to be in decent shape. They typically sleep from about an hour after sunset until sunrise; however, during the day, they often feel sleepy and take a nap after eating and exercising. Men's voices are soft and deep, while women's voices are higher but still gentle. The Ainu hardly sweat, partly because their skin pores are clogged with dirt, partly because their long hair holds a lot of natural moisture, and mostly because they don't drink much except when they can find alcohol.
The skin is greasy—the natural result of many years of an unwashed existence; and this gives to the hairy people a peculiar and strong odour, much resembling that of monkeys. Many are familiar with the peculiar odour of an uncleaned monkey's cage, and the same, intensified a thousand times, characterises an Ainu village. Hundreds of yards off you can distinctly smell out a village, or if the wind is blowing towards you, that peculiar odour is perceptible for a full half-mile. Although the sense of smell is acute in the Ainu—for they sometimes employ it in tracking animals—they are not aware of their own strong odour; but they are quick in distinguishing that of other races. I have several times heard Ainu of the coast remark that I possessed a different odour from that of the Japanese; but they could neither define it nor assimilate it to that of any animal they knew, though several of them one day held a lengthy pow-wow about it; and in the interest of anthropology I submitted to the unpleasant process of being smelt all over by them. The Chinese unanimously assert that Europeans smell like sheep, and they say this is the reason we constantly wash and bathe, being aware of our infirmity, and doing our best to diminish it by soap and water. We ourselves attribute to Jews one distinct odour, and yet another to the Russians; not to speak of those belonging to the negroes, the Chinese, and, in fact, all other nations. Thus, the odour has some importance in the classification of peoples, as it largely depends on the kind of food as well as the personal habits of a race. Meat-eaters smell differently from fish-eaters, and these again from vegetarians. As regards the Ainu, their filthy habits of course increase their offensiveness, while bodily exercise renders them intolerable. The Japanese recognise the Ainu odour as a distinguishing mark of the race, and Japanese fishermen have often said to me, "Aino shto taihen kusai"; "Saru," or else "Kumma onaji koto"—"Ainu men smell bad, just like a monkey or a bear."
The skin is oily—it's the natural result of living years without washing; this gives the hairy people a strong and unique odor, similar to that of monkeys. Many are familiar with the distinct smell of an unclean monkey's cage, and this, magnified a thousand times, characterizes an Ainu village. You can smell a village from hundreds of yards away, or if the wind is blowing toward you, that unique odor can be detected from half a mile away. Although the Ainu have a keen sense of smell, since they sometimes use it to track animals, they aren't aware of their own strong odor; however, they can quickly identify the scents of other races. I've heard Ainu from the coast comment that I have a different smell from the Japanese, but they couldn't describe it or connect it to any animal they knew, even though several of them had an extended discussion about it one day; for the sake of anthropology, I went through the uncomfortable experience of being sniffed all over by them. The Chinese all agree that Europeans smell like sheep, claiming that's why we constantly wash and bathe, being aware of our issue and trying to reduce it with soap and water. We, in turn, associate a specific odor with Jews and another with Russians, not to mention those of Black people, Chinese, and really all other nations. So, odor plays a significant role in categorizing people, as it largely depends on diet and personal habits of a race. Meat-eaters smell differently than fish-eaters, and fish-eaters smell differently than vegetarians. As for the Ainu, their unclean habits obviously make them more offensive, while physical activity only adds to it. The Japanese recognize the Ainu odor as a characteristic of their race, and Japanese fishermen have often said to me, "Aino shto taihen kusai"; "Saru," or "Kumma onaji koto"—"Ainu men smell bad, just like a monkey or a bear."
As an Ainu grows older this peculiarity increases. The weaker sex is generally more "strongly scented" than are the men, owing to the fact that women wear skins and rough cloth[Pg 277] rags nearly all the year round, while in summer the men go about either entirely naked, or very lightly clad.
As an Ainu ages, this characteristic becomes more pronounced. The female sex is usually more "strongly scented" than the males, mainly because women wear animal skins and rough cloth rags almost all year, while in summer, men often go around either completely naked or dressed very lightly.[Pg 277]
On the north-east coast of Yezo and in Shikotan (Kurile Islands) I saw some Ainu who, contrary to the rule, had red hair, and their animal odour was terribly offensive. The Ainu do not use any unguents like palm-oil, cocoanut-oil, or the like, by which the unpleasantness of certain African tribes and Eastern peoples is to be accounted for. What they have is natural and national, and due to their food, habits, and race alone.
On the northeast coast of Yezo and in Shikotan (Kurile Islands), I encountered some Ainu who, unlike most, had red hair, and they had a really strong animal smell. The Ainu don’t use any lotions like palm oil or coconut oil, which explains the unpleasantness often found in some African tribes and Eastern peoples. What they have is completely natural and tied to their diet, lifestyle, and ethnicity alone.
The Ainu have no partiality or dislike for any particular scents, and their sense of smell shows itself mainly in their power of tracking game or animals, as was said before. The same might be said of the sense of "touch," which they seldom apply practically, notwithstanding their sensitiveness in certain parts of the body, especially under the arm-pits and on each side of the spinal column and the back of the head—just those parts which in most animals are the most sensitive; but they have no developed sense of touch in their finger-tips, as with civilised nations.
The Ainu don't have a preference or aversion to any specific smells, and their sense of smell mainly shows through their ability to track animals, as mentioned earlier. The same goes for their sense of "touch," which they rarely use in a practical way, even though they're sensitive in certain areas of their bodies, especially under their armpits, along their spine, and at the back of their heads—just like many animals have their most sensitive spots. However, they don't have the refined sense of touch in their fingertips that more developed societies do.
Most Ainu find it difficult to declare which is the heavier of two not very unequal weights. Differences in the temperature of two bodies, and in the smoothness or texture of two surfaces, are also extremely difficult for them to define, while it is easy for them to judge of weights and texture by eyesight. The palms of the hands, which are so sensitive with us, owing to the papillæ being more thickly studded there than in other parts of the body, are less intelligently sensitive with the Ainu. When they touch cold or hot objects they feel pain, but not difference of temperature, as when with us a wound is touched it makes little difference whether it is by something hot or cold, it is simply pain, and not discrimination. Their lips, as well as the tip of the tongue, are slightly more sensitive; the lower lip more so than the upper. I was never able to determine the relative sensibility of the sensitive parts of the Ainu body, as my experiments either caused anger and impatience, or hilarity and mockery. If the first, the observations had to be stopped before they were well begun; if the second, beyond the general results which I have quoted, the answers were mere guesswork on their part, and therefore[Pg 278] not worth recording. Most of my observations are based on experiments made while the men were unaware that they were observed at all. Often, when asleep, I have touched them on the soles of the feet and the palms of the hands without causing them to awake, while when touched on the lower lip or in the lumbar region they invariably woke up startled. One day I tried this experiment on an Ainu who was sleeping on his back, with his mouth wide open. I touched his tongue with a well-sharpened lead-pencil, and the effect was subitaneous; more so than on either the lips or the lumbar region. The skin directly over the spine was dull, but the ears showed a certain amount of sensibility. The sense of "taste," which is a mere modification of the sense of touch, is also dull, although naturally, when stimulated by very acid or bitter substances, it produced distinct impressions. Even with ourselves, though more perfected than the sense of smell—which, however, often comes to its assistance—few can boast of having the sense of taste very acute. In our lower classes an extraordinary amount of salt, mustard, pepper, or sugar is needed before they can call their food "tasty," whereas a person of more refined education will detect the lack or excess of even the smallest portion. Over-stimulation of the lingual nerves and extremes of heat or cold deaden the sensibility of the tongue, palate, and fauces, and destroy the power of distinguishing flavours; bad digestion also frequently affects the organs of taste. From this we may argue, then, that the sense of taste, though born in one, has to be cultivated before it is brought to any degree of refinement. The Ainu not only do not possess this acquired refinement, but, through monotony of food, learn only one kind of flavour, and cannot distinguish differences. Thus, as many labourers in our country would not find any difference between a beef-steak slightly underdone and one over-cooked, so an Ainu finds no difference whatever between a piece of salmon properly dried and one perfectly rotten. In this respect the Ainu are far below beasts.
Most Ainu have a hard time saying which of two similar weights is heavier. They also struggle to define differences in temperature between two objects or in the smoothness of two surfaces, even though they can easily judge weight and texture just by looking. Their palms, which are very sensitive for us because they have more nerve endings, are less sensitive for the Ainu. When they touch something hot or cold, they feel pain but can't distinguish the temperature difference; for us, when a wound is touched, it doesn't really matter whether it’s hot or cold, it’s just pain without differentiation. Their lips and the tip of their tongue are a bit more sensitive, with the lower lip being more so than the upper. I could never figure out the sensitivity of various parts of an Ainu's body, as my experiments often made them either angry and impatient or amused and mockingly. If they got angry, I had to stop observing before I really got started; if they found it funny, beyond the general insights I gathered, their responses were just guesses and not worth documenting. Most of my findings come from observing them while they were unaware. Often, while they were sleeping, I touched their feet and palms without waking them, but touching their lower lip or lower back would always startle them awake. One day, I experimented on an Ainu who was sleeping on his back with his mouth wide open. I touched his tongue with a sharpened pencil, and the reaction was instant, more so than with his lips or lower back. The skin over his spine felt dull, but his ears showed some sensitivity. The sense of taste, which is just a variation of touch, is also dull for them, although acidic or bitter substances can still produce noticeable reactions. Even for us, although our sense of taste is more developed than our sense of smell (which often helps it out), few people can claim to have a very sharp sense of taste. Many in our working-class need a lot of salt, mustard, pepper, or sugar to call their food "tasty," while someone more refined can notice even the smallest imbalance. Over-stimulating the nerves on the tongue or exposing them to extreme heat or cold can dull their sensitivity and affect their ability to distinguish flavors; poor digestion can also impact taste. This suggests that while the sense of taste is natural, it needs to be developed to become refined. The Ainu not only lack this development but also, because of their repetitive diet, only learn to recognize one kind of flavor and cannot tell differences. Just as many workers in our country wouldn’t notice any difference between a steak that’s slightly undercooked and one that’s overcooked, an Ainu sees no difference at all between well-dried salmon and one that’s completely rotten. In this way, the Ainu are far less advanced than animals.
In tribes of natives like the Ainu, who have lived an adventurous life, mostly in the open air, it is but natural that the two senses of "sight" and "hearing" should be more developed than those of "touch," "smell" and "taste;"[Pg 279] as life itself depends mostly on their accuracy and acuteness. The Ainu possess good sight. Inflammation of the eyes is very common among their children, owing to their filthy condition; but it seldom affects their permanent sight; very few Ainu suffer either from myopy or cataract, or other eye affections such as are frequent among civilised and more studious nations. In very warm climates, where the sun is powerful and the light strong, the eyes are generally shielded by specially long and thick eyelashes and eyebrows, which last prevent the sweat from running down the forehead into the orbit; but, strange to say, the Ainu, who are a northern race, and have always lived in cold climates, have eyelashes even longer and thicker than any race of people in tropical climates. The iris is of a somewhat greyish tint, sometimes traversed with brown shades. The white of the eye is less pearly than with Caucasian races, and the eyes, shaded as they are by long eyelashes and heavy eyelids, seem to possess all the qualities necessary for abnormally long vision. And this we find to be the case, for the Ainu can distinguish objects a long way off, but they are dense as to minutiæ. In other words, the eye of an Ainu is ready to receive an impression, but very slow in transmitting to the brain the impression received.
In tribes like the Ainu, who have lived adventurous lives mostly outdoors, it's natural for their senses of sight and hearing to be more developed than those of touch, smell, and taste;[Pg 279] as their survival relies heavily on the accuracy and sharpness of these senses. The Ainu have good eyesight. Inflammation of the eyes is quite common among their children due to their poor living conditions; however, it rarely impacts their long-term vision. Very few Ainu people suffer from nearsightedness, cataracts, or other eye issues that are frequent among more civilized and academic societies. In very hot climates, where the sun is strong and the light intense, people's eyes are usually protected by long, thick eyelashes and eyebrows, which help keep sweat from running into their eyes. Strangely, the Ainu, who are a northern group and have always lived in cooler climates, have even longer and thicker eyelashes than people from tropical areas. Their irises have a somewhat greyish tone, sometimes with brownish hues. The whites of their eyes are less pearly compared to those of Caucasian races, and their eyes, shaded by long eyelashes and heavy eyelids, appear to have all the qualities needed for exceptionally long-distance vision. This is indeed the case, as the Ainu can recognize objects from far away, but they struggle with details. In other words, while an Ainu's eyes are quick to take in an image, they are slow to send that image to the brain.
As we have seen, they cannot reproduce the "human form divine," or any faithful representation of anything animate or inanimate which they have seen. They see en gros; thus, should an Ainu's attention be drawn to some very distant object rapidly moving on the shore, he will at once say that it is a horse, because he knows that the chances are it is a horse, but he will be unable to describe its colour, and whether cantering or galloping, saddled or unsaddled, by a single glance at the horse, unless his attention is called to each particular detail, when he will answer each question correctly enough. The Ainu vision is then strong, but the brain is not quick in response. Testing their sight by "test dots," as used in the British Army, was not a success, greatly owing to their inability to count and the inaccuracy of their answers.
As we have seen, they can't recreate the "divine human form," or accurately represent anything living or non-living that they've seen. They see things broadly; for example, if an Ainu notices a distant object moving quickly along the shore, he will immediately say it’s a horse because he knows there’s a good chance it is. However, he won't be able to describe its color or whether it's trotting or galloping, saddled or unsaddled, just from a quick glance at it. Unless he’s prompted to focus on each specific detail, he won't be able to answer those questions. The Ainu have strong vision, but their brains aren't quick to respond. Testing their vision with "test dots," like those used in the British Army, didn’t work well, largely because they struggled to count and their answers were often inaccurate.
The most fully-developed sense in the hairy people is, in my opinion, that of hearing. Distant sounds are clearly recognised and specified, and they are also aware that by placing one ear near the ground, far-off sounds of horse's hoofs and the[Pg 280] like can be clearly distinguished. The ticking of a Waterbury watch could be heard by Ainu at a distance of twenty and twenty-two feet, while I could only hear it nineteen feet away. I was often struck by the quickness with which they detected the tick-tack even when the watch was in my pocket, and they were six or eight feet away. The unusual sound fixed their attention and made them curious as to the cause, and they showed a childish kind of surprise and delight when the watch was produced and passed round among them, each one being allowed to enjoy his share of the ticking.
The most developed sense in the hairy people is, in my opinion, hearing. They can clearly recognize and identify distant sounds, and they know that by placing one ear close to the ground, they can distinguish far-off sounds like horse hooves. The ticking of a Waterbury watch could be heard by the Ainu from a distance of twenty to twenty-two feet, while I could only hear it from nineteen feet away. I was often impressed by how quickly they picked up the ticking, even when the watch was in my pocket and they were six or eight feet away. The unusual sound captured their attention, making them curious about its source, and they displayed a childlike surprise and joy when the watch was brought out and passed around, each one getting a chance to enjoy the sound of the ticking.
Resuming these few remarks on the characteristic points of Ainu senses, my readers will probably have noticed certain facts which strongly support Darwin's theory of evolution, and the hairy arboreal ancestor with pointed ears from which the races of men are descended.
Resuming these few comments on the key aspects of Ainu senses, my readers have likely noticed several facts that strongly support Darwin's theory of evolution, specifically the hairy tree-dwelling ancestor with pointed ears from which human races are descended.

CHAPTER XXVIII.
Ainu Beliefs, Ethics, Laws, and Punishments.
I cannot begin this chapter better than by saying that Ainu religious ideas are essentially chaotic. They recognise no supreme God, and no intelligent Creator; and they cannot be called polytheists, for indeed they are not worshippers of any power—taking the word in its full meaning. The Ainu worship nothing.
I can't start this chapter any better than by saying that Ainu religious beliefs are basically chaotic. They don't believe in a supreme God or an intelligent Creator, and they can't really be called polytheists since they aren't actually worshippers of any power—at least not in the traditional sense. The Ainu don't worship anything.
If they have any belief at all it is an imperfect kind of Totemism, and the central point of that belief is their own descent from the "bear." This does not include the smallest reverence for their ancestor. They capture their "Totem" and keep it in captivity; they speak to it and feed it; but no prayers are offered to it. When the bear is fat, it is taken out of the cage to be ill-treated and baited by all the men present. It is tied to a stake and a pole is thrust into its mouth; and[Pg 282] when the poor beast has been sufficiently tortured, pricked with pointed sticks, shot at with blunted arrows, bruised with stones, maddened with rage and ill-usage, it is killed outright, and, "ancestor" as it may be, it makes the chief dish and raison d'être of a festival, where all the members of the tribe partake of its flesh. The owner of the hut in which the feast takes place then sticks the skull on to a forked pole, and sets it outside with the others at the east end of his hut. The skin is made into garments, or is spread on the ground to sleep on.
If they have any belief at all, it's a flawed version of Totemism, and the main aspect of that belief is their own descent from the "bear." This doesn't involve any respect for their ancestor. They capture their "Totem" and keep it imprisoned; they talk to it and feed it, but they don’t offer any prayers. When the bear is fat, it’s taken out of the cage to be mistreated and baited by all the men present. It's tied to a stake and a pole is shoved into its mouth; and[Pg 282] when the poor animal has been tortured enough, poked with sharp sticks, shot at with dull arrows, battered with stones, driven into a frenzy by anger and mistreatment, it's killed on the spot. Despite being an "ancestor," it becomes the main dish and the focal point of a festival, where all the tribe members eat its flesh. The owner of the hut where the feast takes place then mounts the skull on a forked pole and places it outside with the others at the east end of his hut. The hide is made into clothing or laid on the ground for sleeping.
In addition to this rudimentary kind of Totemism—if I may call it so—the Ainu show a certain amount of fear and respect for anything which supports their life or can destroy it. This, however, is under the form of an "instinct" rather than a "religious feeling." Dumb animals of any kind are similarly affected by powers which they cannot explain; but as we would not think for a moment that when a dog is barking at the moon the dog is worshipping the orb of night, or when it basks in the sun that it is offering prayers and reverence to the orb of day, no more should we think that the Ainu, who are not much above dumb animals, worship all they respect and fear.
In addition to this basic type of Totemism—if I may put it that way—the Ainu show a fair amount of fear and respect for anything that sustains their life or has the power to end it. This, however, comes more from an "instinct" than a "religious feeling." Animals of any kind react similarly to forces they can’t comprehend; but just as we wouldn’t assume for a second that when a dog barks at the moon, it’s worshipping the night sky, or when it soaks up the sun, it’s offering prayers and respect to the daytime, we shouldn’t think that the Ainu, who are not much more advanced than dumb animals, worship everything they respect and fear.
If other writers, most of whom have never visited the Ainu country, had not written on this subject, I would have limited myself to saying that the Ainu, properly speaking, have no religion, but as certain untenable theories and false ideas have been published, I feel bound to state what I know on the subject, that, so far as I can, I may correct these erroneous impressions. I regard myself as qualified to speak with some authority, as I am the only foreigner who has seen and studied all the different tribes of Ainu in Yezo and the Kuriles; while other writers, the few who have actually been there, have based their statements on a few half-castes or Ainu in the more civilised part of southern Yezo, collecting from them ideas left behind by previous travellers, and offering them to the public as purely Ainu. That these hasty travellers and cursory writers have been deceived, or have deceived themselves, is not astonishing; for it must be borne in mind that the Ainu language is as poor in words as the Ainu brain is deficient in thoughts. Thus it is no easy matter to explain to an Ainu what is meant by "religion," by "divinities," and by[Pg 283] "worship." The nearest approach can be made only by comparisons and analogies, which often lead far from the point aimed at. Like all savages and barbarians, the Ainu are more apt to answer as they think will please the questioner than to give a definition of their own beliefs. The manner in which a question is put gives the keynote to the reply, which is in no sense an independent statement of their own thoughts.
If other writers, most of whom have never been to Ainu country, hadn't written on this topic, I would have just said that the Ainu, strictly speaking, don’t have a religion. However, since some inconsistent theories and misconceptions have been published, I feel obligated to share what I know to correct these wrong impressions. I believe I have the authority to speak on the matter, as I am the only foreigner who has seen and studied all the different Ainu tribes in Yezo and the Kuriles. In contrast, other writers, the few who have actually been there, base their statements on a handful of mixed-race individuals or Ainu in the more developed southern part of Yezo, collecting ideas left behind by earlier travelers and presenting them as purely Ainu. It’s not surprising that these quick travelers and superficial writers have either been misled or have misled themselves; it’s important to remember that the Ainu language lacks vocabulary just as the Ainu mind lacks deep thoughts. Therefore, it’s not easy to explain to an Ainu what "religion," "divinities," and "worship" mean. The closest you can get is through comparisons and analogies, which often miss the mark. Like all uncivilized peoples, the Ainu are more likely to respond in a way they think will please the questioner rather than give a definition of their beliefs. The way a question is asked shapes their response, which isn’t a true reflection of their own thoughts.
For instance, if you were to say to an Ainu, "You are old, are you not?" he would answer "Yes"; but if you asked the same man, "You are not old, are you?" he would equally answer "Yes." Knowingly speaking the truth is not one of their characteristics; indeed, they do not know the difference between falsehood and truth. This is a common failing with all savages as well as with all Orientals; but with the Ainu it is even more accentuated; and when, in addition to this, the difficulty of making them understand exactly what one means is taken into consideration, it is not astonishing that a traveller arrives at a wrong conclusion if the utmost pains be not taken in pursuing one's investigations.
For example, if you were to say to an Ainu, "You're old, right?" he would reply "Yes"; but if you asked him, "You're not old, are you?" he would also answer "Yes." They don't prioritize telling the truth; in fact, they don't see much difference between lies and truth. This is a common trait among all primitive people as well as many from the East; however, with the Ainu, it’s even more pronounced. When you also consider how challenging it is to get them to fully understand what you mean, it's no surprise that a traveler might draw the wrong conclusions unless they're very careful in their inquiries.
Of course the Ainu who have come in contact with Japanese know of a God, and some of them, at the instigation of Japanese bonzes, have become nominal Buddhists. Benry, at Piratori, showed me a small Buddhist shrine, of Japanese manufacture, which had been put up on a neighbouring hill. All the time I stayed at Piratori I never observed any Ainu worship at it. One day I saw two boys throwing stones at it, but that could hardly be called an act of reverence, even among my hairy friends.
Of course, the Ainu who have interacted with the Japanese know about a God, and some of them, encouraged by Japanese monks, have become nominal Buddhists. Benry, in Piratori, showed me a small Buddhist shrine made by the Japanese, which had been built on a nearby hill. During my entire stay in Piratori, I never saw any Ainu worshiping at it. One day, I saw two boys throwing stones at it, but that definitely couldn't be considered an act of reverence, even among my hairy friends.
On my inquiring as to the origin and use of the shrine, I was told by some that it was erected to the God of the Japanese. Benry, who was always "well informed," both in things that he knew and those that he did not know, said that it was built in honour of Yoshitsune, the Japanese personage who, as we have seen, is the hero in semi-Ainu legends, and whose image or spirit, according to travellers' tales, is worshipped by the Ainu.
On my inquiry about the origin and purpose of the shrine, some people told me it was built for the God of the Japanese. Benry, who was always “well informed,” both about what he knew and what he didn’t, said it was constructed in honor of Yoshitsune, the Japanese figure who, as we’ve seen, is the hero in semi-Ainu legends, and whose image or spirit, according to travelers’ tales, is worshipped by the Ainu.
It always appeared strange to me that the Piratori Ainu had this Japanese hero in their legends, but still more strange that they should make him their deity. Yet what was most singular of all was, that with the exception of Benry and a few[Pg 284] others at Piratori, no other Ainu I met in any other part of Yezo seemed to know about Yoshitsune—or Okikurumi, as he is sometimes called by them; and, moreover, they knew nothing of his doings, or of the reason of his being worshipped. The Ainu of the Tokachi knew nothing whatever of this personage.
It always seemed odd to me that the Piratori Ainu had this Japanese hero in their legends, but even stranger that they made him their god. However, what was most unusual was that, apart from Benry and a few others at Piratori, no other Ainu I met in any other part of Yezo seemed to know about Yoshitsune—or Okikurumi, as they sometimes call him. Furthermore, they had no idea about his deeds or why he was being worshipped. The Ainu of the Tokachi knew nothing at all about this figure.
The Ainu idea of soul is always associated with "breath" or "life;" and as for the resurrection of the body and the future life of the soul, they have never even dreamt of it. Metempsychosis is equally unknown to them.
The Ainu concept of the soul is consistently linked to "breath" or "life," and they have never even considered the resurrection of the body or the afterlife for the soul. They are also unfamiliar with metempsychosis.
As my readers have seen, in the description of a burial the implements and weapons which belonged to a deceased person are buried with him. The articles, however, previous to being thrown into the grave, are smashed to pieces; for the idea is, not that the dead body should profit by these things in the other world, but that no other person should make use of what had been his property in this. The reasoning power of the Ainu does not carry him beyond what is purely material; his mind has never been trained to go beyond that limit, and he finds that he can live well within it. Like all animals, he is guided by his instinct, which tells him what is good and what is bad for him; but as to any attempt to find out why such things are good or bad for him, he is utterly at a loss, and has to give up the quest. Though not devoid of a rudimentary kind of shrewdness, the Ainu is dense and ignorant to the last degree, and just as he is reluctant to adopt new modes of living, so he is unable to accept new ideas or larger thoughts. The mere conception of a Superior Being, who is the Maker of all things and above all things, is far beyond the comprehension of any Ainu. Eating and drinking are what he principally lives for. He does not thirst for knowledge, nor strive after the Divine; and he has no creed of any kind and no formula of sacrifice or worship, which two conditions are essential to even the most elementary religion.
As my readers have seen, in the description of a burial, the tools and weapons that belonged to a deceased person are buried with them. However, before being placed in the grave, these items are destroyed; the belief is not that the dead should benefit from these things in the afterlife, but that no one else should use what was once theirs in this life. The Ainu's reasoning doesn't extend beyond the purely physical; they haven't been trained to think beyond that, and they manage just fine within those limits. Like all animals, they are driven by instinct, which tells them what is good and what is bad for them; however, when it comes to figuring out why things are good or bad for them, they are completely lost and have to abandon that search. Although they have a basic level of cleverness, the Ainu are incredibly dense and ignorant, and just as they are hesitant to adopt new ways of living, they also struggle to accept new ideas or broader concepts. The very idea of a Superior Being, who is the Creator of everything and above all, is far beyond the comprehension of any Ainu. Their main focus is on eating and drinking. They are not driven by a thirst for knowledge or a pursuit of the Divine, nor do they have any kind of belief system or rituals for sacrifice or worship, which are essential elements of even the most basic religion.
What the Ainu do really possess in the way of supernaturalism is the ordinary savage's credulous superstition, which manifests itself in certain charms or fear of certain omens. However, after that degree they take the world as it comes. They have no idea of who made it, and they are not anxious to learn. The sun, the moon, bears, salmon, water, fire, mountains, trees,[Pg 285] are all things for which an Ainu has a dumb kind of regard, not amounting to reverence, as he knows that he could not live without them. This has led some persons to define these objects as the principal divinities of the Ainu, and to call the people themselves polytheists. The word Kamoi, or Kamui, has been rendered as "god," gods "divinity." Now, what does the word Kamoi, or Kamui, really mean? Translated literally it means "old" or "ancient"; but amongst a hundred other meanings it also denotes "large," "beautiful," "strange," "it," "the man," "he who," &c. In fact, it is used to qualify anything, whether good or bad; and in some ways corresponds to our adjectives "wonderful," "awful," "grand "; but assuredly the Ainu do not by this word mean to designate the objects thus described as so many gods. Anything for which they entertain respect or fear is described as Kamoi, or Kamui, which thus is applied to the sun, the moon, the stars, mountains, rivers, old trees, bears, salmon, large stones, &c., not with the intention of making them divinities, but simply to specify their power, greatness, or antiquity. The word is applied to every kind of thing, animate or inanimate, good or bad, respected or derided, dreaded or revered, admired or abhorred. It is sometimes a prefix, sometimes an affix, and is the most universal attribute the Ainu world or language contains. We are, therefore, forced to the conclusion, that either the Ainu are polytheists or pantheists to such an extent as occasionally to make everything and everybody a god; or else, that translators have given their own, and a greatly exaggerated, meaning to the word Kamui, and that these so-called gods are not gods at all. To me there is no alternative opinion on the matter. The Ainu have no gods in our sense.
What the Ainu actually have in terms of supernatural beliefs is the typical superstitions of a primitive culture, which show up in certain charms or fears of specific omens. However, beyond that, they accept the world as it is. They don't know who created it, nor do they want to find out. The sun, the moon, bears, salmon, water, fire, mountains, trees,[Pg 285] are all things that Ainu people regard with a sort of silent respect—not reverence, as they realize they can't live without them. This has led some people to define these objects as the main deities of the Ainu and label the people as polytheists. The word Kamoi, or Kamui, has been translated to mean "god," "gods," or "divinity." But what does Kamoi, or Kamui, really mean? Literally, it translates to "old" or "ancient"; but among many other meanings, it also implies "large," "beautiful," "strange," "it," "the man," "he who," etc. In fact, it qualifies anything, be it good or bad; it somewhat corresponds to our adjectives "wonderful," "awful," "grand." However, the Ainu do not use this word to label the objects it describes as multiple gods. Anything they respect or fear is termed Kamoi, or Kamui, which is applied to the sun, the moon, the stars, mountains, rivers, old trees, bears, salmon, large stones, etc., not with the purpose of making them divine, but merely to indicate their power, greatness, or age. The word is used for all kinds of things, whether alive or not, good or bad, respected or mocked, feared or honored, admired or despised. It can be a prefix or a suffix and is the most universal attribute found in the Ainu world or language. Therefore, we must conclude that either the Ainu are polytheists or pantheists to such an extent that they sometimes make everything and everyone a god; or that translators have exaggerated the meaning of the word Kamui, suggesting these so-called gods aren't gods at all. To me, there's no other interpretation. The Ainu have no gods in the way we understand them.
Basing conclusions on wrong premises, writers on the Ainu religion have been naturally led astray altogether. For instance, the composite word Kotan-kara-kamui,[39] which a learned missionary has translated "Creator," only means "the man who made the village"—a description which hardly corresponds to the grandeur attributed to the words by its imaginative translator.
Basing conclusions on incorrect assumptions, writers about Ainu religion have completely missed the mark. For example, the term Kotan-kara-kamui,[39] which one well-informed missionary translated as "Creator," actually means "the man who made the village"—a description that hardly matches the grand notion given to it by its fanciful translator.
Then again, Kamui kotan, which according to some means[Pg 286] "the home of God," in its real signification is "an ancient village; a beautiful place." When Kamui is applied to persons, it is generally a suffix; when to things, it is a prefix.
Then again, Kamui kotan, which some say means[Pg 286] "the home of God," actually translates to "an ancient village; a beautiful place." When Kamui is used for people, it's usually a suffix; when referring to things, it's a prefix.
But let us come to the inao, which by some have been called the "Ainu gods," by others "Divine symbols." These inao are willow-wands, with shavings depending from the upper end, sometimes from the middle, and occasionally from near the lower end as well.
But let’s talk about the inao, which some people refer to as the "Ainu gods" and others as "Divine symbols." These inao are willow sticks, with shavings hanging from the top, sometimes from the middle, and occasionally from near the bottom too.
The larger wands are about four feet in length, and have either one or two bunches of shavings at the upper end only. They go by the name of inao netuba, or "big inao." Other smaller inao, like the Chisei-kara-inao,[40] are kept in the house, and stuck in the eastern corner of the hearth, and in the wall directly opposite the entrance door. Some of the inao are shaved upwards from the bottom, others downwards from the top; and one, a big inao, is often thrust through the small window facing the east. Sometimes they are placed about singly, especially inside the huts; but outside, close to the eastern wall, I have often seen eight or ten standing together in a row. When so taken collectively they are called nuza. On Volcano Bay, up the Saru River, and on the Lake Kutcharo, where it is the custom of the Ainu to make trophies of the skulls of bears and deer which have been killed in the hunt, one or two inao are placed at the foot of the trophy. Sometimes, but very rarely, a whole nuza is to be seen in front of a trophy; but in most cases the nuza I saw were near huts that had no trophy at all, and, as I say, only very seldom were they in front of the trophy itself, unless a bear feast was going on. I am therefore under the impression that these nuza are only put up when some festival takes place, and that they are not kept there permanently. I remember that at Piratori there were no inao and no nuza outside Benry's house, but on the day that the festival took place one was put up, and several inao were placed inside the hut, in the hearth and on the north wall. Likewise, a nuza was put up on the same day at the east end of the hut in which the feast was given, and the inside was also adorned with inao of various sizes and descriptions. Each inao is pointed at the lower end, so as to be easily stuck in the ground. The inao of all[Pg 287] sizes and shapes impressed me as being mostly for ornament. Then some are held as charms against misfortune and disease; but they never impressed me as being offerings to the gods. Inao are placed near springs, so that the good water may not turn into pestilential, and occasionally inao of a peculiar shape are hung in the doorway of newly-built huts. They are made of a number of small willow sticks tied together, from which hang five or six bunches of shavings; they are hung horizontally, and not in a vertical position, like the other inao. They are very uncommon, and only used on certain specified occasions. For example, when a child is born an inao, in the shape of a doll, is made of a bunch of reeds folded double and tied with a string about an inch from the bend, which thus forms the head; it is then tied lower down to indicate the waist. By dividing the reeds into two equal portions they produce a pair of legs, and a stick is then passed through the reeds between the head and the waist to form the arms. When this doll is made it is placed near the infant, so that should any disease or misfortune, in the shape of a kind of evil spirit, be tempted to enter the child's body, it may be averted, and enter the doll instead. Should a person fall ill new inao are stuck in the hearth, as the Ainu share our own idea that evil spirits dwell mostly in fire; others are placed near the sick person. They are not meant as offerings to the gods for his or her quick recovery, but merely to bring good luck to the individual whose body they think has been taken possession of by "animals inside," or, in other words, evil spirits.
The larger wands are about four feet long and have either one or two bundles of shavings at the top. They are called inao netuba, or "big inao." Other smaller inao, like the Chisei-kara-inao,[40] are kept inside the house, stuck in the eastern corner of the hearth and in the wall directly across from the entrance door. Some inao are shaved upward from the bottom, others downward from the top, and one large inao is often thrust through a small window facing east. Sometimes they are placed individually, especially inside the huts, but outside, near the eastern wall, I have often seen eight or ten lined up together. When grouped like this, they are called nuza. In Volcano Bay, up the Saru River, and at Lake Kutcharo, where the Ainu have a tradition of creating trophies from the skulls of bears and deer killed during hunts, one or two inao are placed at the base of the trophy. Occasionally, though very rarely, a whole nuza can be seen in front of a trophy, but in most cases, the nuza I observed were near huts that had no trophies at all, and, as I mentioned, they were only rarely in front of the trophy unless there was a bear feast happening. Therefore, I believe these nuza are only put up during festivals, and they are not kept there permanently. I recall that in Piratori there were no inao or nuza outside Benry's house, but on the day of the festival, one was put up, and several inao were set inside the hut, in the hearth and on the north wall. Also, a nuza was erected on that same day at the east end of the hut where the feast took place, and the inside was decorated with inao of various sizes and types. Each inao is pointed at the lower end so it can be easily stuck in the ground. The inao of all[Pg 287] sizes and shapes struck me as mostly ornamental. Some are kept as charms against bad luck and illness, but they never gave me the impression of being offerings to the gods. Inao are placed near springs to ensure the good water doesn’t turn bad, and occasionally, inao of a unique shape are hung in the doorways of newly-built huts. They are made from several small willow sticks tied together, with five or six bundles of shavings hanging down; they are hung horizontally, not vertically like other inao. These are quite rare and only used on specific occasions. For example, when a child is born, an inao shaped like a doll is made from a bundle of reeds folded in half and tied with string about an inch from the bend, creating a head; it is then tied further down to represent the waist. By splitting the reeds into two equal parts, a pair of legs is formed, and a stick is put through the reeds between the head and the waist to make the arms. Once this doll is created, it is placed near the infant to prevent any disease or misfortune, represented as an evil spirit, from entering the child's body, instead diverting it to the doll. If someone falls ill, new inao are stuck in the hearth, as the Ainu share the belief that evil spirits primarily reside in fire; more inao are placed near the sick person. These are not meant as offerings to the gods for a speedy recovery, but rather to bring good luck to the individual they believe has been possessed by "animals inside," or in other words, evil spirits.
Even at the present day in England and on the Continent horseshoes for luck are hung over entrance doors, and if a horseshoe be fastened on to a stable-door, the beasts within are supposed to be held free from accidents and illness.
Even today in England and on the Continent, horseshoes are hung over entrance doors for good luck, and if a horseshoe is fastened to a stable door, the animals inside are believed to be protected from accidents and illness.
In Spain and Italy little red rags tied to a small wand, not dissimilar in shape to a small Ainu inao, are stuck in flower-pots near windows, over beds, doors, and up chimneys, to keep witches at bay, red being a powerful exorcist in the way of colours, and as good as the "running stream which witches dare not cross." Some hysterical women have declared that they have seen witches hiding in the smoke of the boiling Pentola (the earthenware pot in which the soup is boiled)—but that on seeing the red rags they vanished, and never[Pg 288] visited the house again. Italian and Spanish women and children almost invariably carry charms round their necks, that are to keep them safe from harm; and, furthermore, when a child falls ill, one or more red rags are fastened to its bed before a doctor is sent for. Then, again, people suffering from epileptic fits have often been supposed to be "possessed," and beaten to death or burnt alive, so that the evil spirit which was in them should thus be destroyed. It must be borne in mind that not many centuries ago similar beliefs were prevalent even in free and enlightened England.
In Spain and Italy, small red rags tied to a stick, similar in shape to a small Ainu inao, are placed in flower pots near windows, above beds, at doors, and up chimneys to ward off witches. Red is considered a strong exorcist among colors, as effective as the "running stream which witches dare not cross." Some overly dramatic women have claimed to see witches hiding in the smoke of the boiling Pentola (the earthenware pot used for soup)—but upon seeing the red rags, the witches disappeared and never returned to the house. Italian and Spanish women and children almost always wear charms around their necks for protection from harm; additionally, when a child gets sick, one or more red rags are tied to its bed before a doctor is called. Moreover, people who suffer from epileptic fits have often been thought to be "possessed," leading to them being beaten to death or burned alive to rid them of the evil spirit. It’s important to remember that not many centuries ago, similar beliefs were common even in free and enlightened England.
If we compare these beliefs with those of the Ainu, we find that they differ very little either in form or substance. In place of the witches which our own ancestors, modern Italians, and Spaniards, and some benighted peasantry still to be found in the West of England, believed, and do still believe in, the Ainu have imaginary animals or evil spirits. The wands and red rags of our Latin neighbours are represented by their inao; and our lucky horseshoe is with them the horizontal inao. Charms are worn by the Ainu men, women, and children; and when going to war or to hunt the men carry a block of wood to which their knife or sword is attached, and on the right-hand side of which hangs a small inao.
If we compare these beliefs with those of the Ainu, we see that they vary very little in either form or substance. Instead of the witches that our ancestors, modern Italians, Spaniards, and some misguided rural folks in the West of England believed in—and still believe in—the Ainu have imaginary animals or evil spirits. The wands and red rags of our Latin neighbors are represented by their inao; our lucky horseshoe corresponds to the horizontal inao they use. Charms are worn by Ainu men, women, and children, and when going to war or hunting, the men carry a block of wood to which their knife or sword is attached, and on the right side of which hangs a small inao.
These blocks of wood are flattened, and are elliptical at both ends. Their length varies from four to fifteen inches, and sometimes ornaments—generally circles—are carved on them. A string is fastened on one side so as to sling them to the shoulder; but they are usually carried under the arm. They are supposed to protect the carrier from accidents, and also to bring him good fortune.
These pieces of wood are flattened and have an elliptical shape at both ends. Their length ranges from four to fifteen inches, and sometimes they have decorations—usually circles—carved into them. A string is attached to one side for slinging over the shoulder, but they are typically carried under the arm. They are believed to protect the person carrying them from accidents and also to bring good luck.
We see, then, that similar ideas are entertained by utterly different peoples thousands of miles distant from one another; and that certain superstitious beliefs left on this side of the globe find their parallel among the hairy people on the other. Of course with them it is natural that their beliefs should count for more than with Europeans, as civilisation has not in any way enlarged or improved their minds; but it seems to me unfair that the same identical beliefs should go under the name of superstitions when applied to Europeans, and called the "Ainu religion" when practised by the hairy inhabitants of Northern Japan. Though to this I know it may be replied[Pg 289] that, as all things spring from germs, so these ignorant superstitions of the Ainu may be in a manner called their religion, as the germ of a more developed system—the cotyledonous state of what might grow into a more advanced spirituality. Like the ancient Greeks and Romans, the Ainu wave their moustache-lifters, during their libations, towards the sun, the fire, and the person who has paid for the wine, before they address themselves to the large wooden bowls wherein lies their happiness; but this also is not a religious ceremony, and no religious feeling whatever is connected with it. It is a mere toast—part of their etiquette—which exactly corresponds to the German "Prosit," or to our English "Your good health." The Ainu of course have no special high-days, no Sundays, no religious services, no prayers, no priests, no sacrificial priests, no churches, and no bells; but they can "swear"; and as the Neapolitans invoke their saints, so they occasionally call the sun, the moon, the fire, and everything else, all sorts of bad names if things do not go as they ought. This "swearing" has been defined as Ainu praying by one authority on the Ainu religion; moreover, the same authority calls the Ainu a "distinctly religious people," and an "exceedingly religious race!" To anyone who visits a country and regards all that he finds from one point of view only, it is not difficult to interpret words and things in accordance with the preconceived idea; but however high the principles sought to be established, I do not consider a man justified in attributing to definite facts an importance and significance to which they have no claim. I have no doubt that a native who had associated with or been in the employment of a Christian would make statements in accordance with his master's belief as it had been taught him; but it is incorrect to offer these "borrowed statements" as the religious beliefs of a whole nation.
We see that similar ideas are held by completely different people thousands of miles apart; and that certain superstitious beliefs on one side of the globe have their counterparts among the Ainu on the other side. Naturally, their beliefs carry more weight for them than for Europeans, as their civilization hasn't widened or improved their thinking in any way. However, it seems unfair that the same beliefs are labeled as superstitions when associated with Europeans, but called the "Ainu religion" when practiced by the Ainu people of Northern Japan. I know it can be argued[Pg 289] that, just as all things come from seeds, these naive superstitions of the Ainu could be seen as their religion, as a sort of early stage of what might develop into a more sophisticated spirituality. Like the ancient Greeks and Romans, the Ainu raise their mustache-lifters during their drinks towards the sun, the fire, and the person who bought the wine, before they dig into their large wooden bowls where their happiness lies; but this isn’t a religious ceremony, nor is there any religious feeling tied to it. It is simply a toast—part of their etiquette—similar to the German "Prosit," or our English "Cheers." The Ainu don’t have specific holidays, no Sundays, no religious services, no prayers, no priests, no sacrifices, no churches, and no bells; but they do "swear"; and just as Neapolitans call on their saints, they sometimes yell all sorts of bad names at the sun, the moon, the fire, and anything else if things don’t go as they should. This "swearing" has been referred to as Ainu praying by one expert on Ainu religion; additionally, this same expert describes the Ainu as a "distinctly religious people" and an "exceedingly religious race!" For anyone visiting a country and viewing everything from just one perspective, it’s easy to interpret words and things to fit preconceived notions; but no matter how lofty the principles aimed for might be, I don’t think it’s right to attribute to clear facts an importance and significance that they don’t deserve. I’m sure a local who has associated with or worked for a Christian would make statements that align with their master’s beliefs as they were taught; but it’s inaccurate to present these "borrowed statements" as the religious beliefs of an entire nation.
I shall not discuss this question at greater length; but for the sake of readers who are interested in the subject it may be well to make two or three more statements before closing this chapter. The Ainu do not know of a heaven and hell; but in one of the latest publications on the aborigines of Japan we are told that they do; and, moreover, that they are fully aware of the resurrection of the body in the other world!
I won't go into this question any further; however, for readers curious about the topic, it may be useful to make a couple of additional points before wrapping up this chapter. The Ainu don't believe in heaven and hell; yet, in one of the recent publications about Japan's indigenous people, it's mentioned that they do. Furthermore, they are said to be fully aware of the resurrection of the body in the afterlife!
Even assuming, for the moment, that the Ainu are theists, or[Pg 290] polytheists, after what we have heard of their gods, this is a somewhat surprising statement. It will be remembered that anything good or bad, dreaded or repulsive, respected or not respected, is qualified by the Ainu as Kamui, and we shall attribute for a while the imaginary meaning of "God" to the word. Now, if everything and everybody, good or bad, is equally a god, I myself fail to see the necessity of a hell, as the chances are that all the gods would inhabit heaven. This alone serves to show how absurd the theory is; but I wish to give the exact translation of the words Kando and Teine-pokna-moshiri, which are said to be the two Ainu expressions for "heaven" and "hell."
Even assuming for a moment that the Ainu are theists or polytheists, given what we've heard about their gods, this is a somewhat surprising statement. It's important to remember that anything considered good or bad, feared or unpleasant, respected or disrespected, is referred to by the Ainu as Kamui, and we will temporarily assign the imaginary meaning of "God" to this term. Now, if everything and everyone, whether good or bad, is equally regarded as a god, I personally don't see the need for a hell, since it seems likely that all the gods would occupy heaven. This alone highlights the absurdity of the theory; however, I would like to provide the exact translations of the words Kando and Teine-pokna-moshiri, which are said to be the two Ainu terms for "heaven" and "hell."
Kando means "sky," not "heaven." Teine-pokna-moshiri[41] stands for the "wet earth under(ground)." As the Ainu are in the habit of burying their dead, I find it more rational to apply to the words in question the meaning of a "burial-place," a "cold place of rest" rather than that of Hades or Gehenna.
Kando means "sky," not "heaven." Teine-pokna-moshiri[41] stands for the "wet earth underground." Since the Ainu traditionally bury their dead, I find it more reasonable to interpret these words as referring to a "burial place," a "cold place of rest," rather than to Hades or Gehenna.
"They" (the Ainu), says a learned missionary, "seem to conceive of men and women as living in large communities in the other world in the same way and under the same conditions as they do in this, excepting that they can know no death." In other words, resurrection of the body and eternal life.
"They" (the Ainu), a knowledgeable missionary states, "appear to believe that men and women live in large communities in the afterlife in the same way and under the same conditions as they do here, except that they experience no death." In other words, it’s about the resurrection of the body and eternal life.
Strange to say, the writer of the same lines asserted in the "Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan,"[42] that "The Ainu know nothing of a resurrection of the body."
Strangely enough, the author of those same lines claimed in the "Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan,"[42] that "The Ainu know nothing about a resurrection of the body."
It must not be argued that because they have no religion the Ainu are bad people. They are far from it. They are decidedly not moral, for nothing is immoral among them. The Ainu must be considered more as animals than as human beings. When we speak of a dog, we do not ask whether it is a moral dog, but only if it is a good dog. The same can be said of the Ainu. We cannot compare them to ourselves, nor judge them by our own standard of morality. Taken by themselves they are gentle, kind, brave, and above everything they are simple. Their language, manners, customs, arts, habits, as we have seen, are the very simplest and rudest possible. Thus, it is absurd to suppose that such simple brains could entertain high religious ideas. If they had brains enough to compass high religious beliefs they would long ago have used those[Pg 291] brains in bettering their miserable condition and filthy mode of living. They would have striven to make the beginnings of a history and a literature, or at least to have devised or adopted some mode of writing with which they could preserve these high ideas, and pass them on from generation to generation. Even their language is so poor in words as to hardly express their everyday wants. The Ainu are low in the scale of humanity. They have always been low; they have not sunk, for they have never risen. They have never done any harm in this world, and they will never do any good.
It shouldn't be argued that the Ainu are bad people just because they have no religion. They are definitely not that. They aren't moral in our sense, as nothing is considered immoral among them. The Ainu should be viewed more like animals than human beings. When we talk about a dog, we don't ask if it's a moral dog, just whether it's a good one. The same applies to the Ainu. We can't compare them to ourselves, nor judge them by our moral standards. On their own, they are gentle, kind, brave, and above all, simple. Their language, manners, customs, arts, and habits, as we've seen, are very simple and basic. So, it's ridiculous to think that such simple minds could grasp complex religious ideas. If they had the ability to understand high religious beliefs, they would have already used that potential to improve their poor living conditions and unhygienic way of life. They would have tried to create a history and a literature, or at least come up with or adopted some method of writing to preserve these elevated thoughts and pass them down through generations. Even their language is so limited that it barely expresses their daily needs. The Ainu are at a low point in the human scale. They have always been low; they haven't fallen, because they have never risen. They have never caused harm in this world, and they will never do any good.
The Ainu are without laws, which, paradoxical as it sounds, to a great extent makes them good. People are never so good as when no harm can be done. There are indeed few crimes among them; no voluntary infanticides; very very rarely murders; no suicides; little theft, and as little treachery among people of the same tribe. Though usually retiring and reserved, they are hospitable on special occasions, and generous with what little they possess. The young show an instinctive reverence for the aged, without considering it a virtue or a duty. Cowardice is despised by the Ainu, but courage, endurance of pain, and hardship, drunkenness, and similar qualities, are looked on as the chief virtues in men. Punishments are seldom inflicted by Ainu on any of their tribesmen, and the crime must indeed be great to raise the whole community against the criminal. If by rare chance some great evil has been done, the chief of the village and all the men assemble, and decide on the punishment to be inflicted. Flogging is the general punishment for the lesser crimes, which, according to Ainu ideas, are theft and assault. The murder of a tribesman is sometimes punished by cutting the tendons of the hands and feet of the murderer, thus disabling him from hunting or fishing. If, however, the man murdered was of another tribe, or a Japanese, this Draconian kind of justice is not administered. Quarrels among tribesmen are settled by private retribution, and no one interferes either one way or the other. These quarrels, however, very seldom occur, as the Ainu are naturally a peaceful people. Imprisonment does not exist, for the simple reason that the Ainu have no prisons. They do not know what a prison is; neither is capital punishment practised by them. According to their own ideas they are not cruel to children, for we[Pg 292] seldom see them wilfully ill-treating them; but according to civilised notions Ainu women make shockingly bad mothers. They love, but they do not look after, nor practically take care of, their little ones after these are about a year and a half old; and as to washing them, combing their hair, educating them, or trying to cure them of the thousand and one wretched skin diseases, which come chiefly by their own neglect, an Ainu mother puts her hand to these things no more than the men put theirs to the building of a temple or the creation of a literature. This neglect is not with them, as it would be with us, an intolerable crime, but is the natural result of their animal instinct as contradistinguished from rational development. For if a baby is not old enough at one and a half years of age to take care of himself, he is of no good as an Ainu. It is needless to add that, in these circumstances, most of them are of no good, and that the percentage of infantile deaths is appalling to a civilised mind.
The Ainu have no laws, which, as strange as it seems, largely makes them good. People tend to be their best selves when there's no harm they can do. There are indeed few crimes among them; no voluntary infanticide, very rarely murders, no suicides, little theft, and minimal treachery within the same tribe. Though generally quiet and reserved, they are welcoming on special occasions and generous with what little they have. Young people instinctively respect their elders, not out of virtue or duty, but just because. Cowardice is looked down upon by the Ainu, while bravery, enduring pain and hardship, drunkenness, and similar traits are viewed as the main virtues in men. Punishments are rarely given by the Ainu to their tribesmen, and the crime must be significant to unite the whole community against the wrongdoer. If, on rare occasions, a serious crime occurs, the village chief and all the men gather to decide on the punishment. Flogging is commonly used for minor crimes, which, according to Ainu beliefs, include theft and assault. The murder of a tribesman might be punished by cutting the tendons of the murderer's hands and feet, preventing him from hunting or fishing. However, if the victim was from another tribe or a Japanese person, this harsh measure is not applied. Disputes among tribesmen are resolved through private revenge, and no one intervenes in either direction. These disputes are rare, as the Ainu are naturally a peaceful people. There are no prisons because the Ainu don't have prisons. They don't even know what a prison is, and capital punishment is not practiced among them. From their perspective, they are not cruel to children, as they seldom see them being willfully mistreated; but from a civilized viewpoint, Ainu women are shockingly neglectful mothers. They love their children but do not take care of them once they are about a year and a half old; they don’t wash them, comb their hair, educate them, or try to treat the various skin diseases that arise mainly from their own neglect. An Ainu mother takes these responsibilities no more seriously than the men do building a temple or creating literature. This neglect isn’t considered a grave crime to them, but rather a natural outcome of their instincts as opposed to rational development. If a baby isn’t capable of taking care of himself by one and a half years old, he isn’t valuable as an Ainu. It goes without saying that in these circumstances, most of them are deemed of little worth, and the rate of infant deaths would be shocking to a civilized mindset.

CHAPTER XXIX.
Marriage Relations and Factors That Limit Population.
The laws of marriage in the Ainu country are not very stringent; in fact, there are no laws. If a young man takes a fancy to a pretty hairy maid, and the maid reciprocates his affections, all they have to do is to go and live together, and there is no Mrs. Grundy to be scandalised at the want of closer forms and ceremonies. There is no function to celebrate the occasion; there are no wedding presents, no bridesmaids, no officiating clergyman, and no old slipper flung after the happy pair as soon as the knot is tied. The bridegroom either goes to live in his bride's hut, or, if he does not care for his mother-in-law, he will bring his lady-love to his own father's hut. Usually, however, the two, especially if their respective families are large, prefer to build a hut of their own. The honeymoon is spent in house-building, and while the bride carries the loads of timber and long reeds, the bridegroom accomplishes the more difficult task of putting them together as well as he can for future shelter. All goes well with the happy couple until the roof has to be lifted up bodily and perched on the forked poles, during which process "family rows" generally begin. But they do not last long, and when the house is finished, though not decorated, home peace reigns within, and the bridegroom, as we have already seen, proceeds to ornament his chief treasure—his wife—with tattoos on her arms. This idyllic state of things is not specially permanent, for soon after this first marriage the Ainu feels that he would like another wife, and, without thinking twice about it, he[Pg 294] marries again. Though savage and barbarian, the Ainu is shrewd enough not to take his second wife to live with his first, for he knows what the result would be, human nature being the same in Yezo as it is in London, and jealousy as strong among the tattooed women of the hairy people as among the fair-skinned daughters of the West. All women are bad enough when out of temper, but the Ainu women are pre-eminent in this respect. Our shock-haired bigamist calls his first wife poro-machi—"great wife," and he calls the other pon-machi—"small wife;" and as long as the two females do not live under the same roof they are all happy with the arrangement. If, indeed, he chooses to have more than these two wives he thinks small blame to himself. There is no bar of any kind in his code to his having a third "half;" but this seldom happens now, for the women are not in such over abundance in the Ainu country as to allow each man to indulge in a "triple alliance." The Ainu are therefore polygamists when they can find the third woman, and almost always bigamists when this is possible. The wife does not take her husband's name, for no Ainu has a family surname; and each man or woman is called after some peculiarity which he or she possesses, or after some event or accident which has befallen them. For instance, Una-charo, a man's name, means "Sprinkled-ashes," and Yei-Ainu, "Dangerous Ainu," &c.; and Korunke, a woman's name, means "Ice-eater;" Reoback, "Who burst three times," and so on, each person having a different name, which is nothing more than a nick-name. When the girl gets married she does not drop this nick-name, neither, as has been said, does she take her husband's name, though sometimes she is called So-and-So's wife. Supposing that Miss Burst-three-times were to marry Mr. Sprinkled-ashes, she would be Mr. Sprinkled-ashes' wife, and would still be called by her maiden name, Burst-three-times.
The marriage laws in Ainu territory aren't very strict; in fact, there are none. If a young man likes a pretty hairy girl and she feels the same, all they need to do is move in together, and there’s no one around to judge them for not following more formal customs. There’s no ceremony to mark the occasion; no wedding gifts, no bridesmaids, no officiating priest, and no old shoe thrown at the couple once they’re married. The groom usually moves into the bride's hut, or if he doesn't want to deal with his mother-in-law, he can bring his girlfriend to his father’s hut. Typically, though, especially if both families are large, the couple prefers to build their own home. They spend their honeymoon constructing the hut, with the bride carrying loads of timber and long reeds while the groom tackles the tougher job of assembling everything for their future shelter. Everything goes smoothly for the happy couple until they have to lift the roof and place it on the forked poles, which is when "family arguments" usually start. But these don’t last long, and once the house is finished, albeit not decorated, peace returns, and the groom, as we've seen, goes on to adorn his prized possession—his wife—with tattoos on her arms. This perfect situation doesn’t last long, as shortly after their first marriage, the Ainu often feels like he wants another wife, and without a second thought, he marries again. Even though they might seem primitive or uncivilized, Ainu men are clever enough not to bring their second wife to live with the first, knowing how that would end up, since human nature is the same in Yezo as it is in London, and jealousy is just as fierce among the tattooed women of the Ainu as it is among the fair-skinned women of the West. All women can be difficult when they’re upset, but Ainu women stand out in that regard. Our bigamist friend calls his first wife poro-machi—"great wife," and the second pon-machi—"small wife;" and as long as the two women don’t share the same roof, everyone is fine with the arrangement. If he decides to have more than these two wives, he thinks little of it. There’s no restriction in his code against having a third "half;" but this rarely happens now since there aren’t enough women in Ainu territory to let every man have a "triple alliance." Therefore, Ainu men are polygamists when they can find a third wife, and usually bigamists when that’s feasible. A wife doesn’t take on her husband’s name since no Ainu has a family surname; instead, each man or woman is called after some trait they have or some incident that happened to them. For example, Una-charo, a man’s name, means "Sprinkled-ashes," and Yei-Ainu means "Dangerous Ainu," and so on; while Korunke, a woman's name, means "Ice-eater;" Reoback means "Who burst three times," and so forth, with each person having a unique name that’s really just a nickname. When a girl gets married, she doesn’t lose this nickname, and as mentioned, she doesn’t take her husband's name, though she might sometimes be referred to as So-and-So's wife. So, if Miss Burst-three-times married Mr. Sprinkled-ashes, she would be Mr. Sprinkled-ashes' wife but still called by her maiden name, Burst-three-times.
It is impossible to quote exact statistics of the Ainu population, and whether the women outnumber the men, but from my own observation I should think that females are in excess of the males in some districts, and about even in others.
It is impossible to provide exact statistics on the Ainu population, or to determine if there are more women than men. However, based on my own observations, I believe that in some areas, there are more females than males, while in others, the numbers seem to be about equal.
The man, naturally, is the lord and master of the household, and the wife is like a kind of inferior being or a slave, whose duty it is to obey her male companion. She has to yield in[Pg 295] everything, whether she is right or wrong; she is occasionally beaten; she never takes active part in any of her husband's Bacchanalian revels; but though she leads a sad kind of life, a life of hard work and no pleasure, she does not seem to be any the worse for it. There are wives, of course, who, as in other countries, give a "pretty rough time" to their husbands; but in the Ainu country these are certainly the exception. As there is no ceremony of marriage, there is naturally no "divorce;" but if an Ainu gets sick of his wife, all he has to do is to leave her and go elsewhere, or else to banish her from his hut. This, however, very seldom happens, for that rare creature the henpecked Ainu husband is willing to put up with a lot; and though brave enough to encounter single-handed a bear, the hairy man is by no means valiant enough to face his wife's temper; while, for all that she is practically a slave, and personally an inferior, is sometimes in Ainuland, as everywhere else, the strongest factor in the domestic sum.
The man is, of course, the head of the household, and the wife is treated like a lesser being or a servant, whose job is to follow her husband's lead. She has to give in on everything, whether she’s right or wrong; sometimes she gets hit; she never participates in her husband’s wild parties; but despite living a hard, joyless life, she doesn’t seem to suffer much from it. There are wives, like in other places, who give their husbands a hard time; but in Ainu society, these are definitely the exception. Since there’s no formal marriage ceremony, there’s no concept of "divorce;" if an Ainu man tires of his wife, all he has to do is leave her and find another place, or send her away from his home. However, this rarely happens, as the uncommon henpecked Ainu husband is willing to tolerate a lot; and while he’s brave enough to face a bear alone, he’s not nearly bold enough to deal with his wife’s attitude. Even though she’s practically a servant and considered inferior, she often remains the strongest influence in the household, as is the case in many cultures.
As long as the wife does her duty well as a "beast of burden," little more is required from her. Her morals, as far as I could make out, are not well looked after. Adultery is not considered a crime. I do not mean by this that adultery is practised on principle, for it is not so: there is no reason whatever why it should be, for each man has his own wife or wives; but if adultery were practised by any members of a community, what we consider a dreadful crime would be regarded as a mere "joke" among the hairy people. The husband, like any other animal, dumb or not, would naturally resent the intrusion, but the community would in no way interfere, or punish the offender. A girl is considered fit to be married when she is about sixteen years of age; a man about twenty, or as soon as the body is fully developed.
As long as the wife fulfills her role well as a "beast of burden," not much else is expected from her. Her morals, from what I can tell, aren’t really monitored. Adultery isn't seen as a crime. I don’t mean to say that adultery is done on purpose, because it’s not; there’s really no reason for it to be, since each man has his own wife or wives. But if adultery was common among any members of the community, what we think of as a terrible crime would just be seen as a “joke” among the hairy people. The husband, like any other animal, whether silent or not, would naturally be upset by the intrusion, but the community wouldn’t interfere or punish the person at fault. A girl is seen as ready for marriage when she is around sixteen, while a man is considered ready at about twenty, or as soon as he's fully developed.
People as a rule marry in the same village. It is but seldom that a girl marries a man or a man a girl of a different village. Villages, as we have seen, are generally composed of only a few houses, and the result of this strict endogamy is, that marriages take place among very near relations. In very small villages of only one or two houses, the father has been known to marry his own daughter, the uncle his own niece, &c. But enough of this. The result of this dreadful state of affairs is, that the race is rapidly dying[Pg 296] out, destroyed by consumption, lunacy, and poverty of blood. All the members of one village are necessarily related to one another; and, as I have demonstrated in a previous chapter, this is the main cause why certain diseases are common to one community and utterly unknown to others, and certain hereditary talents or tendencies are frequent in one village and imperceptible in the next.
People generally marry within the same village. It’s rare for a girl to marry a guy or a guy to marry a girl from a different village. Villages, as we've seen, usually consist of just a few houses, and this strict practice of marrying within the group leads to unions among very close relatives. In tiny villages with only one or two houses, there have been instances of a father marrying his own daughter, or an uncle marrying his own niece, etc. But let’s move on from that. The consequence of this alarming situation is that the population is quickly declining, suffering from diseases like tuberculosis, mental illness, and inbreeding issues. Everyone in one village is closely related, and as I explained in a previous chapter, this is the main reason certain diseases are common in one community while completely absent in others, and why some hereditary traits or talents are prevalent in one village but nonexistent in the next.[Pg 296]
The Ainu seem to have no Platonic love; their love is purely sexual. It is not to be wondered at, in a country where marital relations are so peculiar, that very little love is felt for children beyond a certain age. The mother suckles her own child usually for seven or eight months. She can bear children till she is about thirty-five, though some who seem to be much older are still fruitful. It was difficult to ascertain this fact for no Ainu knows his own age. As far as I could learn fertility is neither hindered nor checked in any way—either by adopting a peculiar diet or by other practices. On the other hand, many a woman is sterile, and many are also affected with the most horrible of all diseases. I am inclined to think, however, that this special malady was imported to Yezo with Japanese civilisation, for it is in the more civilised parts of the Ainu country that it is most frequent.
The Ainu don't seem to experience Platonic love; their love is purely physical. It's not surprising that, in a society with such unusual marital customs, there isn’t much affection for children past a certain age. Mothers typically breastfeed their children for seven or eight months. They can have kids until they’re about thirty-five, although some who look much older are still able to have children. It was hard to figure out this information because no Ainu person knows their own age. From what I gathered, fertility isn't affected or limited in any way—neither by special diets nor by other practices. However, many women are infertile, and a lot suffer from some of the worst diseases. I suspect that this particular illness was brought to Yezo with Japanese civilization, as it's more common in the more developed parts of Ainu territory.
There is probably no country in the world where there is so much loss of infant life due to want, accidents, and diseases, as with the Ainu. Abortion is common, owing to the severe exertion of the mother during pregnancy; and many a child dies not many days after birth for the same reason, and consequent disappearance of milk in the mother's breasts. The greater mortality of children, however, is between the age of six and ten. Only a small percentage of these poor creatures live to take part in the game of life; while many succumb to ill-treatment and the most horrible skin eruptions. Thus we have a good explanation of the frightful rapidity with which the Ainu race is fast disappearing. Naturally, those few who survive grow strong and healthy; but their great fondness for alcoholic drinks, which they can now so easily procure from the Japanese, destroys even them.
There’s probably no country in the world where so many infants die from poverty, accidents, and diseases as among the Ainu. Abortion is common due to the heavy strain on mothers during pregnancy, and many children die just days after birth for the same reason, along with the loss of milk in the mother’s breasts. The highest rate of child mortality, however, is between the ages of six and ten. Only a small percentage of these poor kids make it to experience life, while many fall victim to neglect and terrible skin diseases. This explains the alarming speed at which the Ainu population is dwindling. Naturally, those few who survive grow strong and healthy, but their strong preference for alcohol, which they can easily get from the Japanese, ultimately harms even them.
One is generally struck in Ainuland by the number of old men and children, and by the almost entire lack of young fellows between the age of fifteen and thirty. This is due[Pg 297] mainly to the great increase of mortality in children during the last two generations. The sadness which seems to oppress the Ainu, and which we see depicted on the face of each individual, is nothing but the outcome of this degeneration of the race. As a race the Ainu will soon be extinct. I dare say that in fifty years from now—probably not so long—not one of the hairy savages, who were once the masters of Sakhalin, Yezo, the Kuriles, Kamschatka, and the whole of the southern Japanese Empire, will be left. Not one of these strange people—soft, good, and gentle, but savage, brave, and disreputable—will live to see their country civilised; and in the life which they have led of filth and vice they will die in front of that greater scourge, civilisation, leaving behind no traces of themselves, of their past, of their history, nor of their present—nothing but a faint recollection, a tradition, that in Yezo and the Kuriles died the last remains of those curious people, the Hairy Ainu.
In Ainuland, you can’t help but notice the many old men and children, and the almost total absence of young people between the ages of fifteen and thirty. This is mainly because of the significant rise in child mortality over the last two generations. The sadness that seems to weigh on the Ainu, evident on each person’s face, is simply a result of this decline in their population. As a group, the Ainu will soon be gone. I’d say that in fifty years—possibly even sooner—there won’t be a single one of the hairy people who were once the rulers of Sakhalin, Yezo, the Kuriles, Kamchatka, and the entire southern Japanese Empire. Not one of these unique individuals—soft, kind, and gentle, yet wild, brave, and disreputable—will live to see their land become civilized. They will pass away amidst the filth and vice of their lifestyles, confronting a greater disaster: civilization, leaving no trace of themselves, their past, their history, or their present—only a faint memory, a tradition that in Yezo and the Kuriles, the last remnants of the curious people known as the Hairy Ainu faded away.
APPENDIX.
I.—MEASUREMENTS OF THE AINU BODY, AND DESCRIPTIVE CHARACTERS.
The following measurements were taken on five men and five women of the pure Ainu of Frishikobets (Upper Tokachi River). They were carefully chosen among the best types.
The following measurements were taken on five men and five women of the pure Ainu from Frishikobets (Upper Tokachi River). They were carefully selected from the best examples.
The names of the men were:—
The names of the men were:—
1. Unacharo: Una, ashes; charo, sprinkled = "Sprinkled-ashes."
1. Unacharo: Una, ashes; charo, sprinkled = "Sprinkled ashes."
2. Aba pukuro: Aba, a relation; pu, storehouse; kuro, a man = "Related to the man of the storehouse."
2. Aba pukuro: Aba, a relative; pu, storage; kuro, a guy = "Connected to the guy in charge of storage."
3. Pe chantwe; Pe, undrinkable water; chan, to run away; we, to tell = "Who ran to tell of the undrinkable water."
3. Pe chantwe; Pe, undrinkable water; chan, to run away; we, to tell = "Who ran to report the undrinkable water."
4. Kosankeyan: Ko san, to go down; ke, eating; yan, cold.
4. Kosankeyan: Ko san, to go down; ke, eating; yan, cold.
5. Yei Ainu: Yei, dangerous; Ainu, Ainu.
5. Yei Ainu: Yei, risky; Ainu, Ainu.
The following were the names of the women:—
The following were the names of the women:—
1. Usattean: Usat, cinders; tean, long.
Usattean: Usat, ashes; tean, long.
2. Korunke: Korun, ice; ke, to eat = "Ice-eater."
2. Korunke: Korun, ice; ke, to eat = "Ice-eater."
3. Sho kem: Sho, so; kem, blood = "Covered with blood."
3. Sho kem: Sho, so; kem, blood = "Covered in blood."
4. Uina mon: Uina or Una, ashes; mon, tranquil.
4. Uina mon: Uina or Una, ashes; mon, calm.
5. Reoback: Re, three; oback, to burst = "Who burst three times."
5. Reoback: Re, three; oback, to burst = "Who burst three times."
Height
Height
MEN. inches. | WOMEN. inches. | |||||
1. | 61 | } | 1. | 58¾ | } | |
2. | 65 | } | 2. | 59⅞ | } | |
3. | 60½ | } Med. 62-19/40. | 3. | 59½ | } Med. 58⅜ | |
4. | 64⅞ | } | 4. | 54⅝ | } | |
5. | 61 | } | 5. | 59⅛ | } |
Length from Tip to Tip of Fingers with Arms Outstretched.
Distance from the tips of the fingers with arms extended.
MEN. inches. | WOMEN. inches. | |||||
1. | 64⅝ | } | 1. | 59⅛ | } | |
2. | 65 | } | 2. | 62½ | } | |
3. | 63½ | } Med. 65⅜. | 3. | 62½ | } Med. 61-13/40. | |
4. | 69½ | } | 4. | 60 | } | |
5. | 64¼ | } | 5. | 62½ | } |
It is interesting to notice the great difference between the height and this latter measurement, showing the great length of the arms in the Ainu race.
It’s interesting to see the significant difference between height and this measurement, highlighting the long arms of the Ainu people.
The Humerus.
The Humerus.
MEN. inches. | WOMEN. inches. | |||||
1. | 9 | } | 1. | 8½ | } | |
2. | 9⅝ | } | 2. | 8¾ | } | |
3. | 8½ | } Med. 9-9/40. | 3. | 10⅜ | } Med. 9-19/40. | |
4. | 9 | } | 4. | 9¾ | } | |
5. | 10 | } | 5. | 10 | } |
The Ulna.
The Ulna.
MEN. inches. | WOMEN. inches. | |||||
1. | 9¼ | } | 1. | 9¼ | } | |
2. | 10¾ | } | 2. | 9⅛ | } | |
3. | 9⅛ | } Med. 9-37/40. | 3. | 8⅞ | } Med. 9¼. | |
4. | 11 | } | 4. | 9⅜ | } | |
5. | 9½ | } | 5. | 9⅝ | } |
The Hand.
The Hand.
MEN. inches. | WOMEN. inches. | |||||
1. | 7⅜ | } | 1. | 6⅞ | } | |
2. | 7½ | } | 2. | 7 | } | |
3. | 7¼ | } Med. 7⅖. | 3. | 6⅞ | } Med. 6-9/10. | |
4. | 7⅞ | } | 4. | 6¾ | } | |
5. | 7 | } | 5. | 7 | } |
The Spine (dorsal and lumbar vertebræ to the sacrum).
The Backbone (back and lower back vertebrae to the sacrum).
MEN. inches. | WOMEN. inches. | |||||
1. | 25½ | } | 1. | 27 | } | |
2. | 28⅝ | } | 2. | 26¾ | } | |
3. | 27½ | } Med. 27⅘. | 3. | 28¼ | } Med. 27⅝. | |
4. | 29⅝ | } | 4. | 27 | } | |
5. | 27¾ | } | 5. | 29⅛ | } |
The Leg (Femur, Tibia and Foot.)
The Leg (Thigh bone, Shin bone, and Foot.)
MEN. inches. | WOMEN. inches. | |||||
1. | 34⅜ | } | 1. | 32⅞ | } | |
2. | 36¼ | } | 2. | 35½ | } | |
3. | 32½ | } Med. 35-1/20. | 3. | 34 | } Med. 33-13/20. | |
4. | 37⅞ | } | 4. | 30½ | } | |
5. | 34¼ | } | 5. | 35⅜ | } |
Femur.
Thigh bone.
MEN. inches. | WOMEN. inches. | |||||
1. | 17½ | } | 1. | 18⅜ | } | |
2. | 18⅜ | } | 2. | 19⅞ | } | |
3. | 17⅛ | } Med. 18⅝. | 3. | 18½ | } Med. 17-33/40. | |
4. | 20 | } | 4. | 14 | } | |
5. | 20⅛ | } | 5. | 18⅜ | } |
Tibia.
Tibia.
MEN. inches. | WOMEN. inches. | |||||
1. | 14 | } | 1. | 14¼ | } | |
2. | 14⅞ | } | 2. | 13 | } | |
3. | 12⅝ | } Med. 13½. | 3. | 13½ | } Med. 13⅘. | |
4. | 14⅞ | } | 4. | 14 | } | |
5. | 11⅛ | } | 5. | 14¼ | } |
(The Tibia is very flattened with the Ainu.)
(The Tibia is very flat in the Ainu.)
Tarsus (from ground to Ankle).
Tarsus (from ground to ankle).
MEN. inches. | WOMEN. inches. | |||||
1. | 2¾ | } | 1. | 2 | } | |
2. | 3 | } | 2. | 2⅝ | } | |
3. | 3 | } Med. 3. | 3. | 2 | } Med. 2⅜. | |
4. | 3¼ | } | 4. | 2½ | } | |
5. | 3 | } | 5. | 2¾ | } |
Chest (from Arm-pit to Arm-pit).
Chest (from armpit to armpit).
MEN. inches. | WOMEN. inches. | |||||
1. | 13½ | } | 1. | 12⅝ | } | |
2. | 13⅝ | } | 2. | 14¼ | } | |
3. | 13½ | } Med. 13-19/40. | 3. | 14¼ | } Med. 13-7/20. | |
4. | 13 | } | 4. | 12¼ | } | |
5. | 13¾ | } | 5. | 13⅜ | } |
Around Chest.
Around the chest.
MEN. inches. | WOMEN. inches. | |||||
1. | 36½ | } | 1. | 33⅜ | } | |
2. | 35⅜ | } | 2. | 34½ | } | |
3. | 37½ | } Med. 37-3/40. | 3. | 35½ | } Med. 34⅕. | |
4. | 37⅝ | } | 4. | 32⅞ | } | |
5. | 38⅛ | } | 5. | 34¾ | } |
Around Waist.
Around the Waist.
MEN. inches. | WOMEN. inches. | |||||
1. | 33 | } | 1. | 28⅜ | } | |
2. | 37 | } | 2. | 31½ | } | |
3. | 34 | } Med. 34-7/10. | 3. | 34⅞ | } Med. 31-7/20. | |
4. | 36 | } | 4. | 31 | } | |
5. | 33½ | } | 5. | (37⅝ but was conceived.) | } |
Maximum Breadth of Shoulders.
Shoulder Width Limit.
MEN. inches. | WOMEN. inches. | |||||
1. | 19¼ | } | 1. | 15½ | } | |
2. | 16 | } | 2. | 13⅝ | } | |
3. | 18 | } Med. 17½. | 3. | 13⅞ | } Med. 14⅖. | |
4. | 18 | } | 4. | 13⅞ | } | |
5. | 16¼ | } | 5. | 15⅛ | } |
The Foot.
The Foot.
MEN. inches. | WOMEN. inches. | |||||
1. | 9¼ | } | 1. | 8⅝ | } | |
2. | 9⅝ | } | 2. | 9⅛ | } | |
3. | 9½ | } Med. 9-23/40. | 3. | 9⅛ | } Med. 8⅘. | |
4. | 10¼ | } | 4. | 8¼ | } | |
5. | 9¼ | } | 5. | 8⅞ | } |
The Head (around the Head, just above the Ears).
The Leader (around the Head, just above the Ears).
MEN. inches. | WOMEN. inches. | |||||
1. | 23½ | } | 1. | 23⅜ | } | |
2. | 23½ | } | 2. | 22⅝ | } | |
3. | 24⅜ | } Med. 23¾. | 3. | 23⅝ | } Med. 22-29/40. | |
4. | 22⅜ | } | 4. | 22 | } | |
5. | 23⅛ | } | 5. | 23 | } |
Length of Face.(From Hair to Chin.)
Face Length.(From Hair to Chin.)
MEN. inches. | WOMEN. inches. | |||||
1. | 7½ | } | 1. | 7¼ | } | |
2. | 9 | } | 2. | 6¾ | } | |
3. | 7½ | } Med. 7-31/40. | 3. | 6¾ | } Med. 6⅞. | |
4. | 6⅞ | } | 4. | 7 | } | |
5. | 8 | } | 5. | 6⅝ | } |
Width of Face from Ear to Ear (over Forehead and Cheek Bones).
Width of Face from Ear to Ear (across the Forehead and Cheekbones).
MEN. inches. | WOMEN. inches. | |||||
1. | 11⅞ | } | 1. | 11⅛ | } | |
2. | 12½ | } | 2. | 11 | } | |
3. | 12 | } Med. 11-19/20. | 3. | 11¾ | } Med. 11-21/40. | |
4. | 12 | } | 4. | 11⅞ | } | |
5. | 12⅛ | } | 5. | 11⅛ | } |
Height of Forehead.
Forehead Height.
MEN. inches. | WOMEN. inches. | |||||
1. | 2¼ | } | 1. | 2¼ | } | |
2. | 2⅞ | } | 2. | 1¾ | } | |
3. | 2⅜ | } Med. 2-2/5. | 3. | 2⅛ | } Med. 2. | |
4. | 2 | } | 4. | 2 | } | |
5. | 2¾ | } | 5. | 1⅞ | } |
Width of Forehead.
Forehead Width.
MEN. inches. | WOMEN. inches. | |||||
1. | 5 | } | 1. | 6 | } | |
2. | 5¼ | } | 2. | 5½ | } | |
3. | 5½ | } Med. 5⅕. | 3. | 5 | } Med. 5⅜. | |
4. | 5¾ | } | 4. | 4⅞ | } | |
5. | 6 | } | 5. | 5½ | } |
Length of Ears.
Ear Length.
MEN. inches. | WOMEN. inches. | |||||
1. | 3 | } | 1. | 2⅜ | } | |
2. | 3¼ | } | 2. | 2⅜ | } | |
3. | 2¾ | } Med. 2-23/40. | 3. | 2¾ | } Med. 2-23/40. | |
4. | 2½ | } | 4. | 2⅞ | } | |
5. | 2⅝ | } | 5. | 2½ | } |
Length of Fingers.
Finger Length.
MEN. inches. | WOMEN. inches. | |||||
1. | 3⅛ | } | 1. | 3 | } | |
2. | 3⅜ | } | 2. | 3 | } | |
3. | 3 | } Med. 3-9/40. | 3. | 3 | } Med. 2-39/40. | |
4. | 3⅝ | } | 4. | 2⅞ | } | |
5. | 3 | } | 5. | 3 | } |
(a) Colour of skin (in parts not exposed to air)—light reddish slightly tending towards brown, but almost as light as with Europeans.
(a) Skin color (in areas not exposed to air)—light reddish, slightly leaning towards brown, but nearly as light as that of Europeans.
(b) Colour of hair—black, dark-brown, reddish-black, red.
(b) Hair color—black, dark brown, reddish-black, red.
(c) Colour of eyes—light-brown tending towards dark-grey.
(c) Eye color—light brown that leans towards dark gray.
(d) Character of hair—wavy.
(d) Hair texture—wavy.
(e) Amount of hair—abundant on face and all over the body in males more so than in females.
(e) Hair quantity—more abundant on the face and all over the body in males than in females.
Measurements of Shikotan Ainu.
Measurements of Shikotan Indigenous people.
The skin and eyes are the same colour as with the Yezo Ainu. The hair is black, dark-red, or dark-brown. Black is the prevalent colour. Children often have fair hair, which grows darker as they grow older. The hair is abundant over body and face, and it is wavy.
The skin and eyes are the same color as those of the Yezo Ainu. The hair is black, dark red, or dark brown, with black being the most common color. Children often have lighter hair that gets darker as they age. They have plenty of hair on their bodies and faces, and it's wavy.
The face possesses the identical characteristics of the Yezo Ainu.
The face has the same features as the Yezo Ainu.
Medium height: 61 inches to 62¾ inches.
Round waist: 32⅞ inches.
Chest: Empty, 35⅞ inches; inflated, 37½ inches.
Humerus: 11⅞ inches.
Ulna: 8-11/16 inches.
Hand: 6¾ inches.
[Pg 305]Foot: 9½ inches.
Spinal vertebræ: 24 inches.
Scapula (from shoulder to shoulder): 17 inches.
Between shoulder-blades: 5⅞ inches.
Femur: short.
Tibia: very long.
(Natives objected to have their legs measured.)
The Tibia is much rounder than with the Yezo Ainu.
Length of face: 7½ inches.
Width of face from ear to ear: 11⅛ inches.
Round head above ears: 21⅝ inches.
Ears: small.
Forehead: 2⅜ inches high; 5¼ inches wide.
Medium height: 61 inches to 62¾ inches.
Waist: 32⅞ inches.
Chest: Unfilled, 35⅞ inches; filled, 37½ inches.
Humerus: 11⅞ inches.
Ulna: 8-11/16 inches.
Hand: 6¾ inches.
[Pg 305]Foot: 9½ inches.
Spinal vertebrae: 24 inches.
Shoulder width (from shoulder to shoulder): 17 inches.
Distance between shoulder blades: 5⅞ inches.
Femur: short.
Tibia: very long.
(Natives were not comfortable having their legs measured.)
The tibia is much rounder than in the Yezo Ainu.
Face length: 7½ inches.
Face width from ear to ear: 11⅛ inches.
Circumference of the head above the ears: 21⅝ inches.
Ears: small.
Forehead: 2⅜ inches high; 5¼ inches wide.
With arms outstretched and from tip to tip of fingers the Shikotan Ainu measure generally the length of one hand (about 6¾ inches) more than their own height. Consumption, kaki, and syphilis are common complaints among them.
With arms stretched out and from fingertip to fingertip, the Shikotan Ainu generally measure about 6¾ inches longer than their own height, which represents the length of one hand. Common health issues among them include consumption, kaki, and syphilis.
II.—GLOSSARY OF AINU WORDS, MANY OF WHICH ARE FOUND IN GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES IN YEZO AND THE KURILE ISLANDS.[43]
- A.
- A = (a suffix).
- Apa = an open space, a doorway.
- Aikap = impossible, impassable.
- Ambe = that is.
- An = to be.
- Aota = near.
- Apta = rain.
- Apun = gently.
- At = a tree.
- Atsu = barren, naked.
- B.
- Bets, or pets, pet = river.
- Be, or pe = pestilential water.
- [Pg 306]But, or put = mouth of a river.
- C.
- Cha = old.
- Cha cha = very old.
- Chip = fish.
- Chippe = a canoe, a boat.
- Chup = the sun.
- E.
- Erimu = a rat.
- Etoko = formerly, in front of.
- Etu = a cape.
- F.
- Fu = bare.
- Fun = green.
- Fure = red (also pronounced Hure).
- Frishiko = old.
- H.
- Haru = grass.
- Hattara = a deep pool in a watercourse.
- Hure = a bad smell.
- Hure = red.
- I.
- I = a suffix for "a place."
- Ibe = to feed.
- Ichan = a canal made by salmon in river-beds to lay their, spawn.
- Ikam = against.
- Iwa = stone, a rock.
- Itapk = word, story.
- Iwashi (Japanese) = sardine.
- Iwao = sulphur.
- K.
- Kama = cliffs, rocks, to go over.
- Kamui = great, wonderful, ancient.
- Kap = bark of a tree.
- Kara = to take, to make.
- Kashi = towards.
- Kerimba = a berry.
- Kene = an alder tree.
- Kem = blood.
- Kenashi = a meadow.
- [Pg 307]Keshup = head.
- Kesh = towards the west.
- Ki = rushes.
- Kim = mountain.
- Kinna = mat.
- Kinna = reeds.
- Kinna = grass.
- Kiri = to know.
- Kitai = mountain.
- Koi = the waves of the sea.
- Kochi = level.
- Kombo = sea-weed.
- Koro = to possess, to have.
- Kotan = a village, a place.
- Kotcha = in front of.
- Ku = a bow.
- Kuano = straight.
- Kume = black, very dark.
- Kuru, or guru = a person.
- M.
- Ma = to swim, deep.
- Mak = behind.
- Makta = away.
- Mata = winter.
- Meak = female.
- Mean = cold.
- Mo = tranquil.
- Mon = small, tranquil.
- Mom = to flow like a river.
- Moire = slow.
- Moi = a bay, a sheltered bend in a river where the water is quiet.
- Moshiri, or mushir = island, country, place, land.
- Moshiri Kes = the east.
- Moshitte-chu-pok = north.
- Moshiri pok = west.
- Moshitte-chu-pka = south.
- Mun = grass.
- N.
- Na = again.
- Na = bigger, or smaller (also sign of comparative).
- Nai, or Nae = a rivulet, a small stream.
- [Pg 308]Nai yau = a tributary stream.
- Nak = where.
- Nam = cold, as water, as ice.
- Naoak = yet more shallow.
- Ne = together, where, and, also, which, &c.
- Neatka = also, again.
- Nen = who.
- Neto = where.
- Ni = wood, or tree.
- Nikam = leaves of a tree.
- Nibeshi = name of a tree (probably Tilia).
- Nikap = bark of a tree.
- Nipek = a fire, a flame.
- Nisei = valley.
- Nisusu = scenery, panorama, view.
- Nitat = swampy ground, a swamp, a lagoon.
- Nitai = a forest.
- Nitt = a thorn.
- Nitek = branches of trees.
- Nituman = trunk of a tree.
- Nobori = mountain.
- No = (meaningless ending of words).
- Noshike = middle.
- Noshihike = half.
- Nupka = a forest.
- Nup = a treeless plain.
- Nup = a deep silent pool in a river.
- Nuburi = mountain.
- Nupuru = turbid (as water).
- Nupuri = a mountain (volcano).
- Nutap = the projecting part of a river bend.
- O.
- O = a meaningless prefix, sometimes used as an adjective.
- Oara = one.
- Oboso = to pass through (as water).
- Oak = shallow—not deep.
- Oha = empty.
- Ohoho = deep.
- Okai = at a place.
- Okai = a male.
- Okari = around.
- [Pg 309]Oakau = to hide.
- Oakan = a male.
- Omanne = to go.
- Oma = to be inside.
- Onne = large, old, great.
- Opattek = a volcanic eruption.
- Opeka = straight.
- Oro = to be in.
- Oropak = as far as.
- Oshima = to go in.
- Oshimak = behind.
- Ota = sand.
- Otaru = sandy.
- Opke = a spear.
- Ot = in, inside, into.
- Oya = another.
- Oushike = a place.
- Oyapk = away, abroad.
- Oyapk moshiri = away, country (foreign country).
- P.
- Pa = smoke.
- Pa = east-end of villages.
- Pai = bushes.
- Pakne = as far as.
- Panke = lower.
- Paru = the mouth.
- Pase = heavy.
- Patek = only.
- Pe = pestilential water, bad water, not good to drink.
- Pei = something.
- Pene = inland.
- Pet, pets, bets = river.
- Pet bena = source of a river.
- Pet samo = bank of a river.
- Petsamata = by the side of a river.
- Pet put = the mouth of a river.
- Pet-urara = a stream.
- Pet yao = an affluent.
- Pet-ka-shu = to wade a river.
- Penke = upper.
- Pinni = ash-tree.
- [Pg 310]Pinne = male.
- Piuta = sand (coarse).
- Pipa = a spring of fresh water.
- Pira = a bank, a cliff.
- Piri = a wound.
- Pirika = pretty, good, well, all-right.
- Pishita = sea-beach.
- Pita = to untie, to undo.
- Pitara = a dry place in a river-bed.
- Po = a small thing.
- Pon = small.
- Poi-shuma = pebbles, stones.
- Poka = only.
- Popke = hot, steaming (also Topke).
- Poro = large.
- Pui = a hole.
- Puri = natural, very, usual.
- Put, Putu (corrupted into Buto by the Japanese) = the mouth of a river.
- R.
- Rai = death.
- Rakka = seal.
- Rahuru = a fog.
- Ram = low.
- Ran = to descend (a mountain).
- Rangu = a kind of tree.
- Rarumani = a kind of tree (Taxus cuspidata).
- Re = three.
- Repun = to go, in the sea, surrounded by water.
- Repun moshiri = an island.
- Rera = wind.
- Retara = white.
- Ri = high.
- Rikkin = to ascend.
- Riri = a wave.
- Riri-shiye-tuye = ebb tide.
- Riri-ya = flow tide.
- Roru = at the head.
- Ru = a road, a track, a pathway
- Rui = to burn.
- Rukoppe = where roads cross.
- Rui = great, big.
- Rubeshipe = a ravine.
- [Pg 311]Rupne = large.
- S.
- Sapk = summer.
- Sak = without.
- Sama = by the side of.
- San = to descend.
- Sara, Saru = a grassy plain.
- Sat = dry.
- Sattek = shallow water.
- Sesek = hot.
- Seta = dog.
- Shep = broad.
- Shi = high.
- Shibe = autumn salmon.
- Shiki = a kind of tall grass.
- Shiko = a view, a sight.
- Shimon = on the right-hand side.
- Shimoye = to shake, to move.
- Shenai = a large river.
- Shirari = a cliff, mass of loose texture.
- Shirau = a horse-fly.
- Shiretu = a cape.
- Shiri = land.
- Shiruturu = a small island in a river.
- Sho = so.
- Shoi = a hole.
- Shum = foam.
- Shuma = a stone.
- So = a waterfall.
- Shupun = a kind of fish.
- Shusu = a willow tree.
- T.
- Ta = to, towards, to take, to cut.
- Taanni = on this side.
- Taksep = a rock.
- Tapne = short.
- Tanne = long.
- Tap kop = an isolated hill.
- Tat = Birch-tree (Betula).
- To, or ko = a lake, a swamp.
- Toambe = that.
- [Pg 312]Toi = earth.
- Tokap = day, light.
- Tomari = a harbour, a sheltered place.
- Top = scrub bamboo.
- Tope = Acer—a kind of tree.
- Tukara, also Tokari = sea-otter.
- Tunni = Quercus dentata.
- Tureshi = to ascend.
- Turep = a plant, the roots of which are eaten by the Ainu.
- U.
- U = a suffix to indicate a place.
- Uhui, also Ouye = a fire.
- Uhui nobori = a volcano.
- Un = a particle denoting that something is to be found at a place.
- Upas = snow.
- Ush = a bay.
- Ush = a gulf.
- Ush = a locative particle.
- Uta = a master.
- Utka = the rapids of a river.
- W.
- Wa = from.
- Wakka = water.
- Wen = bad.
- Y.
- Ya = land.
- Yai = danger.
- Yaikap = awkward.
- Yam = cold, a chestnut.
- Yuk = a deer.
- Yutta = greatest.
INDEX.
- A.
- Abashiri, 81, 92, 137-139, 161, 184.
- Abashiri Lagoon, 138, 139.
- Abnormalities, 267.
- Abortion, 296.
- Abstinence from food and drink, 238, 239.
- Abus, 48.
- Adultery, 295.
- Adzes (stone), 78, 79.
- Affection, 272.
- Affirmation, 234.
- Age of the Ainu, 271.
- Agriculture, 62.
- Ahunkanitte, 210.
- Aikap, Cape, 177.
- Ainu bits, 110.
- capacity for drink, 23.
- conclusion, an, 27.
- diet, 24.
- dirt, 27.
- gentleness, 17.
- good-nature, 27.
- implements, 86.
- legends, 28, 29.
- names on Nippon, 94.
- names, 298.
- Paganini, 258.
- pronunciation, 112.
- village, 74.
- way of approaching huts, 171.
- Airup, Cape, 176.
- Akangawa, 75.
- Akkeshi, 80, 102-104, 106, 139.
- Akkeshi bay, 104, 105.
- lagoon, 103.
- Albinism, 268.
- Aleutian Islands, 94.
- Aleuts, 91.
- Alexandrovitch, 127.
- Amida, 204.
- Ancestral attachment, 216.
- Anchors, 39.
- Anchorages, 112, 129, 142, 167, 168, 174, 194, 203.
- Angotsuro, 7.
- Apa-otki (door-mat), 211.
- Aputa, 5, 10.
- Archæology, 77.
- Architecture, 207.
- Arms, 243.
- Arrows, 216.
- Arrow-heads (flint), 78, 79.
- Art, 218-220, 227, 228.
- Artist, 69.
- Arundinaria, 5, 23.
- Asiatic Society of Japan, 89, 290.
- Assap River, 203.
- Attacked by the Ainu, 13-15.
- Attitudes, 241.
- At-pets, River, 35.
- Atzis-robe, 213, 246, 247, 252.
- Atzosa Volcano, 130.
- Atzta, 176, 177.
- [Pg 314]Australia, 102.
- Australian blacks, 159, 228.
- Authority of chiefs, 267.
- Awomori, 93.
- B.
- Backbone of Yezo, 63, 122.
- Bakkai, 168.
- Baldness, 104, 232, 269.
- Bamboo arrow-points, 79.
- Barabuta, 202, 203.
- Baratte, 188.
- Barter, 216, 249.
- Basha, 3, 12, 195, 198, 202.
- Batchelor, Rev. I., 59, 83, 87, 88.
- Bathing, 76.
- Battles, 81, 86, 93.
- Beaches, 73.
- Bears, 44, 51, 56, 61, 65, 66, 85, 101, 131, 142, 147, 159, 214.
- Bear (descent from the), 281.
- hunting, 272.
- (ill-usage of), 282.
- skins, 245.
- skull trophy, 286.
- Beliefs compared, 288.
- Bending of watercourses, 165.
- Benke, Cape, 194, 195.
- Benry, 23, 26, 27, 30-34, 260, 283, 286.
- Benten Island, 204.
- Bentenjima (Nemuro), 80, 115.
- Bento, 3, 4.
- Beppo, 65.
- Betoya, 129.
- Bettobu, 82, 130.
- Bay, 129, 130.
- Birvase, 112.
- Bitskai, 133.
- Bone arrow-point, 81, 82.
- carvings, 222.
- setting, 176.
- Bonzes, 197, 198, 283.
- Bowls, 209, 225.
- Bows and arrows, 223, 225.
- Buddhists, 283.
- Buddhist shrine, 283.
- Burial, 225, 227, 284.
- C.
- Cancer, 174.
- Cannibalism, 59.
- Canoes, 37-39, 90, 177.
- Carrying children, 238.
- weights and burdens, 238.
- Castes, 266.
- Castle, 204.
- Caucasian races, 236, 238.
- Chanting, 113, 258.
- Charcoal in pits, 81.
- Charms, 288.
- Chevrons, 221.
- Child-bearing, 296.
- Children of Kurile Islands, 129.
- Chimney, 23.
- Chiefs at a festival, 30, 31.
- Chief's crown, 250.
- tomb, 226.
- Chieftainship, 266.
- Chietomamai, 163.
- China, 26.
- Chinese, 276.
- idea, 77.
- sea, 163.
- Chisei-kara-inao, 286.
- Cholera, 184.
- Choruses, 256, 264.
- Christians, 12, 127, 128, 156, 289.
- Christian minister, 198.
- virtues, 269.
- Chukbets, 173.
- Chuppets, River, 183.
- Chuskin Island, 162.
- Cisango, 203.
- Civilisation, 58, 59, 65, 216, 217, 288, 297.
- Clothes, 2, 3, 60, 190, 245, 250.
- and boots, 2, 3, 95, 96, 202, 246, 247.
- Coal, 75, 174, 205.
- field, 75.
- mines, 183, 185.
- trains, 186.
- trucks, 76.
- Coins, 151.
- [Pg 315]Colonial militia, 188, 189.
- Colonisation scheme, 185.
- Colonists, 74, 115, 116.
- Comparisons, 229.
- Compass, 53.
- Concert, 263, 264.
- Conservatism, 216.
- Consul, 206.
- Consumption, 128, 174, 179, 296, 304.
- Convicts (Japanese), 102, 184-186.
- Copper, 122.
- Coptic Church, 127, 128.
- Corea, 26, 174.
- Creator, 281, 285.
- Criminals, 269.
- Crosses, 268, 269.
- Crows, 35, 46.
- attacking a pony, 146.
- (familiarity of), 149.
- (multitude of), 5.
- Cruelty to children, 292.
- Currents, 48, 139, 143, 161, 163, 165, 169.
- Cutaneous diseases, 42.
- D.
- Daikuku Island, 11.
- Daikuku and Kodaikuku Islands, 105.
- Daimio, 204.
- Dancing, 264, 265.
- Darwin's theory of evolution, 280.
- Deer-skin coat, 245.
- Degeneration of the race, 297.
- Deluge, the, 29.
- Descriptive characters of Yezo Ainu (Appendix), 298, 303.
- of Shikotan Ainu (Appendix), 303, 304.
- Designs, 221, 227.
- Dew, 53.
- Dirt, 88, 128.
- Divinities, 282.
- Divorce, 295.
- Dogs (wild), 154, 159.
- Drainage area of Ishikari River, 181, 182.
- Dress of Kurilsky Ainu, 126, 127.
- Drift-ice, 161.
- logs, 48, 169.
- sand, 139, 142, 170.
- Drinking vessels, 215, 223.
- Drunkenness, 17, 32, 291.
- Dug-outs, 5, 63, 64, 92, 170, 183.
- Dwarfs, 251.
- Dying out of the race, 296.
- E.
- Eagles, 142, 152, 153, 214.
- Ear-rings, 6, 249.
- Ears, 230, 303, 304.
- Eclipses, 234.
- Education, 266.
- Egyptian cross, 227.
- Election of chief, 10, 266.
- Elephantiasis, 143.
- Embroideries, 180, 246, 247.
- Emperor's palace, 183.
- Enamelling, 222.
- Endogamy, 295.
- Entogroul, 164.
- Eramachi, 204.
- Erimo Cape, 19, 42-44, 73, 80.
- Esan Volcano, 4, 198, 200, 201.
- Esashi, 162, 202, 203.
- Esquimaux, 84, 85, 91.
- Ethnologists, 263.
- Etiquette, 31, 211, 212.
- Etorofu, 80, 82, 88, 91, 123, 129, 131, 132.
- European comforts, 158.
- dinner, 69, 119.
- Eyelashes, 231, 279.
- F.
- Face, 229, 230, 232, 302, 304.
- (width of), 302, 304.
- Factories, 187, 192.
- [Pg 316]Falsetto voice, 257.
- Family rows, 293.
- Farming region, 187.
- Fasting, 53.
- Ferry, 178, 181.
- Ferry-boat, 103.
- Finger-rings, 249.
- Fingers, 303.
- Fish diet, 42.
- manure, 41.
- Fishermen, 39, 103, 142, 163, 174, 192, 193, 199.
- Fishermen's huts, 20.
- Fishing, 53, 64, 130, 224.
- nets, 60.
- villages, 203.
- Fire, 193, 209.
- Fleas, etc., 26, 212.
- Flies—black flies and horseflies, 45, 66, 212.
- Flint implements, 78, 79.
- knives, 78, 79.
- Flirting (curious way of), 141.
- Folk-lores, 259.
- Footprints, 159, 160, 161.
- of Ainu, 160, 161.
- of Japanese, 160, 161.
- of bears, 47.
- Forest, 101, 135, 161.
- Forts, 77, 81, 82, 141.
- Foxes, 102, 126, 131, 142, 214.
- Frishikobets village, 58, 61, 65, 252.
- Fujiama, 161, 167.
- Fukushima, 205.
- Funa, 3.
- Funerals, 227.
- Furembets river, 171.
- Furimbé, 199.
- Furniture, 208.
- Furubets, 130.
- Future legend, 155, 156.
- Fylfot, 227.
- G.
- Geology, 21.
- Geometrical patterns, 221.
- Geyser, 100.
- Girdles, 250.
- Girls (Ainu), 157.
- (Japanese) shown in cages, 117.
- Glossary of Ainu words, 304-311.
- God, 281, 282.
- Gokibira, 177.
- Graphic signs, 218.
- Grass, 21, 52, 62.
- Graves, 221, 223, 225-227.
- Graveyard, 128, 180, 225, 227.
- Guechas, or singers, 116, 117.
- Gun-practice, 199.
- H.
- Habits and customs of pit-dwellers, 91.
- Hakodate, 11, 78, 90, 93, 104, 112, 199, 201.
- Hakodate Bay, 1, 2, 205.
- Bund, 1.
- Head, 1.
- Isthmus, 2.
- Peak, 1, 2, 201.
- Hair, 231, 250, 251.
- Hairiness, 85, 88, 142, 145.
- Half-breeds, 34, 39, 47, 268, 270.
- castes, 7, 93, 109, 111, 196, 229, 269, 275, 282.
- (photographs of Japanese half-castes), 263.
- frontal bone, 270.
- skull, 270.
- animal propensities, 270.
- bumps, 270.
- age, 270.
- rheumatism, leprosy and kaki, 270.
- Hamboro, 173.
- Hammanaka, 112, 113.
- Hanasaki, 114.
- Hand-clapping, 264.
- Hando, 193.
- Haraguchi, 203.
- Harbours (want of), 74.
- [Pg 317]and anchorages, 75, 104, 115, 116, 124, 125, 165, 202, 204.
- Harpoons, 224.
- Harutori Lagoon, 75-77, 82.
- Hattaushi, 113.
- Head, 229, 302, 304.
- (muscular power), 241.
- Heaven and hell, 290.
- Henson (Mr.), 2, 202.
- Hera, or netting-mesh, 223.
- Herrings, 104, 115, 134, 166, 173, 203.
- High-days, 289.
- High-land, 73, 104, 111.
- History, 218.
- Hokkaido, 11, 122, 123.
- Hokkaido-cho, 187.
- Hondemura, 102.
- Horanaho or Rausu Volcano, 131.
- Horse-breeding, 115.
- Horse-farm, 35.
- Horsemen (Ainu), 108.
- Horse-racing, 237.
- Horobets, 12, 234, 272.
- Ainu, 17.
- Horohuts, 20.
- Horoizumi, 41, 43, 44, 52.
- Hoshi or leggings, 247.
- Hospitality, 291.
- Hostilities, 147.
- Hunger, 45, 52, 199.
- Hungry dogs, 7.
- Hunting, 126.
- Hurupira, Mount, 193.
- Hut building, 207.
- burning, 123, 212, 213.
- Huts, 5, 8, 24, 35, 56, 58, 76, 81, 84, 85, 86, 89, 90, 96, 99, 104, 111, 125, 128, 157, 158, 170, 171, 180, 207, 210-212.
- Hypnotism, 191.
- I.
- Ice, 85.
- Ichibishinai (Etorofu), 122.
- Idyll, 139, 140.
- Idzumizawa, 205.
- Igiani, 135.
- Ikahasonets Cape, 130.
- Ikuru, 173.
- Ikusum River, 185.
- Imi (garments), 25.
- Imotsuto, 129.
- Imprisonment, 292.
- Improvisators, 259.
- Inao, 31, 214, 224, 286-288.
- in shape of a doll, 287.
- making, 240.
- netuba, 286.
- Infanticides, 291.
- Inflammation of the eyes, 279.
- Inomata Yoshitaro, 68-72.
- Insanity and idiocy, 266.
- in half-castes, 270.
- Instincts, 158, 159, 216, 282.
- Intermarriage, 60, 196, 267.
- with Japanese, 5.
- Iris, 231, 279.
- Iron, 122.
- Irrigation, 63.
- Ishikari, 84, 176.
- river, 169, 178, 179, 181-183, 191, 275.
- (course of), 182.
- Ainu, 179, 183, 184, 219, 226, 250.
- village, 180.
- Ishikishiri penitentiary, 185.
- Ishisaki, 203.
- Isoya, 193, 198.
- (Motto Isoya, Shimakotan, Isoya), 193.
- Italy, 287.
- Iwanai, 193.
- Iwaonobori, 193, 200.
- Iwa Rocks, 47, 49.
- Iyomanrei, 30.
- J.
- Jacko (chief of Shikotan Ainu), 127.
- Japan, 26.
- Daily Mail, 189.
- [Pg 318]Japanese customs, 5.
- Japanese adoption of Ainu language and ways, 112, 113.
- clothes, 245, 246.
- Empire, 122, 123.
- government, 96, 103, 114, 123, 179, 187, 188.
- hero, 283, 284.
- parliament, 190.
- politeness, 36, 69.
- settlers, 2.
- songs, 257.
- villages, 50.
- woman's toilette, 117, 118.
- Jealousy, 234, 235, 294.
- Jew's harp, 258.
- Jockeys, 33.
- Jungle, 51-53, 66.
- K.
- Kaki, 174, 202, 241, 304.
- Kakumi, 198, 199.
- Kamida Maru (wreck of), 179.
- Kamikawa, 183, 184.
- (population of), 184.
- Kamiiro, 205.
- Kaminokumi, 203.
- Kammakappe, 209.
- Kamschatka, 91, 122, 123, 153, 297.
- Kamui or Kamoi, 285, 286, 290.
- Kamuieto Cape, 174.
- Kamuikotan, 286.
- rapids, 183.
- Kamui Mount, 193.
- Kando and Teine-pokna-moshiri, 290.
- Karibayama, 193.
- Kawamura, 192, 193.
- Kawata Tera, 253.
- Kenashpa, 65.
- Kikonai, 205.
- Kimonos, 2.
- Kinna (mats), 209, 225.
- Kinney, 61.
- Kiritap, 106, 112.
- Kitchen-middens, 92.
- Knife-blades, 216.
- Knives, 13, 219, 220, 223-225, 272.
- Kofikan, 187.
- Komagatake Volcano, 3, 4, 197, 200.
- Komuki lagoon, 142.
- Ko-numa, 3.
- Koshima, 204.
- Kotan-kara-kamui, 285.
- Kudo, 203.
- Kumaishi, 203.
- Kunashiri, 80, 88, 91, 123, 131, 132.
- Kunnui, 197.
- Kurile Islands, 78, 80, 87-89, 92, 121, 122, 131, 132, 190, 201, 231, 282, 297.
- Kurile Islands (trade of), 115.
- Kurilsky Ainu, 87-90, 94, 123-128, 180, 213, 251, 268.
- Kuromatsunai, 195.
- Kuro-shiwo, or Japan current, 48, 165, 169.
- Kushiro, 74-77, 81, 82, 91, 95-97, 104, 190.
- Kutambets, 178.
- Kutcharo lake, 84, 85, 98-101, 137, 207, 286.
- river, 74, 75, 80, 82, 95, 96, 101, 207.
- L.
- Lagoons, 139, 142, 163, 170.
- Language, 59, 283, 291.
- La Perouse Strait, 131, 161, 164, 169.
- Laws, 273, 291.
- Laws of marriage, 293.
- Legends, 28, 29, 260.
- Legend
- Abe-ten-rui, 261.
- Inu-sapk, 261.
- Kimta-na, 261.
- Tushi-une-pan, 260.
- Leprosy, 42, 54.
- Letters, 201, 202.
- [Pg 319]Libations, 289.
- Life-boat, 168.
- Lighting, 135.
- Lines, 227.
- Lopatka Cape, 123.
- Lunatics, 61, 146-149.
- M.
- Machinery, 187, 216.
- Madwoman, 54, 55.
- Makkarinupuri (Volcano), 200.
- Malaise, 46.
- Malarial fever, 174.
- Manners, 242.
- Map-drawing, 218.
- Marks (owner's), 218.
- Masatomari, 195.
- Mashe (fish), 173.
- Mashike, 174.
- Mount, 174-176.
- Maternal love, 155.
- Mat-making, 211.
- Matrons, 265.
- Matsumai, 203-205.
- Meals, 170, 171.
- Measurements of Yezo Ainu body (Appendix), 298-302.
- Measurements of Shikotan Ainu (Appendix), 303, 304.
- Measurements of Ainu with arms outstretched, 299, 304.
- Memuro-puto, 61.
- Menoko (girls), 32.
- Metallurgy, 216.
- Metempsychosis, 284.
- Mice and rats, 213.
- Migratory people, 91.
- population, 173, 174.
- Milne (Prof.), 89.
- Missionaries, 28, 29, 59, 155, 156, 285, 290.
- Mitsuashi River, 39.
- Mocassins, 60, 127.
- and boots, 247.
- Model farm, 187, 188.
- Mohechi, 205.
- Moi, 176.
- Mombets, 5, 11.
- Momonai, 192.
- Mongolian, 129, 230.
- type, 179.
- Monuments, 226.
- Morality, 269, 290, 295.
- Mori, 4, 196, 197, 200.
- Moroi, 178.
- Mororran, 5, 19, 196.
- (Shin-, and Kiu-), 11.
- Mortality, 123, 128, 296, 297.
- Mourning, 227.
- Moustache lifter, 23, 208, 220, 221, 289.
- Moustache tattooed, 252, 254.
- Movements and attitudes, 239.
- Moyoro or Biru, 47.
- Moyorotake or Bear Bay, 129.
- Mukawa, 20, 21.
- Musemes, 1.
- Music, 255.
- of Ainu, 255.
- of Westerns, 255.
- as a cure of illness, 261.
- Chromatic intervals, 258, 259.
- diabolical, 262.
- Diatonic minor scale, 258.
- education in, 257.
- to facilitate manual labour, 262.
- feeling in, 255.
- fondness for, 257.
- imitation of noises in, 257.
- key note, 259.
- loud, 263.
- melody, 259.
- metre, 261.
- modulations, 255.
- modulations in tunes, 258, 259.
- passion in, 255.
- personality in, 260.
- rhythmical effects in, 255, 258.
- rhythmical method, 259.
- sad, 264.
- suggestions of animal sounds in, 261.
- [Pg 320]teaching of, 260.
- temperamental characteristics in, 263.
- transformation of a theme, 260.
- vocal, 256.
- Musical instruments, 257, 258.
- memory, 257.
- notation, 255.
- strings, 257.
- Myopy, 279.
- N.
- Nagayama, Governor of the Hokkaido, 192.
- Naibo, 130.
- Naye, 185.
- Nayosami Hill, 183.
- Necklaces and earrings, 60, 249.
- Nemuro, 114-116, 118, 119, 121, 133, 161.
- Neptka, 204.
- Nigori River, 197.
- Nii-pak-pets, River, 35.
- Nippon, 92, 93, 104.
- Nishibets, 133.
- Nitumap, 61.
- Nobori-bets village, 18.
- Volcano, 18, 19.
- Noshafo Cape, 73, 114, 115, 161.
- Nossyap Cape, 167, 168.
- Peninsula, 167, 168.
- Notoro Cape, 130.
- Lake, 139.
- Notski Peninsula, 133.
- Nusa, 214, 286.
- O.
- Oak, 21.
- Oakan and Moyokan, 98, 135.
- Oakan River, 99.
- Obishiro, 58.
- Obune, 198, 199.
- Odour, 276.
- Odour of Europeans, 276.
- of women, 276, 277.
- Oitoi, 130.
- Okashi-nae Mountain, 177.
- Okos, 43.
- Okushiri Island, 203.
- Omangus, 146-150.
- Onekotan, 123.
- Onembets, 129.
- Onishika, 173, 174.
- Onnetto Lagoon, 116.
- River, 116, 133.
- Ono-numa, 3.
- Opoto Lake, 137.
- Oputateishike Mountain-mass, 63.
- Oputs, 48.
- Orang-outang, 146.
- Ornamentations, 218-220.
- Osaru River, 11.
- Oshamambe, 193, 196, 197.
- Oshima Island, 203, 204.
- province, 4.
- Oshoro, 192.
- Osman Pasha, 164.
- Ota Cape, 203.
- Otaru, 20, 191.
- Otaussi-nai Village, 185.
- Otatsube, 199.
- Otchishi, 113, 114.
- Otkoshk sea, 123, 131, 133, 135, 143.
- Otopke Mount, 63, 64.
- Otoshibe River, 197.
- Otoyebukets, 183.
- Otsu, 48, 50, 51, 68, 73.
- Otsugawa River, 50.
- Ottoinnai, 61.
- Owls, 102.
- Oyama Iwao (Count), Minister of State for War, 189.
- Oysters, 104, 113, 139.
- P.
- Pack-saddles, 17, 18, 237.
- Paddle (Hera), 208.
- [Pg 321]Para-puta, 195.
- Paro-mushir, 123, 126.
- Pasture-land, 107.
- Pehambe-ushi River, 103.
- Pekoatnit, 210.
- Pensatsunai, 58.
- Perohune, 48.
- Pestilence, 61.
- Physiognomy, 230.
- Physiological observations, 274.
- Pico Strait, 131.
- Piegawa River, 183.
- Pipes, etc., 223.
- Piratori, 22, 30, 248, 253, 260, 261, 264, 275, 283, 284.
- Valley, 33.
- Pit-dwellers (Koro-pok-kuru), 77-80, 83-87, 90, 92, 104, 114, 125, 130, 251.
- Pit-dwellers' implements, 190.
- Pits, 77-84, 88-94, 114, 130, 141.
- Plateau, 63.
- like peninsula, 114.
- Poisoned arrows, 223, 224.
- Polygamy, 294.
- Polytheists, 281, 285, 290.
- Pombets, 65.
- Ponies, 3, 21, 65, 66, 138.
- Pon-machi (small wife), 28, 294.
- Pontoo, 122, 131.
- Pooley, Mr., 206.
- Population, 294.
- Porobets River, 162.
- Poronai, 157, 161, 183-186.
- coal-mines, 191.
- Poro-machi (great wife), 28, 294.
- Poro-nam-bets River, 41.
- Poro-usa, 209.
- Posturing, 264.
- Pottery, 80, 86, 215.
- Poverty of the Ainu, 5.
- of blood, 296.
- Prayers, 289.
- Prehistoric man, 242.
- Progeny of mixed marriages, 268.
- Provisions, 3, 211.
- Publications on the Ainu, 229.
- Pulse-beat, 275.
- Pumice, 5, 21, 73.
- Punishments, 291.
- Purokenashpa, 65.
- Q.
- Quarrels, 292.
- Quicksands, 139, 169, 170.
- Quicksand River, 157.
- Quiver, 224, 225.
- R.
- Rags, 247.
- Rahush Mount (Kunashiri), 122.
- Rain, 3, 135, 193, 197, 200.
- Raishats, 179, 226.
- Rattler (H.M.S.), 165.
- Recitative, 256.
- Reeds and rushes, 51, 57, 62, 66, 67, 90.
- Reefs, 123, 194.
- Relations, 296.
- Religion, 283.
- Religious ideas, 281.
- race, 198.
- Repun, 10.
- Repunshiri, 167, 168.
- Resurrection of the body, 284, 290.
- Reversed coil, 222.
- Rheumatism, 128, 174, 241.
- Rhyme, 261.
- Riding, 17, 237.
- bareback, 243.
- Riruran, 107, 108, 111.
- Rishiri Island, 167, 168.
- Rivers,
- peculiarity in, 135.
- troublesome, 151.
- Roasting hook, 211.
- Robinson Crusoe, 133.
- Rocks, 41, 111, 163.
- Roofs, 207.
- Rubeshibe River, 183.
- Rubets, 83, 130, 135.
- Rumoi, 174.
- Russia, 88, 122.
- [Pg 322]exchange with, 179.
- Russian Bible, 127.
- convicts, 142, 143, 165.
- cruiser, Crisorok, 168.
- régime, 127.
- S.
- Sacrilege, 200.
- Sadness, 232, 297.
- Saint Andrew's Cross, 227.
- Sake, 17, 23, 24, 31.
- Sakhalin or Krafto, 88, 92, 93, 122, 142, 161, 165, 297.
- Sakhalin Ainu, 179.
- Salaams, 7, 23.
- Salutation, Ainu, 6, 128, 256.
- Salmon, 130, 131, 133, 134, 173.
- Salmon, dried, 211.
- Salmon-fishing, 63, 64, 182.
- Salmon-trout, 130.
- Sandals, 248.
- Sappro, 20, 91, 186, 187-191.
- Sardine fishing, 19, 20, 41, 47, 48.
- Saru-buto, 20.
- Saru district, climate of, 84.
- Sarubuts, 163.
- Saruffo-Ko Lagoon, 111, 114.
- Saruma Lagoon, 81, 139, 142, 162.
- Saru-Mombets, 20, 21, 34, 35.
- Saru River, 22, 58, 207, 286.
- Ainu, 260.
- Saruru, 44, 46, 47, 157.
- Satsuma, 92.
- Satsumai and Ghifzan, 63.
- Satsuma Maru, 1, 206.
- Savage dance, 32.
- Savage Landor, 158.
- Savages, 159.
- Sawaki, 161.
- Scenery, 41, 46, 100, 111, 114, 129, 135, 162, 176, 192, 193.
- Scitzo, 193-195.
- Sea-birds, 48, 105, 138, 151, 152.
- Se-Cherippe Lagoon, 104.
- Seal-fishery, 104.
- Seals, 126, 131, 139, 161.
- Sea-trout, 170.
- Sea-weed, 41, 47, 104, 113, 115.
- Sensation, 14.
- Sense
- of hearing, 278-280.
- of sight, 278, 279.
- of smell, 276.
- of taste, 278.
- of touch, 277.
- Sensitiveness, 277.
- of lips, tongue, hands, fingers, lumbar region, etc., 278.
- Sexual love, 296.
- Shakotan, 176.
- Cape, 191.
- Peninsula, 192, 193.
- Shama-ne, 39-41.
- Shame and disgust, 233.
- Shamesen, 258.
- Shana, 131.
- Shanoi, 162.
- Shari, 80, 92, 135-137, 240.
- Shari-Mombets, 142, 143.
- Shaubets, 70, 73, 74.
- Shell-heaps, 81, 92, 104.
- Shibe-gari-pets, 35, 37.
- Shibetcha, 96, 97, 99, 101-104.
- Shibets, 134, 135.
- Shibumotzunai Lagoon, 142.
- Shikarubets Otchirsh, 61-64.
- Shikotan, 123-129, 207, 231.
- Ainu, 87, 88.
- Island, 88, 89.
- Shimokebo, 35-37.
- Shimushir, 88-90, 123, 126.
- Shina, 60.
- Shiofuki, 203.
- Shirakami Cape, 205.
- Shiranuka, 74, 75.
- Shiraoi, 19.
- Shiretoko Cape, 122, 135.
- Peninsula, 135, 138.
- Shiribeshi Province, 4.
- Shiribets, 193.
- Shirikishinai, 201.
- Shirin Lake, 96.
- Shiriuchi, 205.
- Shoals and reefs, 104.
- Shooting rapids, 183-185.
- [Pg 323]Shorui-washi, 64.
- Shoulders, 301, 304.
- Shoya, 44-47.
- Shrine, 199, 200.
- Siberian coast, 153.
- Siliusi lighthouse, 163.
- Skin, 276.
- colour of, 230.
- eruptions, 6, 296.
- Skull trophy, 214.
- Sleep, 275.
- Sleeping, 244.
- Slyness, 234, 235.
- Smoke, 211.
- black, 252.
- Snow, 84, 85, 115, 197.
- and glaciers, 165.
- sandals, 60.
- Singing, 256.
- Sitting, 243.
- Soldiers, 102, 103.
- Songs, 255, 256.
- Sorachi river, 183, 185.
- Soshi, 75.
- Soul, 284.
- Soya Cape, 42, 80, 81, 92, 163, 165, 167.
- Spain, 287.
- Spears, 224.
- Speculation, 90, 91.
- Spezia, Gulf of, 41.
- Spiders, 45.
- Spoons, 215.
- Spruces, 104.
- Stackhouse, 215.
- Statistics, 212.
- Stealing, 53, 57, 181, 272.
- Steeplechase, 66.
- Stone (peculiar), 168.
- images, 204.
- Storehouses, 23, 26, 137, 138, 161, 173, 180, 213, 247.
- Storeys, 208.
- Storm, 135, 136, 197.
- Strength, 238.
- Struggle, 40.
- Submerged crater, 125.
- Submission, 16, 273.
- Suicides, 291.
- Sulkiness, 234.
- Sulphur, 97, 104, 122, 130, 131, 138, 190, 200.
- Sulphur beds, 97, 98.
- mine, 97.
- Supernaturalism, 284.
- Superstition, 17, 289.
- Swamps, 65.
- Swearing, 289.
- Swift rivers, 41.
- Sword-hilts (Japanese), 250.
- Sydney Smith's position, 111.
- Symbols, 219.
- Sympathy, 52, 191.
- T.
- Taikki (fleas), 56.
- Tailor's sign-post, 191.
- Takae village, 35.
- Takigawa, 185.
- Takkobe Lake, 96.
- Tapkara (a savage dance), 32.
- Tarbouches, 164.
- Tartary, Gulf of, 153.
- Tarsus, 301.
- Tarumai Volcano, 201.
- Tattoos, 6, 137, 142, 179, 227, 232, 251-253, 293.
- (colour of), 254.
- (legend on), 251, 252.
- Tattooing (process of), 252.
- Tattooed women, 99.
- Tcharo-bets, 75.
- Tcha-tcha-nobori Volcano, 131.
- Tchiota, 56.
- Tears, 233.
- Teeth of half-castes, 269.
- Temper, 65, 233, 294.
- Tendo Achillis, 241.
- Tent, 3.
- Terra del Fuegians, 228.
- Terror, 154.
- Teshio coast, 176.
- River, 168-170, 174.
- Tetcha or Tetchkanga, 100, 101.
- [Pg 324]Teuri, 171.
- Thatching, 208.
- Theft, 291.
- Thiaske Tarra, 238.
- Thousand Islands, or Chishima, 123.
- Thread-winding, 240.
- Tibia, 88, 300, 304.
- Tide-rips, 131.
- Tobuts, 80, 139, 141, 253.
- Tobuts Lake, 48, 137.
- Todohotke, 200.
- Toi, 201.
- Tokachi, 84.
- Ainu, 99, 248-250, 253.
- district, 274.
- region, 114.
- River, 50, 58, 59, 61-66, 73, 169, 207, 214, 271.
- Tokio, 115.
- Tokri-moi, 11.
- Tokumatz Kuroda, 192.
- Tomamai, 173, 174.
- Tomakomai, 19, 20, 269.
- Tombets River, 163.
- Tombs, 181.
- Tonden, or military settlement 102, 103, 114, 183, 188.
- Tones, 222.
- Toreador, in Carmen, 263.
- Torii (emblems), 204.
- Tori Lake, 96.
- Totemism, 281, 282.
- To'tori, 75.
- Toshibets River, 65.
- Toya Lake, 10, 11, 200.
- Toyohira River, 183.
- Toyoshira Valley, 187.
- Trackers (Ainu), 109.
- Tracking, 159-161.
- Tradition, 218.
- Transmission of diseases, 266.
- of images to the brain, 279.
- Travellers (foreign), 263.
- Tree-dwellers of India, 228.
- Trees, 129, 130, 135, 137, 161, 162, 166, 198.
- Triangles, 221.
- Tribes, 88, 267.
- Trovatore, 257.
- Tukoro, 139.
- Tunnel, 39, 41, 174.
- Tunnui-puto, 65.
- Turkish ship (wreck of), 163.
- Tsiriju Mount, 130.
- Tsugaru Strait, 93, 193.
- Types, 229.
- Typhoon, 164, 174.
- U.
- Ubahu, 37, 39.
- Uhui Cape, 174.
- Ukorra, 10.
- Ulmus Campestris, 26, 245, 246.
- Campestris bark, 210.
- Campestris fibre, 267.
- Ulna, 299, 303.
- Uparpenai, 61.
- Urahoro River, 73.
- Urakawa, 39, 40.
- Urapets River, 39.
- Uriugawa River, 183.
- Urup, 88, 123, 126, 131.
- Usa, 209.
- Ushoro, 193.
- Uso, 5.
- Uso Volcano, 11, 200.
- Utarop Rocks, 43.
- Usushiri, 198.
- V.
- Vegetation, 131.
- Villages, Ainu, 5, 22.
- Vines, 60.
- Virginity, 250.
- Virility, 253.
- Volcanic nature, 5.
- formation, 37, 122, 129, 162, 167, 168, 192, 205.
- mass, 4.
- zone, 130.
- [Pg 325]Volcano, 130.
- Volcano Bay, 5, 58, 193, 195, 197, 286.
- Ainu, 6, 248, 274.
- Volcanoes, 131.
- W.
- Wadamanai, 168, 169.
- Wakkanai, 167, 168.
- War-clubs, 10, 223.
- Washibets, 14.
- Washing, 28.
- Watanabe Masaru, 58, 64, 65.
- Waterfalls, 11, 41, 74, 194.
- Water-soup, 4.
- Weaving, 210.
- Wembets, 135.
- Wembets River, 171.
- Westerns, 255.
- Whales' bones, 145, 161, 169.
- Wife, 294, 295.
- (great wife), 34.
- (second), 294.
- Winter, 161.
- garments, 60, 145.
- Witches, 287, 288.
- Wolves, 101.
- Women, 136, 137, 142, 232, 236, 249, 252, 253, 294.
- Women standing, 242.
- and children at a festival, 31.
- (burial of), 225.
- feeding bears, 59.
- suckling bear cubs, 214.
- Women's graves, 226.
- Wood-carving, 219.
- Wooden blade, carved, 226.
- bowls, 8.
- panels, 2.
- Wrecks, 42, 43, 162, 163, 165, 168-170, 179.
- Written language, 259.
- Worship, 281, 283, 284.
- Y.
- Yagoshi Cape, 205.
- Yamakubiro, 56, 63, 271.
- Yamakushinai, 197.
- Yammakka, 56, 57, 61, 65, 66.
- Yangeshiri, 171.
- Yassuchi, 142.
- Lagoon, 142.
- Yezo, 297.
- Yoichi, 192, 193.
- Yoshioka village, 205.
- Yoshitsune or Okikurumi, 260, 261, 283, 284. (Also see Hero, Japanese.)
- Yubaridake, 122.
- Yubets, 142.
- River, 141.
- Yuhuts, 20.
- Yurap, 197.
- Yurapdake Mount, 4.
- Yuto Lake, 48.
- Yuzan Volcano, 97, 98, 101, 104.
- Z.
- Zenzai lakes, 3.
LONDON: PRINTED BY WM. CLOWES AND SONS, LTD., STAMFORD STREET AND CHARING CROSS.
LONDON: PRINTED BY WM. CLOWES AND SONS, LTD., STAMFORD STREET AND CHARING CROSS.
FOOTNOTES
[1] Nobori, mountain, volcano; bets, river, stream.
[4] Yu, springs; huts, mouth of river.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Yu, springs; huts, river mouth.
[6] Small Japanese dinner tables.
Small Japanese dinner tables.
[7] At-pets—Elm-tree river (at, elm-tree; pets, river).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ At-pets—Elm Tree River (at, elm tree; pets, river).
[9] Shibe-gari-pets—Salmon-trout river.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Shibe-gari-pets—Salmon-trout river.
[11] Poro, large; nam, cold; bets, river.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Poro, big; nam, chilly; bets, stream.
[13] Onnito. Onni or Onne, great, large; to, lake, swamp.
[16] Toy, earth; o, (?) i, a place; pets, river.
[23] Ni, wood; piri, wound; bets, river.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Ni, wood; piri, injury; bets, river.
[24] Puro, great; ke, I; nashpa, deafening noise.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Puro, awesome; ke, I; nashpa, loud noise.
[25] Ke, I; nashpa, deafening noise.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Ke, I; nashpa, loud noise.
[27] Nesan, a corruption of annesan.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Nesan, a variation of annesan.
[28] Ko, lake; shto, man. Ko is probably a corruption of the Ainu word to, a lake or a swamp, and it is used by the Japanese of Yezo for "lake," instead of the word "numa."
[28] Ko, lake; shto, man. Ko is likely a variation of the Ainu word to, which means a lake or swamp, and it is used by the Japanese from Yezo for "lake," instead of the word "numa."
[32] Shimushir, High Island.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Shimushir, High Island.
[34] Krafto, Ainu word for Sakhalin.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Krafto, Ainu term for Sakhalin.
[35] Poro, large; nai, stream.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Poro, large; nai, stream.
[36] Sometimes also pronounced Krafto.
[38] Nipesh: a kind of hemp.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Nipesh: a type of hemp.
[42] Vol. X., Part II., §6.
Transcriber's Notes
The following changes have been made in the text.
The following changes have been made in the text.
Page | Original | Changed to |
53 | do | no |
305 | 2/8 | ¼ |
Some images have been moved a couple of paragraphs in the HTML version for better formatting.
Some images have been relocated a few paragraphs in the HTML version for improved formatting.
A number of words occur both in hyphenated and unhyphenated forms in the text.
A number of words appear in both hyphenated and unhyphenated forms in the text.
The map in the beginning of the book is linked to a larger version in the "images" subdirectory of the current directory.
The map at the start of the book is connected to a larger version in the "images" subfolder of the current directory.
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