This is a modern-English version of The Rogues and Vagabonds of Shakespeare's Youth: Awdeley's 'Fraternitye of vacabondes' and Harman's 'Caveat', originally written by Awdelay, John, active 1559-1577, Harman, Thomas, active 1567. It has been thoroughly updated, including changes to sentence structure, words, spelling, and grammar—to ensure clarity for contemporary readers, while preserving the original spirit and nuance. If you click on a paragraph, you will see the original text that we modified, and you can toggle between the two versions.

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Transcriber's Notes

Variable, archaic or unusual spelling and punctuation have been retained apart from minor punctuation inconsistencies which have been silently corrected. An Errata list can be found at the end of the book. In the text, unresolved printer errors are indicated with black dotted underlining; hover the mouse over the underlined text to see a Transcriber's Note. Footnotes were sequentially numbered and placed at the end of each section. The page headers of the book are presented as sidenotes.

Variable, old-fashioned, or uncommon spelling and punctuation have been preserved, except for minor punctuation inconsistencies that have been quietly corrected. An Errata list can be found at the end of the book. In the text, unresolved printer errors are marked with black dotted underlining; hover the mouse over the underlined text to view a Transcriber's Note. Footnotes were numbered sequentially and placed at the end of each section. The page headers of the book are shown as sidenotes.

The two texts of Parson Haben's or Hyberdyne's Sermon in Praise of Thieves and Thievery are printed on opposite pages. They are shown here in parallel columns.

The two versions of Parson Haben's or Hyberdyne's Sermon in Praise of Thieves and Thievery are printed on opposite pages. They are displayed here in side-by-side columns.

Text in bold sans serif lettertype is printed in blackletter (Gothic) in the original.

Text in bold sans serif typeface is printed in blackletter (Gothic) in the original.


THE SHAKESPEARE LIBRARY.
GENERAL EDITOR PROFESSOR I. GOLLANCZ, LITT.D.

THE SHAKESPEARE LIBRARY.
GENERAL EDITOR PROFESSOR I. GOLLANCZ, LITT.D.


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THE ROGUES AND VAGABONDS OF SHAKESPEARE'S YOUTH: AWDELEY'S 'FRATERNITYE OF VACABONDES' AND HARMAN'S 'CAVEAT': EDITED WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY EDWARD VILES AND F. J. FURNIVALL


logo chatto and windus

CHATTO AND WINDUS, PUBLISHERS LONDON MCMVII

CHATTO AND WINDUS, PUBLISHERS LONDON 1907


R. CLAY & SONS, LIMITED, LONDON AND BUNGAY.

R. CLAY & SONS, LIMITED, LONDON AND BUNGAY.


CONTENTS

 PAGE
Preface i
Awdeley's Fraternitye, not plagiarized from, but published 'a fewe yeares' before, Harman's Caueat i
Harman’s Caueat: two states of the 2nd edition. The latter, now called the 3rd edition, is reprinted here v
Piraters from Harman: Bynnyman, and G. Dewes vi
Short account of Thomas Harman vii
Harrison's quotation of Harman, and his account of English Vagabonds, and the punishments for them xi
The Groundworke of Conny-catching is a reprint of Harman's Caueat, with an Introduction xiv
Dekker's Belman of London: its borrowings from Harman xiv
S. Rowlands' Martin Mark-all shows up Dekker, and has new Cant words xvi
Dekker's Lanthorn and Candle-light borrows from Harman: Canting Song from it xix
The Caterpillers of this Nation anatomized xxi
A Warning for Housebreakers xxi
Street Robberies consider'd xxii
Parson Haben's or Hyberdyne's Sermon in Praise of Thieves and Thievery xxiv
Shares in the present work xxiv
1. Awdeley's fraternitye of Vacabondes, with the .xxv. Orders of Knaues (p. 12-16) 1-16
2. Harman's Caueat or Warrening for Commen Cvrsetors vulgarely called Vagabones 17-91
3. Parson Haben's (or Hyberdyne's) Sermon in Praise of Thieves and Thievery 92-95
4. The Groundwork of Conny-catching: those parts that are not reprinted from Harman's Caueat 96-103
5. Notes 103-107
6. Index 108-116

PREFACE.


If the ways and slang of Vagabonds and Beggars interested Martin Luther enough to make him write a preface to the Liber Vagatorum[1] in 1528, two of the ungodly may be excused for caring, in 1869, for the old Rogues of their English land, and for putting together three of the earliest tracts about them. Moreover, these tracts are part of the illustrative matter that we want round our great book on Elizabethan England, Harrison's Description of Britain, and the chief of them is quoted by the excellent parson who wrote that book.

If the ways and slang of Vagabonds and Beggars interested Martin Luther enough to make him write a preface to the Liber Vagatorum[1] in 1528, then two of the ungodly can be forgiven for caring, in 1869, about the old Rogues of their English land and for compiling three of the earliest tracts about them. Additionally, these tracts are part of the illustrative material we want for our great book on Elizabethan England, Harrison's Description of Britain, and the main one is quoted by the excellent parson who wrote that book.

The first of these three tracts, Awdeley's Fraternitye of Vacabondes, has been treated by many hasty bibliographers, who can never have taken the trouble to read the first three leaves of Harman's book, as later than, and a mere pilfering from, Harman's Caueat. No such accusation, however, did Harman himself bring against the worthy printer-author (herein like printer-author Crowley, though he was preacher too,) who preceded him. In his Epistle dedicatory to the Countes of Shrewsbury, p. 20, below, Harman, after speaking of 'these wyly wanderers,' vagabonds, says in 1566 or 1567,

The first of these three tracts, Awdeley's Fraternitye of Vacabondes, has been mishandled by many careless bibliographers, who probably never took the time to read the first three pages of Harman's book, treating it as something that came after and only borrowed from Harman's Caueat. However, Harman himself didn't make any such accusation against the respected printer-author (similar to printer-author Crowley, though he was also a preacher) who came before him. In his dedicatory letter to the Countess of Shrewsbury, p. 20, below, Harman, after discussing 'these sly wanderers,' vagabonds, mentions in 1566 or 1567,

There was a fewe yeares since a small bréefe setforth of some zelous man to his countrey,—of whom I knowe not,—that made a lytle shewe of there names and vsage, and gaue a glymsinge lyghte, not sufficient to perswade of their peuishe peltinge and pickinge practyses, but well worthy of prayse.

There was a few years ago a brief report put together by a passionate individual for their country—of whom I do not know—who provided a small glimpse of their names and behaviors, and shed a faint light, not enough to convince of their harmful schemes and sneaky practices, but still commendable.

AWDELEY'S FRATERNITYE OF VACABONDES.

This description of the 'small bréefe,' and the 'lytle shewe' ofii the 'names and vsage,' exactly suits Awdeley's tract; and the 'fewe yeares since' also suits the date of what may be safely assumed to be the first edition of the Fraternitye, by John Awdeley or John Sampson, or Sampson Awdeley,—for by all these names, says Mr Payne Collier, was our one man known:—

This description of the 'small bréefe' and the 'little show' ofii the 'names and usage' perfectly fits Awdeley's work; and the 'few years ago' also matches the date of what can be confidently considered the first edition of the Fraternitye, by John Awdeley or John Sampson, or Sampson Awdeley—because, as Mr. Payne Collier notes, our one individual was known by all these names:—

It may be disputed whether this printer's name were really Sampson, or Awdeley: he was made free of the Stationers' Company as Sampson, and so he is most frequently termed towards the commencement of the Register; but he certainly wrote and printed his name Awdeley or Awdelay; now and then it stands in the Register 'Sampson Awdeley.' It is the more important to settle the point, because ... he was not only a printer, but a versifier,[2] and ought to have been included by Ritson in his Bibliographica Poetica. (Registers of the Stationers' Company, A.D. 1848, vol. i. p. 23.)

It’s debatable whether this printer's name was actually Sampson or Awdeley. He was registered as Sampson when he became a member of the Stationers' Company, which is why he’s mostly called that at the start of the Register. However, he definitely wrote and printed his name as Awdeley or Awdelay, and sometimes it appears in the Register as 'Sampson Awdeley.' It's important to clarify this because he wasn't just a printer, but also a poet,[2] and should have been included by Ritson in his Bibliographica Poetica. (Registers of the Stationers' Company, A.D. 1848, vol. i. p. 23.)

These verses of Awdeley's, or Sampson's, no doubt led to his 'small bréefe' being entered in the Stationers' Register as a 'ballett':

These lines from Awdeley, or Sampson, surely resulted in his 'small bréefe' being recorded in the Stationers' Register as a 'ballad':

"1560-1. Rd. of John Sampson, for his lycense for pryntinge of a ballett called the description of vakaboundes ... iiijd.

"1560-1. Received from John Sampson for his license to print a ballad called the description of vagabonds ... 4d."

"[This entry seems to refer to an early edition of a very curious work, printed again by Sampson, alias Awdeley, in 1565, when it bore the following title, 'The fraternitie of vacabondes, as well of rufling vacabones as of beggerly, [3]as well of women as of men, [3]and as well of gyrles as of boyes, with their proper names and qualityes. Also the xxv. orders of knaves, otherwise called a quartten of knawes. Confirmed this yere by Cocke Lorel.' The edition without date mentioned by Dibdin (iv. 564) may have been that of the entry. Another impression by Awdeley, dated 1575 [which we reprint] is reviewed in the British Bibliographer, ii. 12, where it is asserted (as is very probable, though we are without distinct evidence of the fact) that the printer was the compiler of the book, and he certainly introduces it by three six-line stanzas. If this work came out originally in 1561, according to the entry, there is no doubt that it was the precursor of a very singular series of tracts on the same subject, which will be noticed in their proper places.]"—J. P. Collier, Registers, i. 42.

"[This entry seems to refer to an early edition of a very interesting work, printed again by Sampson, also known as Awdeley, in 1565, with the title, 'The fraternity of vagabonds, including both rough vagabonds and beggars, [3]as well as women and men, [3]and both girls and boys, along with their specific names and qualities. Also the 25 orders of knaves, otherwise known as a quartten of knaves. Confirmed this year by Cocke Lorel.' The undated edition mentioned by Dibdin (iv. 564) might be the one referenced in the entry. Another version by Awdeley, dated 1575 [which we reprint], is reviewed in the British Bibliographer, ii. 12, where it is suggested (which seems very likely, though we lack clear evidence of this) that the printer was the compiler of the book, and he certainly introduces it with three six-line stanzas. If this work was originally released in 1561, according to the entry, there’s no doubt it was the forerunner of a very unique series of tracts on the same topic, which will be addressed in their appropriate sections.]"—J. P. Collier, Registers, i. 42.

As above said, I take Harman's 'fewe yeares'—in 1566 or 7—to point to the 1561 edition of Awdeley, and not the 1565 ed. And as to Awdeley's authorship,—what can be more express than his own words, iiip. 2, below, that what the Vagabond caught at a Session confest as to 'both names and states of most and least of this their Vacabondes brotherhood,' that,—'at the request of a worshipful man, I ['The Printer,' that is, John Awdeley] have set it forth as well as I can.'

As mentioned earlier, I interpret Harman's reference to 'few years'—in 1566 or 7—as pointing to the 1561 edition of Awdeley, not the 1565 edition. Regarding Awdeley's authorship, what could be clearer than his own words, iiip. 2, below, that what the Vagabond confessed at a Session regarding 'both names and statuses of most and least of this their Vagabond brotherhood,' that,—'at the request of a respected man, I ['The Printer,' meaning John Awdeley] have published it as best as I could.'

But if a doubt on Awdeley's priority to Harman exists in any reader's mind, let him consider this second reference by Harman to Awdeley (p. 60, below), not noticed by the bibliographers: "For-as-much as these two names, a Iarkeman and a Patrico, bée in the old briefe of vacabonds, and set forth as two kyndes of euil doers, you shall vnderstande that a Iarkeman hath his name of a Iarke, which is a seale in their Language, as one should make writinges and set seales for lycences and pasporte," and then turn to Awdeley's Fraternitye of Vacabondes, and there see, at page 5, below:

But if there's any doubt about Awdeley's priority over Harman in a reader's mind, they should consider this second reference by Harman to Awdeley (p. 60, below), which bibliographers haven't noted: "Since these two names, a Iarkeman and a Patrico, are in the old brief of vagabonds and listed as two types of wrongdoers, you should understand that a Iarkeman gets his name from a Iarke, which is a seal in their language, as one would create writings and set seals for licenses and passports," and then turn to Awdeley's Fraternitye of Vacabondes, and see at page 5, below:

¶ A IACK MAN.

A Iackeman is he that can write and reade, and sometime speake latin. He vseth to make counterfaite licences which they call Gybes, and sets to Seales, in their language called Iarkes. (See also 'A Whipiacke,' p. 4.)

A Lackey is someone who can read and write, and sometimes speak Latin. He uses to create fake licenses which they call Gybes, and adds seals, in their language known as Jarks. (See also 'A Whipiacke,' p. 4.)

Let the reader then compare Harman's own description of a Patrico, p. 60, with that in 'the old Briefe of Vacabonds,' Awdeley, p. 6:

Let the reader then compare Harman's own description of a Patrico, p. 60, with that in 'the old Briefe of Vacabonds,' Awdeley, p. 6:

Awdeley. Harman.
¶ A Patriarch Co. there is a Patrico ...
A Patriarke Co doth make mariages, & that is vntill death depart the maried folke. whiche in their language is a priest, that should make mariages tyll death dyd depart.

And surely no doubt on the point will remain in his mind, though, if needed, a few more confirmations could be got, as

And surely no doubt about this will remain in his mind, although if necessary, a few more confirmations could be obtained, as

Awdeley (p. 4). Harman (p. 44).
¶ A Palliard. ¶ A Pallyard.
A Palliard is he that goeth in a patched cloke, and hys Doxy goeth in like apparell. These Palliardes ... go with patched clokes, and haue their Morts with them.

We may conclude, then, certainly, that Awdeley did not plagiarize Harman; and probably, that he first published his Fraternitye in 1561. The tract is a mere sketch, as compared with Harman's Caueat, though in its descriptions (p. 6-11) of 'A Curtesy Man,' iv HARMAN'S CAUEAT: THE EARLY EDITIONS.'A Cheatour or Fingerer,' and 'A Ring-Faller' (one of whom tried his tricks on me in Gower-street about ten days ago), it gives as full a picture as Harman does of the general run of his characters. The edition of 1575 being the only one accessible to us, our trusty Oxford copier, Mr George Parker, has read the proofs with the copy in the Bodleian.

We can definitely conclude that Awdeley didn’t copy Harman and probably published his Fraternitye in 1561. Compared to Harman's Caueat, the tract is just a rough outline, though it provides as detailed a portrayal of 'A Curtesy Man' (p. 6-11), 'A Cheatour or Fingerer,' and 'A Ring-Faller' (one of whom tried to pull his tricks on me in Gower Street about ten days ago) as Harman does of the general nature of his characters. Since the 1575 edition is the only one we have access to, our reliable Oxford copyist, Mr. George Parker, has checked the proofs against the copy in the Bodleian.

Let no one bring a charge of plagiarizing Awdeley, against Harman, for the latter, as has been shown, referred fairly to Awdeley's 'small breefe' or 'old briefe of vacabonds,' and wrote his own "bolde Beggars booke" (p. 91) from his own long experience with them.

Let no one accuse Harman of copying Awdeley, because as has been shown, he fairly referenced Awdeley's 'small breefe' or 'old briefe of vacabonds,' and wrote his own "bolde Beggars booke" (p. 91) based on his own extensive experience with them.


Harman's Caueat is too well-known and widely valued a book to need description or eulogy here. It is the standard work on its subject,—'these rowsey, ragged, rabblement of rakehelles' (p. 19)—and has been largely plundered by divers literary cadgers. No copy of the first edition seems to be known to bibliographers. It was published in 1566 or 1567,—probably the latter year,[4]—and must (I conclude) have contained less than the second, as in that's 'Harman to the Reader,' p. 28, below, he says 'well good reader, I meane not to be tedyous vnto the, but haue added fyue or sixe more tales, because some of them weare doune whyle my booke was fyrste in the presse.' He speaks again of his first edition at p. 44, below, 'I had the best geldinge stolen oute of my pasture, that I had amongst others, whyle this boke was first a printynge;' and also at p. 51, below, 'Apon Alhollenday in the morning last anno domini 1566, or my booke was halfe printed, I meane the first impression.' All Hallows' or All Saints' Day is November 1.

Harman's Caueat is such a well-known and highly regarded book that it doesn't need any description or praise here. It is the standard work on its subject—'these rowdy, ragged, crowd of troublemakers' (p. 19)—and has been heavily referenced by various literary opportunists. No copy of the first edition seems to be known to bibliographers. It was published in 1566 or 1567—probably the latter year,[4]—and must (I conclude) have contained fewer tales than the second edition, as in his 'Harman to the Reader,' p. 28, below, he states, 'well good reader, I don’t mean to be tedious to you, but I’ve added five or six more tales because some of them wore down while my book was first in the press.' He also mentions his first edition on p. 44, below, 'I had the best gelding stolen out of my pasture, that I had among others, while this book was first being printed;' and also on p. 51, below, 'On All Hallows' Day morning last anno domini 1566, while my book was half printed, I mean the first impression.' All Hallows' or All Saints' Day is November 1.

The edition called the second[5], also bearing date in 1567, is known to us in two states, the latter of which I have called the third edition. The first state of the second edition is shown by the Bodleian copy, which is 'Augmented and inlarged by the fyrst author here of,' and has, besides smaller differences specified in the footnotes in our pages, this great difference, that the arrangement of 'The Names of vHARMAN'S CAUEAT: THE TWO STATES OF THE 2ND EDITION.the Vpright Men, Roges, and Pallyards' is not alphabetical, by the first letter of the Christian names, as in the second state of the second edition (which I call the third edition), but higgledy-piggledy, or, at least, without attention to the succession of initials either of Christian or Sur-names, thus, though in three columns:

The edition known as the second[5], also dated 1567, exists in two versions, the latter of which I've referred to as the third edition. The first version of the second edition is represented by the Bodleian copy, which is 'Augmented and enlarged by the first author hereof,' and has, in addition to the minor differences noted in the footnotes in our pages, this significant difference: the list of 'The Names of vHARMAN'S CAUEAT: THE TWO STATES OF THE 2ND EDITION.the Upright Men, Rogues, and Pallyards' is not arranged alphabetically by the first letter of the Christian names, as it is in the second version of the second edition (which I call the third edition), but rather in a random order, or at least without following the order of initials for either Christian or surnames, thus, though in three columns:

¶ Vpright men.
  • Richard Brymmysh.
  • John Myllar.
  • Wel arayd Richard.
  • John Walchman.
  • William Chamborne.
  • Bryan Medcalfe.
  • Robert Gerse.
  • Gryffen.
  • Richard Barton.
  • John Braye.
  • Thomas Cutter.
  • Dowzabell skylfull in fence.

[&c.]

[&c.]

¶ Roges.
  • Harry Walles with the little mouth.
  • John Waren.
  • Richard Brewton.
  • Thomas Paske.
  • George Belbarby.
  • Humfrey Warde.
  • Lytle Robyn.
  • Lytle Dycke.
  • Richard Iones.
  • Lambart Rose.
  • Harry Mason.
  • Thomas Smithe with the skal skyn.

[&c.]

[&c.]

¶ Pallyards.
  • Nycholas Newton carieth a fayned lycence.
  • Bashforde.
  • Robart Lackley.
  • Wylliam Thomas.
  • Edward Heyward, hath his Morte following hym Whiche fayneth ye crank.
  • Preston.
  • Robart Canloke.

[&c.]

[&c.]

This alone settles the priority of the Bodley edition, as no printer, having an index alphabetical, would go and muddle it all again, even for a lark. Moreover, the other collations confirm this priority. The colophon of the Bodley edition is dated A.D. 1567, 'the eight of January;' and therefore A.D. 1567-8.

This alone confirms the priority of the Bodley edition, as no printer with an alphabetical index would go and confuse it all again, even just for fun. Additionally, the other comparisons support this priority. The colophon of the Bodley edition is dated CE 1567, 'the eighth of January;' and therefore CE 1567-8.

The second state of the second edition—which state I call the third edition—is shown by the copy which Mr Henry Huth has, with his never-failing generosity, lent us to copy and print from. It omits 'the eight of January,' from the colophon, and has 'Anno Domini 1567' only. Like the 2nd edition (or 2 A), this 3rd edition (or 2 B) has the statement on p. 87, below: 'Whyle this second Impression viwas in printinge, it fortuned that Nycholas Blunte, who called hym selfe Nycholan Gennyns, a counterefet Cranke, that is spoken of in this booke, was fonde begging in the whyte fryers on Newe yeares day last past. Anno domini .1567, and commytted vnto a offescer, who caried hym vnto the depetye of the ward, which commytted hym vnto the counter;' and this brings both the 2nd and 3rd editions (or 2 A and 2 B) to the year 1568, modern style. The 4th edition, so far as I know, was published in 1573, and was reprinted by Machell Stace (says Bohn's Lowndes) in 1814. From that reprint Mr W. M. Wood has made a collation of words, not letters, for us with the 3rd edition. The chief difference of the 4th edition is its extension of the story of the 'dyssembling Cranke,' Nycholas Genings, and 'the Printar of this booke' Wylliam Gryffith (p. 53-6, below), which extension is given in the footnotes to pages 56 and 57 of our edition. We were obliged to reprint this from Stace's reprint of 1814, as our searchers could not find a copy of the 4th edition of 1573 in either the British Museum, the Bodleian, or the Cambridge University Library.

The second state of the second edition—which I refer to as the third edition—is represented by the copy that Mr. Henry Huth has generously lent us to copy and print from. It excludes 'the eighth of January' from the colophon and contains only 'Anno Domini 1567.' Similar to the 2nd edition (or 2 A), this 3rd edition (or 2 B) includes the statement on p. 87, below: 'While this second Impression viwas in printing, it occurred that Nicholas Blunte, who called himself Nicholas Genings, a counterfeit Crank, mentioned in this book, was found begging in the White Friars on New Year's Day last past. Anno Domini 1567, and was committed to an officer, who took him to the deputy of the ward, who committed him to the counter;' and this places both the 2nd and 3rd editions (or 2 A and 2 B) in the year 1568, in modern terms. The 4th edition, as far as I know, was published in 1573 and was reprinted by Machell Stace (according to Bohn's Lowndes) in 1814. From that reprint, Mr. W. M. Wood has created a comparison of words, not letters, for us with the 3rd edition. The main difference in the 4th edition is its expansion of the story of the 'dissembling Crank,' Nicholas Genings, and 'the printer of this book' William Griffith (p. 53-6, below), which extension is provided in the footnotes to pages 56 and 57 of our edition. We had to reprint this from Stace's 1814 reprint since our searches couldn't locate a copy of the 4th edition from 1573 in either the British Museum, the Bodleian, or the Cambridge University Library.

Thus much about our present edition. I now hark back to the first, and the piracies of it or the later editions, mentioned in Mr J. P. Collier's Registers of the Stationers' Company, i. 155-6, 166.

Thus much about our current edition. I now return to the first one, and the piracies of it or the later editions, mentioned in Mr. J. P. Collier's Registers of the Stationers' Company, i. 155-6, 166.

"1566-7 Rd. of William Greffeth, for his lycense for printinge of a boke intituled a Caviat for commen Corsetors, vulgarly called Vagabons, by Thomas Harman ... iiijd.

"1566-7 Rd. of William Greffeth, for his license for printing a book titled A Caution for Common Coers, commonly called Vagabonds, by Thomas Harman ... 4d."

"[No edition of Harman's 'Caveat or Warning for common Cursetors,' of the date of 1566, is known, although it is erroneously mentioned in the introductory matter to the reprint in 1814, from H. Middleton's impression of 1573. It was the forerunner of various later works of the same kind, some of which were plundered from it without acknowledgment, and attributed to the celebrated Robert Greene. Copies of two editions in 1567, by Griffith, are extant, and, in all probability, it was the first time it appeared in print: Griffith entered it at Stationers' Hall, as above, in 1566, in order that he might publish it in 1567. Harman's work was preceded by several ballads relating to vagabonds, the earliest of which is entered on p. 42 [Awdeley, p. ii. above]. On a subsequent page (166) is inserted a curious entry regarding 'the boke of Rogges,' or Rogues.]

"[No edition of Harman's 'Caveat or Warning for Common Cursetors,' from 1566, is known, although it’s mistakenly mentioned in the introduction to the 1814 reprint from H. Middleton's 1573 edition. It was the precursor to various later works of the same type, some of which were copied from it without credit and wrongly attributed to the famous Robert Greene. Copies of two editions from 1567, published by Griffith, still exist, and it was likely the first time it was printed: Griffith registered it at Stationers' Hall, as mentioned above, in 1566 so he could publish it in 1567. Harman's work was preceded by several ballads about vagabonds, the earliest of which is noted on p. 42 [Awdeley, p. ii. above]. On a later page (166) is a fascinating entry regarding 'the boke of Rogges,' or Rogues.]

"1566-7. For Takynge of Fynes as foloweth. Rd. of Henry viiBynnyman, PIRATERS OF HARMAN'S CAUEAT.for his fyne for undermy[n]dinge and procurynge, as moche as in hym ded lye, a Copye from wylliam greffeth, called the boke of Rogges ... iijs.

"1566-7. For Taking of Fines as follows. Rd. of Henry viiBynnyman, PIRATES OF HARMAN'S CAUEAT. for his fine for undermining and procuring, as much as depended on him, a copy from William Greffeth, called the Book of Rogues ... 3s."

"[This was certainly Harman's 'Caveat or Warning for Common Cursetors'; and here we see Bynneman fined for endeavouring to undermine Griffith by procuring the copy of the work, in order that Bynneman might print and publish it instead of Griffith, his rival in business. The next item may show that Gerard Dewes had also printed the book, no doubt without license, but the memorandum was crossed out in the register.]

"[This was definitely Harman's 'Caveat or Warning for Common Cursetors'; and here we see Bynneman fined for trying to undermine Griffith by getting a copy of the work so that Bynneman could print and publish it instead of Griffith, his business rival. The next item may indicate that Gerard Dewes had also printed the book, likely without permission, but the note was crossed out in the register.]"

"Also, there doth remayne in the handes of Mr Tottle and Mr Gonneld, then wardens, the somme of iijli. vijs. viijd., wherto was Recevyd of garrad dewes for pryntinge of the boke of Rogges in aº 1567 ... ijli. vjs. viijd.

"Also, there remains in the hands of Mr. Tottle and Mr. Gonneld, the wardens, the sum of 3l. 7s. 8d., which was received from Garrad Dewes for printing the Book of Rogues in 1567 ... 2l. 6s. 8d."

"[All tends to prove the desire of stationers to obtain some share of the profits of a work, which, as we have already shown, was so well received, that Griffith published two editions of it in 1567.]"

"[All suggests that stationers wanted to get a portion of the profits from a work that, as we have already shown, was so well received that Griffith published two editions of it in 1567.]"

The fact is, the book was so interesting that it made its readers thieves, as 'Jack Sheppard' has done in later days. The very wood-cutter cheated Harman of the hind legs of the horse on his title, prigged two of his prauncer's props (p. 42).

The truth is, the book was so engaging that it turned its readers into thieves, just like 'Jack Sheppard' did later on. The woodcutter cheated Harman out of the hind legs of the horse on his title and swiped two of his prancer's props (p. 42).

To know the keen inquiring Social Reformer, Thomas Harman, the reader must go to his book. He lived in the country (p. 34, foot), in [Crayford] Kent (p. 30, p. 35), near a heath (p. 35), near Lady Elizabeth Shrewsbury's parish (p. 19), not far from London (p. 30, p. 35); 'he lodged at the White Friars within the cloister' (p. 51), seemingly while he was having his book printed (p. 53), and had his servant there with him (ib.); 'he knew London well' (p. 54, &c.); and in Kent 'beinge placed as a poore gentleman,' he had in 1567, 'kepte a house these twenty yeares, where vnto pouerty dayely hath and doth repayre,' and where, being kept at home 'through sickenes, he talked dayly with many of these wyly wanderars, as well men and wemmen, as boyes and gyrles,' whose tricks he has so pleasantly set down for us. He did not, though, confine his intercourse with vagabonds to talking, for he says of some, p. 48,

To understand the insightful and curious social reformer, Thomas Harman, the reader should refer to his book. He lived in the countryside (p. 34, foot), in [Crayford] Kent (p. 30, p. 35), close to a heath (p. 35), near Lady Elizabeth Shrewsbury's parish (p. 19), not far from London (p. 30, p. 35); 'he stayed at the White Friars within the cloister' (p. 51), likely while his book was being printed (p. 53), and had his servant with him there (ib.); 'he was well acquainted with London' (p. 54, &c.); and in Kent 'being positioned as a poor gentleman,' he had in 1567, 'kept a house for twenty years, where poverty daily has and does visit,' and where, being confined at home 'due to illness, he conversed daily with many of these crafty wanderers, both men and women, as well as boys and girls,' whose antics he has so amusingly documented for us. However, he didn't limit his interactions with vagabonds to just conversation, for he mentions some, p. 48,

¶ Some tyme they counterfet the seale of the Admiraltie. I haue diuers tymes taken a waye from them their lycences, of both sortes, viiiwyth suche money as they haue gathered, and haue confiscated the same to the pouerty nigh adioyninge to me. p. 51-6.

¶ Sometimes they fake the seal of the Admiralty. I have often taken away their licenses, both types, viii along with the money they have collected, and have confiscated it for the nearby poor. p. 51-6.

STATUS AND CHARACTER OF THOMAS HARMAN.

Our author also practically exposed these tricks, as witness his hunting out the Cranke, Nycholas Genings, and his securing the vagabond's 13s. and 4d. for the poor of Newington parish, p. 51-6, his making the deaf and dumb beggar hear and speak, p. 58-9 (and securing his money too for the poor). But he fed deserving beggars, see p. 66, p. 20.

Our author also practically revealed these tricks, as shown by his hunt for the Cranke, Nycholas Genings, and his securing the vagabond's 13s. and 4d. for the needy of Newington parish, p. 51-6, his making the deaf and dumb beggar hear and speak, p. 58-9 (and ensuring his money went to the poor). But he also supported deserving beggars, see p. 66, p. 20.

Though Harman tells us 'Eloquence haue I none, I neuer was acquaynted with the Muses, I neuer tasted of Helycon' (p. 27-8), yet he could write verses—though awfully bad ones: see them at pages 50 and 89-91, below, perhaps too at p. 26[6];—he knew Latin—see his comment on Cursetors and Vagabone, p. 27; his una voce, p. 43; perhaps his 'Argus eyes,' p. 54; his omnia venalia Rome, p. 60; his homo, p. 73; he quotes St Augustine (and the Bible), p. 24; &c.;—he studied the old Statutes of the Realm (p. 27); he liked proverbs (see the Index); he was once 'in commission of the peace,' as he says, and judged malefactors, p. 60, though he evidently was not a Justice when he wrote his book; he was a 'gentleman,' says Harrison (see p. xii. below); 'a Iustice of Peace in Kent,[7] in Queene Marie's daies,' says Samuel Rowlands;[8] he bore arms (of heraldry), and had them duly stamped on his pewter dishes (p. 35); he had at least one old 'tennant who customably a greate tyme went twise in the weeke to London, (over Blacke Heathe) eyther wyth fruite or with pescoddes' (p. 30); he hospitably asked his visitors to dinner (p. 45); he had horses in his pasture,[9] the best gelding of which the Pryggers of Prauncers prigged (p. 44); he had an unchaste cow that went to bull every month (p. 67, if his ownership is not chaff here); he had in his 'well-house on the backe side of ixhis house, a great cawdron of copper' which the beggars stole (p. 34-5); he couldn't keep his linen on his hedges or in his rooms, or his pigs and poultry from the thieves (p. 21); he hated the 'rascal rabblement' of them (p. 21), and 'the wicked parsons that keepe typlinge Houses in all shires, where they haue succour and reliefe'; and, like a wise and practical man, he set himself to find out and expose all their 'vndecent, dolefull [guileful] dealing, and execrable exercyses' (p. 21) to the end that they might be stopt, and sin and wickedness might not so much abound, and thus 'this Famous Empyre be in more welth, and better florysh, to the inestymable joye and comfort' of his great Queen, Elizabeth, and the 'vnspeakable ... reliefe and quietnes of minde, of all her faythfull Commons and Subiectes.' The right end, and the right way to it. We've some like you still, Thomas Harman, in our Victorian time. May their number grow!

Though Harman tells us, "I have no eloquence, I was never acquainted with the Muses, I never tasted of Helicon" (p. 27-8), he could still write verses—though they were really bad: see them at pages 50 and 89-91, below, and maybe also at p. 26[6];—he knew Latin—see his comment on Cursetors and Vagabonds, p. 27; his una voce, p. 43; perhaps his "Argus eyes," p. 54; his omnia venalia Rome, p. 60; his homo, p. 73; he quotes St. Augustine (and the Bible), p. 24; &c.;—he studied the old Statutes of the Realm (p. 27); he liked proverbs (see the Index); he was once "in commission of the peace," as he says, and judged criminals, p. 60, though he clearly wasn't a Justice when he wrote his book; he was a "gentleman," says Harrison (see p. xii. below); "a Justice of Peace in Kent,[7] in Queen Mary's days," says Samuel Rowlands;[8] he bore arms (of heraldry), and had them duly stamped on his pewter dishes (p. 35); he had at least one old "tenant who regularly went twice a week to London, (over Black Heath) either with fruit or with vegetables" (p. 30); he hospitably invited his visitors to dinner (p. 45); he had horses in his pasture,[9] the best gelding of which the Pryggers of Prauncers stole (p. 44); he had an unchaste cow that went to bull every month (p. 67, if his ownership isn’t just a joke here); he had in his "well house on the back side of ixhis house, a large copper cauldron" which the beggars stole (p. 34-5); he couldn't keep his linen on his hedges or in his rooms, nor could he keep his pigs and poultry safe from thieves (p. 21); he hated the "rascal rabble" of them (p. 21), and "the wicked parsons that run tippling houses in all shires, where they offer support and relief"; and, being a wise and practical man, he set out to uncover and expose all their "indecent, sorrowful [deceitful] dealings, and execrable practices" (p. 21) so that they could be stopped, and sin and wickedness wouldn’t abound so much, thus allowing "this Famous Empire to be in greater wealth and better flourish, to the immeasurable joy and comfort" of his great Queen, Elizabeth, and the "unspeakable ... relief and peace of mind for all her faithful Commons and Subjects." The right goal, and the right way to achieve it. We still have some like you, Thomas Harman, in our Victorian era. May their number grow!

Thus much about Harman we learn from his book and his literary contemporaries and successors. If we now turn to the historian of his county, Hasted, we find further interesting details about our author: 1, that he lived in Crayford parish, next to Erith, the Countess of Shrewsbury's parish; 2, that he inherited the estates of Ellam, and Maystreet, and the manor of Mayton or Maxton; 3, that he was the grandson of Henry Harman, Clerk of the Crown, who had for his arms 'Argent, a chevron between 3 scalps sable,' which were no doubt those stampt on our Thomas's pewter dishes; 4, that he had a 'descendant,'—a son, I presume—who inherited his lands, and three daughters, one of whom, Bridget, married Henry Binneman—? not the printer, about 1565-85 A.D., p. vi-vii, above.

Here’s what we learn about Harman from his book and from the writers around his time. If we look at the county historian, Hasted, we find more interesting details about him: 1. He lived in Crayford parish, near Erith, which is the parish of the Countess of Shrewsbury; 2. He inherited the estates of Ellam and Maystreet, as well as the manor of Mayton or Maxton; 3. He was the grandson of Henry Harman, Clerk of the Crown, who had the coat of arms 'Argent, a chevron between 3 scalps sable,' which were likely stamped on Thomas's pewter dishes; 4. He had a 'descendant'—probably a son—who inherited his land, and three daughters, one of whom, Bridget, married Henry Binneman—not the printer—around 1565-85 CE, p. vi-vii, above.

Hasted in his description of the parish of Crayford, speaking of Ellam, a place in the parish, says:—

Hasted, in his description of the parish of Crayford, talks about Ellam, a location in the parish, and says:—

"In the 16th year of K. Henry VII. John Ellam alienated it (the seat of Ellam) to Henry Harman, who was then Clerk of the Crown,[10] and xwho likewise THOMAS HARMAN'S FAMILY AND ESTATES.purchased an estate called Maystreet here, of Cowley and Bulbeck, of Bulbeck-street in this parish, in the 20th year of King Edward IV.[11] On his decease, William Harman, his son, possessed both these estates.[12] On his decease they descended to Thomas Harman, esq., his son; who, among others, procured his lands to be disgavelled, by the act of the 2 & 3 Edw. VI.[13] He married Millicent, one of the daughters of Nicholas Leigh, of Addington, in the county of Surry, esq.[14] His descendant, William Harman, sold both these places in the reign of K. James I. to Robert Draper, esqr."—History of Kent, vol. i. p. 209.

"In the 16th year of King Henry VII, John Ellam transferred his estate to Henry Harman, who was then the Clerk of the Crown,[10] and xwho also THOMAS HARMAN'S FAMILY AND ESTATES.acquired a property called Maystreet here, from Cowley and Bulbeck, on Bulbeck Street in this parish, in the 20th year of King Edward IV.[11] Upon his death, his son, William Harman, owned both these estates.[12] After his death, they passed to his son, Thomas Harman, esquire, who, among other actions, got his lands free from the tax, through the act of the 2 & 3 Edward VI.[13] He married Millicent, one of the daughters of Nicholas Leigh, of Addington, in Surrey, esquire.[14] His descendant, William Harman, sold both properties during the reign of King James I to Robert Draper, esquire."—History of Kent, vol. i. p. 209.

The manor of Maxton, in the parish of Hougham "passed to Hobday, and thence to Harman, of Crayford; from which name it was sold by Thomas Harman to Sir James Hales.... William Harman held the manor of Mayton, alias Maxton, with its appurtenances, of the Lord Cheney, as of his manor of Chilham, by Knight's service. Thomas Harman was his son and heir: Rot. Esch. 2 Edw. VI."—Hasted's History of Kent, vi. p. 47.

The manor of Maxton, located in the parish of Hougham, was transferred to Hobday, and then to Harman of Crayford. Thomas Harman sold it from that name to Sir James Hales. William Harman owned the manor of Mayton, also known as Maxton, along with its appurtenances, from Lord Cheney, as part of his manor of Chilham, in exchange for Knight's service. Thomas Harman was his son and heir: Rot. Esch. 2 Edw. VI."—Hasted's History of Kent, vi. p. 47.

"It is laid down as a rule, that nothing but an act of parliament can change the nature of gavelkind lands; and this has occasioned several [acts], for the purpose of disgavelling the possessions of divers gentlemen in this county.... One out of several statutes made for this purpose is the 3rd of Edw. VI."—Hasted's History of Kent, vol. i. p. cxliii.

"It is established as a rule that only an act of parliament can change the nature of gavelkind lands; and this has led to several acts aimed at removing the gavelkind status from the properties of various gentlemen in this county.... One of several statutes created for this purpose is the 3rd of Edw. VI."—Hasted's History of Kent, vol. i. p. cxliii.

And in the list of names given,—taken from Robinson's Gavelkind—twelfth from the bottom stands that of Thomas Harman.

And in the list of names provided,—taken from Robinson's Gavelkind—twelfth from the bottom is Thomas Harmon.

Of Thomas Harman's aunt, Mary, Mrs William Lovelace, we find: "John Lovelace, esq., and William Lovelace, his brother, possessed this manor and seat (Bayford-Castle) between them; the latter of whom resided at Bayford, where he died in the 2nd year of K. Edward VI., leaving issue by Mary his wife, daughter of William Harman, of Crayford, seven sons...."—Hasted's History of Kent, vol. ii. p. 612.

Of Thomas Harman's aunt, Mary, Mrs. William Lovelace, we find: "John Lovelace, Esq., and his brother William Lovelace owned this manor and estate (Bayford Castle) together; the latter lived at Bayford, where he died in the 2nd year of King Edward VI, leaving seven sons by his wife Mary, the daughter of William Harman of Crayford...."—Hasted's History of Kent, vol. ii. p. 612.

The rectory of the parish of Deal was bestowed by the Archbishop on Roger Harman in 1544 (Hasted, vol. iv. p. 171).

The rectory of the parish of Deal was given by the Archbishop to Roger Harman in 1544 (Hasted, vol. iv. p. 171).

Harman-street is the name of a farm in the parish of Ash (Hasted, vol. iii. p. 691).

Harman-street is the name of a farm in the parish of Ash (Hasted, vol. iii. p. 691).

HARRISON ON ENGLISH VAGABONDS IN 1577-86 A.D.

xiThe excellent parson, William Harrison, in his 'Description of England,' prefixed to Holinshed's Chronicles (edit. 1586), quotes Harman fairly enough in his chapter "Of prouision made for the poore," Book II, chap. 10.[15] And as he gives a statement of the sharp punishment enacted for idle rogues and vagabonds by the Statutes of Elizabeth, I take a long extract from his said chapter. After speaking of those who are made 'beggers through other mens occasion,' and denouncing the grasping landlords 'who make them so, and wipe manie out of their occupiengs,' Harrison goes on to those who are beggars 'through their owne default' (p. 183, last line of col. 1, ed. 1586):

xiThe respected clergyman, William Harrison, in his 'Description of England,' included in Holinshed's Chronicles (edit. 1586), quotes Harman quite accurately in his chapter "Of Provision Made for the Poor," Book II, chap. 10.[15] He provides a detailed account of the harsh penalties imposed on lazy vagrants and rogues by the Statutes of Elizabeth, and I will share a lengthy excerpt from that chapter. After discussing those who become 'beggars due to the actions of others' and criticizing the greedy landlords 'who create such circumstances and drive many out of their livelihoods,' Harrison then addresses those who are beggars 'because of their own choices' (p. 183, last line of col. 1, ed. 1586):

"Such as are idle beggers through their owne default are of two sorts, and continue their estates either by casuall or meere voluntarie meanes: those that are such by casuall means [16]are in the beginning[16] iustlie to be referred either to the first or second sort of poore [16]afore mentioned[16]; but, degenerating into the thriftlesse sort, they doo what they can to continue their miserie; and, with such impediments as they haue, to straie and wander about, as creatures abhorring all labour and euerie honest excercise. Certes, I call these casuall meanes, not in respect of the originall of their pouertie, but of the continuance of the same, from whence they will not be deliuered, such[17] is their owne vngratious lewdnesse and froward disposition. The voluntarie meanes proceed from outward causes, as by making of corosiues, and applieng the same to the more fleshie parts of their bodies; and also laieng of ratsbane, sperewort, crowfoot, and such like vnto their whole members, thereby to raise pitifull[18] and odious sores, and mooue [16]the harts of[16] the goers by such places where they lie, to [19]yerne at[19] their miserie, and therevpon[16] bestow large almesse vpon them.[20] How artificiallie they beg, what forcible speech, and how they select and choose out words of vehemencie, whereby they doo in maner coniure or adiure the goer by to pitie their cases, I passe ouer to remember, as iudging the name of God and Christ to be more conuersant in the mouths of none, and yet the presence of the heuenlie maiestie further off from no men than from this vngratious companie. Which maketh me to thinke, that punishment is farre meeter for them than liberalitie or almesse, and sith Christ willeth vs cheeflie to haue a regard to himselfe and his poore members.

"Idle beggars who are in that state due to their own doing fall into two categories and maintain their situation either by random or purely voluntary means. Those in the first group rely on chance [16] initially[16] can rightly be considered part of the first or second type of poor [16] mentioned[16]; however, as they slip into the worthless category, they do whatever they can to prolong their misery, wandering around like beings that detest any work or honest effort. I refer to these as random means, not regarding the origin of their poverty, but the persistence of it, from which they refuse to escape, such[17] is their own ungrateful depravity and rebellious nature. The voluntary means come from external factors, such as applying corrosives to the more fleshy parts of their bodies, and also using rat poison, spearwort, crowfoot, and similar substances on their bodies, which causes pitiful[18] and disgusting sores, moving [16] the hearts of[16] passersby who see them, compelling them to [19] feel pity for[19] their misery and consequently[16] give generously to them.[20] I won't dwell on how cleverly they beg, what convincing language they use, or how they carefully choose powerful words to practically conjure sympathy from passersby, as I believe the name of God and Christ is most often on the lips of none, and yet the presence of the heavenly majesty is not far from any man more than this ungrateful company. This leads me to think that punishment is far more suitable for them than generosity or charity, and since Christ urges us above all to pay attention to Him and His poor members."

"Vnto this nest is another sort to be referred, more sturdie than the rest, which, hauing sound and perfect lims, doo yet, notwithstanding xiisometime counterfeit the possession of all sorts of diseases. Diuerse times in their apparell also[21] they will be like seruing men or laborers: oftentimes they can plaie the mariners, and seeke for ships which they neuer lost.[22] But, in fine, they are all theeues and caterpillers in the commonwealth, and, by the word of God not permitted to eat, sith they doo but licke the sweat from the true laborers' browes, and beereue the godlie poore of that which is due vnto them, to mainteine their excesse, consuming the charitie of well-disposed people bestowed vpon them, after a most wicked[23] and detestable maner.

There is another type that should be mentioned, more robust than the rest, which, despite having sound and perfect limbs, sometimes pretends to have all sorts of diseases. Many times in their clothing they will resemble servants or laborers: often they can pose as sailors and look for ships they never lost. But in the end, they are all thieves and pests in society, and by the word of God are not allowed to eat, since they only lick the sweat from the true laborers' brows and rob the godly poor of what is owed to them, to support their excesses, consuming the charity of good-hearted people given to them in a most wicked and detestable manner.

"It is not yet full threescore[24] yeares since this trade began: but how it hath prospered since that time, it is easie to iudge; for they are now supposed, of one sex and another, to amount vnto aboue 10,000 persons, as I haue heard reported. Moreouer, in counterfeiting the Egyptian roges, they haue deuised a language among themselues, which they name Canting (but other pedlers French)—a speach compact thirtie yeares since of English, and a great number of od words of their owne deuising, without all order or reason: and yet such is it as none but themselues are able to vnderstand. The first deuiser thereof was hanged by the necke,—a iust reward, no doubt, for his deserts, and a common end to all of that profession. A gentleman, also, of Thomas Harman.late hath taken great paines to search out the secret practises of this vngratious rabble. And among other things he setteth downe and describeth [25]three and twentie[25] sorts of them, whose names it shall not be amisse to remember, wherby ech one may [26]take occasion to read and know as also by his industrie[26] what wicked people they are, and what villanie remaineth in them.

"It hasn't even been sixty years since this trade started, but it's easy to see how it has thrived since then; people now estimate that there are over 10,000 individuals involved, both men and women, as I've heard reported. Moreover, in imitating the Egyptian rogues, they've come up with a language of their own that they call Canting (though some call it pedlers’ French)—a speech created about thirty years ago made up of English and a lot of random words they've invented, without any real structure or logic. Yet, it's a language that no one else can understand. The first person to invent it was hanged—definitely a fitting punishment for his actions, and a typical end for someone in that line of work. A gentleman, also, of Thomas Harmon.recently took the time to investigate the secret practices of this ungrateful group. Among other things, he lists and describes [25]twenty-three[25] types of them, whose names it wouldn't hurt to remember, so that everyone can [26]use it as a reason to read and learn about how wicked they are and what villainy lies within them.

"The seuerall disorders and degrees amongst our idle vagabonds:—

"The various issues and levels among our lazy drifters:—"

  • 1. Rufflers.
  • 2. Vprightmen.
  • 3. Hookers or Anglers.
  • 4. Roges.
  • 5. Wild Roges.
  • 6. Priggers of Prancers.
  • 7. Palliards.
  • 8. Fraters.
  • 9. Abrams.
  • 10. Freshwater mariners, or Whipiacks.
  • 11. Dummerers.
  • 12. Drunken tinkers.
  • 13. Swadders, or Pedlers.
  • 14. Iarkemen, or Patricoes.

Of Women kinde—

Of Women Kind—

  • 1. Demanders for glimmar, or fire.
  • 2. Baudie Baskets
  • 3. Mortes.
  • 4. Autem mortes.
  • 5. Walking mortes.
  • 6. Doxes.
  • 7. Delles.
  • 8. Kinching Mortes.
  • 9. Kinching cooes.[27]

xiii"The punishment that is ordeined for this kind of people is verie sharpe, and yet it can not restreine them from their gadding: wherefore the end must needs be martiall law, to be exercised vpon them as vpon theeues, robbers, despisers of all lawes, and enimies to the commonwealth and welfare of the land. What notable roberies, pilferies, murders, rapes, and stealings of yoong[28] children, [29]burning, breaking and disfiguring their lims to make them pitifull in the sight of the people,[29] I need not to rehearse; but for their idle roging about the countrie, the law ordeineth this maner of correction. The roge being apprehended, committed to prison, and tried in the next assises (whether they be of gaole deliuerie or sessions of the peace) if he happen to be conuicted for a vagabond either by inquest of office, or the testimonie of two honest and credible witnesses vpon their oths, he is then immediatlie adiudged to be greeuouslie whipped and burned through the gristle of the right eare, with an hot iron of the compasse of an inch about, as a manifestation of his wicked life, and due punishment receiued for the same. And this iudgement is to be executed vpon him, except some honest person woorth fiue pounds in the queene's books in goods, or twentie shillings in lands, or some rich housholder to be allowed by the iustices, will be bound in recognisance to reteine him in his seruice for one whole yeare. If he be taken the second time, and proued to haue forsaken his said seruice, he shall then be whipped againe, bored likewise through the other eare and set to seruice: from whence if he depart before a yeare be expired, and happen afterward to be attached againe, he is condemned to suffer paines of death as a fellon (except before excepted) without benefit of clergie or sanctuarie, as by the statute dooth appeare. Among roges and idle persons finallie, we find to be comprised all proctors that go vp and downe with counterfeit licences, coosiners, and such as gad about the countrie, vsing vnlawfull games, practisers of physiognomie, and palmestrie, tellers of fortunes, fensers, plaiers,[30] minstrels, iugglers, pedlers, tinkers, pretensed[31] schollers, shipmen, prisoners gathering for fees, and others, so oft as they be taken without sufficient licence. From [32]among which companie our bearewards are not excepted, and iust cause: for I haue read that they haue either voluntarilie, or for want of power to master their sauage beasts, beene occasion of the death and deuoration of manie children in sundrie countries by which they haue passed, whose parents neuer knew what was become of them. And for that cause there is and haue beene manie sharpe lawes made for bearwards in Germanie, wherof you may read in other. But to our roges.[32] Each one also that harboreth or aideth them with meat or monie, is taxed and compelled to fine with the queene's maiestie for euerie time that he dooth so succour them, as it xivTHE GROUNDWORKE OF CONNY-CATCHING, 1592.shall please the iustices of peace to assigne, so that the taxation exceed not twentie shillings, as I haue beene informed. And thus much of the poore, and such prouision as is appointed for them within the realme of England."

xiii"The punishment set for these kinds of people is really severe, yet it doesn't stop them from wandering around. Therefore, the ultimate solution has to be martial law, applied to them just like thieves, robbers, those who disregard all laws, and enemies of the state and the welfare of the country. What serious robberies, thefts, murders, rapes, and abductions of young children—burning, mutilating, and disfiguring their limbs to make them look pitiful in front of others—I won’t detail here; but for their aimless roaming around the country, the law demands this kind of punishment. If a rogue is caught, imprisoned, and tried at the next court session (whether it's a trial for those in jail or at peace sessions), if he is convicted as a vagabond either by court order or the testimony of two reputable and credible witnesses under oath, he will then be immediately sentenced to be severely whipped and have his right ear burned through with a hot iron about an inch in diameter, as a sign of his wicked life and a punishment for it. This judgment must be enforced unless a reputable person worth five pounds in the Queen's records in goods, or twenty shillings in lands, or a wealthy householder approved by the justices agrees to take him into service for a full year. If he is caught a second time and found to have abandoned that service, he will be whipped again, have his other ear pierced as well, and be set to work. If he leaves before the year is up and is caught again, he is condemned to suffer the death penalty as a felon (unless previously exempted) without any benefits from the clergy or sanctuary, as stated in the law. Among the rogues and idle people, we also find all the tricksters who go about with fake licenses, con artists, and those who wander the country using illegal games, practicing physiognomy and palmistry, fortune telling, conning, playing, [30] minstrels, jugglers, peddlers, tinkers, pretended [31] scholars, sailors, prisoners collecting fees, and others, whenever they are caught without proper licenses. From [32] this group, our bear trainers are not exempt, and rightly so: for I have read that they have either voluntarily or due to lack of control over their wild animals caused the death and disappearance of many children in various countries they have traveled through, whose parents have never known what happened to them. For this reason, there are and have been many strict laws against bear trainers in Germany, as you can read elsewhere. But back to our rogues.[32] Anyone who shelters or helps them with food or money is fined and required to pay a fee to the queen for every instance of their assistance, as the justices of the peace see fit, and the fine should not exceed twenty shillings, as I have been informed. And thus much about the poor, and the provisions set for them within the realm of England."

Among the users of Harman's book, the chief and coolest was the author of The groundworke of Conny-catching, 1592, who wrote a few introductory pages, and then quietly reprinted almost all Harman's book with an 'I leaue you now vnto those which by Maister Harman are discouered' (p. 103, below). By this time Harman was no doubt dead.—Who will search for his Will in the Wills Office?—Though Samuel Rowlands was alive, he did not show up this early appropriator of Harman's work as he did a later one. As a kind of Supplement to the Caueat, I have added, as the 4th tract in the present volume, such parts of the Groundworke of Conny-catching as are not reprinted from Harman. The Groundworke has been attributed to Robert Greene, but on no evidence (I believe) except Greene's having written a book in three Parts on Conny-catching, 1591-2, and 'A Disputation betweene a Hee Conny-catcher and a Shee Conny-catcher, whether a Theafe or a Whore is most hvrtfull in Cousonage to the Common-wealth,' 1592.[33] Hearne's copy of the Groundworke is bound up in the 2nd vol. of Greene's Works, among George III.'s books in the British Museum, as if it really was Greene's.

Among the readers of Harman's book, the most prominent and notable was the author of The Groundwork of Conny-Catching, 1592, who wrote a few introductory pages and then proceeded to reprint almost all of Harman's book with the note 'I leave you now unto those which by Master Harman are discovered' (p. 103, below). By this time, Harman was certainly deceased.—Who will look for his Will in the Wills Office?—Although Samuel Rowlands was alive, he did not call out this early appropriator of Harman's work as he did with a later one. As a sort of supplement to the Caueat, I have included, as the 4th tract in this volume, sections of the Groundwork of Conny-Catching that are not reprinted from Harman. The Groundwork has been attributed to Robert Greene, but I believe there is no evidence for it, other than Greene having written a book in three parts on Conny-catching, 1591-2, and 'A Disputation between a Hee Conny-Catcher and a Shee Conny-Catcher, whether a Thief or a Whore is most hurtful in Cousonage to the Commonwealth,' 1592.[33] Hearne's copy of the Groundwork is bound up in the 2nd volume of Greene's Works, among George III.'s books in the British Museum, as if it truly belonged to Greene.

Another pilferer from Harman was Thomas Dekker, in his Belman of London, 1608, of which three editions were published in the same year (Hazlitt). But Samuel Rowlands found him out and showed him up. From the fifth edition of the Belman, the earliest that our copier, Mr W. M. Wood, could find in the British Museum, he has drawn up the following account of the book:

Another thief from Harman was Thomas Dekker, in his Belman of London, 1608, of which three editions were published in the same year (Hazlitt). But Samuel Rowlands exposed him. From the fifth edition of the Belman, the earliest that our copier, Mr. W. M. Wood, could find in the British Museum, he has put together the following account of the book:

The Belman of London. Bringing to Light the most notorious Villanies that are now practised in the Kingdome. Profitable for Gentlemen, Lawyers, Merchants, Citizens, Farmers, Masters of Housholds, and all sorts of Servants to mark, and delightfull for all Men to Reade.

The Bellman of London. Exposing the most notorious crimes currently happening in the Kingdom. Useful for gentlemen, lawyers, merchants, city dwellers, farmers, heads of households, and all kinds of servants to note, and enjoyable for everyone to read.

Lege, Perlege, Relege.

Read, re-read, re-listen.

The fift Impression, with new additions. Printed at London by Miles Flesher. 1640.

The fifth impression, with new additions. Printed in London by Miles Flesher. 1640.

THOMAS DEKKER'S BELMAN OF LONDON, 1608.

xvOn the back of the title-page, after the table of contents, the eleven following 'secret villanies' are described, severally, as

xvOn the back of the title page, following the table of contents, the eleven 'secret wrongdoings' are detailed individually, as

  • "Cheating Law.
  • Vincent's Law.
  • Curbing Law.
  • Lifting Law.
  • Sacking Law.
  • Bernard's Lawe.
  • The black Art.
  • Prigging Law.
  • High Law.
  • Frigging Law.

Five Iumpes at Leape-frog."

Five Jumps at Leapfrog.

After a short description of the four ages of the world, there is an account of a feast, at which were present all kinds of vagabonds. Dekker was conveyed, by 'an old nimble-tong'd beldam, who seemed to haue the command of the place,' to an upper loft, 'where, vnseene, I might, through a wooden Latice that had prospect of the dining roome, both see and heare all that was to be done or spoken.'

After a brief overview of the four ages of the world, there's a description of a feast attended by all sorts of wanderers. Dekker was taken, by "an old chatty woman who seemed to run the place," to an upper loft, "where, unseen, I could see and hear everything that was happening or being said through a wooden lattice that overlooked the dining room."

'The whole assembly being thus gathered together, one, amongest the rest, who tooke vpon him a Seniority ouer the rest, charged euery man to answer to his name, to see if the Iury were full:—the Bill by which hee meant to call them beeing a double Iug of ale (that had the spirit of Aquavitæ in it, it smelt so strong), and that hee held in his hand. Another, standing by, with a toast, nutmeg, and ginger, ready to cry Vous avez as they were cald, and all that were in the roome hauing single pots by the eares, which, like Pistols, were charged to goe off so soone as euer they heard their names. This Ceremony beeing set abroach, an Oyes was made. But he that was Rector Chory (the Captain of the Tatterdemalions) spying one to march vnder his Colours, that had neuer before serued in those lowsie warres, paused awhile (after hee had taken his first draught, to tast the dexterity of the liquor), and then began, Iustice-like, to examine this yonger brother vpon interrogatories.'

The whole assembly gathered together, and one person among them, who took on seniority over the rest, instructed everyone to respond to their name to see if the jury was complete. He held in his hand a double jug of ale, which strongly smelled of Aquavitæ. Another person nearby, with a toast, nutmeg, and ginger, was ready to shout Vous avez as names were called, and everyone in the room had single mugs ready to go off like pistols as soon as they heard their names. Once this ceremony was set in motion, an announcement was made. However, the Rector Chory (the Captain of the Tatterdemalions) noticed someone marching under his colors who had never served in those shabby wars before. He paused briefly, after taking his first drink to taste the strength of the liquor, and then began, in a serious manner, to question this younger brother with inquiries.

This yonger brother is afterwards 'stalled to the rogue;' and the 'Rector Chory[34]' instructs him in his duties, and tells him the names and degrees of the fraternity of vagabonds. Then comes the feast, after which, 'one who tooke vpon him to be speaker to the whole house,' began, as was the custom of their meeting, 'to make an oration in praise of Beggery, and of those that professe the trade,' which done, all the company departed, leaving the 'old beldam' and Dekker the only occupants of the room.

This younger brother is later initiated into the group of rogues, and the 'Rector Chory[34]' teaches him about his responsibilities and shares the names and ranks of the fraternity of vagabonds. Then, there's a feast, after which 'one who took it upon himself to speak for the entire house' began, as was the tradition of their gathering, 'to deliver a speech in praise of Beggary, and of those who practice the trade.' Once that was done, everyone left the room, leaving only the 'old woman' and Dekker as the remaining occupants.

'The spirit of her owne mault walkt in her brain-pan, so that, what with the sweetnes of gaines which shee had gotten by her Marchant xviVenturers, SAMUEL ROWLANDS'S MARTIN MARK-ALL.and what with the fumes of drinke, which set her tongue in going, I found her apt for talke; and, taking hold of this opportunity, after some intreaty to discouer to mee what these vpright men, rufflers and the rest were, with their seuerall qualities and manners of life, Thus shee began.'

'The spirit of her own malt was buzzing in her head, so between the sweetness of the profits she had made from her merchant adventures, xvi and the effects of the drink that had loosened her tongue, I found her ready to talk. Seizing this chance, I asked her to tell me about these upright men, rufflers, and others, along with their various traits and lifestyles. This is how she started.'

And what she tells Dekker is taken, all of it, from Harman's book.

And everything she tells Dekker is taken straight from Harman's book.

Afterwards come accounts of the five 'Laws' and five jumps at leap-frog mentioned on the back of the title-page, and which is quoted above, p. xv.

After that, there are explanations of the five 'Laws' and the five jumps in leapfrog mentioned on the back of the title page, which is referenced above, p. xv.

Lastly 'A short Discourse of Canting,' which is, entirely, taken from Harman, pages 84-87, below.

Lastly, 'A short Discourse of Canting,' which is completely taken from Harman, pages 84-87, below.

As I have said before, Dekker was shown up for his pilferings from Harman by Samuel Rowlands, who must, says Mr Collier in his Bibliographical Catalogue, have published his Martin Mark-all, Beadle of Bridewell, in or before 1609,—though no edition is known to us before 1610,—because Dekker in an address 'To my owne Nation' in his Lanthorne and Candle-light, which was published in 1609, refers to Rowlands as a 'Beadle of Bridewell.' 'You shall know him,' (says Dekker, speaking of a rival author, [that is, Samuel Rowlands] whom he calls 'a Usurper') 'by his Habiliments, for (by the furniture he weares) hee will bee taken for a Beadle of Bridewell.' That this 'Usurper' was Rowlands, we know by the latter's saying in Martin Mark-all, leaf E, i back, 'although he (the Bel-man, that is, Dekker) is bold to call me an usurper; for so he doth in his last round.'

As I mentioned before, Dekker was exposed for his thefts from Harman by Samuel Rowlands, who, according to Mr. Collier in his Bibliographical Catalogue, must have published his Martin Mark-all, Beadle of Bridewell in or before 1609 — although no edition is known to us before 1610 — because Dekker, in an address 'To my own Nation' in his Lanthorne and Candle-light, published in 1609, refers to Rowlands as a 'Beadle of Bridewell.' 'You will recognize him,' (Dekker says, referring to a rival author, meaning Samuel Rowlands, whom he calls 'a Usurper') 'by his attire, for (based on the clothing he wears) he will be mistaken for a Beadle of Bridewell.' That this 'Usurper' was Rowlands is confirmed by the latter's statement in Martin Mark-all, leaf E, i back, 'although he (the Bel-man, meaning Dekker) is bold enough to call me an usurper; for that’s exactly what he does in his last round.'

Well, from this treatise of Rowlands', Mr Wood has made the following extracts relating to Dekker and Harman, together with Rowlands's own list of slang words not in Dekker or Harman, and 'the errour in his [Dekker's] words, and true englishing of the same:'

Well, from this essay by Rowlands, Mr. Wood has made the following excerpts about Dekker and Harman, along with Rowlands's own list of slang terms that aren't in Dekker or Harman, and 'the error in his [Dekker's] words, and the correct English for the same:'

Martin Mark-all, Beadle of Bridewell; his defence and Answere to the Belman of London, Discouering the long-concealed Originall and Regiment of Rogues, when they first began to take head, and how they haue succeeded one the other successiuely vnto the sixe and twentieth yeare of King Henry the eight, gathered out of the Chronicle of Crackeropes, and (as they terme it) the Legend of Lossels. By S[amuel] R[owlands].

Martin Mark-all, Beadle of Bridewell; his defense and answer to the Bellman of London, revealing the long-hidden origin and system of rogues, when they first started to rise, and how they have succeeded one after another up to the twenty-sixth year of King Henry the Eighth, gathered from the Chronicle of Crackeropes, and (as they call it) the Legend of Lossels. By S[amuel] R[owlands].

xvii Good people sin out of love for virtue,
Fear of punishment prevents sin.

London
Printed for Iohn Budge and Richard Bonian. 1610.

London
Printed for John Budge and Richard Bonian. 1610.

'Martin Mark-all, his Apologie to the Bel-man of London. There hath been of late dayes great paines taken on the part of the good old Bel-man of London, in discouering, as hee thinks, a new-found Nation and People. Let it be so for this time: hereupon much adoe was made in setting forth their lines, order of lining, method of speech, and vsuall meetings, with diuers other things thereunto appertaining. These volumes and papers, now spread euerie where, so that euerie Iacke-boy now can say as well as the proudest of that fraternitie, "will you wapp for a wyn, or tranie for a make?" The gentle Company of Cursitours began now to stirre, and looke about them; and hauing gathered together a Conuocation of Canting Caterpillars, as wel in the North parts at the Diuels arse apeake,[35] as in the South, they diligently enquired, and straight search was made, whether any had reuolted from that faithles fellowship. Herupon euery one gaue his verdict: some supposed that it might be some one that, hauing ventured to farre beyond wit and good taking heede, was fallen into the hands of the Magistrate, and carried to the trayning Cheates, where, in shew of a penitent heart, and remoarse of his good time ill spent, turned the cocke, and let out all: others thought it might be some spic-knaue that, hauing little to doe, tooke vpon him the habite and forme of an Hermite; and so, by dayly commercing and discoursing, learned in time the mysterie and knowlege of this ignoble profession: and others, because it smelt of a study, deemed it to be some of their owne companie, that had been at some free-schoole, and belike, because hee would be handsome against a good time, tooke pen and inke, and wrote of that subiect; thus, Tot homines, tot sententiæ, so many men, so many mindes. And all because the spightfull Poet would not set too his name. At last vp starts an old Cacodemicall Academicke with his frize bonnet, and giues them al to know, that this invectiue was set foorth, made, and printed Fortie yeeres agoe. And being then called, 'A caueat for Cursitors,' is now newly printed, and termed, 'The Bel-man of London,' made at first by one Master Harman, a Iustice of Peace in Kent, in Queene Marie's daies,—he being then about ten yeeres of age.' Sign. A. 2.

'Martin Mark-all, his Apology to the Bellman of London. Recently, the good old Bellman of London has put in a lot of effort to discover what he believes is a newly found nation and people. For now, let’s accept that: lots of fuss has been made over their customs, the way they talk, their usual meet-ups, and various other related matters. These volumes and papers are now everywhere, so any young lad can just as easily say as the proudest in that group, "Will you bet for a drink, or trade for a date?" The respectable group of Courtiers began to get restless and started looking around; gathering a meeting of Canting Caterpillars, both in the North at the Devil's backside, as well as in the South, they eagerly investigated whether anyone had broken away from that unfaithful fellowship. At this, everyone gave their opinions: some thought it might be someone who had strayed too far beyond common sense and caution and had fallen into the hands of the authorities, ending up among the training cheats, where, pretending to feel sorry for their wasted time, they spilled everything; others suspected it might be some mischievous rogue who, having little to do, took on the appearance of a hermit; and so, by frequent chatting and conversing, eventually learned the ins and outs of this disreputable profession: and others, because it seemed like someone had done some studying, assumed it was one of their own, someone who had been to some free school, who, wanting to be clever when the time was right, picked up a pen and ink and wrote about that topic; thus, Tot homines, tot sententiæ, so many men, so many minds. All of this because the spiteful poet wouldn’t put his name to it. Finally, an old academic with a frayed cap jumps up and tells them that this critique was published, created, and printed forty years ago. Once called 'A Caution for Courtiers,' it has now been reprinted and titled 'The Bellman of London,' originally made by one Master Harman, a Justice of the Peace in Kent during Queen Mary’s reign—when he was about ten years old.' Sign. A. 2.

'They (the vagabonds) haue a language among themselues, composed of omnium gatherum; a glimering whereof, one of late daies hath endeuoured to manifest, as farre as his Authour is pleased to be an intelligencer. xviiiThe substance whereof he leaueth for those that will dilate thereof; enough for him to haue the praise, other the paines, notwithstanding Harman's ghost continually clogging his conscience with Sic Vos non Vobis.'—Sign. C. 3 back.[36]

'They (the vagabonds) have their own language made up of omnium gatherum; a glimpse of which, someone recently tried to showcase, as far as their author is willing to share. xviii The substance of that is left for those who will elaborate on it; enough for him to receive the praise, while others take the burden, despite Harman's ghost constantly nagging his conscience with Sic Vos non Vobis.'—Sign. C. 3 back.[36]

'Because the Bel-man entreateth any that is more rich in canting, to lend him better or more with variety, he will repay his loue double, I haue thought good, not only to shew his errour in some places in setting downe olde wordes vsed fortie yeeres agoe, before he was borne, for wordes that are vsed in these dayes (although he is bold to call me an vsurper (for so he doth in his last round), and not able to maintayne the title, but haue enlarged his Dictionary (or Master Harmon's) with such wordes as I thinke hee neuer heard of (and yet in vse too); but not out of vaine glorie, as his ambition is, but, indeede, as an experienced souldier that hath deerely paid for it: and therefore it shall be honour good enough for him (if not too good) to come vp with the Reare (I doe but shoote your owne arrow back againe), and not to haue the leading of the Van as he meanes to doe, although small credite in the end will redound to eyther. You shall know the wordes not set in eyther his Dictionaries by this marke §: and for shewing the errour in his words, and true englishing of the same and other, this marke ¶ shall serue

'Because the Bel-man asks anyone who is more skilled in slang to lend him better or more varied terms, he promises to repay their kindness twofold. I thought it best not only to point out his mistakes in some areas where he lists old words used forty years ago, before he was even born, as if they are used today (even though he boldly calls me an usurper, as he does in his last round), and is unable to defend that title, but he has expanded his Dictionary (or Master Harmon's) with words I believe he’s never heard of (and yet they are in use too); but not from vanity, unlike his ambition, but rather as an experienced soldier who has paid dearly for it. Therefore, it will be more than fitting for him to come up from the rear (I’m just shooting your own arrow back at you) and not to lead the charge as he intends to, although little credit will ultimately go to either. You will recognize the words not listed in either of his Dictionaries by this mark §: and for showing the inaccuracies in his words and providing accurate translations of them and others, this mark ¶ will be used.'

  • § Abram, madde.
  • § He maunds Abram, he begs as a madde man.
  • ¶ Bung, is now vsed for a pocket, heretofore for a purse.
  • § Budge a beake, runne away.
  • § A Bite, secreta mulierum.
  • § Crackmans, the hedge.
  • § To Castell, to see or looke.
  • § A Roome Cuttle, a sword.
  • § A Cuttle bung, a knife to cut a purse.
  • § Chepemans, Cheape-side market.
  • ¶ Chates, the Gallowes: here he mistakes both the simple word, because he so found it printed, not knowing the true originall thereof, and also in the compound; as for Chates, it should be Cheates, which word is vsed generally for things, as Tip me that Cheate, Giue me that thing: so that if you will make a word for the Gallous, you must put thereto this word treyning, which signifies xixhanging; and so treyning cheate is as much to say, hanging things, or the Gallous, and not Chates.
  • MARTIN MARK-ALL. LANTHORNE AND CANDLELIGHT.
  • § A fflicke, a Theefe.
  • § Famblers, a paire of Gloues.
  • § Greenemans, the field.s
  • § Gilkes for the gigger, false keyes for the doore or picklockes.
  • § Gracemans, Gratious streete market.
  • § Iockam, a man's yard.
  • § Ian, a purse.
  • § Iere, a turd.
  • § Lugges, eares.
  • § Loges, a passe or warrant.
  • § A Feager of Loges, one that beggeth with false passes or counterfeit writings.
  • § Numans, Newgate Market.
  • ¶ Nigling, company keeping with a woman: this word is not vsed now, but wapping, and thereof comes the name wapping morts, whoores.
  • § To plant, to hide.
  • ¶ Smellar, a garden; not smelling cheate, for that's a Nosegay.
  • § Spreader, butter.
  • § Whittington, Newgate.

"And thus haue I runne ouer the Canter's Dictionary; to speake more at large would aske more time then I haue allotted me; yet in this short time that I haue, I meane to sing song for song with the Belman, ere I wholly leaue him." [Here follow three Canting Songs.] Sign. E 1, back—E 4.

"And so I have gone through the Canter's Dictionary; to talk more extensively would require more time than I have allowed myself; yet in this short time I have, I plan to go song for song with the Belman before I completely leave him." [Here follow three Canting Songs.] Sign. E 1, back—E 4.

"And thus hath the Belman, through his pitifull ambition, caused me to write that I would not: And whereas he disclaims the name of Brotherhood, I here vtterly renounce him & his fellowship, as not desirous to be rosolued of anything he professeth on this subiect, knowing my selfe to be as fully instructed herein as euer he was."—Sign. F.

"And so the Belman, through his pitiful ambition, has made me write what I didn't want to: And while he denies being part of a Brotherhood, I am completely renouncing him and his company because I have no desire to be associated with anything he claims on this subject, knowing that I am as fully informed about it as he ever was."—Sign. F.

In the second Part of his Belman of London, namely, his Lanthorne and Candle-light, 1609, Dekker printed a Dictionary of Canting, which is only a reprint of Harman's (p. 82-4, below). A few extracts from this Lanthorne are subjoined:

In the second part of his Belman of London, specifically his Lanthorne and Candle-light, 1609, Dekker published a Dictionary of Canting, which is just a reprint of Harman's (p. 82-4, below). Here are a few excerpts from this Lanthorne:

Canting.

Speaking insincerely.

"This word canting seemes to bee deriued from the latine verbe canto, which signifies in English, to sing, or to make a sound with words,—that is to say, to speake. And very aptly may canting take his deriuation, a cantando, from singing, because, amongst these beggerly consorts that can play vpon no better instruments, the language of canting is a kind of musicke; and he that in such assemblies can cant xxbest, is DEKKER'S LANTHORNE AND CANDLE-LIGHT.counted the best Musitian."—Dekker's Lanthorne and Candle-light, B. 4. back.

"This word canting seems to be derived from the Latin verbe canto, which means in English, to sing, or to make a sound with words—that is to say, to speak. And very fittingly, canting may take its derivation a cantando, from singing, because, among these beggar groups that can play on no better instruments, the language of canting is a kind of music; and he who can cant best in such gatherings is xx considered the best musician."—Dekker's Lanthorne and Candle-light, B. 4. back.

Specimen of "Canting rithmes."

Sample of "Canting rhymes."

"Enough—with bowsy Coue maund Nace,
Explore the Patring Coue in the Darkeman Case,
Docked the Dell for a Coper make His watch shall find a Province Nab-chete,
Cyarum, by Salmon, and you shall pick my Iere
In your Gan, for my watch it is nice gear,
"For the good of the house, my watch has a win, etc."

Dekker's Lanthorne, &c., C. 1. back.

Dekker's Lanthorne, &c., C. 1. back.

A specimen of "Canting prose," with translation, is given on the same page.

A sample of "Canting prose," along with its translation, is provided on the same page.

Dekker's dictionary of Canting, given in Lanthorne and Candle-light, is the same as that of Harman.

Dekker's dictionary of Canting, found in Lanthorne and Candle-light, is the same as Harman's.

"A Canting Song."
The Ruffin cly the nab of the Harman beck,
If we maund Pannam, lap or rough-peck,
Or poplars of yarum: he cuts, bing to the Ruffmans,
Or else he swears by the light-man,
To make our mark in the Harmans,
The troublemaker calls the ghost of the Harman beck. If we have a booth, we climb the jerker. If we fuss, or grind a noisy Ken Or catch a breeze that has just a hint of a win. Or duplicate the trigger of a Gentry coffee's knowledge,
To the quiet gathering we bring,
And then to the quiet Ken, to explore the Cramp ring, And then to the Trin'de on the chats, in the lightmans The Bube and Ruffian call the Harman back and harmans.
Thus translated.
The Devil takes the Constable's head,
If we ask for bacon, butter, or bread, Or pottage, he tells us to hurry to the hedge. Or swears (by this light) we'll be stuck in the stocks. The devil haunts the Constable's ghost. If we steal just a Booth, we get punished at a post. If we rob a bar, or get caught with a prostitute,
Or steal a wallet that doesn't have a single penny in it, and nothing else, Or just sneak in through a gentleman's door. We head straight to the justice,
And then to the jail to be shackled: And so
xxiTo be hanged on the gallows in the daytime: the plague. "And the devil take the Constable and his stocks."
CATTERPILLERS ANATOMIZED. WARNING FOR HOUSEKEEPERS.

Ibid. C. 3. back.

Ibid. C. 3. back.

Richard Head (says Mr Hotten), in his English Rogue, described in the Life of Meriton Latroon, a Witty Extravagant, 4 vols. 12mo., 1671-80, gave "a glossary of Cant words 'used by the Gipsies'; but it was only a reprint of what Decker had given sixty years before," and therefore merely taken from Harman too. 'The Bibliography of Slang, Cant, and Vulgar Language' has been given so fully at the end of Mr Hotten's Slang Dictionary, that I excuse myself from pursuing the subject farther. I only add here Mr Wood's extracts from four of the treatises on this subject not noticed by Mr Hotten in the 1864 edition of his Dictionary, but contained (with others) in a most curious volume in the British Museum, labelled Practice of Robbers,—Press Mark 518. h. 2.,—as also some of the slang words in these little books not given by Harman[37]:

Richard Head (according to Mr. Hotten), in his English Rogue, described in the Life of Meriton Latroon, a Witty Extravagant, 4 vols. 12mo., 1671-80, provided "a glossary of Cant words 'used by the Gipsies'; but it was just a reprint of what Decker had published sixty years earlier," and thus merely borrowed from Harman as well. 'The Bibliography of Slang, Cant, and Vulgar Language' has been covered so thoroughly at the end of Mr. Hotten's Slang Dictionary that I will refrain from exploring the topic further. I will just add Mr. Wood's excerpts from four of the treatises on this subject that Mr. Hotten didn't include in the 1864 edition of his Dictionary, but are found (along with others) in a fascinating volume at the British Museum, labeled Practice of Robbers,—Press Mark 518. h. 2.,—as well as some of the slang words from these little books that weren't mentioned by Harman.

1. The Catterpillers of this Nation anatomized, in a brief yet notable Discovery of House-breakers, Pick-pockets, &c. Together with the Life of a penitent High-way-man, discovering the Mystery of that Infernal Society. To which is added, the Manner of Hectoring and trapanning, as it is acted in and about the City of London. London, Printed for M. H. at the Princes Armes, in Chancery-lane. 1659.

1. The Caterpillars of this Nation examined, in a brief yet remarkable Discovery of Burglars, Pickpockets, etc. Along with the Life of a repentant Highwayman, revealing the Secrets of that Infernal Society. Also included is the Method of Extorting and Trapping, as practiced in and around the City of London. London, Printed for M. H. at the Prince's Arms, in Chancery Lane. 1659.

  • Ken = miller, house-breaker.
  • Iowre, or mint = wealth or money.
  • Gigers jacked = locked doors.
  • Tilers, or Cloyers, equivalent to shoplifters.
  • Joseph, a cloak.
  • Bung-nibber, or Cutpurse = a pickpocket.

2. A Warning for Housekeepers; or, A discovery of all sorts of thieves and Robbers which go under theee titles, viz.—The Gilter, the Mill, the Glasier, Budg and Snudg, File-lifter, Tongue-padder, The private Theif. With Directions how to prevent them, Also an exact description of every one of their Practices. Written by one who was a Prisoner in Newgate. Printed for T. Newton, 1676.

2. A Warning for Housekeepers; or, A discovery of all sorts of thieves and robbers who go by these names: The Gliter, the Miller, the Glazier, Budg and Snudg, File-lifter, Tongue-padder, The Private Thief. With instructions on how to prevent them, along with a detailed description of each of their methods. Written by someone who was a prisoner in Newgate. Printed for T. Newton, 1676.

Glasiers, thieves who enter houses, thro' windows, first remouing a pane of glass (p. 4).

Glasiers, thieves who break into homes through windows, first removing a pane of glass (p. 4).

WARNING FOR HOUSEKEEPERS. STREET ROBBERIES.

xxiiThe following is a Budg and Snudg song:—

xxiiHere’s a Budg and Snudg song:—

"The Budge is a delicate trade,
And a fragile exchange of fame;
For when we have bitten the blue,
We take the game away:
But if the guy catches us,
And the lures from us take,
Oh, then they rub us to the quick,
It's hardly worth it to make. But when we get to the point Our Darbies to see,
And to express our repentance,
And chill the water. But when we come out again,
As we walk down the street,
We bite the tip of his coal, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, But we are worn down to the bone.
And when we arrive at the whitt,
For garnish, they do cry, Mary, ugh, you son of a b——
You'll have it soon. But when we arrive at Tyburn,
For going on the move,
Here stands Jack Catch, that son of a w—— That holds a grudge against all of us. And when he has caught us And our friends don’t give him any coal. So then he puts us in the cart
"And drops us into the hole."—(pp. 5, 6.)

On the last page of this short tract (which consists of eight pages) we are promised:

On the last page of this short pamphlet (which has eight pages), we are promised:

"In the next Part you shall have a fuller description."

"In the next part, you'll get a more detailed description."


3. Street Robberies consider'd; The reason of their being so frequent, with probable means to prevent 'em: To which is added three short Treatises—1. A Warning for Travellers; 2. Observations on House-breakers; 3. A Caveat for Shopkeepers. London, J. Roberts. [no date] Written by a converted Thief.

3. Street Robberies Considered; The Reasons They're So Common, with Possible Ways to Prevent Them: Plus, Three Short Essays—1. A Warning for Travelers; 2. Observations on Burglars; 3. A Caution for Shopkeepers. London, J. Roberts. [no date] Written by a Reformed Thief.

Shepherd is mentioned in this book as being a clever prison breaker (p. 6). There is a long list of slang words in this tract. The following are only a few of them:

Shepherd is mentioned in this book as being a smart prison escape artist (p. 6). There is a long list of slang words in this text. The following are just a few of them:

  • Abram, Naked
  • Betty, a Picklock
  • Bubble-Buff, Bailiff
  • Bube, Pox
  • Chive, a Knife
  • Clapper dudgeon, a beggar born
  • Collar the Cole, Lay hold on the money
  • Cull, a silly fellowxxiii
  • Street Robberies Considered.
  • Dads, an old man
  • Darbies, Iron
  • Diddle, Geneva
  • Earnest, share
  • Elf, little
  • Fencer, receiver of stolen goods
  • Fib, to beat
  • Fog, smoke
  • Gage, Exciseman
  • Gilt, a Picklock
  • Grub, Provender
  • Hic, booby
  • Hog, a shilling
  • Hum, strong
  • Jem, Ring
  • Jet, Lawyer
  • Kick, Sixpence
  • Kin, a thief
  • Kit, Dancing-master
  • Lap, Spoon-meat
  • Latch, let in
  • Leake, Welshman
  • Leap, all safe
  • Mauks, a whore
  • Mill, to beat
  • Mish, a smock
  • Mundungus, sad stuff
  • Nan, a maid of the house
  • Nap, an arrest
  • Nimming, stealing
  • Oss Chives, Bone-handled knives
  • Otter, a sailor
  • Peter, Portmantua
  • Plant the Whids, take care what you say
  • Popps, Pistols
  • Rubbs, hard shifts
  • Rumbo Ken, Pawn-brokers
  • Rum Mort, fine Woman
  • Smable, taken
  • Smeer, a painter
  • Snafflers, Highwaymen
  • Snic, to cut
  • Tattle, watch
  • Tic, trust
  • Tip, give
  • Tit, a horse
  • Tom Pat, a parson
  • Tout, take heed
  • Tripe, the belly
  • Web, cloth
  • Wobble, 'o boil
  • Yam, to eat
  • Yelp, a crier
  • Yest, a day ago
  • Zad, crooked
  • Znees, Frost
  • Zouch, an ungenteel man
  • &c., a Bookseller

"The King of the Night, as the Constables please to term themselves, should be a little more active in their employment; but all their business is to get to a watch house and guzzle, till their time of going home comes." (p. 60.)

"The King of the Night, as the Constables like to call themselves, should be a bit more proactive in their duties; but all they really do is head to a watch house and drink until it's time to go home." (p. 60.)

"A small bell to Window Shutters would be of admirable use to prevent Housebreakers." (p. 70.)

"A small bell on window shutters would be really useful to prevent break-ins." (p. 70.)


4. A true discovery of the Conduct of Receivers and Thief-Takers, in and about the City of London, &c., &c. London, 1718.

4. A true discovery of the behavior of Receivers and Thief-Takers, in and around the City of London, etc., etc. London, 1718.

This pamphlet is "design'd as preparatory to a larger Treatise, wherein shall be propos'd Methods to extirpate and suppress for the future such villanous Practices." It is by "Charles Hitchin, one of the Marshals of the City of London."

This pamphlet is "designed as a preparation for a larger treatise, where methods will be proposed to eradicate and prevent such villainous practices in the future." It is by "Charles Hitchin, one of the Marshals of the City of London."

I now take leave of Harman, with a warm commendation of him to the reader.

I’m now saying goodbye to Harman and highly recommending him to the reader.

PARSON HABEN'S SERMON ON THIEVES.

xxivThe third piece in the present volume is a larky Sermon in praise of Thieves and Thievery, the title of which (p. 93, below) happened to catch my eye when I was turning over the Cotton Catalogue, and which was printed here, as well from its suiting the subject, as from a pleasant recollection of a gallop some 30 years ago in a four-horse coach across Harford-Bridge-Flat, where Parson Haben (or Hyberdyne), who is said to have preached the Sermon, was no doubt robbed. My respected friend Goody-goody declares the sermon to be 'dreadfully irreverent;' but one needn't mind him. An earlier copy than the Cotton one turned up among the Lansdowne MSS, and as it differed a good deal from the Cotton text, it has been printed opposite to that.

xxivThe third piece in this volume is a lighthearted sermon celebrating thieves and thievery, the title of which (p. 93, below) caught my attention while I was browsing through the Cotton Catalogue. It was included here, not just because it fits the theme, but also because it reminds me of a fun trip I took about 30 years ago in a four-horse coach across Harford-Bridge-Flat, where Parson Haben (or Hyberdyne), who supposedly preached the sermon, was likely robbed. My good friend Goody-goody thinks the sermon is 'terribly irreverent,' but we can ignore his opinion. An earlier version than the Cotton one was found among the Lansdowne manuscripts, and since it differs quite a bit from the Cotton text, it has been printed alongside it.

Of the fourth piece in this little volume, The Groundworke of Conny-catching, less its reprint from Harman, I have spoken above, at p. xiv. There was no good in printing the whole of it, as we should then have had Harman twice over.

Of the fourth piece in this little volume, The Groundwork of Conny-catching, aside from its reprint from Harman, I mentioned it earlier on p. xiv. There was no benefit in printing all of it since that would just mean having Harman included twice.

The growth of the present Text was on this wise: Mr Viles suggested a reprint of Stace's reprint of Harman in 1573, after it had been read with the original, and collated with the earlier editions. The first edition I could not find, but ascertained, with some trouble, and through Mr W. C. Hazlitt, where the second and third editions were, and borrowed the 3rd of its ever-generous owner, Mr Henry Huth. Then Mr Hazlitt told me of Awdeley, which he thought was borrowed from Harman. However, Harman's own words soon settled that point; and Awdeley had to precede Harman. Then the real bagger from Harman, the Groundworke, had to be added, after the Parson's Sermon. Mr Viles read the proofs and revises of Harman with the original: Mr Wood and I have made the Index; and I, because Mr Viles is more desperately busy than myself, have written the Preface.

The development of the current Text went like this: Mr. Viles suggested a reprint of Stace's version of Harman from 1573, after it had been compared with the original and checked against earlier editions. I couldn’t locate the first edition but managed to find, with some difficulty and through Mr. W. C. Hazlitt, the locations of the second and third editions, and borrowed the third from its ever-generous owner, Mr. Henry Huth. Then Mr. Hazlitt mentioned Awdeley, which he believed was based on Harman. However, Harman’s own words quickly clarified that Awdeley had to come before Harman. Next, the real source from Harman, the Groundworke, needed to be included after the Parson's Sermon. Mr. Viles reviewed the proofs and revisions of Harman alongside the original: Mr. Wood and I created the Index; and since Mr. Viles is busier than I am, I have written the Preface.

The extracts from Mr J. P. Collier must be taken for what they are worth. I have not had time to verify them; but assume them to be correct, and not ingeniously or unreasonably altered from their originals, like Mr Collier's print of Henslowe's Memorial, of which xxvDr MR PAYNE COLLIER'S WORK AND ALTERATIONS.Ingleby complains,[38] and like his notorious Alleyn letter. If some one only would follow Mr Collier through all his work—pending his hoped-for Retractations,—and assure us that the two pieces above-named, and the Perkins Folio, are the only things we need reject, such some-one would render a great service to all literary antiquarians, and enable them to do justice to the wonderful diligence, knowledge, and acumen, of the veteran pioneer in their path. Certainly, in most of the small finds which we workers at this Text thought we had made, we afterwards found we had been anticipated by Mr Collier's Registers of the Stationers' Company, or Bibliographical Catalogue, and that the facts were there rightly stated. PRINT THE STATIONERS' REGISTERS.xxviThat there is pure metal in Mr Collier's work, and a good deal of it, few will doubt; but the dross needs refining out. I hope that the first step in the process may be the printing of the whole of the Stationers' Registers from their start to 1700 at least, by the Camden Society,—within whose range this work well lies,—or by the new Harleian or some other Society. It ought not to be left to the 'Early English Text' to do some 20 years hence.

The extracts from Mr. J. P. Collier should be taken at face value. I haven't had time to verify them, but I assume they're accurate and haven't been cleverly or unreasonably altered from the originals, unlike Mr. Collier's edition of Henslowe's Memorial, which Dr. MR. PAYNE COLLIER'S WORK AND CHANGES. Ingleby criticizes, and also his infamous Alleyn letter. If only someone would follow Mr. Collier through all his work—while we await his promised retractions—and confirm that the two pieces mentioned above, along with the Perkins Folio, are the only ones we need to disregard, that person would provide a great service to all literary historians and help them appreciate the remarkable diligence, knowledge, and insight of this veteran pioneer in their field. Certainly, in most of the small discoveries we thought we had made, we later found that Mr. Collier's Registers of the Stationers' Company or Bibliographical Catalogue had already covered these facts correctly. PRINT THE STATIONERS' RECORDS.xxvi Few will doubt that there’s solid material in Mr. Collier's work, and quite a bit of it, but the useless parts need to be refined out. I hope the first step in this process will be printing the complete set of Stationers' Registers from their inception to at least 1700, by the Camden Society—which is well suited for this work—or by the new Harleian or another society. It shouldn’t be left for the 'Early English Text' to do in 20 years.

F. J. Furnivall.

F. J. Furnivall.

29 Nov., 1869.

Nov 29, 1869.

P.S. For a curious Ballad describing beggars' tricks in the 17th century, say about 1650, see the Roxburghe Collection, i. 42-3, and the Ballad Society's reprint, now in the press for 1869, i. 137-41, 'The cunning Northerne Beggar': 1. he shams lame; 2. he pretends to be a poor soldier; 3. a sailor; 4. cripple; 5. diseased; 6. festered all over, and face daubed with blood; 7. blind; 8. has had his house burnt.

P.S. For an interesting ballad about beggars' tricks from the 17th century, around 1650, check out the Roxburghe Collection, i. 42-3, and the Ballad Society's reprint, which is currently being published for 1869, i. 137-41, 'The cunning Northerne Beggar': 1. he pretends to be lame; 2. he acts like a poor soldier; 3. a sailor; 4. a cripple; 5. sick; 6. covered in sores, with his face smeared in blood; 7. blind; 8. claims his house was burned down.

FORETALK TO NEW SHAKSPERE SOCIETY'S REPRINT (1880).

Thomas Harman's Will (p. xiv, above) I couldn't find at Doctors' Commons when I searcht for it, though three John-Harman wills of his time turnd up.

Thomas Harman's Will (p. xiv, above) I couldn't find at Doctors' Commons when I searched for it, although three John Harman wills from his time showed up.

The print of the Stationers' Registers calld for above, has since been produc't by Mr. Arber, to whose energy we are all so much indebted for such numbers of capital texts; and the book only needs an Index to be of real use. The entries on p. ii, vi, vii, above, are in Arber's Transcript, i. 157, 334, 345. (See too i. 348, 369.[39]) The Hunterian Club, Glasgow, reprinted, in 1874, S. Rowland's Martin Mark-all (p. xvi, above) from the text of 1610, in its handsome edition of all Rowlands's works.

The print of the Stationers' Registers mentioned above has since been produced by Mr. Arber, to whom we all owe a great deal for so many excellent texts; the book just needs an index to be truly useful. The entries on p. ii, vi, vii, above, are in Arber's Transcript, i. 157, 334, 345. (See also i. 348, 369.[39]) The Hunterian Club, Glasgow, reprinted in 1874 S. Rowland's Martin Mark-all (p. xvi, above) from the 1610 text, in its attractive edition of all Rowlands's works.

As connected, more or less, with the Vagabonds of London, I add, opposite, a copy of the curious cut of the notorious Southwark brothel, 'Holland's Leaguer' in 1632, on which Mr. Rendle has commented in his "Bankside, Southwark," Harrison, Part II. p. ix-x, and the site of which is shown on the left of our first plan from Roque's Map, ib. p. 67*.

As connected, more or less, with the Vagabonds of London, I add, opposite, a copy of the intriguing illustration of the infamous Southwark brothel, 'Holland's Leaguer' from 1632, which Mr. Rendle has discussed in his "Bankside, Southwark," Harrison, Part II. p. ix-x, and the location of which is indicated on the left of our initial plan from Roque's Map, ib. p. 67*.

The Brothel is shown, says Mr. Ebsworth, (Amanda Ballads, 1880, p. 507*), fortified and sentried, as kept by a Mrs. Holland, before 1631. "The picture was frontispiece of a quarto pamphlet, 'Holland's Leaguer; or, an Historical Discourse of the Life and Actions of Donna Britanica Hollandia, the Arch Mistris of the wicked women of Eutopia: wherein is detected the notorious sinne of Pandarisme,' etc., sm. 4to. printed by A. M. for Richard Barnes, 1632....

The Brothel is described, according to Mr. Ebsworth, (Amanda Ballads, 1880, p. 507*), as being fortified and guarded, run by a Mrs. Holland, before 1631. "The image was the frontispiece of a quarto pamphlet, 'Holland's Leaguer; or, an Historical Discourse of the Life and Actions of Donna Britanica Hollandia, the Arch Mistress of the Wicked Women of Eutopia: wherein is exposed the notorious sin of Pandarism,' etc., sm. 4to. printed by A. M. for Richard Barnes, 1632....

"Holland's Leaguer claimed to be an island out of the ordinary jurisdiction. The portcullis, drawbridge, moat, and wicket for espial, as well as an armed bully or Pandar to quell disagreeable intruders, if by chance they got admittance without responsible introduction, all point to an organized system. There were also the garden-walks for sauntering and 'doing a spell of embroidery, or fine work,' i.e. flirtation; the summer-house that was proverbially xxviifamous FORETALK TO REPRINT OF 1880.or infamous for intrigues, and the river conveniently near for disposal of awkward visitors who might have met with misadventure.

"Holland's Leaguer claimed to be an island outside regular jurisdiction. The portcullis, drawbridge, moat, and spy hatch, along with an armed thug or pimp to deal with unwanted guests, if by chance they got in without a proper introduction, all suggest a well-organized setup. There were also garden paths for strolling and 'doing a bit of embroidery, or fine work,' i.e. flirting; the summer house that was notoriously xxviifamous Foreword to 1880 reprint. or infamous for schemes, and the river conveniently nearby for getting rid of any awkward visitors who might have run into trouble."

"Shackerly Marmion's 'excellent comedy,' Holland's Leaguer, 1632, was reprinted in 1875, in William Paterson of Edinburgh's choice series, Dramatists of the Restoration. The fourth act gives an exposure of the Leaguers' garrison, where riot, disease, and robbery are unchecked. Thus Trimalchio says,

"Shackerly Marmion's 'excellent comedy,' Holland's Leaguer, 1632, was reprinted in 1875 in William Paterson of Edinburgh's choice series, Dramatists of the Restoration. The fourth act reveals the chaos in the Leaguers' garrison, where violence, sickness, and theft run rampant. Thus Trimalchio says,"

'I threw your Cerberus a sleepy morsel,
And paid your Charon for my passage across, And I have a golden branch for my Proserpina.
Bawd: Then you're welcome, Sir!'
Southwark brothel

"Yet before long the visitors are shouting 'Murder! Murder!'

"Yet before long, the visitors are shouting, 'Murder! Murder!'"

They've spoiled us Of our cloaks, hats, swords, and money.
My brother mentioned creating a score, [i.e. "Tick it."]
And right away, they took our cloaks for the accounting.'"

"The long-credit system did not suit at that establishment, where the health and lives of visitors were uninsured. The Proprietress had early declared the free list to be entirely suspended:

"The long-credit system didn't work at that place, where the health and lives of visitors were not insured. The Proprietress had already announced that the free list was completely suspended:

"I won't accept any tickets or future payments.
"
It's not false titles or names
Any office can handle it. I need to have money. "Tell them that. Draw the bridge." —(Act iv. sc. 2.)

Roxburghe and Bagford Ballad Woodcuts of Beggars, &c.

Roxburghe and Bagford Ballad Woodcuts of Beggars, etc.

Roxburghe and Bagford Ballad Woodcuts


FOOTNOTES:

[1] Liber Vagatorum: Der Betler Orden: First printed about 1514. Its first section gives a special account of the several orders of the 'Fraternity of Vagabonds;' the 2nd, sundry notabilia relating to them; the 3rd consists of a 'Rotwelsche Vocabulary,' or 'Canting Dictionary.' See a long notice in the Wiemarisches Jahrbuch, vol. 10; 1856. Hotten's Slang Dictionary: Bibliography.

[1] Liber Vagatorum: The Beggar Order: First published around 1514. Its first section provides a detailed account of the different orders of the 'Fraternity of Vagabonds;' the second includes various notabilia related to them; the third consists of a 'Rotwelsche Vocabulary,' or 'Canting Dictionary.' Refer to a lengthy notice in the Weimar Jahrbuch, vol. 10; 1856. Hotten's Slang Dictionary: Bibliography.

[2] See the back of his title-page, p. 2, below.

[2] Check the back of his title page, p. 2, below.

[3] as well and and as well not in the title of the 1575 edition.

[3] as well and and as well not in the title of the 1575 edition.

[4] Compare the anecdote, p. 66, 68, 'the last sommer. Anno Domini, 1566.'

[4] Check out the story on page 66, 68, 'the last summer. Year 1566.'

[5] 'now at this seconde Impression,' p. 27; 'Whyle this second Impression was in printinge,' p. 87.

[5] 'now at this second printing,' p. 27; 'While this second printing was happening,' p. 87.

[6] Mr J. P. Collier (Bibliographical Catalogue, i. 365) has little doubt that the verses at the back of the title-page of Harman's Caveat were part of "a ballad intituled a description of the nature of a birchen broom" entered at Stationers' Hall to William Griffith, the first printer of the Caveat.

[6] Mr. J. P. Collier (Bibliographical Catalogue, i. 365) is pretty confident that the verses on the back of the title page of Harman's Caveat were part of "a ballad titled a description of the nature of a birch broom," which was registered at Stationers' Hall to William Griffith, the first printer of the Caveat.

[7] Cp. Kente, p. 37, 43, 48, 61, 63, 66, 68, 77, &c. Moreover, the way in which he, like a Norfolk or Suffolk man, speaks of shires, points to a liver in a non -shire.

[7] See Kente, pp. 37, 43, 48, 61, 63, 66, 68, 77, etc. Additionally, the way he talks about shires, similar to someone from Norfolk or Suffolk, suggests a connection to a non-shire.

[8] In Martin Mark-all, Beadle of Bridewell, 1610, quoted below, at p. xvii.

[8] In Martin Mark-all, Beadle of Bridewell, 1610, quoted below, at p. xvii.

[9] Compare his 'ride to Dartforde to speake with a priest there,' p. 57.

[9] Check out his 'trip to Dartford to talk with a priest there,' p. 57.

[10] "John Harman, Esquyer, one of the gentilmen hushers of the Chambre of our soverayn Lady the Quene, and the excellent Lady Dame Dorothye Gwydott, widow, late of the town of Southampton, married Dec. 21, 1567." (Extract from the register of the parish of Stratford Bow, given in p. 499, vol. iii. of Lysons's Environs of London.)

[10] "John Harman, Esquire, one of the gentlemen ushers of the Chamber of our sovereign Lady the Queen, and the distinguished Lady Dame Dorothye Gwydott, widow, formerly of the town of Southampton, married on December 21, 1567." (Extract from the register of the parish of Stratford Bow, given in p. 499, vol. iii. of Lysons's Environs of London.)

[11] Philipott, p. 108. Henry Harman bore for his arms—Argent, a chevron between 3 scalps sable.

[11] Philipott, p. 108. Henry Harman's coat of arms featured a silver shield with a black chevron between three black scalps.

[12] Of whose daughters, Mary married John, eldest son of Wm. Lovelace, of Hever in Kingsdown, in this county; and Elizabeth married John Lennard, Prothonotary, and afterwards Custos Brevium of the Common Pleas. See Chevening.

[12] Of whose daughters, Mary married John, the oldest son of Wm. Lovelace from Hever in Kingsdown, in this county; and Elizabeth married John Lennard, Prothonotary, and later Custos Brevium of the Common Pleas. See Chevening.

[13] See Robinson's Gavelkind, p. 300.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ See Robinson's Gavelkind, p. 300.

[14] She was of consanguinity to Abp. Chicheley. Stemm. Chich. No. 106. Thomas Harman had three daughters: Anne, who married Wm. Draper, of Erith, and lies buried there; Mary, who married Thomas Harrys; and Bridget, who was the wife of Henry Binneman. Ibid.

[14] She was related to Abp. Chicheley. Stemm. Chich. No. 106. Thomas Harman had three daughters: Anne, who married Wm. Draper from Erith and is buried there; Mary, who married Thomas Harrys; and Bridget, who was married to Henry Binneman. Ibid.

[15] In the first edition of Holinshed (1577) this chapter is the 5th in Book III. of Harrison's Description.

[15] In the first edition of Holinshed (1577), this chapter is the 5th in Book III of Harrison's Description.

[16] Not in ed. 1577.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Not in ed. 1577.

[17] thorow in ed. 1577.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ through in ed. 1577.

[18] piteous in ed. 1577.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ pitiful in ed. 1577.

[19] lament in ed. 1577.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ lament in 1577 edition.

[20] The remainder of this paragraph is not in ed. 1577.

[20] The rest of this paragraph is not in the 1577 edition.

[21] Not in ed. 1577.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Not in 1577 edition.

[22] Compare Harman, p. 48.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Compare Harman, p. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.

[23] The 1577 ed. inserts horrible.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ The 1577 edition inserts horrible.

[24] The 1577 ed. reads fifty.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ The 1577 edition reads fifty.

[25] The 1577 ed. reads 22, which is evidently an error.

[25] The 1577 edition says 22, which is clearly a mistake.

[26] For these words the 1577 ed. reads gather.

[26] For these words, the 1577 edition says gather.

[27] The above list is taken from the titles of the chapters in Harman's Caueat.

[27] The list above comes from the titles of the chapters in Harman's Caueat.

[28] Not in the 1577 ed.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Not in the 1577 edition.

[29] These words are substituted for which they disfigure to begg withal in the 1577 ed.

[29] These words replace which they disfigure to begg withal in the 1577 edition.

[30] The 1577 ed. inserts bearwards.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ The 1577 edition adds bearwards.

[31] Not in 1577 ed.

Not in 1577 edition.

[32] These three sentences are not in 1577 ed.

[32] These three sentences are not in the 1577 edition.

[33] Hazlitt's Hand Book, p. 241.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Hazlitt's Handbook, p. 241.

[34] Leader of the Choir. Captain of the Company.

[34] Leader of the Choir. Captain of the Company.

[35] Where at this day the Rogues of the North part, once euerie three yeeres, assemble in the night, because they will not be seene and espied; being a place, to those that know it, verie fit for that purpos,—it being hollow, and made spacious vnder ground; at first, by estimation, halfe a mile in compasse; but it hath such turnings and roundings in it, that a man may easily be lost if hee enter not with a guide.

[35] These days, the shady characters from the North gather every three years at night, trying to avoid being seen or noticed. It’s a place that those who are familiar with it know is perfect for that purpose—hollow and spacious underground; initially, it’s about half a mile in circumference, but it has so many twists and turns that it’s easy to get lost if you don’t have a guide.

[36] Of the above passages, Dekker speaks in the following manner:—"There is an Vsurper, that of late hath taken vpon him the name of the Belman; but being not able to maintaine that title, hee doth now call himselfe the Bel-mans brother; his ambition is (rather out of vaine-glory then the true courage of an experienced Souldier) to haue the leading of the Van; but it shall be honor good enough for him (if not too good) to come vp with the Rere. You shall know him by his Habiliments, for (by the furniture he weares) he will be taken for a Beadle of Bridewell. It is thought he is rather a Newter then a friend to the cause: and therefore the Bel-man doth here openly protest that hee comes into the field as no fellow in armes with him."—O per se O (1612 edit.), sign. A. 2.

[36] Of the above passages, Dekker describes it this way:—"There's a pretender who recently took on the title of the Bellman; but unable to uphold that title, he now calls himself the Bellman's brother. His ambition, driven more by vanity than by the true courage of a seasoned soldier, is to lead the front line; but it would be more than enough honor for him (if not too much) to come up with the rear. You can recognize him by his clothing, as the gear he wears makes him look like a Beadle of Bridewell. It's rumored that he’s more of a neutral party than a true ally to the cause: hence, the Bellman openly declares that he steps into the field without any camaraderie with him."—O per se O (1612 edit.), sign. A. 2.

[37] We quote from four out of the five tracts contained in the volume. The title of the tract we do not quote is 'Hanging not Punishment enough,' etc., London, 1701.

[37] We reference four out of the five tracts included in the volume. The title of the tract we don't reference is 'Hanging not Punishment enough,' etc., London, 1701.

[38] To obviate the possibility of mistake in the lection of this curious document, Mr E. W. Ashbee has, at my request, and by permission of the Governors of Dulwich College (where the paper is preserved), furnished me with an exact fac-simile of it, worked off on somewhat similar paper. By means of this fac-simile my readers may readily assure themselves that in no part of the memorial is Lodge called a "player;" indeed he is not called "Thos. Lodge," and it is only an inference, an unavoidable conclusion, that the Lodge here spoken of is Thomas Lodge, the dramatist. Mr Collier, however, professes to find that he is there called "Thos. Lodge," and that it [the Memorial] contains this remarkable grammatical inversion;

[38] To eliminate any chance of error in reading this interesting document, Mr. E. W. Ashbee has, at my request and with the permission of the Governors of Dulwich College (where the paper is kept), provided me with an exact replica of it, printed on similar paper. With this replica, my readers can easily confirm that in no part of the memorial is Lodge referred to as a "player;" in fact, he is not identified as "Thos. Lodge," and it is only an assumption, an unavoidable conclusion, that the Lodge mentioned here is Thomas Lodge, the playwright. Mr. Collier, however, claims to find that he is indeed called "Thos. Lodge," and that it [the Memorial] includes this notable grammatical inversion;

"and haveinge some knowledge and acquaintaunce of him as a player, requested me to be his baile,"

"and having some knowledge and acquaintance with him as a player, asked me to be his bail,"

which is evidently intended to mean, as I had some knowledge and acquaintance of Lodge as a player, he requested me to be his baile. But in this place the original paper reads thus,

which is clearly meant to say, since I knew Lodge as a player, he asked me to be his bail. But in this instance, the original paper states,

"and havinge of me some knowledge and acquaintaunce requested me to be his bayle,"

"and having some knowledge of me and being acquainted, requested me to be his bail,"

meaning, of course, Lodge, having some knowledge and acquaintance of me requested me to be his bail.

meaning, of course, Lodge, knowing me a bit and being familiar with me, asked me to be his bail.

The interpolation of the five words needed to corroborate Mr Collier's explanation of the misquoted passage from Gosson, and the omission of two other words inconsistent with that interpolation, may be thought to exhibit some little ingenuity; it was, however, a feat which could have cost him no great pains. But the labour of recasting the orthography of the memorial must have been considerable; while it is difficult to imagine a rational motive to account for such labour being incurred. To expand the abbreviations and modernize the orthography might have been expedient, as it would have been easy. But, in the name of reason, what is the gain of writing wheare and theare for "where" and "there;" cleere, yeeld, and meerly for "clere," "yealde," and "merely;" verie, anie, laie, waie, paie, yssue, and pryvily, for "very," "any," "lay," "way," "pay," "issue," and "privylie;" sondrie, begon, and doen for "sundrie," "began," and "don;" and thintent, thaction, and thacceptaunce for "the intent," "the action," and "the acceptaunce"?—p. 14 of Dr C. M. Ingleby's 'Was Thomas Lodge an Actor? An Exposition touching the Social Status of the Playwright in the time of Queen Elizabeth.' Printed for the Author by R. Barrett and Sons, 13 Mark Lane, 1868. 2s. 6d.

The addition of five words needed to support Mr. Collier’s explanation of the misquoted passage from Gosson, along with the removal of two other words that don’t match that addition, might seem like a clever move; however, it was a task that probably didn’t take him much effort. On the other hand, rewriting the spelling of the memorial must have been quite a bit of work, and it's hard to see a logical reason for why he would put in that effort. Expanding abbreviations and updating the spelling would have been practical since it would have been simple to do. But, seriously, what’s the point of writing wheare and theare instead of "where" and "there;" cleere, yeeld, and meerly instead of "clere," "yealde," and "merely;" verie, anie, laie, waie, paie, yssue, and pryvily for "very," "any," "lay," "way," "pay," "issue," and "privylie;" sondrie, begon, and doen instead of "sundrie," "began," and "don;" and thintent, thaction, and thacceptaunce for "the intent," "the action," and "the acceptance"?—p. 14 of Dr. C. M. Ingleby's 'Was Thomas Lodge an Actor? An Exposition touching the Social Status of the Playwright in the time of Queen Elizabeth.' Printed for the Author by R. Barrett and Sons, 13 Mark Lane, 1868. 2s. 6d.

[39] i. 270: A ballett intituled Tom Tell Truth, A.D. 1565; and i. 307, 'an interlude, the Cruell Detter by Wager,' licenst to Colwell in 1565-6.

[39] i. 270: A ballet titled Tom Tell Truth, CE 1565; and i. 307, 'an interlude, The Cruel Debtor by Wager,' licensed to Colwell in 1565-6.


THE
Fraternitye of Vacabondes.
1

As wel of ruflyng Vacabondes, as of beggerly, of women as of men, of Gyrles as of Boyes,
with
their proper names and qualities.

As well of rough Vagabonds, as of beggars, of women as of men, of Girls as of Boys,
with
their proper names and qualities.

With a description of the crafty company of
Cousoners and Shifters.
¶ Wherunto also is adioyned
the .xxv. Orders of Knaues,
otherwyse called
a Quartern of Knaues.

With a description of the clever group of
Cousoners and Shifters.
¶ Additionally, it includes
the 25 Orders of Knaves,
also known as
a Quarter of Knaves.

Confirmed for euer by Cocke Lorell.

Confirmed forever by Cocke Lorell.

( * )

( * )

The Vprightman speaketh.

The Vprightman speaks.

Our Brotherhood of Vagrants, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ If you want to know where to live:
In a grave's end, a barge that seldom stays. The talk will show quite clearly.

Cocke Lorell aunswereth.

Cocke Lorell responds.

Some orders of my Knaues also
In that barge, you will find:
For nowhere will you walk, I believe,
But you will see their kind.

¶ Imprinted at London by Iohn Awdeley, dwellyng in little Britayne streete without Aldersgate.

¶ Printed in London by John Awdeley, living on Little Britayne Street outside Aldersgate.

1575.

1575.


[leaf 1b.]

The Printer to the Reader.2

The Printer to the Reader.

This brotherhood of Vagabonds, To show that there are indeed such Both Justices and people of the Lands,
I will testify if necessary.
During a session while they were seated,
By chance, a vagabond was found.
Who promised that they would spare him, And keep his name from being known then:
He would declare something as strange as this,
As long as they have known since they became men.
But if my friends do know (he said) If I did that, they would kill me.
They granted him this request, He did declare as it is read here,
Both names and states of the most and least, Of their Vagabond brotherhood. At the request of a respected person I've put it together as best as I can.

FINIS.

FINISHED.


[leaf 2]

3The
Fraternitye of Vacabondes
both rufling and beggerly,
Men and women, Boyes and Gyrles,
wyth
their proper names and qualities.

Whereunto are adioyned
the company of Cousoners and Shifters.

3The
Fraternity of Vagabonds
both rough and begging,
Men and women, Boys and Girls,
with
their real names and traits.

Along with which are added
the group of Con artists and Swindlers.


¶ AN ABRAHAM MAN.

AN Abraham man is he that walketh bare armed, and bare legged, and fayneth hym selfe mad, and caryeth a packe of wool, or a stycke with baken on it, or such lyke toy, and nameth himselfe poore Tom.

AN Abraham man is someone who walks around with bare arms and legs, pretends to be crazy, and carries a bundle of wool or a piece of bread, or something similar, and calls himself Poor Tom.

¶ A RUFFELER.

A Ruffeler goeth wyth a weapon to seeke seruice, saying he hath bene a Seruitor in the wars, and beggeth for his reliefe. But his chiefest trade is to robbe poore wayfaring men and market women.

A ruffian goes with a weapon to seek work, claiming he has been a servant in the wars, and begs for assistance. But his main job is to rob poor travelers and market women.

¶ A PRYGMAN.

A Prygman goeth with a stycke in hys hand like an idle person. His propertye is to steale cloathes of the hedge, which they call storing of the Rogeman: or els filtch Poultry, carying them to the Alehouse, whych they call the Bowsyng In, & ther syt playing at cardes and dice, tyl that is spent which they haue so fylched.

A Prigman walks around with a stick in his hand like a lazy person. His thing is to steal clothes from the hedges, which they call storing from the Rogeman; or he’ll swipe poultry, taking them to the pub, which they call the Bowsying Inn, and there he sits playing cards and dice until he’s spent everything he’s stolen.

AWDELEY. THE FRATERNITY OF VACABONDES.
4¶ A WHIPIACKE.

A Whypiacke is one, that by coulor of a counterfaite Lisence (which they call a Gybe, and the seales they cal Iarckes) doth vse to beg lyke a Maryner, But hys chiefest trade is to rob Bowthes in a Faire, or to pilfer ware from staules, which they cal heauing of the Bowth.

A Whypiacke is someone who, using a fake license (which they call a Gybe, and the seals they call Iarckes), pretends to beg like a sailor. However, their main activity is to steal from booths at a fair or to swipe goods from stalls, which they refer to as heaving the booth.

¶ A FRATER.

A Frater goeth wyth a like Lisence to beg for some Spittlehouse or Hospital. Their pray is commonly vpon [leaf 2b.] poore women as they go and come to the Markets.

A brother goes with a similar license to beg for some hospice or hospital. Their prey is usually upon [leaf 2b.] poor women as they go to and from the markets.

¶ A QUIRE BIRD.

A Quire bird is one that came lately out of prison, & goeth to seeke seruice. He is commonly a stealer of Horses, which they terme a Priggar of Paulfreys.

A Quire bird is one that has recently been released from prison and is looking for work. He is usually a horse thief, which they call a Priggar of Paulfreys.

¶ AN VPRIGHT MAN.

An Vpright man is one that goeth wyth the trunchion of a staffe, which staffe they cal a Filtchman. This man is of so much authority, that meeting with any of his profession, he may cal them to accompt, & commaund a share or snap vnto him selfe, of al that they haue gained by their trade in one moneth. And if he doo them wrong, they haue no remedy agaynst hym, no though he beate them, as he vseth commonly to do. He may also commaund any of their women, which they cal Doxies, to serue his turne. He hath ye chiefe place at any market walke, & other assembles, & is not of any to be controled.

A straightforward man is one who walks with a sturdy staff, which they call a Filchman. This man has so much power that when he encounters anyone in his profession, he can hold them accountable and demand a share of whatever they’ve earned from their trade in a month. And if he wrongs them, they have no recourse against him, even if he beats them, which he commonly does. He can also command any of their women, known as Doxies, to serve his needs. He holds the top position at any market gathering and other assemblies, and no one can challenge him.

¶ A CURTALL.

A Curtall is much like to the Vpright man, but hys authority is not fully so great. He vseth commonly to go with a short cloke, like to grey Friers, & his woman with him in like liuery, which he calleth his Altham if she be hys wyfe, & if she be his harlot, she is called hys Doxy.

A Curtall is similar to the Upright man, but his authority isn't quite as strong. He usually wears a short cloak, like a Grey Friar, and his woman matches his outfit; if she's his wife, he calls her his Altham, and if she's his mistress, she's referred to as his Doxy.

¶ A PALLIARD.

A Palliard is he that goeth in a patched cloke, and hys Doxy goeth in like apparell.

A Palliard is someone who walks around in a patched cloak, and his companion dresses in similar attire.

¶ AN IRISHE TOYLE.5

An Irishe toyle is he that carieth his ware in hys wallet, as laces, pins, poyntes, and such like. He vseth to shew no wares vntill he haue his almes. And if the good man and wyfe be not in the way, he procureth of the ch[i]lldren or seruants a fleece of wool, or the worth of xij.d. of some other thing, for a peniworth of his wares.

An Irish trader is someone who carries their goods in a bag, like laces, pins, points, and similar items. They typically don’t display their goods until they receive charity. And if the husband and wife aren’t around, they get the children or servants to give them a fleece of wool or something worth twelve pence in exchange for a small portion of their goods.

[leaf 3]
¶ A IACK MAN.

A Iackeman is he that can write and reade, and somtime speake latin. He vseth to make counterfaite licences which they call Gybes, and sets to Seales, in their language called Iarkes.

A lackey is someone who can write and read, and sometimes speak Latin. He tends to make fake licenses, which they call jibes, and adds seals, which in their language are called jarks.

¶ A SWYGMAN.

A Swygman goeth with a Pedlers pack.

A Swygman walks around with a peddler's pack.

¶ A WASHMAN.

A Washman is called a Palliard, but not of the right making. He vseth to lye in the hye way with lame or sore legs or armes to beg. These men ye right Pilliards wil often times spoile, but they dare not complayn. They be bitten with Spickworts, & somtime with rats bane.

A washman is referred to as a palliard, but not the genuine kind. He usually lies by the roadside with injured or sore legs or arms to beg. These men, the real pilliards, often get taken advantage of, but they don’t dare complain. They suffer from spickworts and sometimes from rat poison.

¶ A TINKARD.

A Tinkard leaueth his bag a sweating at the Alehouse, which they terme their Bowsing In, and in the meane season goeth abrode a begging.

A Tinkard leaves his bag sweating at the tavern, which they call their Boozing Inn, and in the meantime, goes out begging.

¶ A WYLDE ROGE.

A wilde Roge is he that hath no abiding place but by his coulour of going abrode to beg, is commonly to seeke some kinsman of his, and all that be of hys corporation be properly called Roges.

A wild Rogue is someone who has no stable home and, by their nature of going out to beg, is usually looking for a relative of theirs, and all those who share his kind are generally called Rogues.

¶ A KITCHEN CO.

A Kitchin Co is called an ydle runagate Boy.

A kitchen company is called an idle runaway boy.

¶ A KITCHEN MORTES.

A Kitchin Mortes is a Gyrle, she is brought at her full age to the Vpryght man to be broken, and so she is called a Doxy, vntil she come to ye honor of an Altham.

A Kitchin Mortes is a girl; she is brought at her full age to the upright man to be trained, and so she is called a Doxy until she reaches the honor of an Altham.

¶ DOXIES.6

Note especially all which go abroade working laces and shirt stringes, they name them Doxies.

Note especially all those who go around working laces and shirt strings; they call them Doxies.

¶ A PATRIARKE CO.

A Patriarke Co doth make mariages, & that is vntill [leaf 3b.] death depart the maried folke, which is after this sort: When they come to a dead Horse or any dead Catell, then they shake hands and so depart euery one of them a seuerall way.

A patriarch makes marriages, and that lasts until [leaf 3b.] death separates the married couple, which happens like this: When they encounter a dead horse or any dead livestock, they shake hands and then each goes their separate way.


¶ THE COMPANY OF COUSONERS AND SHIFTERS.

¶ A CURTESY MAN.

A Curtesy man is one that walketh about the back lanes in London in the day time, and sometime in the broade streetes in the night season, and when he meeteth some handsome yong man clenly apareled, or some other honest Citizen, he maketh humble salutations and low curtesy, and sheweth him that he hath a worde or two to speake with his mastership. This child can behaue him selfe manerly, for he wyll desire him that he talketh withall, to take the vpper hand, and shew him much reuerence, and at last like his familier acquaintaunce will put on his cap, and walke syde by syde, and talke on this fashion: Oh syr, you seeme to be a man, and one that fauoureth men, and therefore I am the more bolder to breake my mind vnto your good maistership. Thus it is syr, ther is a certaine of vs (though I say it both taule and handsome men of theyr hands) which haue come lately from the wars, and as God knoweth haue nothing to take to, being both maisterles and moniles, & knowing no way wherby to yerne one peny. And further, wher as we haue bene welthely brought vp, and we also haue beene had in good estimation, we are a shamed now to declare our misery, and to fall a crauing as common Beggers, and as for to steale and robbe, (God is our record) it striketh vs to [leaf 4] the hart, to thinke of such a mischiefe, that euer any handsome man should fall into such a 7daunger for thys worldly trash. Which if we had to suffise our want and necessity, we should neuer seeke thus shamefastly to craue on such good pityfull men as you seeme to be, neither yet so daungerously to hasarde our liues for so vyle a thing. Therefore good syr, as you seeme to be a handsome man your selfe, and also such a one as pitieth the miserable case of handsome men, as now your eyes and countenaunce sheweth to haue some pity vppon this my miserable complainte: So in Gods cause I require your maistershyp, & in the behalfe of my poore afflicted fellowes, which though here in sight they cry not with me to you, yet wheresouer they bee, I am sure they cry vnto God to moue the heartes of some good men to shew forth their liberality in this behalfe. All which & I with them craue now the same request at your good masterships hand. With these or such like words he frameth his talke. Now if the party (which he thus talketh withall) profereth hym a peny or .ii.d. he taketh it, but verye scornfully, and at last speaketh on this sorte: Well syr, your good will is not to be refused. But yet you shall vnderstand (good syr) that this is nothing for them, for whom I do thus shamefastly entreate. Alas syr, it is not a groate or .xii.d. I speake for, being such a company of Seruiters as wee haue bene: yet neuertheles God forbid I should not receiue your gentle offer at this time, hoping hereafter through your good motions to some such lyke good gentleman as you be, that I, or some of my fellowes in my place, shall finde the more liberality. These kind of ydle Vacabondes wyll go commonly well appareled, without [leaf 4b.] any weapon, and in place where they meete together, as at their hosteryes or other places, they wyll beare the port of ryght good gentlemen, & some are the more trusted, but commonly thei pay them with stealing a paire of sheetes, or Couerlet, & so take their farewell earely in the morning, before the mayster or dame be sturring.

A courteous man is someone who strolls through the back streets of London during the day, and sometimes in the main streets at night. When he encounters a well-dressed young man or another respectable citizen, he offers humble greetings and bows low, showing that he has a word or two to share with him. This person knows how to behave politely; he asks the person he's speaking with to take the lead and shows him great respect. Eventually, like a familiar acquaintance, he will put on his cap and walk side by side, talking in this manner: "Oh sir, you seem to be a man who appreciates others, which gives me the confidence to share my thoughts with your kind self. Here's the thing, sir, there are a few of us (though I say so myself, we are both decent and good-looking men) who have recently returned from the wars. As God knows, we have nothing to rely on, being both without masters and money, and knowing no way to earn even a penny. Moreover, having been brought up well and held in good esteem, we are now ashamed to reveal our misery and to start begging like common beggars. As for stealing or robbing, (God is our witness) the thought strikes us to the heart, to think that any handsome man should fall into such a predicament for such worthless things. If we had what we needed to satisfy our wants, we would never so shamefully beg from good-hearted men like you seem to be, nor would we risk our lives for something so vile. So, good sir, since you seem to be an attractive man yourself and one who pities the unfortunate situation of other good-looking men, as your eyes and demeanor show some compassion towards my haggard complaint: I earnestly beseech you, in God's name, and on behalf of my poor afflicted companions, who though not visibly crying out with me, I’m sure wherever they are, they are praying to God to touch the hearts of good men to extend their generosity in this regard. All of us, including myself, humbly request the same favor from your kind self. With such words, he frames his conversation. Now if the person he is speaking to offers him a penny or two, he accepts it but very disdainfully, finally responding like this: "Well sir, your good intentions are appreciated. But you should understand, good sir, that this is not enough for those for whom I am so shamefully pleading. Alas sir, I am not asking for a groat or twelve pence, considering the company of servants we have been. Nevertheless, God forbid I should not accept your kind offer at this time, hoping that through your good recommendations to another similar good gentleman like yourself, I or some of my fellows in my situation may find more generosity. These kinds of idle vagabonds generally walk about well-dressed, without any weapons, and when they gather in places like their inns or other spots, they carry themselves like true gentlemen. Some are even more trusted, but commonly they pay by stealing a pair of sheets or a coverlet, then bid farewell early in the morning before the master or dame is stirring.

¶ A CHEATOUR OR FINGERER.

These commonly be such kinde of idle Vacabondes as scarcely a man shall discerne, they go so gorgeously, sometime with waiting men, and sometime without. Their trade is to walke in such places, where as gentelmen & other worshipfull Citizens do resorte, as at 8Poules, or at Christes Hospital, & somtime at ye Royal exchaunge. These haue very many acquaintaunces, yea, and for the most part will acquaint them selues with euery man, and fayne a society, in one place or other. But chiefly they wil seeke their acquaintaunce of such (which they haue learned by diligent enquiring where they resort) as haue receyued some porcioun of money of their friends, as yong Gentlemen which are sent to London to study the lawes, or els some yong Marchant man or other kynde of Occupier, whose friendes hath geuen them a stock of mony[41] to occupy withall. When they haue thus found out such a pray, they will find the meanes by theyr familiarity, as very curteously to bid him to breakefast at one place or other, where they are best acquainted, and closely amonge themselues wil appoint one of their Fraternity, which they call a Fyngerer, an olde beaten childe, not onely in such deceites, but also such a one as by his age is painted out with gray heares, wrinkled face, crooked back, and most commonly lame, as it might seeme with age, [leaf 5] yea and such a one as to shew a simplicity, shal weare a homely cloke and hat scarce worth .vi. d. This nimble fingred knight (being appointed to this place) commeth in as one not knowen of these Cheatours, but as vnwares shal sit down at the end of the bord where they syt, & call for his peny pot of wine, or a pinte of Ale, as the place serueth. Thus sitting as it were alone, mumblyng on a crust, or some such thing, these other yonckers wil finde some kind of mery talke with him, some times questioning wher he dwelleth, & sometimes enquiring what trade he vseth, which commonly he telleth them he vseth husbandry: & talking thus merely, at last they aske him, how sayest thou, Father, wylt thou play for thy breakfast with one of vs, that we may haue some pastime as we syt? Thys olde Karle makyng it straunge at the first saith: My maysters, ich am an old man, and halfe blinde, and can skyl of very few games, yet for that you seeme to be such good Gentelmen, as to profer to play for that of which you had no part, but onely I my selfe, and therefore of right ich am worthy to pay for it, I shal with al my hart fulfyl your request. And so falleth to play, somtime at Cardes & sometime at dice. Which through his counterfait simplicity 9in the play somtimes ouer counteth himself, or playeth somtimes against his wyl, so as he would not, & then counterfaiteth to be angry, and falleth to swearing, & so leesing that, profereth to play for a shillyng or two. The other therat hauing good sport, seming to mocke him, falleth againe to play, and so by their legerdemane, & counterfaiting, winneth ech of them a shilling or twain, & at last whispereth the yong man in the eare to play with hym also, that ech one might haue a fling at him. [leaf 5b.] This yong man for company falleth againe to play also with the sayd Fyngerer, and winneth as the other did which when he had loste a noble or .vi. s. maketh as though he had lost al his mony, and falleth a intreating for parte thereof againe to bring him home, which the other knowing his mind and intent, stoutely denieth and iesteth, & scoffeth at him. This Fingerer seeming then to be in a rage, desireth them as they are true gentlemen, to tarry till he fetcheth more store of money, or els to point some place where they may meete. They seeming greedy hereof, promiseth faithfully and clappeth handes so to meete. They thus ticklyng the young man in the eare, willeth him to make as much money as he can, and they wil make as much as they can, and consent as though they wil play booty against him. But in the ende they so vse the matter, that both the young man leeseth his part, and, as it seemeth to him, they leesing theirs also, and so maketh as though they would fal together by the eares with this fingerer, which by one wyle or other at last conueyeth him selfe away, & they as it were raging lyke mad bedlams, one runneth one way, an other an other way, leauing the loser indeede all alone. Thus these Cheatours at their accustomed hosteries meete closely together, and there receiue ech one his part of this their vile spoyle. Of this fraternity there be that be called helpers, which commonly haunt tauernes or alehouses, and commeth in as men not acquainted with none in the companye, but spying them at any game, wil byd them God spede and God be at their game, and will so place him selfe that he will shew his fellow by sygnes and tokens, without speech commonly, but sometime with far fetched [leaf 6] wordes, what cardes he hath in his hand, and how he may play against him. And those betwene them both getteth money out of the others purse.

These are often the kind of idle drifters that you can hardly tell apart from anyone else because they dress so well, sometimes with servants and sometimes without. Their game is to walk around places where gentlemen and other respectable citizens gather, like at St. Paul's, Christ's Hospital, or sometimes at the Royal Exchange. They have lots of acquaintances and generally try to get to know everyone, pretending to form friendships here and there. But mainly, they look to make friends with those who, they’ve learned through careful questioning, have received some money from their families, like young gentlemen sent to London to study law or young merchants or others whose families have given them funds to use for their ventures. Once they spot a target like this, they will smoothly invite him to breakfast at a familiar spot, and among themselves, they will appoint one of their crew, whom they call a "Fingerer," an experienced trickster who, due to age, is often gray-haired, wrinkled, crooked-backed, and usually hobbled, so he appears to be suffering from age. This nimble-fingered man (assigned to this task) enters as if he doesn't know the other conmen and unsuspectingly sits at the end of the table where they are gathered, ordering a cheap drink like a penny pot of wine or a pint of ale, depending on the place. While he pretends to be alone, munching on a crust of bread or something similar, the younger ones will engage him in some light conversation, sometimes asking where he lives and sometimes what kind of work he does, which he usually claims is farming. As they chat casually, they eventually ask him, "What do you say, old man? Will you play for your breakfast with one of us, just for some fun while we sit here?" This old fellow, seeming surprised at first, replies: "Gentlemen, I’m an old man, half-blind and can barely play any games, but since you are such fine gentlemen to offer to wager something that isn’t yours but mine, I believe I ought to pay for it. So I will agree to your request with all my heart." And so he begins to play, sometimes cards and sometimes dice. Through his feigned simplicity, he occasionally miscounts his winnings or plays against his will, pretending to be upset and swearing, and then offers to play for a shilling or two. The others, amused, continue to play while mocking him, and through their tricks and deceit, each of them wins a shilling or two. Eventually, they whisper to the young man to join in and take a shot at him too. This young man, wanting some company, then plays with the Fingerer as well, and loses money just like the others did. When he loses a noble or six shillings, he acts as if he has lost all his money and begs for some of it back to take home. The Fingerer, fully aware of the young man’s intentions, firmly denies him and jokes at his expense. This Fingerer, now appearing angry, asks them, as true gentlemen, to wait until he can fetch more money or suggest a place where they can meet again. They, eager, promise to meet again and shake hands on it. They tease the young man to gather as much money as he can, and they will do the same, pretending to agree to play for higher stakes against him. But in the end, they cleverly maneuver things, so the young man loses his stake, and it appears they lose theirs too, leading to a scene where they pretended to fight with the Fingerer. The Fingerer eventually slips away, and the others, as if mad, scatter in different directions, leaving the real loser alone. Thus, these conmen meet at their usual hangouts and share the spoils of their deceit. Among this group, there are those called "helpers," who typically hang out at taverns or alehouses and come in feigning not to know anyone, but once they see a game in progress, they wish the players luck and position themselves to signal their partners discreetly, without talking much but sometimes using distant phrases, showing them what cards they hold and how they might play against their opponent. This way, both sides con the money out of the other’s pockets.

¶ A RING FALLER.10

A Ryng faller is he that getteth fayre copper rings, some made like signets, & some after other fashions, very faire gylded, & walketh vp and down the streetes, til he spieth some man of the country, or some other simple body whom he thinketh he may deceaue, and so goeth a lyttle before him or them, and letteth fall one of these ringes, which when the party that commeth after spieth and taketh it vp, he hauing an eye backward, crieth halfe part, the party that taketh it vp, thinking it to be of great value, profereth him some money for his part, which he not fully denieth, but willeth him to come into some alehouse or tauerne, and there they will common vpon the matter. Which when they come in, and are set in some solitary place (as commonly they call for such a place) there he desireth the party that found the ring to shew it him. When he seeth it, he falleth a entreating the party that found it, and desireth him to take money for his part, and telleth him that if euer he may do him any frendship hereafter he shal commaund him, for he maketh as though he were very desirous to haue it. The symple man seeing him so importune vpon it, thinketh the ring to bee of great valure, and so is the more lother to part from it. At last this ring faller asketh him what he will geue him for his part, for, saith he, seeing you wyl not let me haue the ring, alowe me my part, and take you the ring. The other asketh what he counteth the ring to be worth, he answereth, v. or vi. pound. No, saith he, it is not so much worth. [leaf 6b.] Well (saith this Ringfaller) let me haue it, and I wyll alow you .xl. s. for your part. The other party standyng in a doubt, and looking on the ryng, asketh if he wyll geue the money out of hand. The other answereth, he hath not so much ready mony about him, but he wil go fetch so much for him, if he wil go with him. The other that found the ring, thinking he meaneth truly, beginneth to profer him .xx. s. for his part, sometymes more, or les, which he verye scornfullye refuseth at the first, and styl entreateth that he might haue the ring, which maketh the other more fonder of it, and desireth him to take the money for his part, & so profereth him money. This ring faller seing ye mony, maketh it very straunge, and first questioneth with him wher he dwelleth, and asketh him 11what is his name, & telleth him that he semeth to be an honest man, and therfore he wil do somwhat for friendships sake, hoping to haue as friendly a pleasure at his hand hereafter, and so profereth hym for .x. s. more he should haue the ryng. At last, with entreatye on both partes, he geueth the Ring faller the money, and so departeth, thinkyng he hath gotten a very great Iewell. These kynde of deceyuing Vacabondes haue other practises with their rings, as somtimes to come to buy wares of mens Prentesies, and somtimes of their Maisters, and when he hath agreed of the price, he sayth he hath not so much money about him, but pulleth of one of these rings of from his fyngers, and profereth to leaue it in pawne, tyl his Maister or his friendes hath sene it, so promising to bring the money, the seller thinking he meaneth truly, letteth him go, and neuer seeth him after, tyll perhaps at Tyburne or at such lyke place. Ther is another kinde of [leaf 7] these Ring choppers, which commonly cary about them a faire gold ring in deede, and these haue other counterfait rings made so lyke this gold ring, as ye shal not perceiue the contrary, tyl it be brought to ye touchstone. This child wyl come to borow mony of the right gold ring, the party mistrusting the Ring not to be good, goeth to the Goldsmith with the partye that hath the ryng, and tryeth it whether it be good golde, and also wayeth it to know how much it is worth. The Goldsmith tryeth it to be good gold, and also to haue hys ful weight like gold, and warenteth the party which shall lend the money that the ring is worth so much money according to the waight, this yoncker comming home with the party which shall lend the money, and hauing the gold ring againe, putteth vp the gold ring, and pulleth out a counterfaite ring very like the same, & so deliuereth it to the party which lendeth the money, they thinking it to be the same which they tryed, and so deliuereth the money or sometimes wares, and thus vily be deceiued.

A ring con artist is someone who gets nice copper rings, some designed like signet rings and others in different styles, all beautifully gilded. He walks around the streets until he spots a local person or another unsuspecting individual he thinks he can trick. He then drops one of these rings in front of them and, watching from behind, calls out to draw their attention. When the person picks it up, believing it's valuable, they offer him some money for their share. He doesn't completely refuse but suggests they head to a nearby pub or tavern to discuss it further. Once inside, away from the crowd (as he usually prefers), he asks to see the ring. Once he sees it, he persistently urges the finder to sell it to him and claims that if he can do any favors in the future, he’ll gladly help him out. The naive person, seeing his eagerness, assumes the ring must be very valuable and hesitates to part with it. Eventually, the ring con artist asks how much he will give for his share, and says the ring is worth around five or six pounds. The other, disputing its worth, says it’s not worth that much. "Well," says the ring con artist, "let me have it, and I’ll give you forty shillings for your share." The finder, unsure and eyeing the ring, asks if he’ll pay him right away. The con artist responds that he doesn’t have that much cash on him but will go fetch it if the finder comes with him. The finder, thinking he is being sincere, starts offering twenty shillings for his share, sometimes more, sometimes less, which the ring con artist contemptuously refuses at first, still pressing to get the ring. This only makes the finder want to keep it more and he insists the con artist should take the money for his share, thus he offers him cash. Seeing the money, the ring con artist acts cautious, first asking where the finder lives and his name, claiming he seems like an honest man, and so he’s willing to offer him an extra ten shillings for the ring in the spirit of friendship, hoping to get some favors in return in the future. Finally, after negotiations on both sides, the finder gives the con artist the money and leaves, believing he’s just acquired a precious jewel. These types of deceitful tricksters have other schemes with their rings, sometimes going to buy items from people’s stalls or sometimes from their masters and when they’ve agreed on a price, he claims he doesn’t have that much money, but offers one of these rings as collateral until he can bring the funds, leading the seller to believe he’s genuine, allowing him to leave, only to never be seen again—perhaps until he’s caught at Tyburn or similar places. There’s another kind of ring con artist who often carries around a genuine gold ring, but they also have counterfeit rings made to look just like it, so you wouldn’t realize the difference until it’s tested with a touchstone. This individual will borrow money against the real gold ring, and if the lender doubts the ring’s authenticity, they will go to a goldsmith with the ring borrower to have it tested. The goldsmith confirms it’s real gold and also checks its weight, assuring the lender how much it’s worth based on its weight. Once the young con artist returns home with the lender, they put away the real gold ring and pull out a counterfeit ring that looks very much like the original, handing it to the lender, who thinks it's the same one that was tested, and then the money or sometimes goods are exchanged, leading to an easy scam.

FOOTNOTES:

[40] Orig. Brothethood.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Original. Brotherhood.

[41] Orig. mony.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Orig. money.


THE

.XXV. Orders of Knaues,12

otherwise called

a quarterne of Knaues,

confirmed for euer by Cocke Lorell.


1 TROLL AND TROLL BY.

TRoll and Trol by, is he that setteth naught by no man, nor no man by him. This is he that would beare rule in a place, and hath none authority nor thanke, & at last is thrust out of the doore like a knaue.

TRoll and Troll passes by, the one who doesn’t care about anyone, nor does anyone care about him. This is the person who wants to take charge but has no authority or appreciation, and ultimately gets thrown out like a loser.

2 TROLL WITH.

Troll with is he that no man shall know the seruaunt from ye Maister. This knaue with his cap on his head [leaf 7b.] lyke Capon hardy, wyll syt downe by his Maister, or els go cheeke by cheeke with him in the streete.

Troll with is he that no man shall know the seruaunt from ye Maister. This knaue with his cap on his head [leaf 7b.] lyke Capon hardy, wyll syt downe by his Maister, or els go cheeke by cheeke with him in the streete.

3 TROLL HAZARD OF TRACE.

Troll hazard of trace is he that goeth behynde his Maister as far as he may see hym. Such knaues commonly vse to buy Spice-cakes, Apples, or other trifles, and doo eate them as they go in the streetes lyke vacabond Boyes.

Troll hazard of trace is he who follows his master as far as he can see him. Such knaves usually buy spice cakes, apples, or other small treats, and eat them while walking in the streets like wandering boys.

AWDELEY. THE .XXV. ORDERS OF KNAUES.
4 TROLL HAZARD OF TRITRACE.13

Troll hazard of tritrace, is he that goeth gaping after his Master, looking to and fro tyl he haue lost him. This knaue goeth gasyng about lyke a foole at euery toy, and then seeketh in euery house lyke a Maisterles dog, and when his Maister nedeth him, he is to seeke.

Troll hazard of tritrace, is he who goes looking after his Master, searching around until he loses him. This fool wanders about like an idiot, distracted by every little thing, and then searches every house like a lost dog, and when his Master needs him, he's nowhere to be found.

5 CHAFE LITTER.

Chafe Litter is he that wyll plucke vp the Fether-bed or Matrice, and pysse in the bedstraw, and wyl neuer ryse vncalled. This knaue berayeth many tymes in the corners of his Maisters chamber, or other places inconuenient, and maketh cleane hys shooes with the couerlet or curtaines.

Chafe Litter is the one who will pull up the feather bed or mattress, and urinate in the bed straw, and will never get up unless called. This knave often messes in the corners of his master's room or other inconvenient places and cleans his shoes with the bedspread or curtains.

6 OBLOQUIUM.

Obloquium is hee that wyll take a tale out of his Maisters mouth and tell it him selfe. He of right may be called a malapart knaue.

Obloquium is someone who will take a story from their master's mouth and tell it themselves. They can rightfully be called a rude scoundrel.

7 RINCE PYTCHER.

Rince Pytcher is he that will drinke out his thrift at the ale or wine, and be oft times dronke. This is a licoryce knaue that will swill his Maisters drink, and brybe his meate that is kept for him.

Rince Pytcher is the one who drinks away his savings at the bar and often gets drunk. He's a sneaky guy who will guzzle down his master's drink and steal the food that's set aside for him.

8 JEFFREY GODS FO.

Jeffery Gods Fo is he, that wil sweare & maintaine [leaf 8] othes. This is such a lying knaue that none wil beleue him, for the more he sweareth, ye les he is to be beleued.

Jeffery is a god, the one who swears and keeps [leaf 8] his oaths. This is such a deceitful guy that no one will believe him, because the more he swears, the less believable he becomes.

9 NICHOL HARTLES.

Nichol Hartles is he, that when he should do ought for his Maister hys hart faileth him. This is a Trewand knaue that faineth himselfe sicke when he should woorke.

Nichol Hartles is that guy who, whenever he needs to do something for his boss, he just can’t manage it. He’s a lazy guy who pretends to be sick when he should be working.

10 SIMON SOONE AGON.

Simon soone agon is he, that when his Mayster hath any thing to do, he wil hide him out of the way. This is a loytring knaue that wil hide him in a corner and sleepe or els run away.

Simon is so lazy that whenever his master has something to do, he will hide out of sight. This is a slacking guy who will either hide in a corner and sleep or just run away.

11 GRENE WINCHARD.14

Greene Winchard is he, that when his hose is broken and hange out at his shoes, he will put them into his shooes againe with a stick, but he wyll not amend them. This is a slouthfull knaue, that had leauer go lyke a begger then cleanly.

Greene Winchard is the type of guy who, when his pants are torn and hanging out at his shoes, will shove them back into his shoes with a stick, but he won't bother to fix them. He's a lazy guy who would rather walk around like a beggar than look tidy.

12 PROCTOUR.

Proctour is he, that will tary long, and bring a lye, when his Maister sendeth him on his errand. This is a stibber gibber Knaue, that doth fayne tales.

Proctour is someone who will linger for a long time and deliver a lie when his master sends him on an errand. This is a stubborn, deceitful knave who fabricates stories.

13 COMMITOUR OF TIDINGES.

Commitour of Tidings is he, that is ready to bring his Maister Nouels and tidinges, whether they be true or false. This is a tale bearer knaue, that wyll report words spoken in his Maisters presence.

Commitour of Tidings is the one who is ready to bring his Master's news and updates, whether they are true or false. This is a gossiping knave who will report the words spoken in his Master's presence.

14 GYLE HATHER.

Gyle Hather is he, that wyll stand by his Maister when he is at dinner, and byd him beware that he eate no raw meate, because he would eate it himselfe. This is a pickthanke knaue, that would make his Maister [leaf 8b.] beleue that the Cowe is woode.

Gyle Hather is the guy who stands by his Master when he's having dinner, reminding him to be careful not to eat any raw meat because he'd eat it himself. This is a backstabbing fool, who would make his Master [leaf 8b.] believe that the cow is made of wood.

15 BAWDE PHISICKE.

Bawde Phisicke, is he that is a Cocke, when his Maysters meate is euyll dressed, and he challenging him therefore, he wyl say he wyll eate the rawest morsel thereof him selfe. This is a sausye knaue, that wyl contrary his Mayster alway.

Bawde Phisicke is a guy who always complains when his boss’s food is poorly prepared, and when confronted about it, he claims he would eat the worst part himself. He’s a cheeky guy who always contradicts his boss.

16 MOUNCH PRESENT.

Mounch present is he that is a great gentleman, for when his Mayster sendeth him with a present, he wil take a tast thereof by the waye. This is a bold knaue, that sometyme will eate the best and leaue the worst for his Mayster.

Mounch is currently with a great gentleman because when his master sends him with a gift, he takes a bite of it along the way. This is a bold rascal who sometimes eats the best part and leaves the worst for his master.

17 COLE PROPHET.15

Cole Prophet is he, that when his Maister sendeth him on his errand, he wyl tel his answer therof to his Maister or he depart from hym. This tittiuell knaue commonly maketh the worst of the best betwene hys Maister and his friende.

Cole Prophet is someone who, when his master sends him on an errand, will give his master the response before he leaves. This clever servant usually makes the worst of the best between his master and his friend.

18 CORY FAUELL.

Cory fauell is he, that wyl lye in his bed, and cory the bed bordes in which hee lyeth in steede of his horse. This slouthfull knaue wyll buskill and scratch when he is called in the morning, for any hast.

Cory is the kind of guy who will just lie in bed, using the bedposts instead of his horse. This lazy dude will just roll around and scratch himself when called in the morning, no matter how urgent it is.

19 DYNG THRIFT.

Dyng thrift is he, that wil make his Maisters horse eate pies and rybs of beefe, and drinke ale and wyne. Such false knaues oft tymes, wil sell their Maisters meate to their owne profit.

Dyng thrift is he who will make his master's horse eat pies and ribs of beef and drink ale and wine. Such deceitful knaves often sell their master's food for their own profit.

20 ESEN DROPPERS.

Esen Droppers bene they, that stand vnder mens wales or windowes, or in any other place, to heare the [leaf 9] secretes of a mans house. These misdeming knaues wyl stand in corners to heare if they be euill spoken of, or waite a shrewd turne.

Eavesdroppers, those who lurk under people's walls or windows, or in any other place to listen to the secrets of a man's home. These deceitful scoundrels will hide in corners to see if they are being spoken about negatively or to catch a sneaky opportunity.

21 CHOPLOGYKE.

Choplogyke, is he that when his mayster rebuketh him of hys fault he wyll geue hym .xx. wordes for one, els byd the deuils Pater noster in silence. This proude prating knaue wyll maintaine his naughtines when he is rebuked for them.

Choplogyke is the kind of guy who, when his master scolds him for his mistakes, will respond with twenty words for every one he gets. Otherwise, he’ll silently mumble the devil's prayer. This arrogant, talkative fool keeps defending his wrongdoing when he's called out for it.

22 VNTHRIFTE.

Vnthrift, is he that wil not put his wearing clothes to washing, nor black his owne shoes, nor amend his his (sic) own wearing clothes. This rechles knaue wyl alway be lousy: and say that hee hath no more shift of clothes, and slaunder his Maister.

Vnthrift is someone who won’t wash their clothes, clean their shoes, or fix their own clothes. This careless person will always be dirty and will claim that they have no change of clothes, and will slander their master.

23 VNGRACIOUS.

Vngracious, is he that by his own will, will heare no maner of seruice, without he be compelled therunto by his rulers. This Knaue 16wil sit at the alehouse drinking or playing at dice, or at other games at seruice tyme.

Vngracious, is he that by his own choice, will not participate in any kind of service unless forced to by his leaders. This guy 16 will sit at the bar drinking or playing dice, or other games during service time.

24 NUNQUAM.

Nunquam, is he that when his Maister sendeth him on his errand he wil not come againe of an hour or two where he might haue done it in halfe an houre or lesse. This knaue will go about his owne errand or pastime and saith he cannot speede at the first.

Nunquam is the guy who, when his master sends him on an errand, won't come back for an hour or two when he could have done it in half an hour or less. This fool will go off doing his own thing and claims he can't get it done right away.

25 INGRATUS.

Ingratus, is he that when one doth all that he can for him, he will scant geue him a good report for his labour. This knaue is so ingrate or vnkind, that he considreth not his frend from his fo, & wil requit euil for good & being put most in trust, wil sonest deceiue his maister.

Ungrateful is the person who, when someone does everything they can for him, barely gives a good word for their effort. This scoundrel is so ungrateful or cruel that he cannot distinguish between his friend and his enemy, and will repay good with evil; being given the most trust, he will be the first to betray his master.

FINIS.

THE END.


[leaf 9b.]

Imprinted at London by
Iohn Awdely dwelling
in little Britaine streete
without Aldersgate.

Imprinted in London by
John Awdely living
on Little Britain Street
outside Aldersgate.

(...)

(...)

[Original in Bodleian Library, 4º. R. 21. Art. Seld.]

[Original in Bodleian Library, 4º. R. 21. Art. Seld.]


2 A Caueat or Warening,

FOR COMMEN CVRSETORS

VVLGARELY CALLED

FOR COMMON CONVERTERS

USUALLY CALLED

Vagabones, set forth by Thomas Harman,
Esquiere, for the utilite and proffyt of his naturall
Cuntrey. Augmented and inlarged by the fyrst author here of.

Vagabonds, created by Thomas Harman,
for his own benefit and profit
country. Expanded and updated by the original author.

Anno Domini. M.D.LXVII.

AD 1567.

Vewed, examined, and allowed, according vnto the Queenes Maiestyes Iniunctions.

Reviewed, examined, and approved, according to the Queen's Majesty's Injunctions.

caveat cover

Imprinted at London, in Fletestrete, at the signe of the Falcon, by Wylliam Gryffith, and are to be sold at his shoppe in Saynt Dunstones Churche yarde, in the West. Anno Domini. 1567.

Printed in London, on Fleet Street, at the sign of the Falcon, by William Griffith, and available for sale at his shop in St. Dunstan's Churchyard, in the West. Year of our Lord, 1567.

[The Bodley edition of 1567 omits 'or Warening' in line 1, and 'Anno Domini. 1567.' at foot; and substitutes 'Newly Augmented and Imprinted' for 'Augmented ... here of', line 6.]

[The Bodley edition of 1567 leaves out 'or Warening' in line 1, and 'Anno Domini. 1567.' at the bottom; and replaces 'Newly Augmented and Imprinted' for 'Augmented ... here of', line 6.]


HARMAN. THE EPISTLE.
[leaf 2]

19¶ To the ryght honorable and my singular good Lady, Elizabeth Countes of Shrewsbury, Thomas Harman wisheth all ioye and perfite felicitie, here and in the worlde to come.

19¶ To the right honorable and my dear Lady, Elizabeth Countess of Shrewsbury, Thomas Harman wishes you all joy and perfect happiness, here and in the afterlife.

AS of Auncient and longe tyme there hath bene, and is now at this present, many good, godly, profitable lawes and actes made and setforthe in this most noble and floryshynge realme, for the reliefe, succour, comforte, and sustentacion of the poore, nedy, impotent, and myserable creatures beinge and inhabiting in all parts of the same; So is there (ryghte honorable and myne especyall good Lady) most holsom estatutes, ordinances, and necessary lawes, made, setforth, and publisshed, for the extreme punishement of all vagarantes and sturdy vacabons, as passeth throughe and by all parts of this famous yle, most idelly and wyckedly: and I wel, by good experience, vnderstandinge and consideringe your most tender, pytyfull, gentle, and noble nature,—not onelye hauinge a vygelant and mercifull eye to your poore, indygente, and feable parishnores; yea, not onely in the parishe where your honour moste happely doth dwell, but also in others inuyroninge or nighe adioyning to the same; As also aboundantly powringe out dayely your ardent and bountifull charytie vppon all such as commeth for reliefe vnto your luckly gates,—

As of ancient times and now, there have been, and currently are, many good, godly, and beneficial laws and acts established in this most noble and flourishing realm, for the relief, support, comfort, and sustenance of the poor, needy, helpless, and miserable individuals living in all parts of it; There are also (right honorable and my special good Lady) very wholesome statutes, ordinances, and necessary laws made, set forth, and published, for the severe punishment of all vagrants and troublesome beggars who pass through all parts of this famous isle, idly and wickedly: and I know, from good experience, understanding, and considering your most tender, compassionate, gentle, and noble nature,—not only having a vigilant and merciful eye on your poor, indigent, and weak parishioners; yes, not only in the parish where your honor most happily resides, but also in others surrounding or nearby; and also abundantly pouring out daily your warm and generous charity on all those who come seeking relief at your fortunate gates,—

I thought it good, necessary, and my bounden dutye, to acquaynte your goodnes with the abhominable, wycked, and detestable behauor of all these rowsey, ragged rabblement of rakehelles, that—vnder the pretence of great misery, dyseases, and other innumerable calamites 20whiche they fayne—through great hipocrisie do wyn and gayne great almes in all places where they wyly wander, to the vtter deludinge of the good geuers, deceauinge and impouerishing of all such poore housholders, both sicke and sore, as nether can or maye walke abroad for reliefe and comforte (where, in dede, most mercy is to be shewed). And for that I (most honorable Lady), beinge placed as a poore gentleman, haue kepte a house these twenty yeares, where vnto pouerty dayely hath and doth repayre, not without some reliefe, as my poore callinge and habylytie maye and doth extende: I haue of late yeares gathered a great suspition that all should not be well, and, as the prouerbe saythe, "sume thinge lurke and laye hyd that dyd not playnely apeare;" for I, hauinge more occation, throughe sickenes, to tary and remayne at home then I haue bene acustomed, do, by my there abyding, talke [42]and confere dayly with many of these wyly wanderars of both sortes, as well men and wemmen, as boyes and gyrles, by whom I haue [leaf 2, back] gathered and vnderstande their depe dissimulation and detestable dealynge, beinge maruelous suttle and craftye in there kynde, for not one amongst twenty wyll discouer, eyther declare there scelorous secretes: yet with fayre flatteringe wordes, money, and good chere, I haue attained to the typ by such as the meanest of them hath wandred these xiii. yeares, and most xvi. and some twenty and vpward,[43] and not withoute faythfull promesse made vnto them neuer to discouer their names or any thinge they shewed me; for they would all saye, yf the vpright men should vnderstand thereof, they should not be only greuouslye beaten, but put in daunger of their lyues, by the sayd vpright men. There was a fewe yeares since a small bréefe setforth of some zelous man to his countrey, of whom I knowe not, that made a lytle shewe of there names and vsage, and gaue a glymsinge lyghte, not sufficient to perswade of their peuishe peltinge and pickinge[44] practyses, but well worthy of prayse. But (good madame), with nolesse trauell then good wyll, I haue repayred and rygged the Shyp of knowledge, and haue hoyssed vp the sayles of good fortune, that 21she maye safely passe aboute and through all partes of this noble realme, and there make porte sale of her wyshed wares, to the confusion of their drowsey demener and vnlawfull language, pylfring pycking, wily wanderinge, and lykinge lechery, of all these rablement of rascales that raunges about al the costes of the same, So that their vndecent, dolefull dealing and execrable exercyses may apere to all as it were in a glasse, that therby the Iusticers and Shréeues may in their circutes be more vygelant to punishe these malefactores, and the Counstables, Bayliffes, and bosholders,[45] settinge asyde all feare, slouth, and pytie, may be more circomspect in executing the charg geuen them by the aforesayd Iusticers. Then wyll no more this rascall rablement raunge about the countrey. Then greater reliefe may be shewed to the pouerty of eche parishe. Then shall we kepe our Horses in our pastures vnstolen. Then our lynnen clothes shall and maye lye safelye one our hedges vntouched. Then shall we not haue our clothes and lynnen hoked out at our wyndowes as well by day as by night. Then shall we not haue our houses broken vp in the night, as of late one of my nyghtbors had and two great buckes of clothes stolen out, and most of the same fyne Lynnen. Then shall we safely kepe our pigges and poultrey from pylfring. Then shall we surely passe by [46]the hygh waies leading to markets and fayres vnharmed. Then shall our Shopes and bothes be vnpycked and spoyled. Then shall these vncomly companies be dispersed and set to labour for their lyuinge, or hastely hang for [leaf 3] their demerites. Then shall it incourrage a great number of gentle men and others, seing this securitie, to set vp houses and kepe hospitalytie in the countrey, to the comfort of their nighboures, releife of the poore, and to the amendement of the common welth. Then shall not sinne and wickednes so much abound among vs. Then wil gods wrath be much the more pacified towards vs. Then shall we not tast of so many and sondry plages, as now dayely raigneth ouer vs. And then shall this Famous Empyre be in more welth and better florysh, to the inestymable ioye and comfort of the Quenes most excelent maiestye, whom god of his 22infinyte goodnes, to his great glory, long and many yeares make most prosperously to raygne ouer vs, to the great Felycitye of all the Peres and Nobles, and to the vnspeakable ioye, releife, and quietnes of minde, of all her faythfull Commons and Subiectes. Now, me thinketh, I se how these peuysh, peruerse, and pestilent people begyn to freat, fume, sweare, and stare at this my booke, their lyfe being layd open and aparantly paynted out, that their confusion and end draweth one a pase. Where as in dede, if it be well waied, it is set forth for their synguler profyt and commoditie, for the sure safegard of their lyues here in this world, that they shorten not the same before[47] their time, and that by their true labour and good lyfe, in the world to com they may saue their Soules, that Christ, the second person in [the] Trinytie, hath so derely bought with his most precious bloud: so that hereby I shall do them more good then they could haue deuised for them selues. For behold, their lyfe being so manyfest wycked and so aparantlye knowen, The honorable wyl abhore them, The worshipfull wyll reiecte them, The yemen wyll sharpely tawnte them, The Husband men vtterly defye them, The laboryng men bluntly chyde them, The wemen with a loud exclamation[48] wonder at them, And all Children with clappinge handes crye out at them. I manye times musing with my selfe at these mischeuous misliuers, merueled when they toke their oryginall and beginning; how long they haue exercised their execrable wandring about. I thought it méete to confer with a very old man that I was well acquaynted with, whose wyt and memory is meruelous for his yeares, beinge about the age of fourescore, what he knewe when he was yonge of these lousey leuterars. And he shewed me, that when he was yonge he wayted vpon a man of much worshyp in Kent, who died immediatly after the last Duke of Buckingham was beheaded: at his buryall there was such a number of beggers, besides poore housholders dwelling there abouts, that vnneth they mighte lye or stande aboute the House: then was there [leaf 3, back] prepared for them a great and a large barne, and a great fat oxe sod out in Furmenty for them, with bread and drinke aboundantly to furnesh out the premisses; and euery person had two pence, for such was the 23dole. When Night approched, the pore housholders repaired home to their houses: the other wayfaring bold beggers remained alnight in the barne; and the same barne being serched with light in the night by this old man (and then yonge), with[49] others, they tolde seuen score persons of men, euery of them hauing his woman, except it were two wemen that lay alone to gether for some especyall cause. Thus hauing their makes to make mery withall, the buriall was turned to bousing and belly chere, morning to myrth, fasting to feasting, prayer to pastyme and pressing of papes, and lamenting to Lechery. So that it may apere this vncomly company hath had a long continuance, but then nothinge geuen so much to pylferinge, pyckinge, and spoyling; and, as far as I can learne or vnderstand by the examination of a number of them, their languag—which they terme peddelars Frenche or Canting—began but within these xxx. yeeres,[50] lytle aboue; and that the first inuenter therof was hanged, all saue the head; for that is the fynall end of them all, or els to dye of some filthy and horyble diseases: but much harme is don in the meane space by their continuance, as some x., xii., and xvi. yeares before they be consumed, and the number of them doth dayly renew. I hope their synne is now at the hyghest; and that as short and as spedy a redresse wylbe for these, as hath bene of late yeres for the wretched, wily, wandering vagabonds calling and naming them selues Egiptians, depely dissembling and long hyding and couering their depe, decetfull practises,—feding the rude common people, wholy addicted and geuen to nouelties, toyes, and new inuentions,—delyting them with the strangenes of the attyre of their heades, and practising paulmistrie to such as would know their fortunes: And, to be short, all theues and hores (as I may well wryt),—as some haue had true experience, a number can well wytnes, and a great sorte hath well felte it. And now (thankes bée to god), throughe wholsome lawes, and the due execution thereof, all be dispersed, banished,[51] and the memory of them cleane extynguished; that when they bée once named here after, our Chyldren wyll muche meruell what kynd of people they were: and so, I trust, shal shortly happen of these. 24For what thinge doth chiefely cause these rowsey rakehelles thus to continue and dayly increase? Surely a number of wicked parsons that kéepe typlinge Houses in all shires, where they haue succour and reliefe; and what so euer they bring, they are sure to receaue money for [leaf 4] the same, for they sell good penyworthes. The byers haue the greatest gayne; yea, yf they haue nether money nor ware, they wylbe trusted; their credite is much. I haue taken a note of a good many of them, and wil send their names and dwelling-places to such Iusticers as dwelleth nere or next vnto them, that they by their good wisdomes may displace the same, and auctoryse such as haue honesty. I wyl not blot my boke with their names, because they be resident. But as for this fletinge Fellowshyp, I haue truly setforth the most part of them that be doers at this present, with their names that they be knowene by. Also, I haue placed in the end therof their leud language, calling the same pedlers French or Canting. And now shal I end my prologue, makinge true declaration (right honorable Lady) as they shal fall in order of their vntymelye tryfelinge time, leud lyfe, and pernitious practises, trusting that the same shall neyther trouble or abash your most tender, tymerous, and pytifull Nature, to thinke the smal mede should growe vnto you for such Almes so geuen. For god, our marcifull and most louing father, well knoweth your hartes and good intent,—the geuer neuer wanteth his reward, according to the sayinge of Saynt Augustyn: as there is (neyther shalbe) any synne vnpunished, euen so shall there not be eny good dede vnrewarded. But how comfortably speaketh Christ our Sauiour vnto vs in his gospel ("geue ye, and it shalbe geuen you againe"): behold farther, good Madam, that for a cup of colde water, Christ hath promised a good reward. Now saynt Austen properly declareth why Christ speaketh of colde water, because the poorest man that is shall not excuse him selfe from that cherytable warke, least he would, parauenture, saye that he hath neyther wood, pot, nor pan to warme any water with. Se, farther, what god speaketh in the mouth of his prophet, Esaye, "breake thy bread to him that is a hongred;" he sayth not geue him a hole lofe, for paraduenture the poore man hath it not to geue, then let him geue a pece. This much is sayd because the poore that hath it should not 25 be excused: now how much more then the riche? Thus you se, good

I thought it was good, necessary, and my duty to inform you about the wicked, detestable behavior of these ragtag groups of troublemakers. They pretend to be suffering from great misery, diseases, and various calamities, which they fabricate, and with great hypocrisy, they collect large donations wherever they go, misleading generous people and deceiving and impoverishing those truly in need, both sick and unable to seek help when mercy should be shown to them. As a humble gentleman, I have kept a home for twenty years, where the poor come regularly, not without some aid, as my modest means allow. Recently, I've become suspicious that something isn’t right. As the proverb goes, "some things lurk and lie hidden that do not clearly appear." Having had more reasons to stay home due to illness than usual, I've had daily conversations with many of these cunning wanderers, both men and women, as well as boys and girls, from whom I have learned about their deep deceit and nasty dealings. They are extremely sly and crafty, as not one in twenty will reveal or disclose their nefarious secrets. Yet through flattery, money, and good hospitality, I have learned from those who have wandered for thirteen, sixteen, or even more than twenty years, having made a faithful promise to them never to disclose their names or anything they have shown me. They would all say that if honest people found out, they would not only be severely beaten but also risk for their lives from these upright individuals. A few years ago, a brief notice was issued by some zealous person in their country, whose name I do not know, that revealed a little about them and their practices, shining a faint light, though not enough to inform about their petty thievery and dishonest actions yet still deserving praise. But, good lady, with no less effort than goodwill, I have repaired the ship of knowledge and raised the sails of good fortune so that it may safely navigate throughout this noble realm and trade its desired goods, to the shame of their lazy behavior and unlawful activities such as petty theft, wandering, and base lechery, of all these rascals that roam the coasts. So that their disgraceful, lamentable dealings and detestable practices may be apparent to all as if reflected in a glass, enabling Justices and Sheriffs to be more vigilant in punishing these wrongdoers, and the constables, bailiffs, and householders, putting aside all fear, laziness, and pity, may be more careful in executing the orders given them by the said Justices. Then no longer will these troublesome groups roam the countryside. Greater assistance may be provided to the poverty of each parish. We will be able to keep our horses in our pastures without fear of theft. Our linen can safely hang on our hedges, untouched. Our clothes and linens won't get snatched from our windows, day or night. Our homes will not be broken into at night, as recently happened to one of my neighbors, who had two large bundles of clothes stolen, along with much fine linen. We will safely keep our pigs and poultry from being pilfered. We will be able to travel the highways leading to markets and fairs unharmed. Our shops and stalls will remain untouched and unspoiled. Then, these unsightly groups will be dispersed and forced to work for their living, or swiftly hanged for their crimes. This will encourage many gentlemen and others, seeing this security, to establish homes and provide hospitality in the country, to the comfort of their neighbors, relief of the poor, and improvement of the common good. Sin and wickedness will not overrun us so much. God's wrath will be more appeased towards us. We will not suffer so many diverse plagues as we do daily. Then this famous kingdom will be wealthier and flourish better, to the immeasurable joy and comfort of the Queen's most excellent majesty, whom God, in His infinite goodness, may grant many prosperous years to reign over us, bringing great happiness to all the peers and nobles, and to the unspeakable joy, relief, and peace of mind of all her faithful commons and subjects. Now, I notice how these greedy, perverse, and pestilent people are beginning to fuss, swear, and glare at my book, their lives being laid bare and evidently depicted, their doom approaching. In truth, if it is properly weighed, this is put forth for their special benefit, for their safety in this world, so they do not cut their own lives short before their time, and that through honest labor and good behavior, they may save their souls for the life to come, which Christ, the second person of the Trinity, has so dearly purchased with His most precious blood. Thus, I will do more good for them than they could have devised for themselves. For behold, their lives being so manifestly wicked and so openly known, the honorable will shun them, the respectable will reject them, the yeomen will taunt them sharply, the farmers will utterly defy them, the laborers will bluntly scold them, the women will loudly exclaim against them, and all children will clap their hands and cry out at them. Many times, pondering these mischievous miscreants, I have wondered when they began their wickedness and how long they have been carrying on their deplorable wandering. I thought it wise to consult with a very old man I know well, whose intellect and memory are remarkable for his age, being about eighty, about what he recollects regarding these lazy rogues when he was young. He told me that in his youth, he served a man of great standing in Kent, who died right after the last Duke of Buckingham was beheaded. At his burial, there were so many beggars, along with poor householders living nearby, that they could barely lie or stand around the house. They prepared a huge barn for them, along with a big fat ox cooked in furmenty, and bread and drink in abundance to satisfy them. Each person received two pence, for such was the charity. As night approached, the poor householders returned home; the other roving beggars stayed in the barn overnight. Later, this old man (who was then young) and others searched the barn with light at night and counted seventy people, each with their woman, except for two women who lay alone together for some special reason. So, they had companions to make merry with, turning the burial into drinking and feasting, mourning into merriment, fasting into feasting, prayer into pastime and lewdness, and lamenting into lust. This shows that this unseemly company has had a long existence, but then there was nothing given for stealing, pilfering, and spoiling; and as far as I can learn or understand through inquiries from many of them, their language—which they call pedlar's French or canting—started just over the last thirty years. The first inventor of it was hanged, save for the head; for that is the final fate of them all, or else to die from some filthy and horrible diseases. Much harm is done in the meantime through their existence, lasting ten, twelve, or sixteen years before they are done away with, and their numbers are being renewed daily. I hope their sin is now at its peak, and that a swift remedy will be applied to them, just as it has recently been for the wretched, sly, wandering vagabonds who call themselves Egyptians, deeply deceiving and long hiding their crafty practices—fooling the common people, who are entirely absorbed in novelties, toys, and new inventions—delighting them with the strangeness of their head attire and practicing palmistry for those who wish to know their fortunes. In short, all thieves and whores (as I can accurately write), as some have true experience, many can testify, and a great number have felt it well. Now (thank God), through wholesome laws and their proper enforcement, all are dispersed, banished, and their memory entirely extinguished; so that when they are named hereafter, our children will marvel at what kind of people they were; and I trust the same will soon happen with these. What chiefly causes these filthy troublemakers to continue and grow daily? Surely, it is a number of wicked parsons who run tippling houses in all counties, where they provide support and relief; and whatever they bring, they are sure to receive money in return, because they sell good goods. Buyers have the most profit; indeed, even if they have neither money nor goods, they will be given credit; their trust is worth much. I have made a note of many of them and will send their names and addresses to the Justices living nearby, so they can wisely displace them and authorize those who have integrity. I won’t sully my book with their names since they reside here. As for this floating fellowship, I have accurately set forth most of them who are currently active, with their names they are known by. I also placed at the end their vile language, calling it pedlar's French or canting. Now I will conclude my prologue by making a truthful declaration (right honorable Lady) as they will fall into order according to their untimely trifling, lewd living, and harmful practices, trusting that it will neither trouble nor distress your kind, gentle, and compassionate nature to consider the small reward that should come to you for such charitable acts. For God, our merciful and loving father, knows your hearts and good intentions—he who gives never lacks his reward, as St. Augustine says: just as there is (nor will there be) any sin unpunished, so will there be no good deed unrewarded. But how comforting did Christ, our Savior, speak to us in His gospel ("give, and it shall be given back to you"): see also, good Madam, that for a cup of cold water, Christ has promised a good reward. Now St. Augustine correctly explains why Christ mentions cold water, because even the poorest person cannot excuse himself from that charitable work, lest he say he has neither wood, pot, nor pan to warm any water with. Furthermore, consider what God says through His prophet, Isaiah, "break your bread for him who is hungry"; he does not say give him a whole loaf, perhaps because the poor man may not have it to give, but instead, let him give a piece. This much is said to ensure that the poor who have it are not excused: how much more then the rich? Thus, you see, good.

madam, for your treasure here dispersed, where nede and lacke
is, it shalbe heaped vp aboundantly for you in heauen,
where neither rust or moth shall corupt or destroy
the same. Vnto which tryumphant place, after
many good, happy, and fortunat yeres prosperouslye
here dispended. you maye for
euer and euer there most ioyfully
remayne. A men.

Madam, for your treasures scattered here, where there is need and lack, it will be piled up abundantly for you in heaven, where neither rust nor moth can corrupt or destroy it. To that triumphant place, after many good, happy, and fortunate years spent prosperously here, you may forever and ever joyfully remain. Amen.

¶¶ FINIS

THE END


Thre things to be noted
A staff, a béesom, and
a béesom all in their kynde
wyth, that wyll wynde
A beesome of birch, for babies' very feet,[52]
A long-lasting life for those who love as it should be. A way to get by, so that these will not keep Combine everything into one and use it to sweep.
A béesome

[This page is printed at the back of the title page in Bodley edition.]

[This page is printed at the back of the title page in the Bodley edition.]


HARMAN. TO THE READER.
[leaf 5]

27¶ THE EPISTLE TO THE READER.

AL though, good Reader, I wright in plain termes—and not so playnly as truely—concerning the matter, meaning honestly to all men, and wyshe them as much good as to myne owne harte; yet, as there hathe bene, so there is nowe, and hereafter wylbe, curyous heds to finde fauttes: wherefore I thought it necessary, now at this seconde Impression, to acquaynt the with a great faulte, as some takethe it, but none[53] as I meane it, callinge these Vagabonds Cursetors in the intytelynge of my booke, as runneres or rangers aboute the countrey, deriued of this Laten word (Curro): neither do I wryght it Cooresetores, with a duble[54] oo; or Cowresetors, with a w, which hath an other singnification: is there no deuersite betwen a gardein and a garden, maynteynaunce and maintenance, Streytes and stretes? those that haue vnderstanding knowe there is a great dyfference: who is so ignorant by these dayes as knoweth not the meaning of a vagabone? and yf an ydell leuterar should be so called of eny man, would not he think it bothe odyous and reprochefull? wyll he not shonne the name? ye, and where as he maye and dare, with bent browes, wyll reueng that name of Ingnomy: yet this playne name vagabone is deryued, as others be, of Laten wordes, and now vse makes it commen to al men; but let vs loke back four .C. yeres sithens, and let vs se whether this playn word vagabon was vsed or no. I beleue not, and why? because I rede of no such name in the old estatutes of this realme, vnles it be in the margente of the booke, or in the Table, which in the collection and pryntinge was set in; but these were then the commen names of these leud leuterars, Faytores, Robardesmen, Drawlatches, and valyant beggares. Yf I should haue vsed suche wordes, or the same order of wryting, as this realme vsed in Kynge Henry the thyrd or Edward the fyrstes tyme, oh, what a grose, barberous fellow [leaf 5, back] haue we here! his wryting is both homely and darke, that wee had nede to haue an interpretar: yet then it was verye well, and in short season a great change we see. well, this delycat age shall haue his tyme on the 28other syde. Eloquence haue I none; I neuer was acquaynted with the muses; I neuer tasted of Helycon. But accordinge to my playne order, I haue setforth this worke, symplye and truelye, with such vsual words and termes as is among vs wel known and frequented. So that as the prouerbe saythe, "all though truth be blamed, it shal neuer be shamed." well, good reader, I meane not to be tedyous vnto the, but haue added fyue or sixe more tales, because some of them weare donn whyle my booke was fyrste in the presse; and as I truste I haue deserued no rebuke for my good wyll, euen so I desyre no prayse for my payne, cost, and trauell. But faithfullye for the proffyt and benyfyt of my countrey I haue don it, that the whole body of the Realme may se and vnderstand their leud lyfe and pernitious practisses, that all maye spedelye helpe to amend that is amysse. Amen saye all with me.

Although, good reader, I write in plain terms—and not so plainly as truly—about the matter, meaning honestly to everyone, wishing them as much good as to my own heart; yet, as there has been, so there is now, and will be in the future, curious minds searching for faults: therefore, I thought it necessary, now at this second edition, to inform you of a significant error, as some interpret it, but none as I mean it, calling these vagabonds "Cursetors" in the title of my book, as runners or roamers about the country, derived from this Latin word (Curro): nor do I write it as "Cooresetores," with a double oo; or "Cowresetors," with a w, which has another meaning: is there no difference between a garden and a garden, maintenance and maintenance, Streets and stretes? Those with understanding know there is a great difference: who is so ignorant these days as not to know the meaning of a vagabond? And if an idle loafer were to be called that by anyone, wouldn't he think it both odious and shameful? Wouldn’t he avoid the name? Yes, and where he can and dares, with furrowed brows, would seek to avenge that name of Ignominy: yet this plain name vagabond is derived, like others, from Latin words, and now use makes it common to all men; but let’s look back four hundred years, and see whether this plain word vagabond was used or not. I don't believe so, and why? Because I read of no such name in the old statutes of this realm, unless it's in the margin of the book, or in the table that was included in the collection and printing; but these were then the common names of these wicked loafers: Faytores, Robardesmen, Drawlatches, and valiant beggars. If I had used such words or the same writing style as was used in this realm during King Henry III or Edward I's time, oh, what a gross, barbarous fellow we have here! His writing is both homely and dark, that we need an interpreter: yet then it was very well, and in a short time we see a great change. Well, this delicate age shall have its turn on the other side. I have no eloquence; I was never acquainted with the muses; I never tasted of Helicon. But according to my plain order, I have set forth this work, simply and truly, with such usual words and terms as are well known and commonly used among us. So that as the proverb says, "although truth be blamed, it shall never be shamed." Well, good reader, I do not mean to be tedious to you, but I have added five or six more tales, because some of them were done while my book was first in the press; and as I trust I have deserved no rebuke for my good will, so I desire no praise for my pain, cost, and labor. But faithfully for the profit and benefit of my country, I have done it, so that the whole body of the realm may see and understand their wicked lives and pernicious practices, that all may quickly help to amend what is wrong. Amen, say all with me.

Finis

End


HARMAN. A RUFFLER.
[leaf 6]
29A ruffler. Ca. 1.[55]

THE Rufflar, because he is first in degre of this odious order: And is so called in a statute made for the punishment of Vacabonds, In the xxvij. yeare of Kyng Henry the eight, late of most famous memory: Hée shall be first placed, as the worthiest of this vnruly rablement. And he is so called when he goeth first abroad; eyther he hath serued in the warres, or els he hath bene a seruinge man; and, weary of well doing, shakinge of all payne, doth chuse him this ydle lyfe, and wretchedly wanders aboute the most shyres of this realme. And with stout audacyte,[56] demaundeth where he thinketh hée maye be bolde, and circomspecte ynough, as he sethe cause to aske charitie, rufully and lamentably, that it would make a flyntey hart to relent, and pytie his miserable estate, howe he hath bene maymed and broused in the warres; and, parauenture, some wyll shew you some outward wounde, whiche he gotte at some dronken fraye, eyther haltinge of some preuye wounde festred with a fylthy firy flankard. For be well assured that the hardist souldiers be eyther slayne or maymed, eyther and[57] they escape all hassardes, and retourne home agayne, if they bée without reliefe of their friends, they wyl surely desperatly robbe and steale, and[58] eyther shortlye be hanged or miserably dye in pryson; for they be so much ashamed and disdayne to beg or aske charity, that rather they wyll as desperatlye fight for to lyue and mayntayne them selues, as manfully and valyantly they ventred them selues in the Prynces quarell. Now these Rufflars, the out castes of seruing men, when begginge or crauinge fayles, then they pycke and pylfer, from other inferiour beggeres that they méete by the waye, as Roages, Pallyardes, Mortes, and Doxes. Yea, if they méete with a woman alone ridinge to the market, eyther olde man or boye, that hée well knoweth wyll not resiste, such they filche and spoyle. These rufflars, after a yeare or two at the farthest, become vpryght men, vnlesse they be preuented by twind hempe.

THE Rufflar, because he is first in rank in this unpleasant group: And is named in a law created for the punishment of Vagrants, in the 27th year of King Henry the Eighth, who is of most famous memory: He shall be placed first, as the most significant of this unruly crowd. He is called this when he goes out first; either he has served in the wars, or he has been a servant; and, tired of doing well, shaking off all pain, he chooses this idle life and sadly wanders about the most parts of this realm. And with boldness, [56] he demands where he thinks he may be brave and careful enough, as he sees fit to ask for charity, pitifully and sadly, that it would soften even a heart of stone and evoke pity for his miserable state, how he has been maimed and bruised in the wars; and, perhaps, some will show you some visible wound, which he got in some drunken fight, or limping from some hidden wound festered with a filthy torch. For be assured that the toughest soldiers are either slain or maimed, or if they escape all dangers and return home again, if they are without help from their friends, they will surely desperately rob and steal, and[58] either shortly be hanged or miserably die in prison; for they are so ashamed and disdainful to beg or ask for charity, that rather they would desperately fight to live and support themselves, just as they bravely and valiantly risked themselves in the Prince's cause. Now these Rufflers, the outcasts of serving men, when begging or begging fails, then they pick and steal from other lesser beggars that they meet along the way, like Rogues, Palliards, Mortes, and Doxes. Yes, if they encounter a woman alone going to the market, either an old man or boy, whom they know will not resist, they will seize and rob them. These rufflers, after a year or two at most, become upright men, unless they are stopped by a hempen noose.

30 { I had of late yeares an old man to my tennant, who customably
a greate tyme went twise in the wéeke to London, eyther wyth fruite or with pescodes, when tyme serued therefore. And as he was comminge homewarde on blacke heathe, at the end thereof next to shotars hyl, he ouer tooke two rufflars, the one manerly wayting on the other, as one had ben the maister, and the other the man or seruant, [leaf 6, back] caryinge his maisteres cloke. this olde man was verye glad that hee might haue their company ouer the hyl, because that day he had made a good market; for hée had seuen shyllinges in his purse, and a nolde angell, which this poore man had thought had not bene in his purse, for hée wylled his wyfe ouer night to take out the same angell, and laye it vp vntyll his comminge home agayne. And he verely thought that his wyfe had so don, whiche in dede for got to do it. Thus after salutations had, this maister rufflar entered into communication with this simple olde man, who, ridinge softlye beside them, commoned of many matters. Thus fedinge this old man with pleasaunt talke, vntyll they weare one the toppe of the hyll, where these rufflares might well beholde the coaste about them cleare, Quiclye stepes vnto this poore man, and taketh holde of his horse brydell, and leadeth him in to the wode, and demaundeth of him what and how much money he had in his purse. "Now, by my troth," quoth this old man; "you are a merrye gentle man. I knowe you meane not to take a waye anye thinge from me, but rather to geue me some if I shoulde aske it of you." By and by, this seruant thiefe casteth the cloke that he caried on his arme about this poore mans face, that he should not marke or vew them, with sharpe words to delyuer quicly that he had, and to confesse truly what was in his purse. This poore man, then all abashed, yelded, and confessed that he had but iust seuen shyllinges in his purse; and the trouth is he knew of no more. This old angell was falen out of a lytle purse into the botome of a great purse. Now, this seuen shyllings in whyte money they quickly founde, thinkinge in dede that there had bene no more; yet farther groping and searchinge, found this old angell. And with great admiration, this gentleman thyefe begane to blesse hym, sayinge, "good lorde, what a worlde is this! howe maye" (quoth hée) "a man beleue 31or HARMAN. A VPRIGHT MAN.truste in the same? se you not" (quoth he) "this old knaue tolde me that he had but seuen shyllings, and here is more by an angell: what an old knaue and a false knaue haue we here!" quoth this rufflar; "oure lorde haue mercy on vs, wyll this worlde neuer be better?"—and there with went their waye. And lefte the olde man in the wood, doinge him no more harme. But sorowfully sighinge, this olde man, returning home, declared his misaduenture, with all the words and circumstaunces aboue shewed. Wherat, for the tyme was great laughing, and this poore man for his losses among his louing neighboures well considered in the end.

30 } Recently, I had an old man as my tenant, who usually
went to London twice a week, either with fruit or vegetables, whenever the time was right. On his way home through Black Heath, near Shotars Hill, he came across two rogues, one of whom seemed to be in charge while the other acted like a servant, and was carrying his master’s cloak. This old man was quite pleased to have their company over the hill, especially since he had made a good deal that day; he had seven shillings in his pocket and an old angel coin that he thought wasn’t there because he had told his wife the night before to take it out and save it until he returned. He truly believed she had done that, but in reality, she had forgotten. After exchanging greetings, the master rogue engaged in conversation with this naive old man, who rode alongside them and chatted about various topics. They entertained this old man with pleasant talk until they reached the top of the hill, where the rogues could clearly survey the area around them. Quickly, one of the rogues seized the old man's horse's bridle and led him into the woods, asking what money he had in his purse. "Well, by my word," replied the old man, "you're a cheerful gentleman. I know you don’t intend to take anything from me but rather to give me something if I were to ask." Immediately, the servant thief draped the cloak he was carrying over the old man’s face so he wouldn’t see them, demanding quickly that he hand over whatever he had and confess the exact amount in his purse. The poor man, embarrassed, surrendered and admitted that he had just seven shillings; in truth, he had no idea there was more. The old angel had fallen from a small purse into the bottom of a larger one. Now, they quickly found these seven shillings in silver coins, genuinely believing there was nothing else; however, further searching revealed the old angel. With great surprise, the thief began to bless him, saying, "Good Lord, what a world this is! How can" (he said) "a man believe or trust? Don’t you see" (he said) "this old rascal told me he had only seven shillings, and here’s more in an angel: what a deceitful old man we have here!" said the rogue; "may the Lord have mercy on us! Will this world ever get better?"—and with that, they went on their way, leaving the old man in the woods, doing him no further harm. Sighing sadly, the old man returned home and recounted his misadventure, including all the details mentioned above. This caused great laughter at the time, and the poor man was well regarded among his loving neighbors for his losses in the end.

A UPRIGHT MAN. Ca. 2.
[leaf 7]

A Vpright[59] man, the second in secte of this vnsemely sorte, must be next placed, of these rainginge rablement of rascales; some be seruing men, artificers, and laboryng men traded vp in husbandry. These not mindinge to get their lyuinge with the swete of their face, but casting of all payne, wyll wander, after their wycked maner, through the most shyres of this realm,—

A straightforward[59] man, the second in the group of this unsightly sort, should be mentioned next among these roaming band of troublemakers; some of them are service workers, craftsmen, and laborers involved in farming. These people, not intending to earn their living through hard work, will wander, in their wicked way, through most counties of this realm—

{ As Sommerset shyre, Wylshire, Barke shyre, Oxforde shyre,
Harfordeshyre, Myddilsex, Essex, Suffolke, Northfolke, Sussex, Surrye, and Kent, as the cheyfe and best shyres of reliefe. Yea, not with out punishment by stockes, whyppinges, and imprisonment, in most of these places aboue sayde. Yet, not with standinge they haue so good lykinge in their lewed, lecherous loyteringe, that full quiclye all their punishmentes is[60] for gotten. And repentaunce is neuer thought vpon vntyll they clyme thrée tres with a ladder. These vnrewly rascales, in their roylynge, disperse them selues into seuerall companyes, as occation serueth, sometyme more and somtyme lesse. As, if they repayre to a poore husbandmans house, hée wyll go a lone, or one with him, and stoutely demaund his charytie, eyther shewing how he hath serued in the warres, and their maymed, eyther that he sekethe seruice, and saythe that he woulde be glad to take payne for hys lyuinge, althoughe he meaneth nothinge lesse. 32Yf he be offered any meate or drynke, he vtterlye refusethe scornefully, and wyll nought but money; and yf he espye yong pyges or pultry, he well noteth the place, and they the next night, or shortly after, hée wyll be sure to haue some of them, whyche they brynge to their stawlinge kens, which is their typplyng houses, as well knowen to them, according to the olde prouerbe, "as the begger knowes his dishe." For you must vnderstand, euery Typplyng ale house wyll neyther receiue them or their wares, but some certayne houses in euery shyre, especially for that purpose, where they shalbe better welcome to them then honester men. For by such haue they most gayne, and shalbe conuayde eyther into some loft out of the waye, or other secret corner not commen to any other; and thether repayre, at accustomed tymes, their harlots, whiche they terme Mortes and Doxes,—not with emty hands; for they be as skilfull in picking, riffling, and filching as the vpright men, and nothing inferior to them in all kind of wyckednes, as in other places hereafter they shalbe touched. At these foresayde peltinge, peuish places and vnmannerly metinges, O! how the pottes walke about! their talking tounges talke at large. They bowle and bowse one to another, and for the tyme bousing belly chere. And after there ruysting recreation, [leaf 7, back] yf there be not rome ynough in the house, they haue cleane strawe in some barne or backehouse nere adioyning, where they couch comly to gether, and[61] it were dogge and byche; and he that is hardyste maye haue his choyse, vnlesse for a lytle good maner; some wyll take there owne that they haue made promyse vnto, vntyll they be out of sight, and then, according to the old adage, "out of minde." Yet these vpright men stand so much vpon their reputation, as they wyl in no case haue their wemen walke with them, but seperat them selues for a tyme, a moneth or more. And mete at fayres, or great markets, where they mete to pylfer and steale from staules, shoppes, or bothes. At these fayres the vpryght men vse commonly to lye and lingar in hye wayes by lanes, some prety way or distaunce from the place, by which wayes they be assured that compeny passeth styll two and fro. And ther they[62] wyll demaund, with cap in hand and comly curtesy, the deuotion and charity of the people. They 33haue ben much lately whipped at fayrs. Yf they aske at a stout yemans or farmars house his charity, they wyll goe strong as thre or foure in a company. Where for feare more then good wyll, they often haue reliefe. they syldome or neuer passe by a Iustices house, but haue by wayes, vnlesse he dwell alone, and but weakely manned; thether wyll they also go strong, after a slye, suttle sorte, as with their armes bounde vp with kercher or lyste, hauinge wrapte about the same filthy clothes, either their legges in such maner bewrapped halting down right. Not vnprouided of good codg[e]ls, which they cary to sustayne them, and, as they fayne, to kéepe gogges[63] from them, when they come to such good gentlemens houses. Yf any searche be made or they suspected for pylfring clothes of hedgges, or breaking of houses, which they commonly do when the owners bée eyther at the market, church, or other wayes occupyed aboute their busines,—eyther robbe some sely man or woman by the hye waye, as many tymes they do,—Then they hygh them into wodes, great thickets, and other ruffe corners, where they lye lurkinge thre or foure dayes to gether, and haue meate and drinke brought them by theyre Mortes, and Doxes; and whyle they thus lye hydden in couert, in the night they be not idle,—nether, as the common saying is, "well occupyed;" for then, as the wyly foxe, crepinge out of his den, seketh his praye for pultery, so do these for lynnen and any thinge els worth money, that lyeth about or near a house. As somtyme a whole bucke of clothes caryed awaye at a tyme. When they haue a greatter booty then they maye cary awaye quickly to their stawling kendes, as is aboue sayd, They wyll hyde the same for a thre dayes in some thicke couert, and [leaf 8] in the night time carye the same, lyke good water Spanlles, to their foresayd houses. To whom they wyll discouer where or in what places they had the same, where the markes shalbe pycked out cleane, and conuayed craftely fare of, to sell. If the man or woman of the house want money them selues. [64]If these vpright men haue nether money nor wares, at these houses they shalbe trusted for their vitales, and it amount to twentye or thirty shyllings. Yea, if it fortune any of these vpright men to be taken, either suspected, or charged with fellony or petye 34brybrye, don at such a tyme or such a place, he wyll saye he was in his hostes house. And if the man or wyfe of that house be examined by an officer, they boldelye vouche, that the[y] lodged him suche a tyme, whereby the truth cannot appeare. And if they chaunce to be retained into seruice, through their lamentable words, with any welthy man, They wyll tary but a smale tyme, either robbing his maister or som of his fellowes. And some of them vseth this polocye, that although they trauayle into al these shyres, aboue said, yet wyl they haue good credite, espiciallye in one shyre, where at diuers good farmars houses they be wel knowen, where they worke a moneth in a place or more, and wyll for that time behaue them selues very honestly and paynfully; And maye at any tyme, for their good vsage, haue worke of them; and to these at a ded lyft, or last refuge, they maye safely repayre vnto and be welcom, When in other places, for a knacke of knauery that they haue playd, thei dare not tary. These vyright men wil sildom or neuer want; for what is gotten by anye Mort, or Doxe, if it please him, hée doth comaunde the same. And if he mete any begger, whether he be sturdye or impotent, he wyll demaund of him, whether euer he was stalled to the roge or no. If he saye he was, he wyll know of whom, and his name that stalled hym. And if he be not learnedly able to shewe him the whole circumstaunce thereof, he wyll spoyle him of his money, either of his best garment, if it be worth any money, and haue him to the bowsing ken, Which is to some typpling house next adioyninge; and laieth their to gage the best thing that he hath for twenty pence or two shyllinges: this man obeyeth for feare of beating. Then doth this vpright man call for a gage of bowse, whiche is a quarte pot of drinke, and powres the same vpon his peld pate, adding these words:—"I. G. P. do stalle thée W. T. to the Roge, and that from hence forth it shall be lawefull for the to Cant"—that is, to aske or begge—"for thy liuing in al places." Here you se that the vpright man is of great auctorite. For all sortes of beggers are obedient to his hests, and surmounteth all others in pylfring and stealinge. ¶ I lately had standinge in my [leaf 8, back] well house, which standeth on the backeside of my house, a great cawdron of copper, beinge then full of water, hauinge in the same halfe a doson 35of pewter dyshes, HARMAN. A HOKER, OR ANGGLEAR.well marked, and stamped with the connizance of my armes, whiche being well noted when they were taken out, were set a side, the water powred out, and my caudren taken awaye, being of such bygnes that one man, vnlesse he were of great strength, was not able far to cary the same. Not withstandinge, the same was one night within this two yeares conuayed more then half a myle from my house, into a commen or heth, And ther bestowed in a great firbushe. I then immediatly the next day sent one of my men to London, and there gaue warning in Sothwarke, kent strete, and Barmesey stréete, to all the Tynckars there dwelling,—That if any such Caudron came thether to be sold, the bringar therof should be stayed, and promised twenty shyllings for a reward. I gaue also intelligence to the water men that kept the ferres, that no such vessel should be ether conuayd to London or into essex, promysing the lyke reward, to haue vnderstanding therof. This my doing was well vnderstand in many places about, and that the feare of espyinge so troubled the conscience of the stealer, that my caudoren laye vntouched in the thicke firbushe more then halfe a yeare after, which, by a great chaunce, was found by hunteres for conneys; for one chaunced to runne into the same bushe where my caudren was, and being perceaued, one thrust his staffe into the same bushe, and hyt my caudren a great blowe, the sound whereof dyd cause the man to thinke and hope that there was some great treasure hidden, wherby he thought to be the better whyle he lyued. And in farther searching he found my caudren; so had I the same agayne vnloked for.

Please provide the text you would like me to modernize. In Somerset, Wiltshire, Berkshire, Oxfordshire,
Herefordshire, Middlesex, Essex, Suffolk, Norfolk, Sussex, Surrey, and Kent, are known as the main and best counties for relief. Yes, not without punishment like stocks, whippings, and imprisonment, in many of these mentioned places. Yet, despite this, they enjoy their idleness and playful mischief so much that quickly all their punishments are[60] forgotten. And repentance is never considered until they climb three trees with a ladder. These unruly rascals, while lounging around, separate into various groups as opportunities arise, sometimes more and sometimes less. For instance, if they go to a poor farmer's house, one will go alone or with a companion and boldly ask for charity, either claiming they served in the wars and are maimed, or saying they seek work and would be glad to take pains for their living, even though they mean nothing of the sort. 32If offered any food or drink, they scornfully refuse, only wanting money; and if they spot young pigs or poultry, they take note of the place, and the next night, or soon after, they'll be sure to get some of them, which they take to their hiding places, their drinking houses, well known to them, as the old proverb says, "as the beggar knows his dish." For you must understand, every drinking ale house will not receive them or their goods, but only some specific houses in every county, especially for that purpose, where they will be more welcome than honest people. For they gain the most from such, and will be secretly taken either to some loft out of the way, or another hidden corner not common to anyone else; and there they gather at customary times, their women, whom they call Mortes and Doxes,—not empty-handed; for they are as skilled in picking, ransacking, and filching as upright men, and not inferior to them in all kinds of wickedness, as will be revealed in other places later. At these mentioned rough, petty places and unruly meetings, oh! how the pots go around! Their talking tongues chat freely. They drink and toast each other, indulging in belly cheers for the time. And after their revelry, [leaf 7, back] if there's not enough room in the house, they even have clean straw in some barn or back house nearby, where they nestle together, and[61] it’s like dog and bitch; and the boldest may choose freely, except for a little decorum; some will take their own whom they have promised to, until they are out of sight, and then, as the old saying goes, "out of mind." Yet these upright men care so much about their reputation that they will never let their women walk with them, but separate themselves for a while, a month or more. They meet at fairs or great markets, where they gather to pilfer and steal from stalls, shops, or both. At these fairs, upright men usually wait and linger in high traffic lanes, some distance from the place, ensuring company passes by continuously. And there they[62] will politely ask, with cap in hand and courteous manners, for the devotion and charity of the people. They 33have recently been whipped at fairs. If they ask a stout yeoman or farmer for charity, they will go strong as three or four together. Where, more out of fear than goodwill, they often receive help. They seldom or never pass by a Justice's house without having ways, unless he lives alone, and is weakly manned; there they will also go in strength, in a sly, cunning way, with their arms bandaged with cloth or linen, wrapped up in their filthy clothes, either having their legs wrapped in such a manner to limp outright. They are not without good cudgels, which they carry to defend themselves, and, as they pretend, to keep gogs[63] away when they come to such gentlemen's houses. If any search is made or they're suspected of pilfering clothes from hedges, or breaking into houses, which they commonly do when the owners are either at the market, church, or otherwise occupied with their business,—either rob some unfortunate man or woman on the highway, as many times they do,—Then they hide in woods, great thickets, and other rough corners where they lie lurking for three or four days together, getting food and drink brought to them by their Mortes and Doxes; and while they lie hidden in cover, they are not idle,—neither, as the common saying is, "well occupied;" for then, like the cunning fox, sneaking out of his den, they seek their prey for poultry, so do these for linens and anything else worth money, lying around or near a house. Sometimes, a whole bundle of clothes is carried away at a time. When they have a larger haul than they can carry away quickly to their hiding places, as mentioned above, they will hide it for three days in some thick cover, and [leaf 8] at night carry it, like good water spaniels, to their aforementioned houses. They will reveal where or in what places they got it, and the marks will be picked out clean, and craftily passed off for sale. If the man or woman of the house lacks money, they themselves[64] will be trusted for their food, and it amounts to twenty or thirty shillings. Yes, if it's the case that any of these upright men are caught, either suspected or charged with felony or petty theft, done at such a time or place, he will claim he was in his host's house. And if the man or woman of that house is questioned by an officer, they boldly attest that they lodged him at such a time, by which the truth can't appear. And if they happen to be taken into service through their pitiful words, by some wealthy man, they will stay but a short time, either robbing their master or some of their fellows. Some of them use this strategy, that although they travel throughout all these counties mentioned, yet they will have good credit, especially in one county, where at several good farmers' houses they are well known, where they work a month or more in one place, and during that period behave themselves very honestly and diligently; and may at any time, for their good behavior, get work from them; and to these, at a dead lift, or last refuge, they may safely return to and be welcome, when in other places, for a trick of knavery that they have played, they dare not stay. These upright men will seldom or never lack; for what is gotten by any Mort, or Doxe, if it pleases him, he commands the same. And if he meets any beggar, whether he is strong or unable, he will ask whether he was ever a rogue or not. If he says he was, he will want to know who stalled him, and the name that stalled him. And if he is not eloquently able to provide the full details, he will rob him of his money, or his best garment if it is worth anything, and take him to the drinking house next door; and lays there to pledge the best thing he has for twenty pence or two shillings: this man complies out of fear of being beaten. Then this upright man calls for a drink, which is a quart pot of beer, and pours it over his shaven head, adding this phrase:—"I. G. P. do stall thee W. T. to the Rogue, and that from henceforth it shall be lawful for you to Cant"—that is, to ask or beg—"for your living in all places." Here you see that the upright man has great authority. For all sorts of beggars are obedient to his demands, and surpass all others in pilfering and stealing. ¶ I recently had standing in my [leaf 8, back] well house, which is behind my house, a large copper cauldron, then full of water, containing half a dozen 35of pewter dishes, HARMAN. A hooker or angler.well marked and stamped with the design of my arms, which being well noted when they were taken out, were set aside, the water poured out, and my cauldron stolen, being of such size that one man, unless he were of great strength, could not carry it far. Nevertheless, the same was conveyed one night within the last two years more than half a mile from my house, into a common or heath, And there placed in a great thicket. I then immediately the next day sent one of my men to London, giving warning in Southwark, Kent Street, and Bermondsey Street, to all the Tinkers there residing,—That if any such cauldron came there to be sold, the bringer thereof should be held, and promised twenty shillings for a reward. I also informed the watermen who managed the ferries, that no such vessel should be conveyed to London or into Essex, promising the same reward, to be informed thereof. My actions were well understood in many places around, and the fear of being caught so troubled the conscience of the thief, that my cauldron lay untouched in the dense thicket for more than half a year afterward, which, by a great chance, was found by hunters for rabbits; for one happened to run into the same bush where my cauldron was, and being noticed, one thrust his staff into the same thicket, and hit my cauldron a great blow, the sound of which led him to think and hope that some great treasure was hidden, by which he hoped to have a better life. And in further searching, he found my cauldron; so I got it back unexpectedly.

A hooker or angler. Cap. 3.

THese hokers, or Angglers, be peryllous and most wicked knaues, and be deryued or procede forth from the vpright men; they commenly go in frese ierkynes and gally slopes, poynted benethe the kne; these when they practise there pylfringe, it is all by night; for, as they walke a day times from house to house, to demaund charite, they vigelantly marke where or in what place they maye attayne to there praye, casting there eyes vp to euery wyndow, well noting what they se their, whether apparell or linnen, hanginge nere vnto the sayde wyndowes, and that wyll they 36be sure to haue the next night folowing; HARMAN. A HOKER. A ROGE. they customably carry with them a staffe of v. or vi. foote long, in which, within one ynch of the tope therof, ys a lytle hole bored through, [leaf 9] in which hole they putte an yron hoke, and with the same they wyll pluck vnto them quickly any thing that they may reche ther with, which hoke in the day tyme they couertly cary about them, and is neuer sene or taken out till they come to the place where they worke there fete: such haue I sene at my house, and haue oft talked with them and haue handled ther staues, not then vnderstanding to what vse or intent they serued, although I hadde and perceiued, by there talke and behauiour, great lykelyhode of euyll suspition in them: they wyl ether leane vppon there staffe, to hyde the hole thereof, when they talke with you, or holde their hande vpon the hole; and what stuffe, either wollen or lynnen, they thus hoke out, they neuer carye the same forth with to their staulyng kens, but hides the same a iij. daies in some secret corner, and after conuayes the same to their houses abouesaid, where their host or hostys geueth them money for the same, but halfe the value that it is worth, or els their doxes shall a farre of sell the same at the like houses. I was credebly informed that a hoker came to a farmers house in the ded of the night, and putting back a drawe window of a low chamber, the bed standing hard by the sayd wyndow, in which laye three parsones (a man and two bygge boyes), this hoker with his staffe plucked of their garments which lay vpon them to kepe them warme, with the couerlet and shete, and lefte them lying a slepe naked sauing there shertes, and had a way all clene, and neuer could vnderstande where it became. I verely suppose that when they wer wel waked with cold, they suerly thought that Robin goodfelow (accordinge to the old saying) had bene with them that night.

These thieves, or Anglers, are dangerous and very wicked individuals, stemming from the upright men; they typically wear coarse jerkins and long gowns, fitted below the knee. When they engage in their pilfering, it’s all done at night; during the day, as they walk from house to house asking for charity, they carefully observe where they can find their targets, casting their eyes up to every window, taking note of what clothing or linen is hanging nearby, and they make sure to have it the following night. They usually carry a staff about five or six feet long, within an inch of the top there’s a small hole bored through, where they insert a metal hook. With this hook, they quickly pull in anything within reach. This hook is discreetly carried during the day and isn’t seen or taken out until they arrive at the place where they work their feet. I've seen such individuals at my house and have often spoken with them and handled their staffs, not realizing then for what purpose they served, although I sensed from their talk and behavior a strong likelihood of evil suspicion. They either lean on their staff to hide the hole while conversing with you or keep their hand over it; and whatever materials, whether woolen or linen, they hook out, they never take with them directly to their hiding places, but hide it for about three days in some secret spot, and later sneak it to their mentioned homes, where their landlady or landlord pays them half the value of what it's worth, or else their accomplices will sell it off at similar places. I was credibly informed that a thief came to a farmer's house in the dead of night, and by pushing back a drawer window of a low chamber, where three individuals (a man and two big boys) lay in bed nearby, this thief used his staff to pull off their garments that were keeping them warm, along with the coverlet and sheet, leaving them to sleep there naked except for their shirts, and made a clean getaway, with no understanding of where he went. I truly believe that when they were awakened by the cold, they surely thought that Robin Goodfellow (according to the old saying) had visited them that night.

A rogue. Cap. 4.

A Roge is neither so stoute or hardy as the vpright man. Many of them will go fayntly and looke piteously when they sée, either méete any person, hauing a kercher, as white as my shooes, tyed about their head, with a short staffe in their hand, haltinge, although they nede not, requiring almes of such as they 37méete, HARMAN. A ROGE.or to what house they shal com. But you may easely perceiue by their colour that thei cary both health and hipocrisie about them, wherby they get gaine, when others want that cannot fayne and dissemble. Others therebee that walke sturdely about the countrey, and faineth to seke a brother or kinsman of his, dwelling within som part of the shire;—ether that he hath a letter to deliuer to som honest housholder, dwelling out of an other Shyre, and will shewe you the same fayre sealed, with the superscription to [leaf 9, back] the partye he speaketh of, because you shall not thinke him to runne idelly about the countrey;—either haue they this shyfte, they wyll cary a cirtificate or pasport about them from som Iusticer of the peace, with his hand and seale vnto the same, howe hée hath bene whipped and punished for a vacabonde according to the lawes of this realme, and that he muste returne to .T., where he was borne or last dwelt, by a certayne daye lymited in the same, whiche shalbe a good longe daye. And all this fayned, bycause without feare they woulde wyckedly wander, and wyll renue the same where or when it pleasethe them; for they haue of their affinity that can wryte and read. These also wyll picke and steale as the vpright men, and hath their women and metinges at places apoynted, and nothinge to them inferiour in all kynde of knauery. There bée of these Roges Curtales, wearinge shorte clokes, that wyll chaunge their aparell, as occation seruethe. And their end is eyther hanginge, whiche they call trininge in their language, or die miserably of the pockes.

A rogue is neither as bold nor as tough as an upright person. Many of them walk weakly and look pitifully when they see someone, especially if that person has a kerchief as white as my shoes tied around their head, holding a short staff while limping, even if they don’t need to, begging for alms from anyone they encounter, or from whichever house they approach. But you can easily tell by their appearance that they carry both health and hypocrisy with them, through which they make money, while others who can’t pretend or deceive have nothing. There are also those who walk confidently around the countryside, pretending to look for a brother or relative of theirs living somewhere in the county; or they claim to have a letter to deliver to some honest household in another county, and they'll show you that it’s nicely sealed, addressed to the person they mention, so you won’t think they’re aimlessly wandering around. Or they have this trick: they carry a certificate or passport from some justice of the peace, with their signature and seal, stating that they’ve been whipped and punished for being a vagrant according to the laws of this realm, and that they must return to their hometown or last place of residence by a certain date, which will be a good long time away. And all of this is fake, because without fear, they would wander wickedly, and they will renew that claim whenever it pleases them since they have acquaintances who can read and write. These rogues will also pickpocket and steal just like upright folks, and they have their women and meetings at arranged places, engaging in all kinds of trickery. There are also some rogues, called Curtals, who wear short cloaks and will change their attire as the situation requires. Their end is either hanging, which they refer to as "trining" in their slang, or dying miserably from the pox.

¶ There was not long sithens two Roges that alwaies did associate them selues together, and would neuer seperat them selues, vnles it were for some especiall causes, for they were sworn brothers, and were both of one age, and much like of favour: these two, trauelinge into east kent, resorted vnto an ale house there,[65] being weried with traueling, saluting with short curtisey, when they came into the house, such as thei sawe sitting there, in whiche company was the parson of the parish; and callinge for a pot of the best ale, sat downe at the tables ende: the lykor liked them so well, that they had pot vpon pot, and sometyme, for a lytle good maner, would drinke and offer the cup to such as they best fancied; and to be short, they sat 38out al the company, for eche man departed home aboute their busines. When they had well refreshed them selues, then these rowsy roges requested the good man of the house wyth his wyfe to sit downe and drinke with them, of whome they inquired what priest the same was, and where he dwelt: then they fayninge that they had an vncle a priest, and that he should dwel in these partes, which by all presumptions it should be he, and that they came of purpose to speake with hym, but because they had not sene hym sithens they were sixe yeares olde, they durst not be bold to take acquayntance of him vntyl they were farther instructed of the truth, and began to inquier of his name, and how longe he had dwelt there, and how farre his house was of from the place they were in: the good wyfe of the house, thynkinge them honest men without disceit, because they so farre enquyred of their kinseman, was but of a good zelous naturall intent, shewed them cherefully that hee [leaf 10] was an honest man and welbeloued in the parish, and of good welth, and had ben there resident xv. years at the least; "but," saith she, "are you both brothers?" "yea, surely," said they, "we haue bene both in one belly, and were twinnes." "Mercy, god!" quoth this folish woman; "it may wel be, for ye be not much vnlike,"—and wente vnto her hall windowe, callinge these yong men vnto her, and loking out therat,[66] pointed with her fingar and shewed them the house standing alone, no house nere the same by almoste a quarter of a myle; "that," sayd[67] she, "is your vncles house." "Nay," saith one of them, "he is not onely my vncle, but also my godfather." "It may well be," quoth she, "nature wyll bind him to be the better vnto you." "Well," quoth they, "we be weary, and meane not to trouble our vncle to-night; but to-morowe, god willinge, we wyll sée him and do our duty: but, I pray you, doth our vncle occupy husbandry? what company hath he in his house." "Alas!" saith she, "but one old woman and a boy, he hath no occupying at al: tushe," quoth this good wyfe, "you be mad men; go to him this night, for hée hath better lodging for you then I haue, and yet I speake folishly against my[68] own profit, for by your taring[69] here I should gaine the more by you." "Now, by my troth," quoth one of them, "we thanke 39you, good hostes, for your holsome councell, and we meane to do as you wyll vs: we wyl pause a whyle, and by that tyme it wylbe almost night; and I praye you geue vs a reckeninge,"—so, manerly paying for that they toke, bad their hoste and hostes farewell with takinge leaue of the cup, marched merelye out of the dores towardes this parsones house, vewed the same well rounde about, and passed by two bowshotes of into a younge wodde, where they laye consultinge what they shoulde do vntyll midnight. Quoth one of them, of sharper wyt and subtyller then the other, to hys fellowe, "thou seest that this house is stone walled about, and that we cannot well breake in, in any parte thereof; thou seest also that the windowes be thicke of mullions, that ther is no kreping in betwene: wherefore we must of necessytie vse some policye when strength wil not serue. I haue a horse locke here about me," saith he; "and this I hope shall serue oure turne." So when it was aboute xii. of the clocke, they came to the house and lurked nere vnto his chamber wyndowe: the dog of the house barked a good, that with they[70] noise, this priest waketh out of his sléepe, and began to cough and hem: then one of these roges stepes forth nerer the window and maketh a ruful and pityful noise, requiring for Christ sake[71] some reliefe, that was both hongry and thirstye, and was like to ly with out the dores all nighte and starue for colde, vnles he were releued by him with some small pece of money. "Where dwellest thou?" quoth this parson. "Alas! sir," saithe this roge, "I haue smal [leaf 10, back] dwelling, and haue com out of my way; and I should now," saith he, "go to any towne nowe at this time of night, they woulde set me in the stockes and punishe me." "Well," quoth this pitifull parson, "away from my house, either lye in some of my out houses vntyll the morning, and holde, here is a couple of pence for thée." "A god rewarde you," quoth this roge; "and in heauen may you finde it." The parson openeth his wyndowe, and thrusteth out his arme to geue his almes to this Roge that came whining to receiue it, and quickly taketh holde of his hand, and calleth his fellowe to him, whiche was redye at hande with the horse locke, and clappeth the same about the wrest of his arme, that the mullions standing so close together for strength, that for his 40life he could not plucke in his arme againe, and made him beleue, vnles he would at the least geue them .iii. li., they woulde smite of his arme from the body. So that this poore parson, in feare to lose his hand, called vp his olde woman that lay in the loft ouer him, and wylled her to take out all the money he had, which was iiij. markes, which he saide was all the money in his house, for he had lent vi. li. to one of his neighbours not iiij daies before. "Wel," quoth they, "master parson, if you haue no more, vpon this condicion we wil take of the locke, that you will drinke .xij. pence for our sakes to-morow at the alehouse wher we found you, and thank the good wife for the good chere she made vs." He promised faithfully that he would so do; so they toke of the locke, and went their way so farre ere it was daye, that the parson coulde neuer haue any vnderstanding more of them. Now this parson, sorowfully slumbering that night betwene feare and hope, thought it was but folly to make two sorrowes of one; he vsed contentacion for his remedy, not forgetting in the morning to performe his promise, but went betims to his neighbour that kept tiplinge, and asked angerly where the same two men were that dranke with her yester daye. "Which two men?" quoth this good wife. "The straungers that came in when I was at your house wyth my neighbores yesterday." "What! your neuewes?" quoth she, "My neuewes?" quoth this parson; "I trowe thou art mad." "Nay, by god!" quoth this good[72] wife, "as sober as you; for they tolde me faithfully that you were their vncle: but, in fayth, are you not so in dede? for, by my trouth, they are strau[n]gers to me. I neuer saw them before." "O, out vpon them!" quoth the parson; "they be false theues, and this night thei compelled me to geue them al the money in my house." "Benedicite!" quoth this good wife, "and haue they so in dede? as I shall aunswere before god, one of them told me besides that you were godfather to him, and that he trusted to haue your blessinge before he departed." "What! did he?" quoth this parson; "a halter blesse him for [leaf 11] me!" "Me thinketh, by the masse, by your countenance you loked so wildly when you came in," quoth this good wife, "that somthing was amis." "I vse not to gest," 41quoth HARMAN. A WYLDE ROGE.this parson, "when I speake so earnestly." "Why, all your sorrowes goe with it," quoth this good wife, "and sitte downe here, and I will fil a freshe pot of ale shall make you mery agayne." "Yea," saith this parson, "fill in, and geue me some meat; for they made me sweare and promise them faithfully that I shoulde drinke xii. pence with you this day." "What! dyd they?" quoth she; "now, by the mary masse, they be mery knaues. I warraunt you they meane to bye no land with your money; but how could they come into you in the night, your dores being shut fast? your house is very stronge." Then this prason[73] shewed her all the hole circumstance, how he gaue them his almes oute at the wyndowe, they[74] made such lamentable crye that it pytied him at the hart; for he sawe but one when he put oute his hand at the wyndowe. "Be ruled by me," quoth this good wyfe. "Wherin?" quoth this parson. "By my troth, neuer speake more of it: when they shal vnderstand of it in the parish, they wyll but laugh you to skorne." [75]"Why, then," quoth this parson, "the deuyll goe with it,"—and their an end.[75]

¶ Not long ago, there were two rogues who always stuck together and would never separate unless there was a special reason. They were sworn brothers, both the same age, and looked quite similar. These two, while traveling into East Kent, stopped at an alehouse there, and, tired from their journey, greeted those sitting there with a brief nod. Among the crowd was the local parson. After ordering a pot of the best ale, they settled at the end of a table. They enjoyed the ale so much that they kept ordering more, and sometimes, just for politeness, would drink and offer the cup to those they liked best. To keep it brief, they remained until everyone else left to attend to their own affairs. Once they had refreshed themselves, these crafty rogues invited the innkeeper and his wife to join them for a drink. They asked about the priest in attendance and where he lived. They pretended to have an uncle who was a priest living nearby, and since they hadn't seen him since they were six years old, they dared not approach him until they learned more about him. They began to inquire about his name, how long he had lived there, and how far his house was from where they were. The innkeeper's wife, thinking they were honest men, because of their interest in their relative, kindly told them he was a good man, well-loved in the parish and wealthy, having lived there for at least fifteen years. "But," she said, "are you both brothers?" "Yes, indeed," they replied, "we have both been in the same womb, and we are twins." "Goodness!" said the foolish woman; "that may well be true, for you aren't much different from each other." She then went to her hall window, calling these young men over and looking out, pointed with her finger to a house standing alone, nearly a quarter of a mile away; "that," she said, "is your uncle's house." "No," said one of them, "he is not only my uncle, but also my godfather." "That may be so," she replied, "blood ties will often bind him to treat you well." "Well," they said, "we are tired and don’t want to disturb our uncle tonight; but tomorrow, God willing, we will see him and do our duty. But, I pray you, does our uncle farm? What company does he keep at home?" "Alas!" she said, "only one old woman and a boy; he has no business at all. Honestly," she continued, "you are foolish; go to him tonight, for he has better accommodations for you than I do, and I am speaking against my own interest because with your staying here I would earn more." "Now, by my troth," one of them said, "we thank you, good hostess, for your wise counsel, and we will do as you suggest: we will wait for a while, and by that time it will be almost night; and please give us our bill,"—so, orderly paying for what they had, they bid their hosts farewell with a toast, and merrily marched out the door toward the parson's house, surveyed it thoroughly, and passed about two bowshots into a young wood, where they lay down to discuss what they should do until midnight. One of them, sharper-witted and craftier than the other, said to his companion, "You see that this house is built of stone walls, and we can't easily break in anywhere; you can also see that the windows are thick with mullions, so there's no sneaking in between. Therefore, we must use some strategy since strength won't work. I have a horse lock here," he said; "I hope this will serve our purpose." So around midnight, they approached the house and lurked near his chamber window. The house dog barked loudly, which woke the priest from his sleep, and he began to cough and clear his throat. Then one of the rogues stepped closer to the window and made a pitiful noise, begging for relief, saying he was both hungry and thirsty, and would likely have to sleep outside all night and freeze unless he was helped with some small amount of money. "Where do you live?" asked the parson. "Alas! sir," said the rogue, "I have little dwelling, and I have come off my path; and if I were to go to any town at this hour of night, they would put me in the stocks and punish me." "Well," said this pitiful parson, "stay away from my house; either lie down in one of my outbuildings until morning, and here, take this couple of pence." "God reward you," said the rogue; "may you find it in heaven." The parson opened his window and reached out his arm to give alms to the rogue who was whining for it, but quickly, the rogue seized his hand and called his companion, who was ready with the horse lock, and snapped it around the wrist of his arm, making it so close to the mullions that, for his life, he couldn’t pull his arm back in, and made him believe that unless he gave them at least three pounds, they would cut his arm off. So, in fear of losing his hand, this poor parson called up his old woman who slept in the loft above him, and ordered her to take out all the money he had, which was four marks, and he claimed it was all the money in his house, having lent six pounds to one of his neighbors just four days before. "Well," they said, "Master Parson, if you have no more, under this condition we will take off the lock: that you will drink twelve pence for our sake tomorrow at the alehouse where we found you and thank the good wife for her kind hospitality." He promised faithfully that he would do so; so they took off the lock and left so far before dawn that the parson never could find out about them again. Now this parson, sorrowfully tossing between fear and hope that night, thought it was foolish to make two sorrows out of one; he used acceptance for his remedy, not forgetting to fulfill his promise in the morning. He went early to his neighbor who kept a tavern and angrily asked where those two men were who had drunk with her yesterday. "Which two men?" said this good woman. "The strangers who came in while I was at your house with my neighbors yesterday." "What! your nephews?" she said. "My nephews?" said the parson; "I think you are mad." "Nay, by God!" said this good woman, "as sober as you; for they told me plainly that you were their uncle: but truly, are you not so indeed? For I swear they are strangers to me. I have never seen them before." "Oh, curse them!" said the parson; "they are false thieves, and last night they forced me to give them all the money in my house." "Goodness!" said this good woman, "did they really? As I will answer before God, one of them told me that you were his godfather and that he hoped to receive your blessing before he left." "What! Did he?" said the parson; "may a halter bless him for me!" "It seems to me, by the mass, from your face you looked so wildly when you came in," said this good woman, "that something was wrong." "I do not jest," said the parson, "when I speak so seriously." "Why, all your troubles will go with it," said this good woman, "and sit down here, and I will fill a fresh pot of ale that will cheer you up." "Yes," said this parson, "fill it up and give me some food; for they made me swear to them that I would drink twelve pence with you today." "What! Did they?" said she; "now, by the holy mass, they are merry knaves. I assure you they do not plan to buy land with your money; but how could they come to you at night with your doors locked tight? Your house is very strong." Then this parson explained to her the whole circumstance, how he gave them alms out at the window; they made such a mournful cry that it touched him deeply, for he saw but one when he extended his hand at the window. "Listen to me," said this good woman. "In what way?" asked this parson. "By my troth, never speak of it again; when they hear of it in the parish, they will only laugh at you." "Then," said this parson, "the devil take it,"—and that was the end.

A WYLDE ROGE. Cap. 5.

A Wilde Roge is he that is borne a Roge: he is a more subtil and more geuen by nature to all kinde of knauery then the other, as beastely begotten in barne or bushes, and from his infancye traded vp in trechery; yea, and before ripenes of yeares doth permyt, wallowinge in lewde lechery, but that is counted amongest them no sin. For this is their custome, that when they mete in barne at night, euery one getteth a make[76] to lye wythall, and their chaunce to be twentye in a companye, as their is sometyme more and sometyme lesse: for to one man that goeth abroad, there are at the least two women, which neuer make it straunge when they be called, although she neuer knewe him before. Then when the day doth appeare, he rouses him vp, and shakes his eares, and awaye wanderinge where he may gette oughte to the hurte of others. Yet before he skyppeth oute of hys couche and departeth from his darling, if he like her well, he will apoint her where to mete shortlye 42after, with HARMAN. A PRYGGER OF PRAUNCERS.a warninge to worke warely for some chetes, that their meting might be the merier.

A Wilde Roge is someone who is naturally a Roge: he's more clever and more inclined by nature to all kinds of trickery than others, like a beast born in a barn or bushes, and raised from childhood in deceit. Even before reaching adulthood, he's immersed in debauchery, but among them, that's not considered a sin. This is their custom: when they gather in a barn at night, everyone finds a partner to sleep with, and their luck has them sometimes twenty in a group, sometimes more and sometimes less. For every man who goes out, there are at least two women who don’t hesitate when called, even if they've never met him before. Then when day breaks, he wakes up, shakes his ears, and sets off to find ways to harm others. However, before he hops out of his bed and leaves his girl, if he likes her, he'll arrange where to meet up again shortly after, with a warning to be cautious for some tricks, so their meeting can be more enjoyable.

¶ Not long sithens, a wild roge chaunced to mete a pore neighbour of mine, who for honesty and good natur surmounteth many. This poore man, riding homeward from London, where he had made his market, this [leaf 11, back] roge demaunded a peny for gods sake, to kepe him a true man. This simple man, beholding him wel, and sawe he was of taule personage with a good quarter staffe in his hand, it much pitied him, as he sayd, to se him want; for he was well able to serue his prince in the wars. Thus, being moued with pytie, and[77] loked in his pursse to finde out a penye; and in loking for the same, he plucked oute viii. shyllinges in whyte money, and raked therin to finde a single peny; and at the last findinge one, doth offer the same to this wylde roge: but he, seinge so much mony in this simple mans hand, being striken to the hart with a couetous desire, bid him forth wyth delyuer al that he had, or els he woulde with his staffe beat out his braynes. For it was not a penye would now quench his thirst, [78]seing so much as he dyd[78]: thus, swallowinge his spittell gredely downe, spoyled this poore man of al the money that he had, and lept ouer the hedge into a thicke wode, and went his waye as merely as this good simple man came home sorowfully. I once rebuking a wyld roge because he went idelly about, he shewed me that he was a begger by enheritance—his Grandfather was a begger, his father was one, and he must nedes be one by good reason.

¶ Not long ago, a wild rogue happened to meet a poor neighbor of mine, who, because of his honesty and good nature, surpasses many. This poor man, riding home from London, where he had done some shopping, the rogue asked for a penny for God's sake, to keep him a good man. This simple guy looked him over and saw that he was a tall person with a sturdy quarterstaff in his hand, and he felt sorry for him, as he said, to see him in need; for he was certainly able to serve his king in the wars. So, moved by pity, he looked in his purse to find a penny; while searching for it, he pulled out eight shillings in silver and dug around to find a single penny; and at last, finding one, offered it to the wild rogue. But seeing so much money in this simple man's hand, driven by greedy desire, the rogue ordered him to hand over everything he had, or else he would beat him senseless with his staff. For it wasn't just a penny that would satisfy his thirst, seeing as much as he did: thus, greedily swallowing his spit, he robbed this poor man of all the money he had and jumped over the hedge into a thick wood, going on his way as happily as this good simple man returned home sorrowfully. Once, when I scolded a wild rogue for being idle, he told me that he was a beggar by inheritance—his grandfather was a beggar, his father was one, and he must naturally be one for good reason.

A prankster of jokesters. Cap. 6.

A Prigger of Prauncers be horse stealers; for to prigge signifieth in their language to steale, and a Prauncer is a horse: so beinge put together, the matter is[79] playne. These go commonly in Ierkins of leatherr, or of white frese, and carry litle wands in their hands, and will walke through grounds and pastures, to search and se horses meete for their purpose. And if thei chaunce to be met and asked by the owners of the grounde what they make there, they fayne strayghte that they haue loste their waye, and desyre 43to be enstructed the beste waye to such a place. These will also repayre to gentlemens houses and aske their charitye, and wyll offer their seruice. And if you aske them what they can do, they wyll saye that they can kepe two or thre Geldinges, and waite vppon a Gentleman. These haue also their women, that walkinge from them in other places, marke where and what they sée abroade, and sheweth these Priggars therof when they meete, which is with in a wéeke or two. And loke, where they steale any thinge, they conuay the same at the least thre score miles of or more.

Priggers of Prauncers are horse thieves; to "prig" means to steal in their slang, and a "Prauncer" is a horse. So when you put those together, it's pretty clear. They usually wear leather jackets or white cloth, and carry small sticks in their hands. They'll wander through fields and pastures looking for horses that suit their needs. If they run into the landowners and are asked what they're doing there, they quickly pretend they've lost their way and ask for directions to a certain place. These thieves also visit gentlemen's houses, asking for charity and offering their services. If you ask them what they can do, they'll say they can tend to two or three geldings and attend to a gentleman. They have women who, while away from them in other locations, keep an eye on what they see and report back to these thieves when they meet, usually within a week or two. And wherever they steal something, they make sure to move it at least sixty miles away or more.

¶ There was a Gentleman, a verye friende of myne, rydyng from London homewarde into Kente, hauinge with in thrée myles of his house busynesse, alyghted of his horse, and his man also, in a pretye [leaf 12] vyllage, where diueres houses were, and looked about hym where he myghte haue a conuenient person to walke his horse, because hee would speake with a Farmer that dwelt on the backe side of the sayde village, lytle aboue a quarter of a myle from the place where he lighted, and had his man to waight vpon him, as it was mete for his callinge: espying a Pryggar there standing, thinking the same to dwell there, charging this prity prigginge person to walke his horse well, and that they might not stande styll for takyng of colde, and at his returne (which he saide should not be longe) he would geue hym a peny to drinke, and so wente aboute his busines. This peltynge Priggar, proude of his praye, walkethe his horse[80] vp and downe tyll he sawe the Gentleman out of sighte, and leapes him into the saddell, and awaye he goeth a mayne. This Gentleman returninge, and findinge not his horses, sent his man to the one end of the vyllage, and he went himselfe vnto the other ende, and enquired as he went for his horses that were walked, and began some what to suspecte, because neither he nor his man could se nor find him. Then this Gentleman deligentlye enquired of thre or foure towne dwellers there whether any such person, declaring his stature,[81] age, apparell, with so many linaments of his body as he could call to remembraunce. And, "vna voce," all sayde that no such man dwelt in their streate, neither in the parish, that they knewe of; but some did wel remember that such a one they saw there lyrkinge and huggeringe 44two houres HARMAN. A PALLYARD.before the Gentleman came thether, and a straunger to them. "I had thoughte," quoth this Gentleman, "he had here dwelled,"—and marched home manerly in his botes: farre from the place he dwelt not. I suppose at his comming home he sente suche wayes as he suspected or thought méete to searche for this Prigger, but hetherto he neuer harde any tydinges agayne of his palfreys.—I had the best geldinge stolen oute of my pasture that I had amongst others whyle this boke was first a printinge.

¶ There was a gentleman, a good friend of mine, riding home to Kent from London. Within three miles of his house, he had some business to attend to, so he got off his horse, along with his servant, in a nice little village where there were several houses. He looked around to find someone to walk his horse because he wanted to talk to a farmer who lived just over a quarter of a mile from where he dismounted. He had his servant wait for him, as was appropriate for his position. Spotting a young man standing there, assuming he lived in the village, he asked this eager fellow to walk his horse properly and not stand still to avoid getting cold. He promised that when he returned (which wouldn’t take long), he would give him a penny for a drink. Then he went off to take care of his business. This eager young man, feeling proud of his task, walked the horse up and down until he saw the gentleman disappear from view, then he jumped into the saddle and rode off quickly. When the gentleman returned and found his horse missing, he sent his servant to one end of the village while he went to the other, asking everyone he met about his horse and beginning to feel suspicious, as neither he nor his servant could see or find the young man. The gentleman then diligently asked three or four villagers if they had seen someone matching the description he provided, including his size, age, clothing, and any distinguishing features he could recall. They all responded in unison that no one matching that description lived in their street or parish, but some did remember seeing a stranger lurking around two hours before the gentleman arrived. "I thought he must have lived here," the gentleman said, and then he walked home properly in his boots, not far from his dwelling. I suppose upon arriving home, he sent out searches where he thought it appropriate to look for this thief, but so far, he had never heard any news of his horses again.—I had the best gelding stolen from my pasture while this book was being printed.

A pal yard. Cap. 7.

THese Palliardes be called also Clapperdogens: these go with patched clokes, and haue their Morts with them, which they cal wiues; and if he goe to one house, to aske his almes, his wife shall goe to a nother: for what they get (as bread, chéese, malte, and woll) they sell the same for redy money; for so they get more and if they went together. Although they be thus[82] deuided in the daie, yet they mete iompe at night. Yf they chaunce to come to some gentylmans house standinge [leaf 12, back] a lone, and be demaunded whether they be man and wyfe, and if he perceaue that any doubteth thereof, he sheweth them a Testimonial with the ministers name, and others of the same parishe (naminge a parishe in some shere fare distant from the place where he sheweth the same). This writing he carieth to salue that sore. Ther be many Irishe men that goe about with counterfeate licenses; and if they perceiue you wil straytly examen them, they will immediatly saye they can speake no Englishe.

These Palliards are also called Clapperdogens: they wear patched cloaks and have their partners with them, whom they call wives. When one of them goes to ask for charity at a house, his wife will go to another. Whatever they collect, like bread, cheese, malt, and wool, they sell for cash, as they earn more this way than if they went together. Even though they are separated during the day, they meet up at night. If they happen to arrive at a gentleman's house alone and are asked if they are married, if he senses any doubt about it, he shows them a testimonial with the minister’s name and others from the same parish (naming a parish far away from where he presents it). He carries this document to ease that concern. There are many Irish men who travel with fake licenses, and if they notice you will question them closely, they will immediately claim they cannot speak any English.

¶ Farther, vnderstand for trouth that the worst and wickedst of all this beastly generation are scarse comparable to these prating Pallyardes. All for the most parte of these wil either lay to their legs an herb called Sperewort, eyther Arsnicke, which is called Ratesbane. The nature of this Spereworte wyll rayse a great blister in a night vpon the soundest part of his body; and if the same be taken away, it wyl dry vp againe and no harme. But this Arsnicke will so poyson the same legge or sore, that it will euer after be incurable: this do they for gaine and to be pitied. The most of these that walke about be Walchmen.

¶ Furthermore, understand the truth that the worst and most evil of this terrible generation are hardly comparable to these talkative fools. Most of them will either apply to their legs an herb called Sperewort or Arsenic, which is known as Rat Poison. The nature of this Sperewort will cause a huge blister overnight on the healthiest part of their body; and if that is removed, it will heal again without harm. But this Arsenic will poison that leg or sore so badly that it will never heal after that: they do this for profit and should be pitied. Most of those who wander around are Watchmen.

HARMAN. A FRATER.
A BRO. Cap. 8.45

SOme of these Fraters will cary blacke boxes at their gyrdel, wher in they haue a briefe of the Queenes maiesties letters patentes, geuen to suche[83] poore spitlehouse for the reliefe of the poore there, whiche briefe is a coppie of the letters patentes, and vtterly fained, if it be in paper or in[84] parchment without the great seale. Also, if the same brief be in printe,[85] it is also of auctoritie. For the Printers wil sée and wel vnderstand, before it come in presse, that the same is lawfull. Also, I am credibly informed that the chiefe Proctors of manye of these houses, that seldome trauel abroad them selues, but haue their factors to gather for them, which looke very slenderly to the impotent and miserable creatures committed to their charge, and die for want of cherishing; wheras they and their wiues are wel crammed and clothed, and will haue of the best. And the founders of euery such house, or the chiefe of the parishe wher they be, woulde better sée vnto these Proctors, that they might do their duty, they should be wel spoken of here, and in the world to come aboundantly therefore rewarded. I had of late an honest man, and of good wealthe, repayred to my house to common wyth me aboute certeyne affaires. I inuited the same to dinner, and dinner beinge done, I demaunded of hym some newes of these[86] parties were hee dwelte. "Thankes be to God, syr," (saith he); "all is well and good now." "Now!" (quoth I) "this same 'nowe' [leaf 13] declareth that some things of late hath not bene wel." "Yes, syr," (quoth he) "the[87] matter is not great. I had thought I should haue bene wel beaten within this seuenth night." "How so?" (quoth I). "Mary, syr," sayd he, "I am Counstable for fault of a better, and was commaunded by the Iusticer to watch. The watch being set, I toke an honest man, one of my neighbors, with me, and went vp to the ende of the towne as far as the spittle house, at which house I heard a great noyse, and, drawing nere, stode close vnder the wall, and this was at one of the clocke after midnight. 46Where he harde swearinge, pratinge, and wagers laying, and the pot apase walkinge, and xl. pence gaged vpon a matche of wrastling, pitching of the barre, and casting of the sledge. And out they goe, in a fustian fume, into the backe syde, where was a great Axiltrye,[88] and there fell to pitching of the barre, being thre to thre. The Moone dyd shine bright, the Counstable with his neighboure myght see and beholde all that was done. And howe the wyfe of the house was rostinge of a Pyg, whyle her gestes were in their matche. At the laste they coulde not agree vpon a caste, and fell at wordes, and from wordes to blowes. The Counstable with his[89] fellowe runnes vnto them, to parte them, and in the partinge lyckes a drye blowe or two. Then the noyse increased; the Counstable woulde haue had them to[90] the stockes. The wyfe of the house runnes out with her goodman to intreat the Counstable for her gestes, and leaues the Pyg at the fyre alone. In commeth two or thrée of the next neighboures, beinge waked wyth this noise, and into the house they come, and fynde none therein, but the Pygge well rosted, and carieth the same awaye wyth them, spyte and all, with suche breade and drinke also as stoode vpon the table. When the goodman and the goodwyfe of the house hadde intreated and pacified the Counstable, shewinge vnto him that they were Proctors and Factores all of Spyttell houses, and that they taryed there but to breake theyr fast, and woulde ryde awaye immediatelye after, for they had farre to goe, and therefore mente to ryde so earlye. And comminge into their house agayne, fyndinge the Pygge wyth bread and drincke all gonne, made a greate exclamation, for they knewe not who had the same.

Some of these brothers carry black boxes at their belts, containing a summary of the Queen’s letters patent, given to such poor hospitals for the relief of the needy there. This summary is a copy of the letters patent and is completely fake if it’s on paper or parchment without the great seal. Also, if the same summary is printed, it holds authority because the printers ensure that it is lawful before publishing it. I’ve also been reliably informed that the main administrators of many of these houses rarely go out themselves but have their agents collect for them, who pay very little attention to the helpless and unfortunate people under their care. Many of them suffer and die from lack of care, while the administrators and their wives live comfortably and demand the best. If the founders of each house, or the leaders of the parishes where they’re located, would oversee these administrators better, they would be respected here and abundantly rewarded in the hereafter. Recently, a decent and wealthy man came to my house to discuss certain matters with me. I invited him to dinner, and once we finished, I asked him if he had any news from the neighborhood where he lived. “Thank God, sir,” he replied, “everything is well now.” “Now!” I said, “this ‘now’ suggests that things haven’t been great recently.” “Yes, sir,” he replied, “the matter isn’t significant. I thought I would have been thoroughly beaten within the past week.” “How so?” I asked. “Well, sir,” he said, “I’m the Constable by default and was ordered by the Justice to keep watch. After setting the watch, I took one of my neighbors with me and went to the end of town as far as the hospital, where I heard a great noise. Approaching closer, I stood right under the wall, and this was at one o’clock after midnight. Where I heard swearing, talking, and betting, and a pot was a-bubbling with ten shillings wagered on a wrestling match, weightlifting, and shot putting. They went out into the back area, where there was a big commotion, and proceeded to lift weights, three against three. The moon was shining bright enough for the Constable and his neighbor to see everything that was happening. And how the hostess was roasting a pig while her guests were occupied in their match. Eventually, they couldn’t agree on a lift and started arguing, which escalated to blows. The Constable and his companion rushed over to separate them and ended up catching a couple of dry hits in the process. The noise intensified; the Constable wanted to put them in stocks. The hostess came running out with her husband to plead with the Constable for her guests, leaving the pig alone by the fire. In came two or three of the nearby neighbors, woken by the noise, who found nobody inside except for the well-roasted pig, which they took with them along with the bread and drink that remained on the table. After the husband and wife had calmed down the Constable, explaining to him that they were administrators and agents from the hospital and were only there to have their meal before continuing their journey, they returned home only to find the pig and all the food gone, which caused a great uproar, for they had no idea who had taken it.

¶ The Counstable returning and hearinge the lamentable wordes of the good wyfe, howe she had lost both meate and drinke, and sawe it was so in deede, hée laughed in his sleue, and commaunded her to dresse no more at vnlawfull houres for any gestes. For hée thought it better bestowed vppon those smell feastes his poore neighboures 47then vppon HARMAN. A ABRAHAM MAN.suche sturdye Lubbares. The nexte mornynge betymes the [leaf 13, back] spitte and pottes were sette at the Spittle house doore for the owner. Thus were these Factours begyled of theyr breakefast, and one of them hadde well beaten an other; "And, by my trouth," (quoth thys Counstable) "I was gladde when I was well ryd of them." "Why," quoth I, "coulde the[y] caste the barre and sledge well?" "I wyll tell you, syr," (quoth hée) "you knowe there hath bene manye games this Sommer. I thinke verely, that if some of these Lubbars had bene there, and practysed amongest others, I beleue they woulde haue carryed awaye the beste games. For they were so stronge and sturdye, that I was not able to stande in their handes." "Well" (quoth I) "at these games you speake of, both legges and armes bée tryed." "Yea," quoth this offycer, "they bée wycked men. I haue séene some of them sithens wyth cloutes bounde aboute theyr legges, and haltynge wyth their staffe in their handes. Wherefore some of theym, by GOD, bee nought all."

¶ The Constable returned and heard the sad words of the good wife, how she had lost both food and drink, and seeing it was true, he laughed to himself and told her not to cook at unreasonable hours for any guests. He thought it was better spent on those small feasts for his poor neighbors than on such tough characters. The next morning, early, the spit and pots were set at the Spital house door for the owner. Thus were these Factors cheated out of their breakfast, and one of them had really beaten another; "And, truly," said this Constable, "I was glad when I was rid of them." "Why," I asked, "could they handle the bar and sledge well?" "I'll tell you, sir," he replied, "you know there have been many games this summer. I truly believe that if some of these tough guys had been there and practiced among others, I think they would have won the best games. They were so strong and tough that I couldn't stand against them." "Well," I replied, "in these games you speak of, both legs and arms are tested." "Yes," said this officer, "they're wicked men. I've seen some of them lately with rags wrapped around their legs, limping with their staff in hand. Therefore, some of them, by God, aren’t all good."

An Abraham man. Cap. 9.

THese Abrahom men be those that fayne themselues to haue beene mad, and haue bene kept eyther in Bethelem or in some other pryson a good tyme, and not one amongst twenty that euer came in pryson for any such cause: yet wyll they saye howe pitiously and most extreamely they haue bene beaten, and dealt with all. Some of these be merye and verye pleasant, they wyll daunce and sing; some others be as colde and reasonable to talke wyth all. These begge money; eyther when they come at Farmours howses they wyll demaunde Baken, eyther chéese, or wooll, or any thinge that is worthe money. And if they espye small company within, they wyll with fierce countenaunce demaund some what. Where for feare the maydes wyll geue theym largely to be ryd of theym.

These Abraham men are those who pretend to be mad and have been kept either in Bethlehem or some other prison for a good while, and not one in twenty has ever actually been imprisoned for such a reason: yet they will claim how pitifully and terribly they have been beaten and treated. Some of them are cheerful and quite entertaining; they will dance and sing; while others are cold and reasonable to talk to. They beg for money; whenever they arrive at farmers' houses, they demand bacon, cheese, wool, or anything else of value. If they spot a small group inside, they will, with fierce looks, demand something. Out of fear, the maids often give them something generously to get rid of them.

{ ¶ If they maye conuenyently come by any cheate, they wyl
picke and steale, as the v[p]right man or Roge, poultrey or lynnen. And all wemen that wander bée at their commaundemente. Of all that euer I saw of this kynde, one naminge him selfe Stradlynge is the craftiest and moste dyssemblyngest Knaue. 48Hée is ableHARMAN. A WHIPIACKE. wyth hys tounge and vsage to deceaue and abuse the wysest man that is. And surely for the proporcion of his body, with euery member there vnto appertayninge, it cannot be a mended. But as the prouerbe is "God hath done his part." Thys Stradlyng sayth he was the Lord Sturtons man; and when he was executed, for very pensiuenes of mynde, [leaf 14] he fell out of his wytte, and so continued a yeare after and more; and that with the very gréefe and feare, he was taken wyth a marueilous palsey, that both head and handes wyll shake when he talketh, with anye and that a pase or fast, where by he is much pytied, and getteth greately. And if I had not demaunded of others, bothe men and women, that commonly walketh as he doth, and knowen by them his déepe dissimylation, I neuer hadde vnderstand the same. And thus I end wyth these kynde of vacabondes.

Please provide the text you would like me to modernize. ¶ If they find a good opportunity for any trick, they will
pickpocket and steal, whether it's from honest people or rogues, poultry or linen. And all the women wandering around are at their command. Of all that I've seen like this, one calling himself Stradlyng is the cleverest and most deceitful scoundrel. 48 He can use his tongue and manner to deceive and manipulate the smartest person there is. And honestly, given the shape of his body, with every part of it included, it couldn't be improved. But as the saying goes, "God has done His part." This Stradlyng claims he was the Lord Sturton's man; and when he was executed, he became so troubled in mind that [leaf 14] he lost his sanity, and continued this way for over a year; and because of the great grief and fear he experienced, he developed a terrible palsy, causing both his head and hands to shake whenever he talks, whether slowly or quickly, which makes people feel sorry for him and he gains a lot from it. And if I hadn't asked others, both men and women, who commonly walk like he does and are aware of his deep deceit, I would never have understood this. And so I conclude with these kinds of vagabonds.

A FRESHWATER MARINER OR WHIPPOORWILL. Cap. 10.

THese Freshwater Mariners, their shipes were drowned in the playne of Salisbery. These kynde of Caterpillers counterfet great losses on the sea; these bée some Western men, and most bée Irishe men. These wyll runne about the countrey wyth a counterfet lycence, fayninge either shypwracke, or spoyled by Pyrates, neare the coaste of Cornwall or Deuonshyre, and set a lande at some hauen towne there, hauynge a large and formall wrytinge, as is aboue sayd, with the names and seales of suche men of worshyppe, at the leaste foure or fiue, as dwelleth neare or next to the place where they fayne their landinge. And neare to those shieres wyll they not begge, vntyll they come into Wylshyre, Hamshyre, Barkeshyre, Oxfordshyre, Harfordshyre, Middelsex, and so[91] to London, and downe by the ryuer to séeke for their shyppe and goods that they neuer hade: then passe they through Surrey, Sossex, by the sea costes, and so into Kent, demaunding almes to bring them home to their country.

These freshwater sailors had their ships wrecked in the plain of Salisbury. These kinds of con artists imitate great losses at sea; they are mostly Western men, with many being Irish. They travel around the country using fake licenses, claiming either shipwrecks or being robbed by pirates near the coast of Cornwall or Devon, and they land in some harbor town there, possessing a large and formal document, as mentioned above, complete with the names and seals of at least four or five respectable people who live near where they claim to land. Near those counties, they won’t beg until they reach Wiltshire, Hampshire, Berkshire, Oxfordshire, Herefordshire, Middlesex, and then a place to London, making their way down the river to search for their ship and goods that they never had. Then they pass through Surrey, Sussex, along the coastal areas, and into Kent, asking for alms to help them return home.

¶ Some tyme they counterfet the seale of the Admiraltie. I haue diuers tymes taken a waye from them their lycences, of both sortes, wyth suche money as they haue gathered, and haue confiscated the same to the pouerty nigh adioyninge to me. And they wyll not 49beelonge with out another. For at anye good towne they wyll renewe the same. Once wyth muche threatninge and faire promises, I required to knowe of one companye who made their lycence. And they sweare that they bought the same at Portsmouth, of a Mariner there, and it cost them[92] two shillinges; with such warrantes to be so good and efectuall, that if any of the best men of lawe, or learned, aboute London, should peruse the same, they weare able to fynde no faute there with, but would assuredly allow the same.

¶ Sometimes they counterfeit the seal of the Admiralty. I have taken away their licenses, of both kinds, several times, along with the money they gathered, and have confiscated it for the nearby poor. And they won’t be without another. Because in any good town, they will renew it. Once, with a lot of threats and sweet promises, I tried to find out from a group who issued their license. They swore they bought it in Portsmouth from a sailor there, and it cost them [92] two shillings; with such warrants that would be so valid and effective that if any of the best lawyers or scholars in London were to look it over, they would find no faults with it and would surely approve it.


HARMAN. N. BLUNT, N. GENYNGES.
[leaf 14, back][93]
A vpright man. Nicolas Blunt. The coūterfet Cranke. Nicolas Genynges.
These two pictures, beautifully arranged,
One body and soul, may God grant him more grace.
This monstrous debacle, a crank all around. Uncommonly counting, each to embrace,
As he made his way, he either had money or goods. And sometimes a sailor, and a serving man,
Or else an artificer, as he would prefer then.
He used such shifts, being well tested,
Abandoning work until he was spotted.
Coding punishment for his deceit,
He received it with a lot of hesitation. [94]

HARMAN. A COUNTERFET CRANKE.
[leaf 15]
A fake crank. Cap. 11.51

THese that do counterfet the Cranke be yong knaues and yonge harlots, that depely dissemble the falling sicknes. For the Cranke in their language is the falling euyll. I haue séene some of these with fayre writinges testimoniall, with the names and seales of some men of worshyp in Shropshyre, and in other Shieres farre of, that I haue well knowne, and haue taken the same from them. Many of these do go without writinges, and wyll go halfe naked, and looke most pitiously. And if any clothes be geuen them, the[y][95] immediatly sell the same, for weare it they wyll not, because they would bée the more pitied, and weare fylthy clothes on their heades, and neuer go without a péece of whyte sope about them, which, if they sée cause or present gaine, they wyll priuely conuey the same into their mouth, and so worke the same there, that they wyll fome as it were a Boore, and maruelously for a tyme torment them selues; and thus deceiue they the common people, and gayne much. These haue commonly their harlots as the other.

Those who pretend to have the Crank are young scoundrels and young prostitutes who deeply fake the falling sickness. In their language, the Crank refers to the falling evil. I have seen some of these individuals with fancy written testimonials, bearing the names and seals of reputable people from Shropshire and other faraway counties that I know well, and I have taken these from them. Many of them go without documentation and will walk around half-naked, looking very pitiful. If any clothes are given to them, they will immediately sell them, as they refuse to wear them because they want to be more pitied, wearing filthy rags instead. They always have a piece of white soap with them, which, if they see a chance for profit, they will secretly put into their mouths, working it there until they foam at the mouth like a pig, and for a time, they incredibly torment themselves; thus, they deceive the common people and gain a lot. These individuals commonly have their prostitutes like the others.

Apon Alhollenday in the morning last Anno domini. 1566, or my[96] booke was halfe printed, I meane the first impression, there came earely in the morninge a Counterfet Cranke vnder my lodgynge at the whyte Fryares, wythin the cloyster, in a lyttle yard or coorte, where aboutes laye two or thre great Ladyes, beyng without the lyberties of London, where by he hoped for the greatter gayne; this Cranke there lamentably lamentinge and pitefully crying to be releued, declared to dyuers their hys paynfull and miserable dysease. I being rysen and not halfe ready, harde his dolfull wordes and rufull mornings, hering him name the falling sicknes, thought assuredlye to my selfe that hée was a depe desemblar; so, comminge out at a sodayne, and beholdinge his vgly and yrksome attyre, hys lothsome and horyble countinance, it made me in a meruelous parplexite what to thinke of hym, whether it were fayned or trouth,—for after this manner went he: he was naked from the wast vpward, sauyng he had a old Ierken[97] of leather patched, and that was lose[98] about hym, that all his bodye laye out bare; a filthy foule cloth he ware on his head, 52being cut for the purpose, hauing a narowe place to put out his face, with a bauer made to trusse vp his beard, and a stryng that tyed the same downe close aboute his necke; with an olde felt hat which he styll caried in his hande to receaue the charytye and deuotion of the people, for that woulde he hold out from hym; hauyng hys face, from the eyes downe ward, all smerd with freshe bloud, [leaf 15, back] as thoughe he had new falen, and byn tormented wyth his paynefull panges,—his Ierken beinge all be rayde with durte and myre, and hys hatte and hosen also, as thoughe hée hadde wallowed in the myre: sewerly the sighte was monstrous and terreble. I called hym vnto me, and demaunded of hym what he ayled. "A, good maister," quoth he, "I haue the greuous and paynefull dyseas called the falynge syckenes." "Why," quoth I, "howe commeth thy Ierken, hose, and hat so be rayd with durte and myre, and thy skyn also?" "A, good master, I fell downe on the backesyde here in the fowle lane harde by the watersyde; and there I laye all most all night, and haue bled all most all the bloude owte in my bodye." It raynde that morninge very fast; and whyle I was thus talkinge with hym, a honest poore woman that dwelt thereby brought hym a fayre lynnen cloth, and byd hym wype his face therewyth; and there beinge a tobbe standing full of rayne water, offered to geue hym some in a dishe that he might make hym selfe cleane: hée refuseth[99] the same. "Why dost thou so?" quoth I. "A, syr," sayth he, "yf I shoulde washe my selfe, I shoulde fall to bléedinge a freshe againe, and then I should not stop my selfe:" these wordes made me the more to suspecte hym.

Upon All Hallows' Day in the morning of the year 1566, when my[96] book was half printed, I mean the first impression, a counterfeit beggar arrived early in the morning at my lodging at the White Friars, within the cloister, in a small courtyard, where two or three great ladies lay outside the liberties of London, hoping for greater gain; this beggar was lamentably crying and pitifully asking for help, telling various people about his painful and miserable disease. I had just gotten up and wasn’t fully ready, and heard his sorrowful words and mournful cries. Hearing him mention the falling sickness, I thought to myself that he was definitely a deep deceiver; so, coming out suddenly, and seeing his ugly and disgusting attire, his loathsome and horrible appearance, I was left in a puzzling state about what to think of him—whether it was an act or the truth. He was naked from the waist up, except for an old patched leather jerkin that hung loosely around him, leaving his body completely bare; he wore a filthy cloth on his head, cut for the purpose, with a narrow opening for his face, and a band that secured it tightly around his neck; he carried an old felt hat in his hand to collect charity and donations from people, holding it out in front of him. His face, from the eyes downward, was smeared with fresh blood, as though he had just fallen and was tormented by painful pangs—his jerkin was all covered with dirt and mud, and his hat and trousers were similarly stained, as if he had rolled in the mire: surely the sight was monstrous and terrible. I called him over and asked what was wrong with him. "Oh, good master," he said, "I have the severe and painful disease called the falling sickness." "Why," I asked, "how come your jerkin, trousers, and hat are so muddy, and your skin as well?" "Oh, good master, I fell down on the backside here in the filthy lane by the waterside; and there I lay almost all night and have bled nearly all the blood out of my body." It rained heavily that morning; and while I was talking with him, an honest poor woman who lived nearby brought him a nice linen cloth and told him to wipe his face with it; and there was a tub standing full of rainwater, which she offered to give him some in a dish so he could clean himself up: he refused[99] it. "Why do you refuse?" I asked. "Oh, sir," he replied, "if I were to wash myself, I would start bleeding fresh again, and then I wouldn’t be able to stop." His words made me suspect him even more.

Then I asked of hym where he was borne, what is name was, how longe he had this dysease, and what tyme he had ben here about London, and in what place. "Syr," saythe he, "I was borne at Leycestar, my name is Nycholas Genings,[100] and I haue had this falling sycknes viij. yeares, and I can get no remedy for the same; for I haue it by kinde, my father had it and my friendes before me; and I haue byne these two yeares here about London, and a yeare and a halfe in bethelem." "Why, wast thou out of thy wyttes?" quoth I. "Ye, syr, that I was."

Then I asked him where he was born, what his name was, how long he had this illness, how long he had been in London, and where. "Sir," he said, "I was born in Leicester, my name is Nicholas Genings,[100] and I've had this epilepsy for eight years, and I can't find a cure for it; it's hereditary, my father had it and so did my friends before me; I've been in London for the past two years, and a year and a half in Bethlehem." "Were you out of your mind?" I asked. "Yes, sir, I was."

53"What is the Kepars name of the house?" "Hys name is," quoth hée, "Iohn Smith." "Then," quoth I, "hée must vnderstande of thy dysease; yf thou hadest the same for the tyme thou wast there, he knoweth it well." "Ye, not onely he, but all the house bée syde," quoth this Cranke; "for I came thens but within this fortnight." I had stande so longe reasoning the matter wyth him that I was a cold, and went into my chamber and made me ready, and commaunded my seruant to repayre to bethelem, and bringe me true worde from the keper there whether anye suche man hath byn with him as a prisoner hauinge the dysease aforesayd, and gaue hym a note of his name and the kepars also: my seruant, retorninge to my lodginge, dyd assure me that neither was there euer anye such man there, nether yet anye keper of any suche name; but hée that was there keper, he sent me hys name in writing, afferming that hee letteth no man depart from hym vnlesse he be fet a waye by [leaf 16] hys fréendes, and that none that came from hym beggeth aboute the Citye. Then I sent for the Printar of this booke, and shewed hym of this dyssembling Cranke, and how I had sent to Bethelem to vnderstand the trouth[101], and what aunsweare I receaued againe, requiringe hym that I might haue some seruant of his to watche him faithfully that daye, that I might vnder stand trustely to what place he woulde repaire at night vnto, and thether I promised to goe my selfe to sée their order, and that I woulde haue hym to associate me thether: hée gladly graunted to my request, and sent two boyes, that both diligently and vygelantly accomplisht the charge geuen them, and found the same Cranke aboute the Temple, where about the most parte of the daye hée begged, vnlesse it weare about xii. of the clocke he went on the backesyde of Clementes Ine without Temple barre: there is a lane that goeth into the Feldes; there hee renewed his face againe wyth freshe bloud, which he caried about hym in a bladder, and dawbed on freshe dyrte vpon his Ierken, hat, and hoson.

53"What's the keeper's name of the house?" "His name is," he said, "John Smith." "Then," I responded, "he must know about your condition; if you had it while you were there, he knows it well." "Yeah, not just him, but everyone in the house knows," said this crank; "I just left there about two weeks ago." I had been standing there so long discussing the matter with him that I got cold, went to my room to get ready, and told my servant to go to Bethlehem and bring me reliable information from the keeper there about whether there had been any such man as a prisoner with the mentioned condition, and I gave him a note with his name and the keeper's name as well. When my servant returned to my place, he assured me that there had never been such a man there, nor any keeper by that name; but he sent me the name of the keeper who was there in writing, confirming that he doesn't let anyone leave unless they are taken away by their friends, and that no one who comes from him begs around the city. Then I called for the printer of this book and told him about this deceitful crank, and how I had sent to Bethlehem to find out the truth[101], and what response I received, asking him if I could have one of his servants watch him carefully that day, so I could reliably know where he would go at night, and I promised to go myself to see their arrangement, and I wanted him to accompany me there: he gladly agreed to my request and sent two boys, who both diligently and energetically fulfilled their task, and found the same crank around the Temple, where he spent most of the day begging, except around noon when he went behind Clement's Inn without Temple Bar: there's a lane that leads into the fields; there he renewed his appearance with fresh blood which he carried around in a bladder, and he smeared fresh dirt on his jerkin, hat, and stockings.

¶ And so came backe agayne vnto the Temple, and sometyme to the Watersyde, and begged of all that passed bye: the boyes behelde howe some gaue grotes, some syxe pens, some gaue more; 54for hée looked so ougleie and yrksomlye, that euerye one pytied his miserable case that beehelde hym. To bee shorte, there he passed all the daye tyll night approched; and when it began to bée some what dark, he went to the water syde and toke a Skoller,[102] and was sette ouer the Water into Saincte Georges feldes, contrarye to my expectatian; for I had thought he woulde haue gonne into Holborne or to Saynt Gylles in the felde; but these boyes, with Argues and Lynces eyes, set sewre watche vppon him, and the one tooke a bote and followed him, and the other went backe to tell his maister.

¶ And so he returned to the Temple, and sometimes to the water's edge, begging from everyone who passed by: the boys watched as some gave pennies, some sixpence, some gave more; 54 for he looked so pitiful and wretched that everyone who saw him felt sorry for his miserable situation. In short, he stayed there all day until night approached; and when it started to get dark, he went to the water's edge and took a scholar,[102] and was set across the water to Saint George's fields, contrary to my expectation; because I thought he would have gone to Holborn or to Saint Giles in the field; but these boys, with sharp eyes, kept a close watch on him, one took a boat and followed him, while the other went back to tell his master.

The boye that so folowed hym by Water, had no money to pay for his Bote hyre, but layde his Penner and his Ynkhorne to gage for a penny; and by that tyme the boye was sette ouer, his Maister, wyth all celeryte, hadde taken a Bote and followed hym apase: now hadde they styll a syght of the Cranke, wych crossed ouer the felddes towardes Newyngton, and thether he went, and by that tyme they came thether it was very darke: the Prynter hadde there no acquaintance, nether any kynde of weapon about hym, nether knewe he[103] how farre the Cranke woulde goe, becawse hee then suspected that they dogged hym of purposse; he there stayed hym, and called for the Counstable, whyche came forthe dylygentelye to inquyre what the matter was: thys zelous Pryntar charged thys offycer [leaf 16, back] wyth hym as a malefactor and a dessemblinge vagabonde—the Counstable woulde haue layde him all night in the Cage that stode in the streate. "Naye," saythe this pitifull Prynter, "I praye you haue him into your house; for this is lyke to be a cold nyght, and he is naked: you kepe a vytellinge house; let him be well cherished this night, for he is well hable to paye for the same. I knowe well his gaynes hath byn great to day, and your house is a sufficient pryson for the tyme, and we wil there serche hym. The Counstable agreed there vnto: they had him in, and caused him to washe him selfe: that donne, they demaunded what money he had about hym. Sayth this Cranke, "So God helpe me, I haue but xii. pence," and plucked oute the same of a lytle pursse. "Why, haue you no more?" quoth they. "No," sayth this Cranke, "as God shall saue my soule at the day of iudgement." "We must se more," quoth they, 55and began to stryp hym. Then he plucked out a nother purse, wherin was xl. pens. "Toushe," sayth[104] thys Prynter, "I must see more." Saythe this Cranke, "I pray God I bée dampned both body[105] and soule yf I haue anye more." "No," sayth thys Prynter, "thou false knaue, here is my boye that dyd watche thée all this daye, and sawe when such men gaue the péeses of sixe pens, grotes, and other money; and yet thou hast shewed vs none but small money." When thys Cranke hard this, and the boye vowinge it to his face, he relented, and plucked out another pursse, where in was eyght shyllings and od money; so had they in the hole that he had begged that day xiij. shillings iii. [106]pens halfepeny[106]. Then they strypt him starke naked, and as many as sawe him sayd they neuer sawe hansommer man, wyth a yellowe flexen beard[107], and fayre skynned, withoute anye spot or greffe. Then the good wyfe of the house fet her goodmans[108] olde clocke, and caused the same to be cast about him, because the sight shoulde not abash her shamefast maydens, nether loth her squaymysh sight.

The boy who followed him by the water didn't have any money to pay for his boat fare, so he put his pen and inkpot down as collateral for a penny. By the time the boy was across, his master had secretly taken a boat and followed him closely. They still had sight of the man, who was traveling across the fields towards Newington, and by the time they arrived, it was very dark. The printer had no connections there, no weapons, and didn't know how far the man would go because he suspected they were following him on purpose. He stopped and called for the constable, who quickly came out to ask what was going on. The zealous printer accused the officer of being a miscreant and a deceitful vagabond—the constable was ready to put him in the cage that stood in the street for the night. "No," said the pitiful printer, "please take him to your home; it’s likely to be a cold night and he’s naked. You run a tavern; let him be well cared for tonight, because he can pay for it. I know he’s made good money today, and your place is a good enough holding cell for now, and we’ll search him there." The constable agreed to this; they brought him inside and made him wash himself. After that, they asked how much money he had. The man said, "God help me, I have only twelve pence," pulling it out from a small purse. "Is that all you've got?" they asked. "Yes," he replied, "as God should save my soul on Judgment Day." "We need to see more," they insisted, and they began to strip him. He then pulled out another purse, which had forty pence in it. "Come on," said the printer, "I need to see more." The man said, "I pray to God I be damned, both body and soul, if I have any more." "No," said the printer, "you false scoundrel, here’s my boy who watched you all day and saw when people gave coins of six pence, groats, and other money; yet you’ve shown us nothing but small change." When the man heard this, and the boy accused him to his face, he gave in and pulled out another purse containing eight shillings and a bit of change; so they ended up with a total of thirteen shillings and three halfpennies he had begged that day. Then they stripped him completely naked, and everyone who saw him remarked that they had never seen a handsomer man, with a yellow flaxen beard and fair skin, without any blemish or defect. Then the good wife of the house fetched her husband’s old clock and wrapped it around him so that the sight wouldn’t embarrass her modest maidens or offend her delicate sensibilities.

{ Thus he set[109] downe at the Chemnes end, and called for a
potte of Béere, and dranke of a quarte at a draft, and called for another, and so the thyrde, that one had bene sufficient for any resonable man, the Drynke was so stronge.[110] I my selfe, the next morninge, tasted thereof; but let the reader iudge what and howe much he would haue dronke and he had bene out of feare. Then when they had thus wrong water out of a flint in spoyling him of his euyl gotten goods, his passing pens[111], and fleting trashe, The printer with this offecer were in gealy gealowsit[112], and deuised to search a barne for some roges and vpright men, a quarter of a myle from the house, that stode a lone in the fieldes, and wente out about their busines, leauing this cranke alone with his wyfe and maydens: this crafty Cranke, espying al gon, requested the good wife that [leaf 17] hee might goe out on the backesyde to make water, and to exonerate his paunche: she bad hym drawe the lache of the dore and goe out, neither thinkinge or mistrusting he 56would haue gon awaye naked; but, to conclude, when hee was out, he cast awaye the cloke, and, as naked as euer he was borne, he ran away, [113]that he could[114] neuer be hard of [115]againe.[113] Now[115] the next morning betimes, I went vnto Newington, to vnderstand what was done, because I had word or it was day that there my printer was; and at my comming thether, I hard the hole circumstaunce, as I aboue haue wrytten; and I, seing the matter so fall out, tooke order with the chiefe of the parish that this xiij. shyllings and iij. [116]pens halfpeny[116] might the next daye be equally distributed, by their good discrecions, to the pouertie of the same parishe,[117] and so it was done.

Please provide the text you would like to have modernized. So he settled down at the Chemnes end, ordered a
pint of beer, and drank a quart all in one go, and asked for another, and then a third, which would have been plenty for any reasonable person, since the drink was so strong.[110] I myself, the next morning, tried some; but let the reader judge how much he would have drunk if he had not been afraid. After they had drained whatever water they could from a flint, taking away his ill-gotten goods, his meager cash[111], and shabby belongings, the printer and this officer were in a gloomy mood[112], and decided to search a barn for some rogues and honest men, about a quarter of a mile from the house, which stood alone in the fields. They went out to handle their business, leaving this cranky man alone with his wife and maids. This crafty fellow, noticing everyone was gone, asked the good wife if [leaf 17] he could go out the back to relieve himself and to empty his belly: she told him to unlatched the door and go out, thinking nothing of it or suspecting he 56would run away naked; but, in the end, once he was outside, he threw off the cloak and, as naked as the day he was born, he ran away, [113]never to be heard of [114] again.[115] Now[115] the next morning early, I went to Newington to understand what had happened, because I had heard there was my printer; and when I arrived there, I heard the whole story, as I have written above; and seeing how things had turned out, I arranged with the chief of the parish that the thirteen shillings and three[116]pence halfpenny[116] should be fairly distributed the next day, by their good judgment, to the poor of the same parish,[117] and so it was done.

HARMAN. A DOMMERAR.
A referee. Cap. 12.57

THese Dommerars are leud and most subtyll people: the moste part of these are Walch men, and wyll neuer speake, vnlesse they haue extreame punishment, but wyll gape, and with a maruelous force wyll hold downe their toungs doubled, groning for your charyty, and holding vp their handes full pitiously, so that with their déepe dissimulation they get very much. There are of these many, and but one that I vnderstand of hath lost his toung in dede. Hauing on a time occasion to ride to Dartforde, to speake with a priest there, who maketh all kinde of conserues very well, and vseth stilling of waters; And repayringe to his house, I founde a Dommerar at his doore, and the priest him selfe perusinge his[118] lycence, vnder the seales and hands of certayne worshypfull men, had[119] thought the same to be good and effectuall. I taking the same writing, and 58reading it ouer, and noting the seales, founde one of the seales like vnto a seale that I had aboute me, which seale I bought besides Charing crosse, that I was out of doubte it was none of those Gentlemens seales that had sub[s]cribed. And hauing vnderstanding before of their peuish practises, made me to conceaue that all was forged and nought. I made the more hast home; for well I wyst that he would and must of force passe through the parysh where I dwelt; for there was no other waye for hym. And comminge homewarde, I found them in the towne, accordinge to my expectation, where they were staid; for there was a Pallyarde associate with the Dommerar and partaker of his gaynes, whyche Pallyarde I sawe not at Dartford. The stayers of them was a gentleman called[120] Chayne, and a seruant of my Lord Kéepers, cald Wostestowe, which was [leaf 17, back] the chiefe causer of the staying of them, being a Surgien, and cunning in his science, had séene the lyke practises, and, as he sayde, hadde caused one to speake afore that was dome[121]. It was my chaunce to come at the begynning of the matter. "Syr," (quoth this Surgien) "I am bold here to vtter some part of my cunning. I trust" (quoth he) "you shall se a myracle wrought anon. For I once" (quoth he) "made a dumme man to speake." Quoth I, "you are wel met, and somwhat you haue preuented me; for I had thought to haue done no lesse or they hadde passed this towne. For I well knowe their writing is fayned, and they depe dissemblers." The Surgien made hym gape, and we could sée but halfe a toung. I required the Surgien to put hys fynger in his mouth, and to pull out his toung, and so he dyd, not withstanding he held strongly a prety whyle; at the length he pluckt out the same, to the great admiration of many that stode by. Yet when we sawe his tounge, hée would neither speake nor yet could heare. Quoth I to the Surgien, "knit two of his fyngers to gether, and thrust a stycke betwene them, and rubbe the same vp and downe a lytle whyle, and for my lyfe hée speaketh by and by." "Sir," quoth this Surgien, "I praye you let me practise and[122] other waye." I was well contented to sée the same. He had him into a house, and tyed a halter aboute the wrestes of his handes, and hoysed him vp ouer a beame, and 59there dyd HARMAN. A PRYGGE.let him hang a good while: at the length, for very paine he required for Gods sake to let him down. So he that was both deafe and dume coulde in short tyme both heare and speake. Then I tooke that money I could find in his pursse, and distributed the same to the poore people dwelling there, whiche was xv. pence halfepeny, being all that we coulde finde. That done, and this merry myracle madly made, I sent them with my seruaunt to the next Iusticer, where they preached on the Pyllery for want of a Pulpet, and were well whypped, and none dyd bewayle them.

These fraudsters are wicked and very cunning people: most of them are Italians, and they never speak unless they face severe punishment, but they gape and, with a remarkable effort, hold their tongues tightly, groaning for your charity and raising their hands pitifully, so that through their deep deception they get a lot. There are many like this, and as far as I know, only one has truly lost his tongue. Once, when I had to ride to Dartford to talk to a priest there who makes all kinds of preserves very well and is skilled in distilling waters, I went to his house and found a fraudster at his door. The priest himself was reviewing his license, under the seals and signatures of certain respected men, and thought it was legitimate and valid. I took that document, read it over, and noticed the seals. I found one of the seals similar to a seal I had with me, one I bought near Charing Cross, and I was sure it wasn't from those gentlemen who had signed it. Previously understanding their sly practices made me realize everything was forged and worthless. I hurried home because I knew he would have to pass through the parish where I lived; there was no other way for him. Returning home, I found them in town, just as I expected, where they were detained; for there was a petty thug associated with the fraudster, sharing in his gains, whom I hadn't seen at Dartford. The person detaining them was a gentleman named Chayne and a servant of my Lord Keeper, called Wostestowe, who was the main reason for their detention. Being a surgeon and skilled in his field, he had seen similar tricks before and, as he said, had made someone who was mute speak before. I happened to arrive right at the beginning of the situation. "Sir," said the surgeon, "I'm bold enough to show you some of my skill. I trust," he said, "you will see a miracle happen shortly. For once," he said, "I made a mute man speak." "You're well met, and you've somewhat preempted me," I replied, "for I planned to do no less before they left this town. I know their writing is fake, and they are deep deceivers." The surgeon made him gape, and we could see only half a tongue. I asked the surgeon to slip his finger into the man's mouth and pull out his tongue, which he did, even though the man held on tightly for a little while. Eventually, he pulled it out, to the great surprise of many bystanders. Yet when we saw his tongue, he could neither speak nor hear. I said to the surgeon, "Bind two of his fingers together, shove something between them, and rub it up and down a little while, and I swear he will speak right away." "Sir," replied the surgeon, "please let me try another method." I gladly agreed to watch. He took him into a house, tied a noose around his wrists, and lifted him up over a beam, and 59 let him hang there for a good while. Eventually, from sheer pain, he begged to be let down. So, that man who was both deaf and mute could in a short time hear and speak. Then I took the money I could find in his purse and gave it to the poor people living there, which amounted to fifteen and a half pence, being all we could find. After that was done, and this crazy miracle was made, I sent them with my servant to the nearest justice, where they preached on the pillory in the absence of a pulpit and were well whipped, and no one lamented for them.

A drunken person. Cap. 13.

THese dronken Tynckers, called also Prygges, be beastly people, and these yong knaues be the wurst. These neuer go with out their Doxes, and yf their women haue anye thing about them, as apparell or lynnen, that is worth the selling, they laye the same to gage, or sell it out right, for bene bowse at their bowsing ken. And full sone wyll they bée wearye of them, and haue a newe. When they happen one woorke at any good house, their Doxes lynger alofe, and tarry for them in some corner; and yf he taryeth longe from her, then she knoweth [leaf 18] he hath worke, and walketh neare, and sitteth downe by him. For besydes money, he looketh for meate and drinke for doinge his dame pleasure. For yf she haue thrée or foure holes in a pan, hee wyll make as many more for spedy gaine. And if he se any old ketle, chafer, or pewter dish abroad in the yard where he worketh, hée quicklye snappeth the same vp, and in to the booget it goeth round. Thus they lyue with deceite.

These drunken tinkers, also known as prigs, are disgusting people, and these young guys are the worst. They never go anywhere without their women, and if their ladies have anything on them, like clothes or linen that’s worth selling, they pawn it or sell it outright to buy beer at their favorite pub. And soon enough, they’ll get tired of those women and want a new one. When they happen to work at a decent house, their women hang back and wait for them in some corner; if he takes too long, she starts to figure out he’s working and walks over to sit next to him. Besides money, he expects food and drink for doing her favors. Because if she has three or four holes in a pan, he’ll make just as many more for quick cash. And if he spots any old kettle, pot, or pewter dish lying around in the yard where he's working, he quickly grabs it and tosses it into the bucket. This is how they live, through deceit.

{¶ I was crediblye informed, by such as could well tell, that
one of these tipling Tinckers with his dogge robbed by the high way iiij. Pallyards and two Roges, six persons together, and tooke from them aboue foure pound in ready money, and hide him after in a thicke woode a daye or two, and so escaped vntaken. Thus with picking and stealing, mingled with a lytle worke for a coulour, they passe their time.

}¶ I was reliably informed by those who know well that
one of these drunken tinkers, along with his dog, robbed four Palfreys and two Rogues on the highway, a total of six individuals, and took more than four pounds in cash from them. He then hid out in a thick wood for a day or two and managed to escape without being caught. This is how they spend their time, combining theft with a little work for a color.

HARMAN. A SWADDER. A IARKEMAN AND A PATRICO.
A swadder or peddler. Cap. 14.60

THese Swadders and Pedlers bee not all euyll, but of an indifferent behauiour. These stand in great awe of the vpright men, for they haue often both wares and money of them. But for as much as they seeke gayne vnlawfully against the lawes and statutes of this noble realme, they are well worthy to be registred among the number of vacabonds; and vndoubtedly I haue hadde some of them brought before me, when I was in commission of the peace, as malefactors, for bryberinge and stealinge. And nowe of late it is a greate practes of the vpright man, when he hath gotten a botye, to bestowe the same vpon a packefull of wares, and so goeth a time for his pleasure, because he would lyue with out suspition.

These swindlers and peddlers aren’t all bad, but they have questionable behavior. They have a lot of respect for honest people, as they often get goods and money from them. However, since they pursue profit illegally against the laws and statutes of this esteemed realm, they certainly deserve to be listed among the vagabonds. Undoubtedly, I’ve had some of them brought before me when I was serving as a justice of the peace for bribery and theft. Recently, it has become a common practice for honest people, after obtaining a bounty, to spend it on a bundle of goods so they can enjoy themselves without raising suspicion.

A dark man, and a patrician. Cap. 15.

FOR as much as these two names, a Iarkeman and a Patrico, bée in the old briefe of vacabonds, and set forth as two kyndes of euil doers, you shall vnderstande that a Iarkeman hathe his name of a Iarke, which is a seale in their Language, as one should make writinges and set seales for lycences and pasporte[123]. And for trouth there is none that goeth aboute the countrey of them that can eyther wryte so good and fayre a hand, either indite so learnedly, as I haue sene and handeled a number of them: but haue the same made in good townes where they come, as what can not be hadde for money, as the prouerbe sayth ("Omnia venalia Rome"), and manye hath confessed the same to me. [leaf 18, back] Now, also, there is a Patrico, and not a Patriarcho[124], whiche in their language is a priest that should make mariages tyll death dyd depart; but they haue none such, I am well assured; for I put you out of doubt that not one amo[n]gest a hundreth of them are maried, for they take lechery for no sinne, but naturall fellowshyp and good lyking loue: so that I wyll not blot my boke with these two that be not.

FOR as much as these two names, a Jarkeman and a Patrico, are in the old brief of vagabonds, and presented as two kinds of wrongdoers, you should know that a Jarkeman gets his name from a Jarke, which is a seal in their language, as one would create writings and set seals for licenses and passports[123]. And honestly, there’s no one who travels about their country who can write as well and beautifully or compose as learnedly as I have seen and dealt with a number of them: but they have the same made in good towns where they come, as anything can be had for money, as the proverb says ("Omnia venalia Roma"), and many have confessed the same to me. [leaf 18, back] Now, there is also a Patrico, and not a Patriarcho[124], which in their language is a priest who should perform marriages until death parts them; but I am sure they have none such; for I assure you that not one among a hundred of them is married, as they see lechery not as a sin, but as natural fellowship and good liking love: so I will not waste my book with these two who are not.

HARMAN. A DEMAUNDER FOR GLYMMAR.
A request for grammar. Cap. 16.61

THese Demaunders for glymmar be for the moste parte wemen; for glymmar, in their language, is fyre. These goe with fayned[125] lycences and counterfayted wrytings, hauing the hands and seales of suche gentlemen as dwelleth nere to the place where they fayne them selues to haue bene burnt, and their goods consumed with fyre. They wyll most lamentable[126] demaunde your charitie, and wyll quicklye shed salte teares, they be so tender harted. They wyll neuer begge in that Shiere where their losses (as they say) was. Some of these goe with slates at their backes, which is a shéete to lye in a nightes. The vpright men be very familiare with these kynde of wemen, and one of them helpes an other.

These requests for charity are mostly from women; for charity, in their language, is fire. They come with fake licenses and forged writings, bearing the names and seals of gentlemen who live near the place where they claim to have been burned and lost their possessions to fire. They will most sorrowfully beg for your charity, and will quickly shed salty tears, as they are so tender-hearted. They will never beg in the area where their losses (as they say) occurred. Some of these women carry slates on their backs, which is a sheet to sleep on at night. The upright men are very familiar with these kinds of women, and one of them helps another.

¶ A Demaunder for glymmar came vnto a good towne in Kente, to aske the charitie of the people, hauinge a fayned lycens aboute her that declared her misfortune by fyre, donne in Somerset shyre, walkinge with a wallet on her shoulders, where in shée put the deuotion of suche as hadde no money to geue her; that is to saye, Malte, woll, baken, bread, and cheese; and alwayes, as the same was full, so was it redye money to her, when she emptyed the same, where so euer shee trauelede: thys harlot was, as they terme it, snowte fayre, and had an vpright man or two alwayes attendinge on her watche (whyche is on her parson), and yet so circumspecte, that they woulde neuer bee séene in her company in any good towne, vnlesse it were in smale vyllages where typling houses weare, eyther trauelinge to gether by the hygh wayes; but the troth is, by report, she would wekely be worth vi. or seuen shyllinges with her begging and bycherye. This glimmering Morte, repayringe to an Ine in the sayde towne where dwelt a wydow of fyftie wynter olde of good welth; but she had an vnthryftye sonne, whom she vsed as a chamberlaine to attend gestes when they repared to her house: this amerous man, be holdinge with ardante eyes thys[127] glymmeringe glauncer, was presentlye pyteouslye persed to the hart, and lewdlye longed to bée clothed vnder her lyuerye; and bestowinge [leaf 19] a 62fewe fonde wordes with her, vnderstode strayte that she woulde be easlye perswaded to lykinge lechery, and as a man mased, mused howe to attayne to his purpose, for[128] he hadde no money. Yet consideringe wyth hym selfe that wares woulde bée welcome where money wanted, hée went with a wannion to his mothers chamber, and there sekinge aboute for odde endes, at length founde a lytle whystell of syluer that his mother dyd vse customablye to weare on, and had forgot the same for haste that morninge, and offeres the same closely to this manerly marian, that yf she would mete hym on the backesyde of the towne and curteously kys him with out constraynt, she shoulde bée mystres thereof, and it weare much better. "Well," sayth she, "you are a wanton;" and beholdinge the whystell, was farther in loue there with then rauysht wyth his person, and agred to mete him presently, and to accomplyshe his fonde fancy:—to be short, and not tedyous, a quarter of a myle from the towne, he merely toke measure of her vnder a bawdye bushe; so she gaue hym that she had not, and he receiued that he coulde not; and taking leue of eche other with a curteous kysse, she plesantly passed forth one her iornaye, and this vntoward lycorous chamberlayne repayred home warde. But or these two tortylles tooke there leue, the good wyfe myssed her whystell, and sent one of her maydenes in to her chamber for the same, and being long sawght for, none coulde be founde; her mystres hering that, diligent search was made for the same; and that it was taken awaye, began to suspecte her vnblessed babe, and demaunded of her maydens whether none of them sawe her sonne in her chamber that morning, and one of them aunswered that she sawe him not there, but comming from thens: then had she ynough, for well she wyste that he had the same, and sent for him, but he could not be founde. Then she caused her hosteler, in whome she had better affyaunce in for his trouth,—and yet not one amongst twenty of them but haue well left there honesty, (As I here a great sorte saye)—to come vnto her, whiche attended to knowe her pleasure. "Goe, seke out," saythe she, "my vntowarde sonne, and byd hym come speake with me." "I sawe him go out," saythe he, "halfe an houre 63sithens one the backesyde. I hadde thought you hadde sent him of your arrante." "I sent him not," quoth she; "goe, loke him out."

¶ A beggar for charity came to a good town in Kent, asking the townspeople for help. She had a fake license that explained her misfortune due to a fire in Somerset. She walked with a bag over her shoulder where she collected donations from people who had no money to give her—like malt, wool, bacon, bread, and cheese. Whenever her bag was full, it was like cash to her when she emptied it, no matter where she traveled. This woman was, as they say, quite attractive and always had an upright man or two watching over her (which means they were keeping an eye on her), but they were so careful that they’d never be seen with her in any respectable town unless it was in small villages where taverns were located, or they were traveling together on the highways. But the truth is, according to reports, she would earn about six or seven shillings a week from her begging and business. This striking girl went to an inn in that town where lived a wealthy widow around fifty years old. However, she had a spendthrift son whom she used as a steward to attend to guests when they came to her house. This amorous young man, seeing this charming beggar with longing eyes, was immediately taken by her and shamelessly wished to be under her care. After exchanging a few silly words with her, he quickly realized that she could easily be persuaded towards casual sex, and being rather perplexed, he pondered how to achieve his goal since he had no money. However, considering that goods would be welcome where cash was lacking, he went with determination to his mother’s room, searching for miscellaneous items, and finally found a small silver whistle that his mother usually wore and had forgotten that morning in her rush. He offered it secretly to this attractive woman, suggesting that if she would meet him behind the town and kiss him sweetly without resistance, she could have the whistle, which was much better. “Well,” she replied, “you’re quite forward,” and upon glancing at the whistle, she found herself more taken by it than by him and agreed to meet him right away to fulfill his silly desire. To make a long story short, a quarter of a mile from the town, he took advantage of her under a bush; she gave him what she didn’t have, and he received what he couldn’t. After exchanging a courteous kiss, she happily continued on her journey, while the lewd young steward went home. But before these two lovebirds parted ways, the good woman noticed her missing whistle and sent one of her maids to search her room for it. After looking for a while, they couldn’t find it; her mistress hearing this insisted on a thorough search, and as it was clearly taken, she began to suspect her misfortunate son. She asked her maids if any of them had seen her son in her room that morning, and one replied that she hadn't seen him there but noticed him leaving. That was enough for her because she knew he had it and called for him, but he could not be found. Then she ordered her innkeeper, in whom she had more trust for his honesty—although not one in twenty of them still had their integrity (as I hear a lot say)—to come to her, and he came to know her wishes. “Go, find my wayward son, and tell him to come speak with me.” “I saw him go out,” he said, “half an hour ago to the back.” “I thought you had sent him on an errand,” she replied. “I didn’t send him,” she said, “go, find him.”

¶ This hollowe hosteler toke his staffe in his necke, and trodged out apase that waye he sawe him before go, and had some vnderstanding, by one of the maydens, that his mistres had her whistell stolen and suspected her sonne; and he had not gone farre but that he espyed him comming homeward alone, and, meting him, axed where he had ben. [leaf 19, back] "Where haue I bene?" quoth he, and began to smyle. "Now, by the mas, thou hast bene at some baudy banquet." "Thou hast euen tolde trouth," quoth thys chamberlayne. "Sewerly," quoth this hosteler, "thou haddest the same woman that begged at our house to day, for the harmes she had by fyre: where is she?" quoth he. "She is almost a myle by this tyme," quoth this chamberlayne. "Where is my mystres whystell?" quoth this hosteler; "for I am well assured that thou haddest it, and I feare me thou hast geuen it to that harlot." "Why! is it myssed?" quoth this chamberlayne. "Yea," quoth this hosteler, and shewed him all the hole circumstaunce, what was both sayde and thought on him for the thing. "Well, I wyl tell the," quoth this Chamberlayne. "I wylbe playne with the. I had it in dede, and haue geuen the same to this woman, and I praye the make the best of it, and helpe nowe to excuse the matter, and yet surely and thou wouldest take so much payne for me as to ouer take her, (for she goeth but softly, and is not yet farre of) and take the same from her, and I am euer thyne assured fréende." "Why, then, go with me," quoth this hostler. "Nay, in faythe," quoth this Chamberlayne; "what is frear then gift? and I hadde prety pastime for the same." "Hadest thou so?" quoth this hosteler; "nowe, by the masse, and I wyll haue some to, or I wyll lye in the duste or I come agayne." Passing with hast to ouer take this paramoure, within a myle from the place where he departed he ouertoke her, hauing an vpright man in her company, a stronge and a sturdye vacabond: some what amased was this hosteler to se one familiarly in her company, for he had well hopped to haue had some delycate dalyance, as his fellowe hadde; but, seinge the matter so fallout, and being of 64good corage, and thinking to him selfe that one true man was better then two false knaues, and being on the high way, thought vpon helpe, if nede had bene, by such as had passed to and fro, Demaunded fersely the whistell that she had euyn nowe of his fellowe. "Why, husband," quoth she, "can you suffer this wretche to slaunder your wyfe?" "A vaunt verlet," quoth this vpright man, and letes dryue with all his force at this hosteler, and after halfe[129] a dosen blowes, he strycks his staffe out of his hande, and as this hosteler stept backe to haue taken vp his staffe agayne, his glymmeringe Morte flinges a great stone at him, and strake him one the heade that downe hee fales, wyth the bloud about his eares, and whyle hée laye this amased, the vpright man snatches awaye his pursse, where in hée hadde money of his mystresses as well as of his owne, and there let him lye, and went a waye with spede that they were neuer harde of more. When this drye beaten hosteler was come to him selfe, hée fayntlye wandereth home, and crepethe in to hys couche, and restes [leaf 20] his ydle heade: his mystres harde that hée was come in, and layde him downe on his beade, repayred straight vnto him, and aske hym what he ayled, and what the cause was of his so sudden lying one his bed. "What is the cause?" quoth this hosteler; "your whystell, your whistel,"—speaking the same pyteouslye thre or foure tymes. "Why, fole," quoth his mystrisse, "take no care for that, for I doe not greatly waye it; it was worth but thrée shyllinges foure pens." "I would it had bene burnt for foure yeares agon." "I praye the why so," quoth his mystres; "I think thou art mad." "Nay, not yet," quoth this hosteler, "but I haue bene madly handlyd." "Why, what is the matter?" quoth his mystres, and was more desirous to know the case. "And you wyl for geue my fellowe and me, I wyll shewe you, or els I wyll neuer doe it." Shée made hym presently faithfull promisse that shée woulde. "Then," saythe hee, "sende for your sonne home agayne, whyche is ashamed to loke you in the face." "I agre there to," sayth shée "Well, then," quoth this hosteler, "youre sonne hathe geuen the same Morte that begged here, for the burninge of her house, a whystell, and you haue geuen her v. shyllinges in money, 65and I haue HARMAN. A BAWDY BASKET.geuen her ten shyllinges of my owne." "Why, howe so?" quoth she. Then he sadly shewed her of his myshap, with all the circumstaunce that you haue harde before, and howe hys pursse was taken awaye, and xv. shyllinges in the same, where of v. shyllinges was her money and x. shyllinges his owne money. "Is this true?" quoth his mystres. "I, by my trouth," quoth this hosteler, "and nothing greues me so much, neyther my beating, neither the losse of my money, as doth my euell and wreched lucke." "Why, what is the matter?" quoth his mystres. "Your sonne," saythe this hosteler, "had some chere and pastyme for that whystell, for he laye with her, and I haue bene well beaten, and haue had my pursse taken from me, and you knowe your sonne is merrye and pleasaunt, and can kepe no great councell; and then shall I bemocked and loughed to skorne in all places when they shall here howe I haue bene serued." "Nowe, out vpon you knaues both," quoth his mystres, and laughes oute the matter; for she well sawe it would not other wyse preuayle.

¶ This empty innkeeper took his staff in hand and trudged quickly in the direction he had seen him go before, having learned from one of the maids that his mistress had her whistle stolen and suspected her son. He hadn’t gone far when he spotted him coming home alone, and upon meeting him, asked where he had been. [leaf 19, back] "Where have I been?" he replied, starting to smile. "By the mass, you have been at some wild party." "You’ve hit the nail on the head," said this chamberlain. "Seriously," said the innkeeper, "you had the same woman who begged at our house today for the damages she suffered from fire: where is she?" said he. "She’s almost a mile away by now," said this chamberlain. "Where is my mistress's whistle?" asked this innkeeper; "because I’m sure you had it, and I fear you’ve given it to that harlot." "What! Is it missing?" asked this chamberlain. "Yes," said this innkeeper, and explained the whole situation, including what had been said and thought about him regarding the matter. "Well, I’ll tell you," said this chamberlain. "I’ll be straight with you. I did have it and gave it to this woman, and I ask you to make the best of it and help now to excuse the matter. If you would take the trouble to catch up with her, (for she walks slowly and isn’t far off) and take it back from her, I’d always be your loyal friend." "Well then, come with me," replied this innkeeper. "No, indeed," said this chamberlain; "what is better than a gift? I had some fun with it." "Did you?" said this innkeeper; "by the mass, I’ll have some too, or I’ll lie in the dust before I return." Hurrying to catch up with this paramour, a mile from where he had left, he overtook her, finding a sober man in her company, a strong and sturdy rogue: somewhat surprised was this innkeeper to see someone so familiar with her, for he had hoped to have some delightful encounter like his fellow had; but seeing how things had turned out, and being in good spirits, he thought to himself that one true man was better than two deceitful knaves, and being on the highway, thought of help, should there be need, from those who had passed by. He sharply demanded the whistle that she had just received from his fellow. "Why, husband," she said, "can you let this scoundrel slander your wife?" "You fool," said this upright man, charging all his might at this innkeeper, and after half a dozen blows, he knocked the staff from his hand, and as this innkeeper stepped back to retrieve it, this tricky Morte threw a large rock at him, striking him on the head, causing him to fall down, blood streaming around his ears, and while he lay there dazed, the upright man snatched away his purse, which contained money from both his mistress and himself, and there left him lying, speeding away without a trace. When this battered innkeeper came to his senses, he weakly stumbled home, crept into his bed, and rested [leaf 20] his tired head: his mistress heard that he had come in and laid him down on his bed, went straight to him, and asked him what was wrong and why he suddenly lay on his bed. "What’s the matter?" said this innkeeper; "your whistle, your whistle,"—saying it pitifully three or four times. "Why, fool," said his mistress, "don’t worry about that, for I don’t mind much; it was worth just three shillings fourpence." "I wish it had burned four years ago." "Why’s that?" said his mistress; "I think you’re mad." "Not yet," said this innkeeper, "but I have been treated badly." "Well, what’s the matter?" asked his mistress, more eager to know the story. "And if you will give my fellow and me something, I will tell you, or else I won’t." She immediately made him a solemn promise that she would. "Then," he said, "send for your son home again, who is ashamed to look you in the face." "I agree to that," she said. "Well, then," said this innkeeper, "your son gave that Morte who begged here for the burning of her house, a whistle, and you gave her five shillings in money, 65 and I have given her ten shillings of my own." "How so?" she asked. Then he solemnly told her of his misfortune, explaining all the details you’ve just heard, and how his purse was taken, containing fifteen shillings, of which five shillings was hers and ten shillings was his own. "Is this true?" asked his mistress. "Yes, by my truth," said this innkeeper, "and nothing distresses me so much, neither my beating nor the loss of my money, as my evil and wretched luck." "Well, what’s the matter?" asked his mistress. "Your son," said this innkeeper, "had some enjoyment and fun with that whistle, because he lay with her, and I’ve been well beaten and had my purse taken from me. You know your son is jovial and cheerful, and can’t keep a secret; and then I’ll be mocked and laughed at derisively in all places when they hear how I’ve been treated." "Now, out with you, knaves, both," said his mistress, laughing at the matter; for she saw well that it wouldn’t benefit her otherwise.

A Naughty Basket. Cap. 17.

THese Bawdy baskets be also wemen, and go with baskets and Capcases on their armes, where in they haue laces, pynnes, nedles, white ynkell, and round sylke gyrdles of al coulours. These wyl bye conneyskins,[130] and steale linen clothes of on hedges. And for their trifles they wil procure of mayden seruaunts, when [leaf 20, back] their mystres or dame is oute of the waye, either some good peece of béefe, baken, or chéese, that shalbe worth xij. pens, for ii. pens of their toyes. And as they walke by the waye, they often gaine some money wyth their instrument, by such as they sodaynely mete withall. The vpright men haue good acquayntance with these, and will helpe and relieue them when they want. Thus they trade their lyues in lewed lothsome lechery. Amongest them all is but one honest woman, and she is of good yeares; her name is Ione Messenger. I haue had good proofe of her, as I haue learned by the true report of diuers.

These bold women carry baskets and bags on their arms, filled with laces, pins, needles, white ink, and colorful silk girdles. They buy rabbits’ skins and steal linen clothes from hedges. For their little trinkets, they will get maidservants, when their mistress is out of the way, a decent piece of beef, bacon, or cheese worth twelve pence, for just two pence of their knick-knacks. As they walk along the way, they often make some money with their instruments from those they suddenly meet. The honest men are familiar with them and will help and support them when they're in need. Thus, they navigate their lives in shameless, disgusting lechery. Among them all, there's only one honest woman, and she's of a good age; her name is Ione Messenger. I've had good proof of her, as I've learned from the true accounts of several people.

66 {There came to my gate the last sommer, Anno Domini .1566,
a very miserable man, and much deformed, as burnt in the face, blere eyde, and lame of one of his legges that he went with a crouche. I axed him wher he was borne, and where he dwelt last, and shewed him that thether he must repaire and be releued, and not to range aboute the countrey; and seing some cause of cherytie, I caused him to haue meate and drinke, and when he had dronke, I demaunded of him whether he was neuer spoyled of the vpright man or Roge. "Yes, that I haue," quoth he, "and not this seuen yeres, for so long I haue gon abroad, I had not so much taken from me, and so euyll handeled, as I was within these iiij. dayes." "Why, how so?" quoth I. "In good fayth, sir," quoth hée, "I chaunced to méete with one of these bawdy baskets which had an vpright man in her company, and as I would haue passed quietly by her, 'man,' sayth she vnto vnto her make, 'do you not se this ylfauored, windshaken knaue?' 'Yes,' quoth the vpright man; 'what saye you to him?' 'this knaue[131] oweth me ii. shyllings for wares that[132] he had of me, halfe a yere a go, I think it well.' Sayth this vpright man, 'syra,' sayth he, 'paye your dets.' Sayth this poore man, 'I owe her none, nether dyd I euer bargane with her for any thinge, and as this[133] aduysed I neuer sawe her before in all my lyfe.' 'Mercy, god!' quoth she, 'what a lyinge knaue is this, and he wil not paye you, husband, beat him suerly,' and the vpright man gaue me thre or foure blowes on my backe and shoulders, and would haue beat me worsse and I had not geuen hym all the money in my pursse, and in good fayth, for very feare, I was fayne to geue him xiiij. pens, which was all the money that I had. 'Why,' sayth this bawdy basket, 'hast thou no more? then thou owest me ten pens styll; and, be well assured that I wyll bée payde the next tyme I méete with thée.' And so they let me passe by them. I praye god saue and blesse me, and al other in my case, from such wycked persons," quoth this poore man. "Why, whether went they then?" quoth I. "Into east Kent, for I mete with them on thyssyde of Rochester. I haue dyuers tymes bene attemted, but 67I neuer HARMAN. A AUTEM MORT. A WALKING MORT.loste [leaf 21] much before. I thanke god, there came styll company by a fore this vnhappy time." "Well," quoth I, "thanke God of all, and repaire home into thy natyue countrey."

66 I'm ready to assist you. Please provide the text you would like me to modernize.Last summer, in the year 1566,
I had a very unfortunate man come to my gate, severely deformed, with burns on his face, one eye partially blind, and lame in one leg, using a crutch to walk. I asked him where he was born and where he had last lived, showing him that he needed to go there to get help and that he shouldn’t wander around the countryside. Seeing a reason for compassion, I provided him with food and drink, and after he finished, I asked him if he had ever been robbed by an upright man or a rogue. "Yes, I have," he said, "but it hasn’t happened in the last seven years because I've been traveling, and I’ve never had as much taken from me or been treated so badly as I was in the last four days." "What do you mean?" I asked. "Honestly, sir," he replied, "I happened to run into one of those shameless women who had an upright man with her. As I was trying to pass her by quietly, she said to her companion, 'Do you see this ugly, shaky knave?' 'Yes,' said the upright man; 'what do you want to say about him?' 'This knave owes me two shillings for goods he got from me six months ago; I think it’s fair.' The upright man said, 'Sir,' he said, 'pay your debts.' The poor man replied, 'I don’t owe her anything, nor did I ever make a deal with her for anything. Honestly, I’ve never seen her in my life before.' 'God have mercy!' she exclaimed, 'What a lying knave this is! If he won't pay you, husband, beat him for sure,' and the upright man hit me three or four times on my back and shoulders, and he would have hit me harder if I hadn’t given him all the money in my purse. Out of sheer fear, I had to give him fourteen pence, which was all I had. 'Well,' said the shameless woman, 'don’t you have more? Then you still owe me ten pence; and know that I will be paid the next time I see you.' Then they let me pass. I pray God to save and bless me, and all others in my situation, from such wicked people," said the poor man. "So where did they go after that?" I asked. "Into east Kent, because I ran into them on this side of Rochester. I’ve been tempted multiple times, but 67I never HARMAN. A DEAD PERSON. A ZOMBIE.lost [leaf 21] much before. I thank God that there were still others around before this unfortunate incident." "Well," I said, "thank God for everything, and go back home to your native country."

A AUTEM MORT. Cap. 18.

THese Autem Mortes be maried wemen, as there be but a fewe. For Autem in their Language is a Churche; so she is a wyfe maried at the Church, and they be as chaste as a Cowe I haue, that goeth to Bull euery moone, with what Bull she careth not. These walke most times from their husbands companye a moneth and more to gether, being asociate with another as honest as her selfe. These wyll pylfar clothes of hedges: some of them go with children of ten or xii. yeares of age; yf tyme and place serue for their purpose, they wyll send them into some house, at the window, to steale and robbe, which they call in their language, Milling of the ken; and wil go with wallets on their shoulders, and slates at their backes. There is one of these Autem Mortes, she is now a widow, of fyfty yeres old; her name is Alice Milson: she goeth about with a couple of great boyes, the yongest of them is fast vpon xx. yeares of age; and these two do lye with her euery night, and she lyeth in the middes: she sayth that they be her children, that beteled be babes borne of such abhominable bellye.

These Autem Mortes are married women, though there are only a few of them. In their language, "Autem" means "church"; so she is a wife married in the church, and they are as chaste as a cow I have that goes to the bull every month, without caring which bull it is. These women often spend a month or more away from their husbands, associating with someone as honest as themselves. They will pilfer clothes from hedges; some of them walk with children around ten or twelve years old. If the time and place are right for their plans, they will send the children to a house by the window to steal and rob, which they call "Milling of the ken" in their language, and they carry wallets on their shoulders and slates on their backs. There’s one of these Autem Mortes, now a widow, who is fifty years old; her name is Alice Milson. She walks around with a couple of big boys, the youngest of whom is nearly twenty years old, and these two sleep with her every night, with her in the middle. She claims that they are her children, but they were born of such an abominable belly.

A zombie. Cap. 19.

THese walkinge Mortes bee not maryed: these for their vnhappye yeares doth go as a Autem Morte, and wyll saye their husbandes died eyther at Newhauen, Ireland, or in some seruice of the Prince. These make laces vpon staues, and purses, that they cary in their hands, and whyte vallance for beddes. Manye of these hath hadde and haue chyldren: when these get ought, either with begging, bychery, or brybery, as money or apparell, they are quickly shaken out of all by the vpright men, that they are in a maruelous feare to cary any thinge aboute them that is of any valure. Where fore, this pollicye they vse, they leaue their money now with one and then with a nother trustye housholders, eyther with the good man or good wyfe, some tyme in one shiere, and then in another, as they 68trauell: HARMAN. A WALKING MORT.this haue I knowne, that iiij. or v. shyllinges, yea x. shyllinges, lefte in a place, and the same wyll they come for againe within one quarter of a yeare, or some tyme not in halfe a yeare; and all this is to lytle purpose, for all their peuyshe [leaf 21, back] pollycy; for when they bye them lynnen or garmentse, it is taken awaye from them, and worsse geuen them, or none at all.

These wandering women are not married: they roam as if in a mournful state and will say their husbands either died in Newhaven, Ireland, or while serving the Prince. They create laces for staffs and purses that they carry in their hands, along with white linens for beds. Many of these women have had and still have children: when they manage to get something, whether through begging, trickery, or bribery, like money or clothing, they are quickly stripped of everything by the upright people, leaving them in constant fear to carry anything of value. So, they have this strategy: they leave their money with different trustworthy households, with either the man or woman of the house, sometimes in one county and then in another as they travel: 68 HARMAN. A WALKING CORPSE. I have known cases where four or five shillings, even ten shillings, were left in one place, and they would return for it within a quarter of a year, or sometimes even within six months; and all this is to little purpose, for all their petty [leaf 21, back] strategy; because when they buy linen or clothes, it is taken from them, or they are given something worse, or nothing at all.

¶ The last Sommer, Anno domini .1566, being in familiare talke with a walking Mort that came to my gate, I learned by her what I could, and I thought I had gathered as much for my purpose as I desired. I began to rebuke her for her leud lyfe and beastly behauor, declaring to her what punishment was prepared and heaped vp for her in the world to come for her fylthy lyuinge and wretched conuersation. "God helpe," quoth she, "how should I lyue? none wyll take me into seruice; but I labour in haruest time honestly." "I thinke but a whyle with honestie," quoth I. "Shall I tell you," quoth she, "the best of vs all may be amended; but yet, I thanke god, I dyd one good dede within this twelue monthes." "Wherein?" quoth I. Sayth she, "I woulde not haue it spoken of agayne." "Yf it be méete and necessary," quod I, "it shall lye vnder my feete." "What meane you by that?" quoth she. "I meane," quod I, "to hide the same, and neuer to discouer it to any." "Well," quoth she, and began to laugh as much as she could, and sweare by the masse that if I disclosed the same to any, she woulde neuer more[134] tell me any thinge. "The last sommer," quoth she, "I was greate with chylde, and I traueled into east kent by the sea coste, for I lusted meruelously after oysters and muskels[135], and gathered many, and in the place where I found them, I opened them and eate them styll: at the last, in seking more, I reached after one, and stept into a hole, and fel in into the wast, and their dyd stycke, and I had bene drowned if the tide had come, and espyinge a man a good waye of, I cried as much as I could for helpe. I was alone, he hard me, and repaired as fast to me as he might, and finding me their fast stycking, I required for gods sake his helpe; and whether it was with stryuinge and forcing my selfe out, or for ioye I had of his comminge to me, I had a great couller in my face, and loked red and well 69coullered. And, to be playne with you, hée lyked me so well (as he sayd) that I should there lye styll, and I would not graunt him, that he might lye with me. And, by my trouth, I wist not what to answeare, I was in such a perplexite; for I knew the man well: he had a very honest woman to his wyfe, and was of some welth; and, one the other syde, if I weare not holpe out, I should there haue perished, and I graunted hym that I would obeye to his wyll: then he plucked me out. And because there was no conuenient place nere hande, I required hym that I might go washe my selfe, and make me somewhat clenly, and I would come to his house and lodge all night in his barne, whether he mighte repaire to me, and accomplyshe hys desire, 'but let it not be,' quoth she,[136] 'before nine of the clocke at nyghte [leaf 22] for then there wylbe small styrring. And I may repaire to the towne,' quoth she,[137] 'to warme and drye my selfe'; for this was about two of the clocke in the after none, 'Do so,' quoth hée; 'for I must be busie to looke oute my cattell here by before I can come home.' So I went awaye from hym, and glad was I." "And why so?" quoth I. "Because," quoth she, "his wyfe, my good dame, is my very fréend, and I am much beholdinge to her. And she hath donne me so much good or this, that I weare loth nowe to harme her any waye." "Why," quoth I, "what and it hadde béene any other man, and not your good dames husbande?" "The matter had bene the lesse," quoth shée. "Tell me, I pray the," quoth I, "who was the father of thy chylde?" She stodyd a whyle, and sayde that it hadde a father. "But what was hée?" quoth I. "Nowe, by my trouth, I knowe not," quoth shée; "you brynge me out of my matter so, you do." "Well, saye on," quoth I. "Then I departed strayght to the towne, and came to my dames house, And shewed her of my mysfortune, also of her husbands vsage, in all pointes, and that I showed her the same for good wyll, and byde her take better héede to her husbande, and to her selfe: so shée gaue me great thankes, and made me good chéere, and byd me in anye case that I should be redye at the barne at that tyme and houre we had apoynted; 'for I knowe well,' quoth this good wyfe, 'my husband wyll not breake wyth the. And one thinge I warne[138] the, that thou 70geue me a watche worde a loud when hée goeth aboute to haue his pleasure of the, and that shall[139] bée "fye, for shame, fye," and I wyll bée harde by you wyth helpe. But I charge the kéepe thys secret vntyll all bee fynesed; and holde,' saythe thys good wyfe, 'here is one of my peticotes I geue thée.' 'I thanke you, good dame,' quoth I, 'and I warrante you I wyll bée true and trustye vnto you.' So my dame lefte me settinge by a good fyre with meate and drynke; and wyth the oysters I broughte with me, I hadde greate cheere: shée wente strayght and repaired vnto her gossypes dwelling there by; and, as I dyd after vnderstande, she made her mone to them, what a naughtye, lewed, lecherous husbande shée hadde, and howe that she coulde not haue hys companye for harlotes, and that she was in feare to take some fylthy dysease of hym, he was so commen a man, hauinge lytle respecte whome he hadde to do with all; 'and,' quoth she, 'nowe here is one at my house, a poore woman that goeth aboute the countrey that he woulde haue hadde to doe withall; wherefore, good neyghboures and louinge gossypes, as you loue me, and as you would haue helpe at my hand another tyme, deuyse some remedy to make my husband a good man, that I may lyue in some suerty without disease, and that hée may saue his soule that God so derelye [leaf 22, back] bought.' After shée hadde tolde her tale, they caste their persinge eyes all vpon her, but one stoute dame amongst the rest had these wordes—'As your pacient bearinge of troubles, your honest behauiour among vs your neyghbours, your tender and pytifull hart to the poore of the parysh, doth moue vs to lament your case, so the vnsatiable carnalite of your faithelesse husbande doth instigate and styre vs to deuyse and inuent some spéedy redresse for your ease[140] and the amendement of hys lyfe. Wherefore, this is my councell and you wyll bée aduertysed by me; for[141] I saye to you all, vnlesse it be this good wyfe, who is chéefely touched in this matter, I haue the nexte cause; for hée was in hande wyth me not longe a goe, and companye had not bene present, which was by a meruelous chaunce, he hadde, I thinke, forced me. For often hée hath bene tempering[142] with me, and yet haue I sharpely sayde him 71naye: therefore, let vs assemble secretly into the place where hée hathe apuynted to méete thys gyllot that is at your house, and lyrke preuelye in some corner tyll hée begyn to goe aboute his busines. And then me thought I harde you saye euen nowe that you had a watche word, at which word we wyll all stepforth, being fiue of vs besydes you, for you shalbe none because it is your husbande, but gette you to bed at your accustomed houre. And we wyll cary eche of vs[143] good byrchen rodde in our lappes, and we will all be muffeled for knowing, and se that you goe home and acquaynt that walking Morte with the matter; for we must haue her helpe to hold, for alwaies foure must hold and two lay one.' 'Alas!' sayth this good wyfe, 'he is to stronge for you all. I would be loth, for my sake you should receaue harme at his hande.' 'feare you not,' quoth these stout wemen, 'let her not geue the watch word vntyl his hosen be abaut his legges. And I trowe we all wylbe with him to bring before he shall haue leasure to plucke them vp againe.' They all with on voyce ag[r]ed to the matter, that the way she had deuised was the best: so this good wife repaired home; but before she departed from her gossypes, she shewed them at what houre they should preuely come in on the backsid, and where to tary their good our: so by the time she came in, it was all most night, and found the walking Morte still setting by the fyre, and declared to her all this new deuyse aboue sayd, which promised faythfully to full fyll to her small powre as much as they hadde deuysed: within a quarter of an oure after, in commeth the good man, who said that he was about his cattell. "Why, what haue we here, wyfe, setting by the fyre? and yf she haue eate and dronke, send her into the barne to her lodging for this night, for she troubeleth the house." "Euen as you wyll husbande," sayth his wyfe; "you knowe she commeth once in two yeres into these [leaf 23] quarters. Awaye," saythe this good wyfe, "to your lodginge." "Yes, good dame," sayth she, "as fast as I can:" thus, by loking one[144] on the other, eche knewe others mynde, and so departed to her comely couche: the good man of the house shrodge hym for Ioye, thinking to hym selfe, I wyll make some pastyme with you anone. And calling to his wyfe for hys sopper, set 72him downe, and was very plesant, and dranke to his wyfe, and fell to his mammerings, and mounched a pace, nothing vnderstanding of the bancquet that[145] was a preparing for him after sopper, and according to the prouerbe, that swete meate wyll haue sowre sawce: thus, when he was well refreshed, his sprietes being reuyued, entred into familiare talke with his wife, of many matters, how well he had spent that daye to both there proffytes, sayinge some of his cattell[146] were lyke to haue bene drowned in the dyches, dryuinge others of his neyghbours cattell out that were in his pastures, and mending his fences that were broken downe. Thus profitably he had consumed the daye, nothinge talking of his helping out of the walkinge Morte out of the myre, nether of his request nor yet of her[147] promisse. Thus feding her with frendly fantacyes, consumed two houres and more. Then fayninge howe hée would se in what case his horse were in and howe they were dressed, Repaired couertly into the barne, where as his frée[n]dlye foes lyrked preuely, vnlesse it were this manerly Morte, that comly couched on a bottell of strawe. "What, are you come?" quoth she; "by the masse, I would not for a hundreth pound that my dame should knowe that you were here, eyther any els of your house." "No, I warrant the," sayth this good man, "they be all safe and fast ynough at their woorke, and I wylbe at mine anon," And laye downe by her, and strayght would haue had to do with her. "Nay, fye," sayth she, "I lyke not this order: if ye lye with me, you shall surely vntrus you and put downe your hosen, for that way is most easiest and best." "Sayest thou so?" quoth he, "now, by my trouth agred." And when he had vntrussed him selfe and put downe, he began to assalt the vnsatiable[148] fort "Why," quoth she, that was with out shame, sauinge for her promes, "And are you not ashamed?" "neuer a whyte," sayth he, "lye downe quickely." "Now, fye, for shame, fye," sayth shée a loude, whyche was the watche word. At the which word, these fyue furious, sturdy, muffeled gossypes flynges oute, and takes sure holde of this be trayed parson, sone[149] pluckinge his hosen downe lower, and byndinge the same fast about his féete; 73then byndinge HARMAN. A DOXE.his handes, and knitting a hande charcher about his eyes, that he shoulde not sée; and when they had made hym sure and fast, Then they layd him one vntyll they weare windles. "Be good," sayth this Morte, "vnto my maister, for the passion of God," [leaf 23, back] and layd on as fast as the rest, and styll seased not to crye vpon them to bée mercyfull vnto hym, and yet layde on a pace; and when they had well beaten hym, that the bloud braste plentifullye oute in most places, they let hym lye styll bounde. With this exhortation, that he shoulde from that tyme forth knowe his wyfe from other mens, and that this punishment was but a flebyting in respect of that which should followe, yf he amended not his manners. Thus leuynge hym blustering, blowing, and fominge for payne, and malyncolye that hée neither might or coulde be reuenged of them, they vanyshed awaye, and hadde thys Morte with them, and safely conuayde her out of the towne: sone after commeth into the barne one of the good mans boyes, to fet some haye for his horse. And fyndinge his maister lyinge faste bounde and greuouslye beaten with rodes, was sodenly abashed and woulde haue runne out agayne to haue called for helpe; but his maister bed hym come vnto hym and vnbynd hym; "and make no wordes," quoth he, "of this. I wylbe reuenged well inoughe;" yet not with standinge, after better aduyse, the matter beinge vnhonest, he thought it meter to let the same passe, and, not, as the prouerbe saythe, to awake the sleping dogge. "And, by my trouth," quoth this walkinge Morte, "I come nowe from that place, and was neuer there sythens this parte was playde, whiche is some what more then a yeare. And I here a very good reporte of hym now, that he loueth his wyfe well, and vseth hym selfe verye honestlye; and was not this a good acte? nowe, howe saye you?" "It was pretely handeled," quoth I, "and is here all?" "Yea," quoth she, "here is the ende."

¶ Last summer, in the year 1566, while I was having a casual conversation with a wandering woman who came to my door, I learned from her what I could, and I thought I had gathered enough for my purpose. I started to scold her for her reckless life and disgusting behavior, explaining what punishment awaited her in the next world for her filthy living and wretched conduct. "God help," she said, "how should I live? No one will take me into service; all I do is work honestly during harvest time." "That honesty lasts only a little while," I replied. "Let me tell you," she said, "the best of us all can change, but thank God, I did one good deed in the past twelve months." "What was that?" I asked. She said, "I would rather not have it spoken of again." "If it’s suitable and necessary," I replied, "it will remain a secret." "What do you mean by that?" she asked. "I mean," I said, "to keep it hidden and never reveal it to anyone." "Well," she said, laughing as much as she could, swearing by the mass that if I told anyone, she would never tell me anything again. "Last summer," she said, "I was pregnant, and I traveled through East Kent along the coast because I craved oysters and mussels, and I gathered many. In the place where I found them, I opened them and ate them right away. Eventually, while searching for more, I reached for one, stepped into a hole, and fell into the mud, getting stuck. I would have drowned if the tide had come in, and seeing a man not far off, I cried out as loudly as I could for help. I was alone, he heard me, and hurried to me as fast as he could. When he found me stuck there, I begged for God's sake for his help; whether it was from struggling to get myself out or the joy of his coming to me, I turned bright red in the face. To be honest with you, he liked me so much (as he said) that I should stay there still, but I wouldn’t agree to let him lie with me. And honestly, I didn’t know what to say; I was in such a dilemma because I knew the man well: he had a very good wife and was reasonably wealthy; on the other hand, if I didn’t get help out, I would perish there, so I agreed to do what he wanted. He pulled me out, and since there was no suitable place nearby, I asked if I could go wash myself and clean up a bit before coming to his house to stay the night in his barn, so he could come to me and fulfill his desires, but I said it shouldn't be before nine o'clock at night because there wouldn't be much activity then. "I can go to town to warm and dry myself," I said, "since it was around two o'clock in the afternoon." "Do so," he replied; "for I must be busy looking after my cattle before I can come home." So I went away from him, feeling glad. "And why so?" he asked. "Because," I said, "his wife, my good lady, is my very close friend, and I owe her a lot. She has done so much good for me before that I would be sorry to harm her in any way." "What if it had been any other man, and not your good lady's husband?" he asked. "That would have been less of a problem," she replied. "Tell me, please," I said, "who was the father of your child?" She paused for a moment and said that he had a father. "But who was he?" I asked. "Now, by my truth, I don’t know," she said; "you’re throwing me off track." "Well, go on," I replied. "Then I went straight to town, and came to my lady's house, and told her about my misfortune, also about her husband’s behavior in every detail, and that I shared this with her out of goodwill, urging her to pay closer attention to her husband and to herself: she thanked me greatly, made me welcome, and told me that I should definitely be ready at the barn at the time we had arranged; 'for I know well,' this good woman said, 'my husband will not break faith with you. And one thing I warn you,' she said, 'give me a signal when he goes about to have his way with you, and that shall be “shame on you, shame,” and I will be close at hand to help you. But I charge you to keep this secret until everything is finished; and here,' this good woman said, 'is one of my petticoats I give you.' 'Thank you, good lady,' I said, 'and I assure you I will be true and trustworthy to you.' Then my lady left me sitting by a good fire with food and drink; and with the oysters I brought with me, I had a great feast: she went straight to her friends living nearby; and, as I later understood, she lamented to them about how naughty, rude, and lecherous her husband was, and how she couldn't stand his presence because of his promiscuity, and that she feared catching some filthy disease from him, since he was such a common man, having little regard for those he was with; 'and,' she said, 'now here is one at my house, a poor woman traveling around the country that he would have wanted to be with; therefore, dear neighbors and loving friends, as you care for me, and as you would have help from me another time, devise some means to make my husband a good man, so that I can live in some security without disease, and that he may save his soul that God dearly bought.' After she shared her story, they all fixed their piercing eyes on her, but one bold woman among the rest said this: 'As your patient bearing of troubles, your honest behavior among us your neighbors, your kind and compassionate heart towards the poor in the parish, moves us to sympathize with your plight, so the insatiable lustfulness of your faithless husband prompts us to devise and invent some quick solution for your relief and his redemption. Therefore, this is my advice, and you will heed me; for unless it is this good woman, who is primarily affected in this matter, I have the next claim; for he was with me not long ago, and if company had not been present, by some incredible chance, he would have forced me. For he has often been trying with me, and yet I have firmly rejected him: therefore, let us gather secretly at the place where he has arranged to meet this woman at your house, and hide quietly in some corner until he begins to go about his business. Then I believe I heard you say just now that you had a signal, at which we will all step forward, with five of us besides you, for you shall not participate, as it is your husband, but get you to bed at your normal hour. We will all bring a good birch rod in our laps, and we will all be covered up to avoid recognition, and see that you go home and inform that wandering woman of the situation; for we must have her help to hold him down, as always four must hold and two lay one.' 'Alas!' said this good woman, 'he is too strong for you all. I would hate for you to be harmed at his hands.' 'Fear not,' said these brave women, 'let her not give the signal until his trousers are around his legs. And I believe we will all be there before he has time to pull them up again.' They all agreed in one voice that the way she devised was the best: so this good wife returned home; but before she left her friends, she told them what hour they should secretly enter from the back, and where to wait for their turn: so by the time she came in, it was almost night, and she found the wandering woman still sitting by the fire, and explained to her all this new plan previously mentioned, which promised faithfully to fulfill to her small power as much as they had devised. Within a quarter of an hour after, in came the husband, who said that he was busy with his cattle. "Why, what do we have here, wife, sitting by the fire? If she has eaten and drunk, send her to the barn for the night, for she troubles the house." "Just as you wish, husband," said his wife; "you know she only comes every two years around this time. Away," said this good wife, "to your sleeping place." "Yes, good lady," she said, "as fast as I can:" thus, looking at each other, they both understood each other’s thoughts, and so she departed to her bed. The good man of the house was overjoyed, thinking to himself, I will have some fun with you soon. And calling to his wife for his supper, he sat down, was very pleasant, and drank to his wife, and began to chat about many things, how well he had spent the day for their mutual benefit, saying some of his cattle had nearly drowned in the ditches, chasing away some of his neighbor's cattle from his pastures, and mending his broken fences. Thus profitably he had spent the day, saying nothing of his help to the wandering woman out of the mud, nor of his request or her promise. Thus feeding her with friendly chatter, two hours and more passed. Then feigning that he would check on his horses and how they were doing, he crept secretly into the barn, where his crafty foes lay hidden, except for the woman who comfortably lounged on a bundle of straw. "What, have you come?" she said; "by the mass, I would not for a hundred pounds that my lady should know you were here, or anyone else from your house." "No, I assure you," said this good man, "they're all safe and busy at their work, and I will get to mine soon," and lay down beside her, wanting to be with her. "No, no," she said, "I don't like this plan: if you lie with me, you shall surely unfasten yourself and put down your trousers, for that’s the easiest and best way." "Is that so?" he said, "now, by my truth, agreed." And when he had undone himself and let down his trousers, he began to attack the insatiable fortress. "Why," she said, without a shred of shame, except for her promise, "aren't you ashamed?" "Not at all," he said, "lie down quickly." "Now, shame on you, shame," she said loudly, which was the signal. At this word, these five furious, bold, muffled women burst out and grabbed this treacherous man, quickly pulling his trousers down further, binding them tight around his feet; then they bound his hands, tying a handkerchief around his eyes so he couldn't see; and when they had secured him fast, they laid him down until they were satisfied. "Be kind," said this woman, "to my master, for the love of God," and kept hitting as fiercely as the others, still urging them to show him mercy, yet laying on blows. And when they had well beaten him, so that blood burst out plentifully in many places, they left him lying there bound. With this warning that he should from that time forth know his wife from other men, and that this punishment was but a taste of what was to come if he did not change his ways. Thus leaving him floundering, blowing, and foaming from pain and rage, unable to take revenge on them, they disappeared, taking the woman with them and safely escorted her out of town. Soon after, one of the good man’s boys came into the barn to fetch some hay for his horse. Finding his master lying there tightly bound and badly beaten with rods, he was suddenly taken aback and would have run out to call for help; but his master bid him come to him and untie him; "and make no mention of this," he said, "I will get my revenge." Yet after better reflection, considering the matter was dishonorable, he thought it was better to let it go, and as the proverb says, not to wake the sleeping dog. "And, by my truth," said this wandering woman, "I just came from that place, and haven’t been there since this event occurred, which is somewhat more than a year ago. And I hear a very good report of him now, that he loves his wife well and conducts himself very honestly; and wasn’t this a good deed? Now, what do you say?" "It was handled pretty well," I said, "and is that all?" "Yes," she said, "that’s the end."

A Doxe. Cap. 20.

THese Doxes be broken and spoyled of their maydenhead by the vpright men, and then they haue their name of Doxes, and not afore. And afterwarde she is commen and indifferent for any that wyll vse her, as homo is a commen name to all men. Such 74as be fayre and some what handsome, kepe company with the walkinge Mortes, and are redye alwayes for the vpright men, and are cheifely mayntayned by them, for others shalbe spoyled for their sakes: the other, inferior, sort wyll resorte to noble mens places, and gentlemens houses, standing at the gate, eyther lurkinge on the backesyde about backe houses, eyther in hedge rowes, or some other thycket, expectinge their praye, which is for the vncomely company of some curteous gest, of whome they be refreshed with meate and some money, where eschaunge is made, ware for ware: this bread and meate they vse to carrye in their [leaf 24] greate hosen; so that these beastlye brybinge[150] bréeches serue manye tymes for bawdye purposes. I chaunced, not longe sithens, familiarly to commen with a Doxe that came to my gate, and surelye a pleasant harlot, and not so pleasant as wytty, and not so wytty as voyd of all grace and goodnes. I founde, by her talke, that shée hadde passed her tyme lewdlye eyghttene yeares in walkinge aboute. I thoughte this a necessary instrument to attayne some knowledge by; and before I woulde grope her mynde, I made her both to eate and drynke well; that done, I made her faythfull promisse to geue her some money, yf she would open and dyscouer to me such questions as I woulde demaunde of her, and neuer to bée wraye her, neither to disclose her name. "And you shoulde," sayth she, "I were vndon:" "feare not that," quoth I; "but, I praye the," quoth I, "say nothing but trouth." "I wyll not," sayth shée. "Then, fyrste tell me," quoth I, "how many vpright men and Roges dost thou knowe, or hast thou knowne and byn conuersaunt with, and what their names be?" She paused a whyle, and sayd, "why do you aske me, or wherefore?" "For nothinge els," as I sayde, "but that I woulde knowe them when they came to my gate." "Nowe, by my trouth" (quoth she) "then are yea neuer the neare, for all myne acquayntaunce, for the moste parte, are deade." "Dead!" quoth I, "howe dyed they, for wante of cherishinge, or of paynefull diseases?" Then she sighed, and sayde they were hanged. "What, all?" quoth I, "and so manye walke abroade, as I dayelye see?" "By my trouth," quoth she, "I 75knowe not HARMAN. A DELL.paste six or seuen by their names," and named the same to me. "When were they hanged?" quoth I. "Some seuen yeares a gone, some thrée yeares, and some within this fortnight," and declared the place where they weare executed, which I knewe well to bée true, by the report of others. "Why" (quoth I) "dyd not this sorrowfull and fearefull sight much greue the, and for thy tyme longe and euyll spent?" "I was sory," quoth shée, "by the Masse; for some of them were good louing men. For I lackt not when they had it, and they wanted not when I had it, and diuers of them I neuer dyd forsake, vntyll the Gallowes departed vs." "O, mercyfull God!" quoth I, and began to blesse me. "Why blesse ye?" quoth she. "Alas! good gentleman, euery one muste haue a lyuinge." Other matters I talked of; but this nowe maye suffice to shewe the Reader, as it weare in a glasse, the bolde beastly lyfe of these Doxes. For suche as hath gone anye tyme abroade, wyll neuer forsake their trade, to dye therefore. I haue hadde good profe thereof. There is one, a notorious harlot, of this affinitye, called Besse Bottomelye; she hath but one hande, and she hath murthered two children at the least.

These prostitutes are taken advantage of and lose their virginity to the straight men, and only then do they earn the title of "prostitutes." Afterward, they become common and available to anyone who wants to use them, just like "homo" is a common term for all men. Those who are attractive and somewhat good-looking spend time with the streetwalkers, always ready for the straight men, and are mainly supported by them; others get exploited for their benefit. The lower class tends to gather outside noblemen's places and gentlemen's houses, standing at the gate, lurking behind back houses, or hiding in hedgerows or other thickets, waiting for their prey, which is the unattractive company of some courteous visitor, from whom they are offered food and a bit of money, in exchange for favors: this food is often carried in their large pants; thus, these seedy pants often serve lascivious purposes. I happened, not long ago, to have a friendly conversation with a prostitute who came to my door, and truly she was a charming harlot, although not so charming as she was witty, and not so witty as she was devoid of all grace and goodness. I discovered through her talk that she had spent eighteen years of her life carelessly wandering about. I thought she would be a useful source of knowledge; and before I probed her thoughts, I made sure she had enough to eat and drink; once that was done, I made her a faithful promise to give her some money if she would answer the questions I wanted to ask her, and never to reveal her identity or name. "And if you did," she said, "I'd be ruined." "Don't worry about that," I replied; "but please," I said, "only tell me the truth." "I won't," she said. "Then, first tell me," I said, "how many straight men and rogues do you know, or have known, and what their names are?" She paused for a moment and said, "Why do you ask me, or what for?" "For no other reason," as I said, "but that I want to recognize them when they come to my door." "Now, by my truth," she replied, "you're no closer, because most of my acquaintances are dead." "Dead!" I exclaimed, "how did they die, from neglect or painful diseases?" Then she sighed and said they were hanged. "What, all of them?" I asked, "and there are still so many out and about, as I see daily?" "By my truth," she said, "I only know six or seven by name," and she named them for me. "When were they hanged?" I asked. "Some seven years ago, some three years, and some within this fortnight," and she revealed the place where they were executed, which I knew well to be true from others' reports. "Why," I asked, "didn't this sorrowful and fearful sight disturb you, considering your long and wretched life?" "I was sad," she said, "by the Mass; for some of them were good, kind men. I didn't lack for anything when they had it, and they didn't go without when I had it, and several of them I never abandoned until the gallows separated us." "Oh, merciful God!" I exclaimed, and began to bless myself. "Why do you bless yourself?" she asked. "Alas! good gentleman, everyone must make a living." We talked about other matters, but this should suffice to show the reader, as if in a glass, the bold and debased life of these prostitutes. For those who have been out for any time will never give up their profession to die for it. I have witnessed this firsthand. There is one, a notorious harlot, of this kind, called Besse Bottomley; she has only one hand, and she has murdered at least two children.

[leaf 24, back]
A Dell laptop. Cap. 21.

A Dell is a yonge wenche, able for generation, and not yet knowen or broken by the vpright man. These go abroade yong, eyther by the death of their parentes, and no bodye to looke vnto them, or els by some sharpe mystres that they serue, do runne away out of seruice; eyther she is naturally borne one, and then she is a wyld Dell: these are broken verye yonge; when they haue béene lyen with all by the vpright man, then they be Doxes, and no Dels. These wylde dels, beinge traded vp with their monstrous mothers, must of necessytie be as euill, or worsse, then their parents, for neither we gather grapes from gréene bryars, neither fygs from Thystels. But such buds, such blosoms, such euyll sede sowen, wel worsse beinge growen.

A doll is a young girl who's ready to have kids but hasn’t been touched or corrupted by a decent man yet. These girls often go out into the world either because their parents have died and no one is there to look after them, or because they are running away from a harsh mistress they serve. If she’s naturally wild, then she’s a wild doll: they become corrupted very young. Once they’ve been with a decent man, they become more like party girls and lose their innocence. These wild dolls, raised by their monstrous mothers, are inevitably going to be as bad or worse than their parents because we don’t get grapes from thorny bushes or figs from thistles. Bad environments produce bad behavior; unhealthy growth leads to even worse outcomes.

HARMAN. A KYNCHIN MORTE, ETC.
A Kynchin Death. Cap. 22.76

A Kynching Morte is a lytle Gyrle: the Mortes their mothers carries them at their backes in their slates, whiche is their shetes, and bryngs them vp sauagely[151], tyll they growe to be rype, and soone rype, soone rotten.

A Kynching Morte is a little Girl: the Mortes their mothers carry them on their backs in their slates, which are their sheets, and raise them up roughly[151], until they grow up to be ripe, and soon ripe, soon rotten.

A Kynchen Company. Cap. 23.

A Kynchen Co is a young boye, traden vp to suche peuishe purposes as you haue harde of other young ympes before, that when he groweth vnto yeres, he is better to hang then to drawe forth.

A Kynchen Co is a young boy, raised for such petty purposes as you've heard of other young boys before, that when he grows up, he is better off being hanged than being brought out.

Their appearance in the night. Cap. 24.

NOw I thinke it not vnnecessary to make the Reader vnderstand how and in what maner they lodge a nights in barnes or backe houses, and of their vsage there, for asmuch as I haue acquaynted them with their order and practises a day times. The arche and chiefe walkers that hath walked a long time, whose experience is great, because of their continuinge practise, I meane all Mortes and Doxes, for their handsomnes and diligence for making of their couches. The men neuer trouble them selues with that thing, but takes the same to be the dutye of the wyfe. And she shuffels vp a quayntitye of strawe or haye into some pretye carner of the barne [leaf 25] where she maye conuenientlye lye, and well shakethe the same, makinge the heade some what hye, and dryues the same vpon the sydes and fete lyke abed: then she layeth her wallet, or some other lytle pack of ragges or scrype vnder her heade in the strawe, to beare vp the same, and layethe her petycote or cloke vpon and ouer the strawe, so made lyke a bedde, and that serueth for the blancket. Then she layeth her slate, which is her sheete, vpon that; and she haue no shéete, as fewe of them goe without, then she spreddeth some large cloutes or rags ouer the same, and maketh her ready, and layeth her drouselye downe. Many wyll plucke of their smockes, and laye the same vpon them in stede of their vpper shéete, and all her other pelte and 77trashe HARMAN. DOXES VSAGE IN THE NIGHT.vpon her also; and many lyeth in their smockes. And if the rest of her clothes in colde weather be not sufficient to kepe her warme, then she taketh strawe or haye to performe the matter. The other sorte, that haue not slates, but toumble downe and couche a hogshead in their clothes, these bée styll lousye, and shall neuer be with out vermyn, vnlesse they put of theire clothes, and lye as is a boue sayde. If the vpright man come in where they lye, he hath his choyse, and crepeth in close by his Doxe: the Roge hath his leauings. If the Morts or Doxes lye or be lodged in some Farmers barne, and the dore be ether locked or made fast to them, then wyl not the vpright man presse to come in, Vnles it be in barnes and oute houses standinge alone, or some distance from houses, which be commonly knowne to them, As saint Quintens, thrée Cranes of the vintrey, Saynt Tybbes, and Knapsbery. These foure be with in one myle compasse neare vnto London. Then haue you iiij. more in Middlesex, drawe the pudding out of the fyre in Harrow on the hyll parish, the Crose Keyes in Cranford[152] parish, Saynt Iulyans in Thystell worth parish, the house of pyty in Northhall parysh. These are their chiefe houses neare about London, where commonly they resorte vnto for Lodginge, and maye repaire thether freelye at all tymes. Sometyme shall come in some Roge, some pyckinge knaue, a nymble Prygge; he walketh in softly a nightes, when they be at their rest, and plucketh of as many garmentes as be ought worth that he maye come by, and worth money, and maye easely cary the same, and runneth a waye with the same with great seleritye, and maketh porte sale at some conuenient place of theirs, that some be soone ready in the morning, for want of their Casters and Togemans. Where in stéede of blessinge is cursing; in place of praying, pestelent prating with odious othes and terrible threatninges. The vpright men haue geuen all these nycke names to the places aboue sayde. Y[e]t haue [leaf 25, back] we two notable places in Kent, not fare from London: the one is betwene Detforde and Rothered, called the Kynges barne, standing alone, that they haunt commonly; the other is Ketbroke, standinge by blacke heath, halfe a myle from anye house. There wyll they boldlye drawe the latche of the doore, and 78go in when HARMAN. NAMES OF VPRIGHT MEN.the good man with hys famyly be at supper, and syt downe without leaue, and eate and drinke with them, and either lye in the hall by the fyre all night, or in the barne, if there be no rome in the house for them. If the doore be eyther bolted or lockt, if it be not opened vnto them when they wyl, they wyl breake the same open to his farther cost. And in this barne sometyme do lye xl. vpright men with their Doxes together at one time. And this must the poore Farmer suffer, or els they threaten him to burne him, and all that he hath.

Now I think it’s necessary to help the reader understand how and where they spend the night in barns or backhouses, and what their routine is there, since I have already described their order and practices during the day. The main and most experienced individuals who have been around for a long time, whose expertise comes from their ongoing practice, are all the Mortes and Doxes, due to their skill and effort in making their beds. The men never concern themselves with that; they consider it the woman’s job. She gathers a pile of straw or hay in a cozy corner of the barn where she can comfortably lie down, shakes it up well, raises one end a bit, and arranges it on the sides and ends like a bed. Then, she puts a bundle or some small pack of rags or scraps under her head in the straw for support and lays her petticoat or cloak over the straw bed to serve as a blanket. Next, she lays down her slate, which acts as her sheet; if she doesn’t have a sheet, which few do, she spreads some large rags or cloths over it and gets ready to lie down. Many will take off their shifts and use them as a substitute for their upper sheet, piling on any other clothing and scraps as well, while many sleep in their shifts. If her other clothes aren’t warm enough in cold weather, she’ll add more straw or hay for extra insulation. The others, who don’t have slates, just drop down and pile up in their clothes, and they tend to be infested with vermin unless they take off their clothes and lie down as mentioned above. If an upright man comes in where they’re sleeping, he can choose and snuggle up next to his Doxe; the rogue gets the leftovers. If the Mortes or Doxes are staying in a farmer’s barn and the door is locked or secured, then the upright man won't bother trying to get in, unless it’s in barns or outbuildings that stand alone or are distanced from houses, which are commonly known to them, like St. Quintin's, the Three Cranes of the vineyard, St. Tybbes, and Knapsbury. These four are within a mile of London. Then you have four more in Middlesex, drawing the pudding out of the fire in Harrow-on-the-Hill parish, the Cross Keys in Cranford parish, St. Julian's in Thistleworth parish, and the House of Pity in Northall parish. These are their main spots near London where they typically go for lodging and can visit freely at any time. Sometimes a rogue comes in, some pickpocket, a nimble thief; he sneaks in at night when they are resting, snatches as many garments as he can that are worth something, and can easily carry away, then runs off with them quickly, making a profit at a convenient place, so some are soon ready in the morning, missing their hats and cloaks. Instead of blessings, there’s cursing; in place of prayer, there’s pestilent chatter with awful oaths and terrible threats. The upright men have assigned all these unflattering names to the locations mentioned above. Yet we also have two notable places in Kent, not far from London: one is between Deptford and Rotherhithe, called the King’s Barn, which they usually frequent; the other is Ketbroke, standing by Blackheath, half a mile from any house. There, they boldly pull the latch on the door and go in when the good man and his family are at supper, sitting down without permission to eat and drink with them, either sleeping in the hall by the fire all night or in the barn if there’s no room in the house for them. If the door is bolted or locked and not opened to them when they want, they will break it open at the owner’s expense. In this barn, sometimes up to forty upright men lie down with their Doxes together at the same time. The poor farmer must endure this, or they threaten to burn him and everything he owns.


THE NAMES OF THE VPRIGHT MEN, ROGES, AND PALLYARDS.

HEre followeth the vnrulye rablement of rascals, and the moste notoryous and wyckedst walkers that are lyuinge nowe at this present, with their true names as they be called and knowne by. And although I set and place here but thre orders, yet, good Reader, vnderstand that all the others aboue named are deriued and come out from the vpright men and Roges. Concerning the number of Mortes and Doxes, it is superfluous to wryte of them. I could well haue don it, but the number of them is great, and woulde aske a large volume.

Here follows the unruly crowd of troublemakers and the most notorious and wicked individuals currently living, along with the names they are known by. Although I only present three categories here, dear Reader, understand that all the others mentioned earlier come from upright people and rogues. There's no need to write about the number of Mortes and Doxes; I could do it, but the sheer amount is significant and would require a larger book.

Respectable Men.
  • A.[153]
  • Antony Heymer.
  • Antony Iackeson.
  • B.
  • Burfet.
  • Bryan medcalfe.
  • C.
  • Core the Cuekold.
  • Chrystoner Cooke.
  • D.
  • Dowzabell skylfull in fence.
  • Dauid Coke.
  • Dycke Glouer.
  • Dycke Abrystowe.
  • Dauid Edwardes.
  • Dauid Holand.
  • Dauid Iones.
  • E.
  • Edmund Dun, a singing Man.
  • Edward Skiner, alias Ned Skinner.
  • Edward Browne.
  • F.
  • Follentine Hylles.
  • Fardinando angell.
  • Fraunces Dawghton.
  • G.79
  • Gryffin.
  • Great Iohn Graye.
  • George Marrinar.
  • George Hutchinson.
  • H.
  • Hary Hylles, alias Harry godepar.
  • [leaf 26] Harry Agglyntine.
  • Harry Smyth, he driueleth when he speaketh.
  • Harry Ionson.
  • I.
  • Iames Barnard.
  • Iohn Myllar.
  • Iohn Walchman.
  • Iohn Iones.
  • Iohn Teddar.
  • Iohn Braye.
  • Iohn Cutter.
  • Iohn Bell.
  • Iohn Stephens.
  • Iohn Graye.
  • Iohn Whyte.
  • Iohn Rewe.
  • Iohn Mores.
  • Iohn a Farnando.
  • Iohn Newman.
  • Iohn Wyn, alias Wylliams.
  • Iohn a Pycons.
  • Iohn Tomas.
  • Iohn Arter.
  • Ion Palmer, alias Tod.
  • Iohn Geffrey.
  • Iohn Goddard.
  • Iohn Graye the lytle.
  • Iohn Graye the great.
  • Iohn Wylliams the Longer.
  • Iohn Horwood, a maker of wels; he wyll take halfe his bargayne in hand, and when hée hath wrought ii. or iii. daies, he runneth away with his earnest.
  • Iohn Peter.
  • Iohn Porter.
  • Iohn Appowes.
  • Iohn Arter.
  • Iohn Bates.
  • Iohn Comes.
  • Iohn Chyles, alias great Chyles.
  • Iohn Leuet; he maketh tappes and fausets.
  • Iohn Louedall, a maister of fence.
  • Iohn Louedale.
  • Iohn Mekes.
  • Iohn Appowell.
  • Iohn Chappell.
  • Iohn Gryffen.
  • Iohn Mason.
  • Iohn Humfrey, with the lame hand.
  • Iohn Stradling, with the shaking head.
  • Iohn Franke.
  • Iohn Baker.
  • Iohn Bascafeld.
  • K.
  • L.
  • Lennard Iust.
  • Long Gréene.
  • Laurence Ladd.
  • Laurence Marshall.
  • M.
  • N.
  • Nicolas Wilson.
  • Ned Barington.
  • Ned Wetherdon.
  • Ned holmes.
  • O.
  • P.
  • Phyllype Gréene.
  • Q.
  • R.
  • Robart Grauener.
  • Robart Gerse.
  • Robart Kynge.
  • Robart Egerton.
  • Robart Bell, brother to Iohn Bell.
  • Robart Maple.
  • Robart Langton.
  • Robyn Bell.
  • Robyn Toppe.
  • Robart Brownswerd, he werith his here long.
  • Robart Curtes.
  • Rychard Brymmysh.
  • Rychard Iustyce.
  • Rychard Barton.
  • HARMAN. LIST OF ROGES.
  • Rychard Constance.80
  • Rychard Thomas.
  • Rychard Cadman.
  • Rychard Scategood.
  • Rychard Apryce.
  • Rychard Walker.
  • Rychard Coper.
  • S.
  • Steuen Neuet.
  • T.
  • Thomas Bulloke. [leaf 26, back]
  • Thomas Cutter.
  • Thomas Garret.
  • Thomas Newton.
  • Thomas Web.
  • Thomas Graye, his toes be gonne.
  • Tom Bodel.
  • Thomas Wast.
  • Thomas Dawson alias Thomas Iacklin.
  • Thomas Basset.
  • Thomas Marchant.
  • Thomas Web.
  • Thomas Awefeld.
  • Thomas Gybbins.
  • Thomas Lacon.
  • Thomas Bate.
  • Thomas Allen.
  • V.
  • W.
  • Welarayd Richard.
  • Wylliam Chamborne.
  • Wylliam Pannell.
  • Wylliam Morgan.
  • Wylliam Belson.
  • Wylliam Ebes.
  • Wylliam Garret.
  • Wylliam Robynson.
  • Wylliam Vmberuile.
  • Wylliam Dauids.
  • Wyll Pen.
  • Wylliam Iones.
  • Wyll Powell.
  • Wylliam Clarke.
  • Water Wirall.
  • Wylliam Browne.
  • Water Martyne.[154]
  • Wylliam Grace.
  • Wylliam Pyckering.
Rogues.
  • A.
  • Arche Dowglas, a Scot.
  • B.
  • Blacke Dycke.
  • C.
  • D.
  • Dycke Durram.
  • Dauid Dew neuet, a counterfet Cranke.
  • E.
  • Edward Ellys.
  • Edward Anseley.
  • F.
  • G.
  • George Belberby.
  • Goodman.
  • Gerard Gybbin, a counterfet Cranke.
  • H.
  • Hary Walles, with the lytle mouth.
  • Humfrey ward.
  • Harry Mason.
  • I.
  • Iohn Warren.
  • Iohn Donne, with one legge.
  • Iohn Elson.
  • Iohn Raynoles, Irysh man.
  • Iohn Harrys.
  • Iames Monkaster, a counterfet Cranke.
  • Iohn Dewe.
  • Iohn Crew, with one arme.
  • Iohn Browne, great stamerar.
  • L.
  • Lytle Dycke.
  • Lytle Robyn.
  • Lambart Rose.
HARMAN. NAMES OF PALLYARDS.
  • M.
  • 81More, burnt in the hand.[155]
  • N.
  • Nicholas Adames, a great stamerar.[156]
  • Nycholas Crispyn.
  • Nycholas Blunt alias Nycholas Gennings, a counterfet Cranke.
  • Nycholas Lynch.
  • R.
  • Rychard Brewton.
  • Rychard Horwod, well nere lxxx. yeares olde; he wyll byte a vi. peny nayle a sonder with his téeth, and a bawdye [leaf 27] dronkard.
  • Richard Crane; he carieth a Kynchne Co at his backe.
  • Rychard Iones.
  • Raffe Ketley.
  • Robert Harrison.
  • S.
  • Simon Kynge.
  • T.
  • Thomas Paske.
  • [157]Thomas Bere.
  • Thomas Shawnean, Irish man.
  • Thomas Smith, with the skald skyn.[157]
  • W.
  • Wylliam Carew.
  • Wylliam wastfield.
  • Wylson.
  • Wylliam Gynkes, with a whyte bearde, a lusty and stronge man; he runneth about the countrey to séeke worke, with a byg boy, his sonne carying his toles as a dawber or playsterer, but lytle worke serueth him.
Pallyards.
  • B.
  • Bashford.
  • D.
  • Dycke Sehan Irish.
  • Dauid Powell.
  • Dauid Iones, a counterfet Crank.
  • E.
  • Edward Heyward, hath his Morte following him, which fained the Cranke.
  • Edward Lewes, a dummerer.
  • H.
  • Hugh Iones.
  • I.
  • Iohn Perse,[158] a counterfet Cranke.
  • Iohn dauids.
  • Iohn Harrison.
  • Iohn Carew.
  • Iames Lane, with one eye, Irish.
  • Iohn Fysher.
  • Iohn Dewe.
  • Iohn Gylford, Irish, with a counterfet lisence.
  • L.
  • Laurence, with the great legge.
  • N.
  • Nycholas Newton, carieth a fained lisence.
  • Nicholas Decase.
  • P.82
  • Prestoue. HARMAN. PEDDELARS FRENCH.
  • R.
  • Robart Lackley.
  • Robart Canloke.
  • Richard Hylton, caryeth ii. Kynchen mortes about him.
  • Richard Thomas.
  • S.
  • Soth gard.
  • Swanders.
  • T.
  • Thomas Edwards.
  • Thomas Dauids.
  • Wylliam Thomas.
  • Wylliam Coper with the Harelyp.
  • Wyll Pettyt, beareth a Kinchen mort at his back.
  • Wylliam Bowmer.

There is aboue an hundreth of Irish men and women that wander about to begge for their lyuing, that hath come ouer within these two yeares. They saye the[y] haue béene burned and spoyled by the Earle of Desmond, and report well of the Earle of Vrmond.

There are about a hundred Irish men and women wandering around begging for a living, who have come over in the last two years. They say they have been burned and plundered by the Earl of Desmond and speak highly of the Earl of Ormond.

¶ All these aboue wryten for the most part walke about Essex, Myddlesex, Sussex, Surrey, and Kent. Then let the reader iudge what number walkes in other Shieres, I feare me to great a number, if they be well vnderstande.

¶ All the things mentioned above mostly walk around Essex, Middlesex, Sussex, Surrey, and Kent. So let the reader judge how many walk in other counties; I fear it might be too many, if they are properly understood.

[leaf 27, back][159]Here followyth their pelting speche.[159]

[leaf 27, back][159]Here follows their back-and-forth speech.[159]

HEre I set before the good Reader the leud, lousey language of these lewtering Luskes and lasy Lorrels, where with they bye and sell the common people as they pas through the countrey. Whych language they terme Peddelars Frenche, a vnknowen toung onely, but to these bold, beastly, bawdy Beggers, and vaine Vacabondes, being halfe myngled with Englyshe, when it is famyliarlye talked, and fyrste placinge thinges by their proper names as an Introduction to this peuyshe spéeche.

Here, I present to the good reader the crude, foul language of these lewd hustlers and lazy drifters, with which they buy and sell common people as they pass through the countryside. This language is called Peddler's French, an unknown tongue only familiar to these bold, crude, lewd beggars and vain wanderers, which is somewhat mixed with English, when it’s spoken casually, starting with names for things as an introduction to this foolish speech.

  • Nab, a head.
  • Nabchet, a hat or cap.
  • Glasyers, eyes.
  • a smelling chete, a nose.
  • gan, a mouth.
  • a pratling chete, a tongue.
  • Crashing chetes, teeth.
  • Hearing chetes, ears.
  • fambles, hands.
  • a fambling chete, a ring on your hand.
  • quaromes, a body.
  • prat, a buttock.
  • stampes, leggings.
  • a caster, a cloak.
  • a togeman, a coop.
  • a commission, a shirt.83
  • drawers, pants.
  • stampers, shoes.
  • a mofling chete, a napkin.
  • a belly chete, an apron.
  • dudes, clothing.
  • a lag of dudes, a bucket of clothes.
  • a slate or slates, a sheet or sheets.
  • lybbege, a mattress.
  • bunge, a purse.
  • lowre, money.
  • mynt, gold.
  • a bord, a shilling.
  • halfe a borde, sixpence.
  • flagg, a groat.
  • a wyn, a cent.
  • a make, a half penny.
  • bowse, drink.
  • bene, great.
  • benshyp, great.
  • quier, zero.
  • a gage, a quarter pot.
  • a skew, a cup.
  • pannam,[160] bread.
  • cassan, cheese.
  • yaram,[161] milk.
  • lap, buttermilk or whey.
  • [leaf 28] pek, meat.
  • poppelars, porridge.
  • ruff pek, bake.
  • a grunting chete or a patricos kynchen, a pig.
  • a cakling chete, a rooster or capon.
  • a margery prater, a chicken.
  • a Roger or tyb of the buttery, a Gander.
  • a quakinge chete or a red shanke, a male or female duck.
  • grannam, corn.
  • a lowhinge chete, a Cow.
  • a bletinge chete, a calf or sheep.
  • a prauncer, a horse.
  • autem, a church.
  • Salomon, a change or mass.
  • patrico, a pastor.
  • nosegent, a Nun.
  • a gybe, a writing.
  • a Iarke, a seal.
  • a ken, a home.
  • a staulinge ken, a house that will receive stolen goods.
  • a bousing ken, a pub.
  • a Lypken, a house to lie in.
  • a Lybbege, a bed.
  • glymmar, fire.
  • Rome bouse, wine.
  • lage, water.
  • a skypper, a kid.
  • stromell, straw.
  • a gentry cofes ken, A noble or gentleman's house.
  • a gygger, a door.
  • HARMAN. ROGUES: THEIR PELTING SPEECH. 84 bufe, a dog.
  • the lightmans, the day.
  • the darkemans, the night.
  • Rome vyle, London.
  • dewse a vyle, the country.
  • Rome mort, the Queen.
  • a gentry cofe, a nobleman or gentleman.
  • a gentry morte, A noblewoman.
  • the quyer cuffyn,[162] the justice of the peace.
  • the harman beck, the Constable.
  • the harmans, the stocks.
  • Quyerkyn, a prison house.
  • Quier crampinges, restraints.
  • tryninge, hanging.
  • chattes, the gallows.
  • the hygh pad, the highway.
  • the ruffmans, the woods or bushes.
  • a smellinge chete, a garden or fruit grove.
  • crassinge chetes, apples, pears, or any other fruit.
  • to feel, to hit, to strike, to rob.[163]
  • to nyp a boung, to pickpocket.
  • To skower the cramprings, [leaf 28, back] to we are bolts or shackles.
  • to heue a bough, to steal or take a bounty.
  • to cly the gerke, to be whipped.
  • to cutte benle,[164] to speak softly.
  • to cutte bene whydds, to speak or give kind words.
  • to cutte quyre whyddes, to use bad words or foul language.
  • to cutte, to say.
  • to towre, to see.
  • to bowse, to drink.
  • to maunde, to ask or require.
  • to stall, to create or order.
  • to cante, to speak.
  • to myll a ken, to burglarize a house.
  • to prygge, to ride.
  • to dup the gyger, to open the door.
  • to couch a hogshead, to lie down and sleep.
  • to nygle, to have sexual relations with a woman.
  • stow you, hold your peace.
  • bynge a waste, go away.
  • to the ruffian, to the devil.
  • the ruffian cly the, the devil take you.

¶ The vpright Cofe canteth to the Roge.[165]

¶ The upright coffee leans toward the rogue.[165]

The vpright man speaketh to the Roge.

The upright person talks to the rogue.

VPRIGHTMAN.[166]

VPRIGHTMAN.[166]

Hey Lightman, in your arguments, which side have you taken in this darkness, whether in a lie or in the struggle?
HARMAN. THE UPRIGHT COFFEE SPEAKS TO THE ROGUE.
Good morning to you, where did you sleep all night,85 was it in a bed or on the straw?

ROGE.

ROGE.

I stored a large barrel in a ship this evening.
I lay down to sleep in a barn tonight.

VPRIGHT MAN.[168]

RIGHT MAN.[168]

I carry the strummel trine on your nabchet__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ and Togman.
I see the straw hanging on your cap and coat.

ROGE.

ROGE.

I swear by Solomon I'll settle it with a wager of goodwill; then cut to my nose watch.
I swear by the mass__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, I'll wash it off with a quart of good drink; [leaf 29]__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__ then tell me what you want.
Man. Why, do you have any money in your wallet to drink?
Why, do you have any cash in your purse to drink?
Roge. Just a flag, a wine, and a make.
Just a groat, a penny, and a half penny.
Man. Why, where is the place that has good drinks?
Where is the house that has good drinks?
Roge. A blessing to you here at the sign of the prancer.
A good wife here at the sign of the horse.
Man. I caught it; it's a weird business. I bought a flag the last dark night.
I said it's a small and nasty drink. I drank a groat there last night.
Roge. But have a drink there, and you'll be rewarded.
But spend a shilling on a drink, and you’ll have a great time.
Look over there; that's the house, knock on the door, and ask for the best.
See, over there is the house, open the door, and ask for the best.
86Man. This house is as cozy__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ as a romantic house.
This drink is as good as wine.
Now I realize that good booze makes a person drunk.
Now I see that a good drink makes a drunken head.
Ask this woman what good food she has in her house.
Inquire about what benefits she knows about this death.
Roge. She has a clucking hen, a grunting pig, rough peck, cheese, and a drink made from grain.
She has a chicken, a pig, bacon, cheese, and milk porridge.
Man. That's beneficial for our watch.
That is very good for us.
Now that we've had a good drink, let's go steal something.
Now that we've had enough to drink, let's take something.
There lives a wealthy person over there; it would be beneficial to check him out.
There lives a greedy and rude man; it would be very smart to rob him.
Roge. We shouldn't waste time on the low path; the rough men are nearby.
No, let's go to the main road; the woods are close by.
Man. So we might encounter the Harmanes, and hold the Iarke, or go to the quyerken and skower quyaer cramprings, and then try out the chates.
[leaf 29, back] So we might end up in the stocks, either get whipped, or sent to prison where we'd be chained with bolts and fetters, and then hang on the gallows.
Gerry gone, the troublemaker curses you.
A curse in your mouth, the devil take you.
Man. What, put away your good manners, sit tight, and get ready to head out; let's go to Rome for some fun. We'll have money for the pub, and when we come back to the country, we'll grab some clothes from the locals or steal something for a change of attire.
What, keep quiet, my friend, and choose your words better. Let's head to London to pickpocket; then we'll have cash for the bar, and when we get back to the countryside, we can steal some linen from a nearby hedge or rob a house for a bundle of clothes.
HARMAN. NYCHOLAS BLUNTE'S TRICKS.

¶ By this lytle ye maye holy and fully vnderstande their vntowarde talke and pelting speache, mynglede without measure; and as they haue begonne of late to deuyse some new termes for certien thinges, so wyll they in tyme alter this, and deuyse as euyll or worsse. This language nowe beinge knowen and spred abroade, yet one thinge more I wyll ad vnto, not meaninge to Englyshe the same, because I learned the same[174] of a shameles Doxe, but for the phrase of speche I set it forth onely.

¶ With this little bit, you can completely understand their inappropriate talk and nitpicking speech, mixed without restraint; and just as they recently started creating some new terms for certain things, they will in time change this as well and come up with something equally bad or worse. This language is now known and widespread, but there's one more thing I want to add, not intending to translate it into English, because I learned it from a shameless woman, but I present it solely for the phrase.

There was a proude patrico and a nosegent, he tooke his Iockam in his famble, and a wappinge he went, he dokte the Dell, hee pryge to praunce, he byngd a waste into the darke mans, he fylcht the Cofe, with out any fylch man.

There was a proud patrician and a messenger; he took his lock of hair in his hand, and off he went, he entered the Dell, he prepared to dance, he tied a waste into the dark man's, he filled the cup, without any thief.

WHyle this second Impression was in printinge, it fortuned that Nycholas Blunte, who called hym selfe Nycholan Gennyns, a counterefet Cranke, that is spoken of in this booke, was fonde begging in the whyte fryers on Newe yeares day last past, Anno domini. 1567, and commytted vnto a offescer, who caried hym vnto the depetye of the ward, which commytted hym vnto the counter; and as the counstable and a nother would haue caried hym thether, This counterfet Cranke ran awaye, but one lyghter of fote then the other ouer toke hym, and so leading him to the counter, where he remayned three days, and from thence to Brydewell, where before the maister[175] he had his dysgysed aparell put vpon hym, which was monstrous to beholde, And after stode in Chepesyde with the same apparil on a scafold.[176]

While this second edition was being printed, it happened that Nicholas Blunte, who called himself Nicholan Gennyns, a fake Crank mentioned in this book, was found begging in the White Friars on New Year's Day last year, 1567, and was committed to an officer, who took him to the deputy of the ward, who then sent him to the counter; and as the constable and another were about to take him there, this fake Crank ran away, but one lighter of foot than the other caught up with him, and thus leading him to the counter, where he stayed for three days, and from there to Bridewell, where in front of the master, he had his disguised outfit put on him, which was monstrous to behold. And afterwards, he stood in Cheapside with the same outfit on a scaffold.

A stock to remain secure and safely retain,
[leaf 30] Lustful, indecent writers who break the law, Disrespectful people, therefore punished with pain, I barely mean to change any of this.
HARMAN. THE STOCKES.
Harman. the Stockes
Fetters or shackles are used to secure, Male wrongdoers who contemplate mischief,
Until the learned laws completely resolve or dismiss,
Such subtle searchers as all evil do use.
illustration, p. 88
HARMAN. THE ROGE'S END.89
{ A whyp is a whysker that will draw out blood,
[lf 30, bk] Of the back and body, thoroughly beaten. Of everything else, it does the most good,
Experience technology, and they can certainly explain it well.
the roge's end
Oh, sorrowful day! Now death is drawing near,
His bitter sting does pierce me to the heart.
I bid farewell to everyone here,
90 Now sadly playing this tragic part.HARMAN. THE FAKE CRANK. Neither stripes nor teachings in time could convert,
therefore, let me be an example for you,
And all of you who are here, now please pray for me.
the counterfet cranke
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__¶ This counterfeit Cranke, now see and behold,
Put in the stocks, as everyone can clearly see:
This was him, as you have heard the story told,
before recorded with great subtlety,
He abused many with his impiety. his disgusting attire, in the most unappealing way,
was carried through London with a displayed banner.[178]
HARMAN. CONCLUSION.
91 So, I conclude my bold Beggars book,
So that all estates can clearly see,
Like a well-polished glass to look at,
Their dual behavior in every respect. Their lives, their language, their names as they are,
That with this warning, their minds may be inspired,
To correct their wrongdoings and live unharmed.

FINIS.

FINIS.

¶ Imprinted at London, in Fletestrete, at the signe of the Faulcon by Wylliam gryffith. Anno Domni. 1567.[179]

¶ Printed in London, on Fleet Street, at the sign of the Falcon by William Griffith. Year Dominoes. 1567.[179]

FOOTNOTES:

[42] leaf 2 b. Bodley edition (B).

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ leaf 2 b. Bodley edition (B).

[43] The severe Act against vagrants, Ed. VI., c. 3, was passed in 1548, only 19 years before the date of this 2nd edition.

[43] The strict law against vagrants, Ed. VI., c. 3, was enacted in 1548, just 19 years before this 2nd edition was published.

[44] The 1573 edition reads pynking.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ The 1573 edition reads pynking.

[45] So printed in both 1567 editions. 1573 reads housholders; but Borsholders is doubtless meant.

[45] So printed in both 1567 editions. 1573 reads housholders; but Borsholders is clearly intended.

[46] leaf 3. B.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ leaf 3. B.

[47] Printed "brfore."

Printed "before."

[48] reclamation. B.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ reclamation. B.

[49] The 1573 edition reads and.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ The 1573 edition reads and.

[50] The 1573 edition here inserts the word or.

[50] The 1573 edition includes the word or.

[51] vanished. B.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ disappeared. B.

[52] fyt. B.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ fyt. B.

[53] The 1573 ed. reads not.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ The 1573 edition reads not.

[54] This word is omitted in the 1573 ed.

[54] This word is missing in the 1573 edition.

[55] The chapters are not noted in the Bodley ed.

[55] The chapters are not listed in the Bodley edition.

[56] The 1573 ed. here inserts the word he.

[56] The 1573 edition here adds the word he.

[57] 1573 reads if.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ 1573 reads if.

[58] 1573 has or.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ 1573 has or.

[59] Printed "vpreght." vpright in Bodley ed.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Printed "vpreght." vpright in Bodley edition.

[60] 1573, be.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ 1573, be.

[61] 1573, as.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ 1573, as.

[62] the. B.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ the. B.

[63] dogges. B.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ dogs. B.

[64] 1573 inserts and.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ 1573 inserts and.

[65] 1573 omits.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ 1573 omits.

[66] 1573 omits.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ 1573 omits.

[67] saith. B.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ says. B.

[68] 1573, myne.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ 1573, mine.

[69] tarying. B.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ tarying. B.

[70] So printed. Bodley ed. has the.

[70] So it was printed. The Bodley edition has the.

[71] sakes. B.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ sakes. B.

[72] Omitted in 1573.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Omitted in 1573.

[73] so printed.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ printed.

[74] the. B.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ the. B.

[75] Why ... end. B. omits.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Why ... finish. B. omits.

[76] 1573 reads mate.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ 1573 reads friend.

[77] omitted in 1573.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ omitted in 1573.

[78] seing ... dyd. B. omits.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ seeing ... died. B. omits.

[79] 1573, was.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ 1573, was.

[80] horses. B.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ horses. B.

[81] Printed statute.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Printed law.

[82] Printed this.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Printed this.

[83] B. inserts a.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ B. inserts a.

[84] B. omits in.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ B. omits in.

[85] Probably the reason why "in print" came to be considered synonymous with "correct." See 2 Gent. of Verona, act ii. sc. 1, 175.

[85] It's likely that the reason "in print" became synonymous with "correct." See 2 Gent. of Verona, act ii. sc. 1, 175.

[86] those. B.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ them. B.

[87] B. omits the.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ B. omits the.

Casting of axe and also of stone,
Sofere, we have no use for them; Ball games, and barriers, and such activities,
Out of the pantry put away.—

Myrc, p. 11, l. 334-7 (E. E. T. Soc. 1868).

Myrc, p. 11, l. 334-7 (E. E. T. Soc. 1868).

[89] Printed hts.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Printed hts.

[90] to to. B.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ to to. B.

[91] Omitted in 1573.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Omitted in 1573.

[92] him (sic). B.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ him (sic). B.

[93] This page is not in Bodley ed.

[93] This page isn't included in the Bodley edition.

[94] 1573 reads exclamation.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ 1573 reads exclamation.

[95] they. B.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ they. B.

[96] my my. B.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ oh boy. B.

[97] gyrken (et seqq.). B.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ gyrken (et seqq.). B.

[98] loose. B.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ loose. B.

[99] refused. B.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ declined. B.

[100] Gennins. B.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Gennins. B.

[101] trough. B.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ trough. B.

[102] 1573 reads skolluer.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ 1573 reads skolluer.

[103] Omitted in 1573 edit.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Omitted in 1573 edit.

[104] sayih (sic). B.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ sayih (sic). B.

[105] printed dody.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ printed dody.

[106] d. ob. B.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ d. deceased. B.

[107] bede. B.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ bede. B.

[108] mans. B.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ man. B.

[109] 1573 inserts him; sette hym. B.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ 1573 inserts him; set him. B.

[110] 1573 inserts that.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ 1573 inserts that.

[111] pence B.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ pence B.

[112] The 1573 edition reads ioly ioylitie; gelowsy. B.

[112] The 1573 edition reads jolly jollity; jealousy. B.

[113] The 1573 edition finishes the sentence thus:—"ouer the fields to his own house, as hée afterwards said."

[113] The 1573 edition completes the sentence like this:—"over the fields to his own house, as he later mentioned."

[114] woulde. B.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ would. B.

[115] again til now. B.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ again until now. B.

[116] d. ob. B.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ d. deceased. B.

[117] The 1573 edition continues thus:—"wherof this crafty Cranke had part him selfe, for he had both house and wife in the same parishe, as after you shall heare. But this lewde lewterar could not laye his bones to labour, hauing got once the tast of this lewd lasy lyfe, for al this fayr admonition, but deuised other suttel sleights to maintaine his ydell liuing, and so craftely clothed him selfe in mariners apparel, and associated him self with an other of his companions: they hauing both mariners apparel, went abroad to aske charity of the people, fayning they hadde loste their shippe with all their goods by casualty on the seas, wherewith they gayned much. This crafty Cranke, fearinge to be mistrusted, fell to another kinde of begging, as bad or worse, and apparelled himselfe very well with a fayre black fréese cote, a new payre of whyte hose, a fyne felt hat on his head, a shert of flaunders worke esteemed to be worth xvi. shillings; and vpon newe yeares day came againe into the whyt Fryers to beg: the printer, hauing occasion to go that ways, not thinking of this Cranke, by chaunce met with him, who asked his charitie for Gods sake. The printer, vewing him well, did mistrust him to be the counterfet Cranke which deceuied him vpon Alhollen daye at night, demaunded of whence he was and what was his name. 'Forsoth,' saith he, 'my name is Nicolas Genings, and I came from Lecester to séeke worke, and I am a hat-maker by my occupation, and all my money is spent, and if I coulde get money to paye for my lodging this night, I would seke work to morowe amongst the hatters.' The printer perceiuing his depe dissimulation, putting his hand into his purse, seeming to giue him some money, and with fayre allusions brought him into the stréete, where he charged the constable with him, affirminge him to be the counterfet Cranke that ranne away vpon Alholon daye last. The constable being very loth to medle with him, but the printer knowing him and his depe disceit, desyred he mought be brought before the debutie of the ward, which straight was accomplished, which when he came before the debuty, he demaunded of him of whence he was and what was his name; he answered as before he did vnto the printer: the debutie asked the printer what he woulde laye vnto hys charge; he answered and aleged him to be a vagabond and depe deceyuer of the people, and the counterfet Crank that ran away vpon Alhallon day last from the constable of Newington and him, and requested him earnestly to send him to ward: the debuty thinking him to be deceiued, but neuerthelesse laid his commaundement vpon him, so that the printer should beare his charges if he could not iustifie it; he agréed thereunto. And so he and the constable went to cary him to the Counter: and as they were going vnder Ludgate, this crafty Cranke toke his héeles and ran down the hill as fast as he could dryve, the constable and the printer after him as fast as they coulde; but the printer of the twayn being lighter of fote, ouertoke him at fleete bridge, and with strong hand caried him to the counter, and safely deliuered him. In the morow the printer sent his boy that stripped him vpon Alhalon day at night to view him, because he would be sure, which boy knew him very well: this Crank confessed unto the debuty, that he had hosted the night before in Kent stréet in Southwarke, at the sign of the Cock, which thing to be true, the printer sente to know, and found him a lyer; but further inquiring, at length found out his habitation, dwelling in maister Hilles rentes, hauinge a pretye house, well stuffed, with a fayre ioyne table, and a fayre cubbard garnished with peuter, hauing an old auncient woman to his wyfe. The printer being sure therof, repaired vnto the Counter, and rebuked him for his beastly behaviour, and told him of his false fayning, willed him to confesse it, and aske forgivenes: he perceyued him to know his depe dissimulation, relented, and confessed all his disceit; and so remayning in the counter thrée dayes, was removed to Brydwel, where he was strypt starke naked, and his ougly attyre put vpon him before the maisters thereof, who wondered greatly at his dissimulation: for which offence he stode vpon the pillery in Cheapsyde, both in his ougly and handsome attyre. And after that went in the myll whyle his ougly picture was a drawing; and then was whypped at a cartes tayle through London, and his displayd banner caried before him vnto his own dore, and so backe to Brydewell again, and there remayned for a tyme, and at length let at libertie, on that condicion he would proue an houest man, and labour truly to get his liuing. And his picture remayneth in Bridewell for a monyment."—See, also, post, p. 89.

[117] The 1573 edition continues like this:—"This crafty Crank had a share in it himself, since he had both a house and a wife in the same parish, as you will hear later. But this wicked swindler couldn’t be bothered to work, having once tasted this lazy life; despite all the good advice, he devised other sneaky tricks to support his idle living. He cleverly dressed himself in sailor’s clothing and teamed up with another companion. Both dressed as sailors, they went around asking for donations from people, pretending they had lost their ship and all their belongings at sea, which earned them quite a bit. This crafty Crank, fearing he’d be suspected, resorted to another kind of begging, just as bad or worse. He dressed very well in a nice black fur coat, a new pair of white stockings, a fine felt hat on his head, and a shirt with Flemish work valued at sixteen shillings; and on New Year’s Day, he came again into the White Friars to beg. The printer happened to be passing by and, not thinking of this Crank, met him by chance. The Crank asked for charity for God’s sake. The printer looked him over closely and suspected him to be the fake Crank who had deceived him on All Hallows’ Eve, so he asked where he was from and what his name was. 'Indeed,' he said, 'my name is Nicolas Genings, and I came from Leicester to seek work. I’m a hat-maker by trade, and I’m out of money. If I could get money to pay for my lodging tonight, I would look for work tomorrow among the hatters.' The printer, noticing his deep deceit, pretended to give him some money and, with pleasant conversation, led him into the street, where he reported him to the constable, claiming he was the fake Crank who had run away on All Hallows’ Eve. The constable was very reluctant to get involved, but the printer, knowing the Crank and his deep deceit, insisted that he be brought before the deputy of the ward, which was quickly arranged. When he came before the deputy, he asked him where he was from and what his name was; he answered just as he had to the printer. The deputy asked the printer what he would charge him with; he replied, claiming he was a vagabond and a deep deceiver of the people, the fake Crank who had run away on All Hallows’ Eve from both the constable of Newington and himself, and asked him earnestly to send him to prison. The deputy, thinking he was being tricked, nevertheless issued a command for him to be detained, requiring the printer to cover his expenses if he couldn’t prove his case; he agreed to that. So he and the constable took him to the Counter. And as they were going under Ludgate, this crafty Crank took off running down the hill as fast as he could, with the constable and the printer chasing after him just as fast. However, the printer, being lighter on his feet, caught up with him at Fleet Bridge, overpowering him and taking him safely to the Counter. The next morning, the printer sent his boy, who had stripped him on All Hallows’ Eve, to check him out, since he wanted to be sure, and this boy knew him very well. This Crank confessed to the deputy that he had slept the night before in Kent Street in Southwark, at the sign of the Cock, which the printer wanted to verify, and found him to be lying. But further inquiries led to finding out where he lived, in Master Hill's rents, where he had a neat house, well-furnished, with a fine joiner's table and a lovely cupboard decorated with pewter, and an old woman as his wife. The printer, now certain of this, went to the Counter and reproached him for his disgraceful behavior, told him of his false claims, and urged him to confess and ask for forgiveness. Knowing that the printer was aware of his deep deceit, he relented and confessed all his trickery. After staying in the Counter for three days, he was moved to Bridewell, where he was stripped completely naked, and his ugly clothing was put on him in front of the masters there, who were greatly astonished at his deceit. For this offense, he stood on the pillory in Cheapside, both in his ugly and smart attire. Afterward, while his ugly picture was being drawn, he was whipped at a cart's tail through London, with his displayed banner carried in front of him to his own door, then back to Bridewell again, where he remained for a time. Ultimately, he was released on the condition that he would prove to be an honest man and genuinely work to earn a living. His picture remains in Bridewell as a monument."—See, also, post, p. 89.

[118] of his. B.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ of his. B.

[119] which priest had. B.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ which priest had. B.

[120] cal-(sic). B.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ cal-(sic). B.

[121] dumme. B.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ dumb. B.

[122] So printed. an. B.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ So printed. an. B.

[123] pasportes. B.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ passports. B.

[124] Patriarch. B.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Patriarch. B.

[125] faynen. B.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ faynen. B.

[126] lamentably. B.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ sadly. B.

[127] beholding this. B.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ watching this. B.

[128] but. B.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ but. B.

[129] Omitted in 1573.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Omitted in 1573.

[130] Rabbitskins.

Rabbitskins.

[131] B. inserts sayth she.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ B. inserts says she.

[132] Omitted in 1573.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Omitted in 1573.

[133] 1573 reads I am.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ 1573 says I am.

[134] Omitted in 1573.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Omitted in 1573.

[135] mussels. B.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ mussels. B.

[136] he, ed. 1573.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ he, 1573 edition.

[137] I, ed. 1573.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ I, edited 1573.

[138] warrant. B.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ warrant. B.

[139] should. B.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ should. B.

[140] 1573 reads case.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ 1573 reads case.

[141] Omitted in 1573.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Omitted in 1573.

[142] 1573 reads tempting.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ 1573 reads tempting.

[143] B. inserts a.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ B. inserts a.

[144] won. B.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ won. B.

[145] B. omits that.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ B. leaves out that.

[146] B. inserts that.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ B. adds that.

[147] 1573 reads his.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ 1573 reads his.

[148] B. reads vnsanable, or vnsauable.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ B. reads *vnsanable*, or *vnsauable*.

[149] 1573 reads some.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ 1573 reads some.

[150] bryberinge. B.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ bryberinge. B.

[151] B. reads safely.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ B. reads safe.

[152] 1573 reads Crayford.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ 1573 reads Crayford.

[153] The arrangement in Bodley ed. is not alphabetical.

[153] The order in the Bodley edition isn't alphabetical.

[154] Omitted in 1573 edit.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Omitted in 1573 update.

[155] Omitted in 1573 ed.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Omitted in 1573 edition.

[156] Last three words omitted in 1573 ed.

[156] The last three words were removed in the 1573 edition.

[157] The 1573 ed. arranges these names in the following order:—

[157] The 1573 edition lists these names in this order:—

  • Thomas Béere.
  • Irish man.
  • Thomas Smith with the skalde skin.
  • Thomas Shawneam.

[158] The 1573 ed. reads Persk.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ The 1573 edition reads Persk.

[159] B. omits.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ B. excludes.

[160] The 1573 ed. reads Yannam.

The 1573 ed. reads Yannam.

[161] B. reads yarum. The 1573 ed. reads Param.

[161] B. reads yarum. The 1573 edition reads Param.

[162] custyn. B.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ custyn. B.

[163] For these two lines printed in small type, the 1573 edition reads,

[163] For these two lines printed in small text, the 1573 edition says,

  • To fylche
  • to rob.

[164] benie. B.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ beanie. B.

[165] Roger. B.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Roger. B.

[166] man. B.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ man. B.

[167] laye. B.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ layer. B.

[168] B. omits vpright.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ B. omits vpright.

[169] nabches. B.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ nabches. B.

[170] masst. B.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ mass. B.

[171] This leaf is supplied in MS. in Mr Huth's edition.

[171] This page is included in the manuscript in Mr. Huth's edition.

[172] good in the 1573 ed.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ good in the 1573 ed.

[173] The 1573 ed. has some.

The 1573 ed. has some.

[174] Instead of "the same," the 1573 ed. reads that.

[174] Instead of "the same," the 1573 edition reads that.

[175] maisters. B.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ masters. B.

[176] This paragraph is omitted in the ed. of 1573; but see note, ante, p. 56.

[176] This paragraph is missing in the 1573 edition; but see note, above, p. 56.

[177] B. omits this stanza and has inserted the following lines under the cut.

[177] B. leaves out this stanza and has added the following lines below the cut.

This is the fygure of the counterfet Cranke, that is spoken of in this boke of Roges, called Nycholas Blunt other wyse Nycholas Gennyngs. His tale is in the xvii. lefe [pp. 55-6] of this booke, which doth showe vnto all that reades it, woundrous suttell and crafty deseit donne of and by him.

This is the figure of the counterfeit Crank, mentioned in this book of Rogues, called Nicholas Blunt or otherwise Nicholas Gennyngs. His story is in the xvii. leaf [pp. 55-6] of this book, which reveals to all who read it, wondrous subtle and crafty deceit done by him.

[178] This verse is omitted in the edition of 1573; also the wood-cut preceding it.

[178] This line is missing in the 1573 edition, as is the woodcut that comes before it.

[179] B. adds 'the eight of January'. (This would make the year 1568 according to the modern reckoning. Harman's 'New Yeares day last past, Anno domini 1567', p. 86, must also be 1567/8.)

[179] B. adds 'January 8th'. (This would place the year in 1568 by today's standards. Harman's 'New Year's Day just passed, in the year 1567', p. 86, must also refer to 1567/8.)


A Sermon in Praise of Thieves and Thievery.

92 93
[Lansdowne MS. 98, leaf 210.] [MS. Cott. Vesp. A xxv. leaf 53.]

A sermon made by Parson Haben vppon a mold hill at Hartely Row,[180] at the Comaundment of vij. theves, whoe, after they had robbed him, Comaunded him to Preache before them.

A sermon given by Parson Haben on a molehill at Hartely Row,[180] at the command of seven thieves, who, after robbing him, ordered him to preach in front of them.

A sermon)of parson Hyberdyne which he made att the commandemente of certen theves, after thay had Robbed hym, besydes hartlerowe, in hamshyer, in the feldes, ther standinge vpon a hyłł where as a wynde myll had bene, in the presens of the theves that robbed hym, as followithe.

A sermon by Parson Hyberdyne that he gave at the request of certain thieves after they had robbed him, beside Hartlerowe, in Hampshire, in the fields, while standing on a hill where a windmill had once been, in the presence of the thieves who robbed him, is as follows.

the sermon as followethe

the sermon as follows

I Marvell that euerye man will seme to dispraise theverye, and thinke the doers thereof worthye of Death, when it is a thinge that Cometh nere vnto vertve, and is vsed of all men, of all sortes and in all countryes, and soe comaunded and allowed of god himselfe which thinge, because I cannot soe sapiently shewe vnto you a[181] soe shorte a tyme and in soe shorte a place, I shall desire you, gentle theves, to take in good parte this thinge that at this tyme Cometh to minde, not misdoubtinge but you of your good knowledge are able to ad more vnto the same then this which I at this tyme shall shewe vnto you. ffirst, fortitude and stoutnes, Courage, and boldnes of stomacke, is Compted of some a vertue; which beinge graunted, Whoe is he then that will not Iudge theves vertuous, most stoute, most hardye? I most, withoute feare. As for stealinge, that is a thinge vsuall:—whoe stealeth not? ffor not only you that haue besett me, but many other in many places. Men, Woemen, and Children, Riche and poore, are dailye of that facultye, As the hange 94man of Tiborne can testifye. PARSON HABEN'S SERMON. LANDS. MS. 98.That it is allowed of god himselfe, it is euident in many storyes of the Scriptures. And if you liste to looke in the whole Course of the bible, you shall finde that theves haue bin belovid of god. ffor Iacobe, when he Came oute of Mesopotomia, did steale his vncles lambes; the same Iacobe stale his brother Esawes blessinge; and that god saide, "I haue chosen Iacob and refused Esawe." The Children of Isarell, when they came oute of Egippe, didd steale the Egippsians Iewells and ringes, and god comaunded the[m] soe to doe. David, in the dayes of Ahemel[e]ch the preiste, came into the temple and stole awaye the shewe bread; And yet god saide, "this is a man accordinge to myne owne harte." Alsoe Christe himsellfe, when he was here vppon earth, did take an asse, a Colte, which was none of his owne. And you knowe that god saide, "this is my nowne sone, in whome I delighte."

I marvel that everyone seems to criticize theft and think that those who commit it deserve death, when it's something that comes close to virtue, practiced by all kinds of people in all countries, and even commanded and allowed by God Himself. Since I can’t explain this wisely in such a short time and place, I ask you, kind thieves, to take in good part what I'm about to say, trusting that your own knowledge can add more to this than what I present now. First, courage and bravery are considered virtues by some; if that's true, then who would not judge thieves as virtuous, most valiant, most daring? I certainly do, without fear. As for stealing, that's a common act—who doesn’t steal? Not just those of you who surround me, but many others in various places. Men, women, and children, rich and poor, engage in this practice daily, as the hangman at Tyburn can testify. It is allowed by God Himself, as evidenced in many stories from the Scriptures. If you look through the entire Bible, you will find that thieves have been loved by God. Jacob, when he came out of Mesopotamia, stole his uncle's lambs; the same Jacob stole his brother Esau's blessing, and God said, "I have chosen Jacob and rejected Esau." The Children of Israel, when they came out of Egypt, stole the Egyptians' jewels and rings, and God commanded them to do so. David, in the days of Ahimelech the priest, came into the temple and took the showbread, and yet God said, "This is a man after my own heart." Also, Christ Himself, when He was here on earth, took a donkey and a colt that were not His own. And you know that God said, "This is my beloved Son, in whom I am well pleased."

Thus maye you see that most of all god delighteth in theves. I marvell, therefore, that men can despise your lives, when that you are in all poynts almost like vnto Christe; for Christ hade noe dwellinge place,—noe more haue you. Christe, therefore, at the laste, was laide waite for in all places,—and soe are you. Christe alsoe at the laste was called for,—and soe shall you be. He was condemned,—soe shall you be. Christe was hanged,—soe shall you be. He descended into hell,—so shall you. But in one pointe you differ. He assendid into heaven,—soe shall you never, without gods mercye, Which god graunte for his mercyes sake! Toe whome, with the sonne and the holye goste, be all honour and glory for euer and euer. Amen!

Thus you can see that above all, God delights in thieves. I wonder, therefore, how people can despise your lives when you are in almost every way like Christ; for Christ had no home—nor do you. Christ, in the end, was hunted down everywhere—and so are you. Christ was ultimately called out for—and so shall you be. He was condemned—and so shall you be. Christ was hanged—and so shall you be. He descended into hell—and so shall you. But in one way you differ. He ascended into heaven—and you will never, without God's mercy. May God grant it for His mercy's sake! To Him, with the Son and the Holy Spirit, be all honor and glory forever and ever. Amen!

I greatly mervełł that any man wyłł presume to dysprase theverie, and thynke the dooeres therof to be woorthy of deathe, consyderinge itt is a thynge that cumithe nere vnto vertue, beinge vsed of many in ałł contries, And commendid and allowed of god hym selfe; the which thinge, by-cause I cannot compendiously shew vnto yow at soo shorte a warnynge and in soo sharpe a wether, I shałł desyer yow, gentle audiens of theves, to take in good parte thes thynges that at thys tyme cumythe to my mynde, not mysdowtynge but that yow of yowre good knowledge are able to add mutch more vnto ytt then this which I shałł nowe vtter vnto yow. ffyrst, fortitude, and stowtnes of corage, and also bowldnes of minde, is commendyd of sume men to be a vertue; which, beinge grawnted, who is yt then that wyłł not iudge theves to be vertused? for thay be of ałł men moste stowte and hardy, and moste withowte feare; for thevery is a thynge moste vsuałł emonge ałł men, for not only yow that be here presente, but many other in dyuerse places, bothe men and wemen and chyldren, rytche and poore, are dayly of thys facultye, 95as the hangman of tyboorne can testyfye: PARSON HYBERDYNE'S SERMON. MS. COTT. VESP. A 26.and that yt is allowed of god hym selfe, as it is euydente in many storayes of [the] scriptures; for yf yow looke in the hole cowrse of the byble, yow shall fynde that theves haue bene beloued of gode; for Iacobe, whan he came owte of Mesopotamia, dyd steale his vncle labanes kyddes; the same Iacobe also dyd steale his brothe[r] Esaues blessynge; and yett god sayde, "I haue chosen Iacobe and refused Esau." The chyldren of ysraełł, whan they came owte of Egypte, dyd steale the egiptians iewelles of syluer and gowlde, as god commawnded them soo to doo. Davyd, in the days of Abiather the hygh preste, did cume into the temple and dyd steale the hallowed breede; and yet god saide, "Dauid is a man̄ euen after myne owne harte." Chryste hym selfe, whan he was here on the arthe, did take an asse and a cowlte that was none of hys; and yow knowe that god said of hym, "this is my beloued soone, in whome I delighte." thus yow may see that god delightithe in theves. but moste of ałł I marvełł that men can dispyse yow theves, where as in ałł poyntes almoste yow be lyke vnto christe hym selfe: for chryste had noo dwellynge place; noo more haue yow. christe wente frome towne to towne; and soo doo yow. christe was hated of ałł men, sauynge of his freendes; and soo are yow. christe was laid waite vpon in many places; and soo are yow. chryste at the lengthe was cawght; and soo shałł yow bee. he was browght before the iudges; and soo shałł yow bee. he was accused; and soo shałł yow bee. he was condempned; and soo shałł yow bee. he was hanged; and so shałł yow bee. he wente downe into hełł; and soo shałł yow dooe. mary! in this one thynge yow dyffer frome hym, for he rose agayne and assendid into heauen; and soo shałł yow neuer dooe, withowte godes greate mercy, which gode grawnte yow! to whome with the father, and the soone, and the hooly ghoste, bee ałł honore and glorye, for euer and euer. Amen!

I really marvel that anyone would dare to disparage thievery and think that those who commit it deserve death, considering it's something close to virtue, practiced by many in all countries, and commended and accepted by God Himself. Because I can't explain this comprehensively to you on such short notice and in such dire circumstances, I urge you, gentle audience of thieves, to take these thoughts that come to my mind at this time in good part, knowing that you, with your good knowledge, can certainly add much more to it than what I will now express to you. First, bravery, courage, and also boldness of mind are commended by some as virtues; granted that, who would then not judge thieves to be virtuous? For they are, of all men, the most courageous and bold, acting without fear; for thievery is something most common among all people. Not only you who are present here, but many others in various places, both men and women and children, rich and poor, practice this craft, as the executioner of Tyburn can testify: and it is allowed by God Himself, as is evident in many stories of the scriptures; for if you look through the entire Bible, you will find that thieves have been beloved of God. For Jacob, when he came out of Mesopotamia, stole his uncle Laban's kids; the same Jacob also stole his brother Esau's blessing; and yet God said, "I have chosen Jacob and rejected Esau." The children of Israel, when they came out of Egypt, stole the Egyptians' jewels of silver and gold, as God commanded them to do so. David, in the days of Abiathar the high priest, came into the temple and took the hallowed bread; yet God said, "David is a man after my own heart." Christ Himself, when He was here on earth, took a donkey and a colt that weren’t His; and you know that God said of Him, "This is my beloved Son, in whom I delight." Thus you may see that God delights in thieves. But most of all, I wonder how men can despise you, thieves, when you are in almost all respects like Christ Himself: for Christ had no dwelling place; neither do you. Christ went from town to town; and so do you. Christ was hated by all men, except for His friends; and so are you. Christ was ambushed in many places; and so are you. In the end, He was caught; and so will you be. He was brought before the judges; and so will you be. He was accused; and so will you be. He was condemned; and so will you be. He was hanged; and so will you be. He went down into hell; and so will you do. But in this one thing, you differ from Him, for He rose again and ascended into heaven; and so you will never do, without God's great mercy, which God grant you! To Him with the Father, and the Son, and the Holy Ghost, be all honor and glory, forever and ever. Amen!

After this good sermon ended, which Edefied them soe muche, Theye hadd soe muche Compassion on him, That they gave him all his mony agayne, and vij s more for his sermon.

After this great sermon ended, which impressed them so much, they felt so much compassion for him that they gave him all his money back, plus seven shillings more for his sermon.

Thus his sermon beinge endyd, they gaue hym his money agayne that thay tooke frome hym, and ijs to drynke for hys sermon.

Thus his sermon being ended, they gave him his money back that they took from him, and two shillings to drink for his sermon.

finis.

done.

FOOTNOTES:

[180] MS Rew. Hartley Row is on the South-Western road past Bagshot. The stretch of flat land there was the galloping place for coaches that had to make up time.

[180] MS Rew. Hartley Row is on the South-Western road past Bagshot. The flat stretch of land there was where coaches would race to make up lost time.

[181] in.

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ in.


7 [The parts added to HARMAN'S CAUEAT to make]

7 [The additional sections to HARMAN'S CAUEAT to create]

THE
Groundworke of Conny-catching;

the manner of their Pedlers-French, and the meanes
to vnderstand the same, with the cunning slights
of the Counterfeit Cranke.

the way they speak their Pedlers-French, and the methods
to understand it, along with the clever tricks
of the Fake Crank.

Therein are handled the practises of the Visiter,
the Fetches
of the Shifter and Rufflar,the deceits of their Doxes, the deuises
of Priggers, the names of the base loytering Hosels, and
the meanes of every Blacke-Art-mans shifts, with
the reproofe of all their diuellish
practises.

There, the practices of the Visiter,
the Fetches
of the Shifter and Rufflar,the deceits of their Doxes,the tricks
of Priggers,the names of the shady, lazy Hosels, and
the methods of every Black-Art man's schemes, along with
the criticism of all their devilish
practices.

Done by a Justice of Peace of great authoritie, who hath
had the examining of divers of them.

Carried out by a Justice of the Peace with considerable authority, who has
examined several of them.

the groundworke of conny-catching, cover

Printed at London by Iohn Danter for William Barley, and are to
be sold at his shop at the upper end of Gratious streete,
ouer against Leaden-hall, 1592.

Printed in London by John Danter for William Barley, and are available to
be sold at his shop at the top of Gracious Street,
across from Leadenhall, 1592.


THE GROUNDWORKE OF CONNY-CATCHING.
[leaf 2]

To the gentle Readers health.

To the gentle reader's health.

Gentle reader, as there hath beene diuers bookes set forth, as warnings for all men to shun the craftie coossening sleights of these both men and women that haue tearmed themselues Conny-catchers; so amongst the rest, bestow the reading ouer of this booke, wherin thou shalt find the ground-worke of Conny-catching, with the manner of their canting speech, how they call all things in their language, the horrible coossening of all these loose varlots, and the names of them in their seuerall degrees,

Gentle reader, since there have been various books published as warnings for everyone to avoid the cunning tricks of those men and women who call themselves Conny-catchers, take some time to read this book. In it, you will discover the foundation of Conny-catching, the way they speak in their slang, how they refer to everything in their language, the terrible deceit of these dishonest individuals, and the names of them in their various ranks.

  • First, The Visiter.
  • 2. The Shifter.
  • 3. The Rufflar.
  • 4. The Rogue.
  • 5. The wild Rogue.
  • 6. A prigger of Prauncers.
  • 7. A Pallyard.
  • 8. A Frater.
  • 9. An Abraham man.
  • 10. A freshwater Marriner, or Whipiacke.
  • 11. A counterfait Cranke.
  • 12. A Dommerar.
  • 13. A Dronken Tinkar.
  • 14. A Swadder, or Pedler.
  • 15. A Iarkeman & Patrico.
  • 16. A demander for glimmar.
  • 17. The baudy Basket.
  • 18. An Autem Mort.
  • 19. A walking Mort.
  • 20. A Doxe.
  • 21. A Dell.
  • 22. Kinchin Mort.
  • 23. A Kinchin Co.

All these playing their coossenings in their kinde are here set downe, which neuer yet were disclosed in anie booke of Conny-catching.

All these tricks and schemes in their own way are listed here, which have never been revealed in any book on rabbit-catching.

[leaf 2, back]
SHIFTERS AT INNS. THE VISITER.

100A new kind of shifting sleight, practised at this day by
some of this Cony-catching crue, in Innes or vitualling
houses, but especially in Faires or Markets,
which came to my hands since the imprinting
of the rest.

100A new type of con trick, used today by
some of these con artists, in inns or food
places, but especially at fairs or markets,
which I learned about since the printing
of the rest.

Whereas of late diuers coossening deuises and deuilish deceites haue beene discouered, wherby great inconueniences haue beene eschewed, which otherwise might haue beene the vtter ouerthrowe of diuers honest men of all degrees, I thought this, amongst the rest, not the least worthie of noting, especially of those that trade to Faires and Markets, that therby being warned, they may likewise be armed, both to see the deceit, and shun the daunger. These shifters will come vnto an Inne or vittailing house, that is most vsed in the towne, and walke vp and downe; and if there come any gentleman or other, to lay vp either cloke, sword, or any other thing woorth the hauing, then one of this crue taketh the marks of the thing, or at least the token the partie giueth them: anone, after he is gone, he likewise goeth forth, and with a great countenance commeth in againe to the mayde or seruant, calling for what another left: if they doubt to deliuer it, then hee frets, and calles them at his pleasure, and tels them the markes and tokens: hauing thus done, hee blames their forgetfulnes, and giues them a couple of pence to buy them pinnes, bidding them fetch it straight, and know him better the next time, wherewith they are pleasd, and he possest of his pray. Thus one gotte a bagge of Cheese the last Sturbridge Faire; for in such places (as a reclaimd fellow of that crue confessed) they make an ordinary practise of the same.

Whereas recently various cheating tricks and deceitful schemes have been uncovered, preventing significant problems that could have led to the complete downfall of many honest people from all walks of life, I thought this one, among others, was particularly worth noting, especially for those who attend Fairs and Markets. By warning them, they can also be prepared to recognize the deceit and avoid the danger. These tricksters will come to an inn or food establishment that is most popular in the town and stroll around; and if a gentleman or anyone else checks in and leaves behind a cloak, sword, or anything else of value, one of these scammers takes note of the item or at least the token the person provides them. Soon after the person leaves, they follow suit, return with an air of authority, and ask the maid or servant for what the other person left behind. If they hesitate to hand it over, he becomes irritated, berates them as he pleases, and reveals the marks and tokens. Having done this, he criticizes their forgetfulness, gives them a couple of coins to buy pins, instructs them to fetch it immediately, and tells them to recognize him better next time, which pleases them, and he walks away with his prize. Thus, one person managed to steal a bag of cheese at the last Sturbridge Fair; for in such places (as a confessed former associate of that gang admitted), they make a habit of this kind of thing.

[The Pedler's French follows, taken word for word from Harman's book, p. 82-7 above.]

[The Pedler's French follows, taken word for word from Harman's book, p. 82-7 above.]

[leaf 3]
THE VISITER.

An honest youth, not many yeares since, seruant in this City, had leaue of his master at whitsontide to see his friends, who dwelt some fifty miles from London. It hapned at a Country wake, his mother and hee came acquainted with a precise scholler, that, vnder colour of strickt life, hath bin reputed for that hee is not: hee is well 101knowen in Paules Churchyard, and hath beene lately a visiting in Essex; for so he presumes to tearme his cosening walks: and therefore wee will call him here a Visiter. This honest seeming man must needes (sith his iourney lay to London) stay at the yong mans mothers all the holy daies: where as on his desert hee was kindly vsed; at length, the young man, hauing receiued his mother's blessing, with other his friendes giftes, amounting to some ten poundes, was to this hypocrite as to a faithful guide committed, and toward London they ride: by the way this Visiter discourses how excellent insight he had in Magick, to recouer by Art anything lost or stolne. Well, to sant Albons they reach; there they sup together, and, after the carowsing of some quarts of wine, they go to bed, where they kindly sleepe,—the Visiter slily, but the young man soundly. Short tale to make—out of his bed-fellow's sleeue this Visiter conuaid his twenty Angels, besides some other od siluer, hid it closely, and so fell to his rest. Morning comes—vp gets this couple—immediately the money was mist, much adoo was made; the Chamberlaine with sundry other seruants examined; and so hot the contention, that the good man, for the discharge of his house, was sending for a Constable to haue them both first searcht, his seruants Chests after. In the meane time the Visiter cals the yong man aside, and bids him neuer grieue, but take horse; and he warrants him, ere they be three miles out of towne, to helpe him to his money by Art, saying:—"In these Innes ye see how we shall be out-faced, and, beeing vnknowne, how euer we be wrongd, get little remedy." The yong man, in good hope, desired him to pay the reckoning, which done, together they ride. Being some two miles from the towne, they ride out of the ordinary way: there he tels this youth how vnwilling hee was to enter into the action, but that it was lost in his company, and so forth. Well, a Circle was made, wondrous words were vsed, many muttrings made: at length hee cries out,—"vnder a greene turfe, by the East side of an Oake; goe thither, goe thither." This thrice he cryed so ragingly, as the yuong man gest him mad, and was with feare almost beside himself. At length, pausing, quoth this Visiter, "heard ye nothing cry?" "Cry!" said the yong man, "yes; [leaf 5, back] you cride so as, for twise ten pound, I would not heare ye 102again." "Then," A SHIFTER DESCRIBED.quoth he, "'tis all well, if ye remember the words." The yong man repeated them. With that this shifter said, "Go to the furthest Oke in the high-way towards S. Albons, and vnder a greene turfe, on the hither side, lyes your mony, and a note of his name that stole it. Hence I cannot stirre till you returne; neyther may either of our horses be vntide for that time: runne yee must not, but keepe an ordinary pace." Away goes the yong man gingerly; and, being out of sight, this copesmate takes his cloke-bag, wherein was a faire sute of apparel, and, setting spurres to his horse, was, ere the Nouice returned, ridde cleane out of his view. The yong man, seeing himselfe so coossened, made patience his best remedie, tooke his horse, and came to London, where yet it was neuer his lucke to meet this visiter.

An honest young man, not long ago, a servant in this city, got permission from his master at Whitsun to visit his friends, who lived about fifty miles from London. At a country festival, he and his mother met a pretentious scholar, who, under the guise of a strict lifestyle, was known for being something he was not. He is well-known in Paul’s Churchyard and has recently been ‘visiting’ in Essex; we’ll refer to him as a Visitor. This seemingly honest man had to (since his journey was to London) stay at the young man's mother's house throughout the holy days, where he was kindly treated. Eventually, the young man, having received his mother’s blessing and other gifts from friends amounting to about ten pounds, was entrusted to this hypocrite as a faithful guide, and they set off for London. Along the way, this Visitor talked about his great knowledge of magic, claiming he could recover anything lost or stolen through his art. They reached St. Albans, had dinner together, and after drinking several quarts of wine, they went to bed, where they slept soundly— except the Visitor, who pretended to sleep lightly. To make a long story short, during the night, the Visitor quietly took twenty angels and some other small silver from the young man’s sleeve, hid it carefully, and then went back to sleep. Morning came, and the two of them got up; immediately they noticed the money was missing and a commotion ensued. The chamberlain and various other servants were questioned; the dispute got so heated that the good man, in an effort to resolve the issue, was sending for a constable to have them both searched, starting with his servants' belongings. Meanwhile, the Visitor pulled the young man aside and told him not to worry, but to take a horse. He assured him that before they were three miles out of town, he would help him recover his money through his art, saying: “In these inns, we see how we’ll be outnumbered, and being unknown, no matter how wronged we are, we’ll get little help.” The young man, filled with hope, asked him to pay the bill, which he did, and then they rode off together. About two miles from town, they went off the usual path, where he told the young man how unwilling he was to get involved but said it was lost because of him, and so on. A circle was drawn, strange words were uttered, and a lot of murmuring was done. Finally, he shouted, “Under a green turf, to the east side of an oak; go there, go there.” He called this out three times so frantically that the young man thought he had gone mad, almost losing his mind with fear. Finally, pausing, this Visitor asked, “Did you hear anything cry?” “Cry?” said the young man, “yes; for twice ten pounds, I wouldn’t want to hear you again.” “Then,” he said, “it’s all good, if you remember the words.” The young man repeated them. At that, the conman said, “Go to the farthest oak on the highway towards St. Albans, and under a green turf, on this side, lies your money and a note with the name of the thief. I can't move from here until you return; nor can either of our horses be untied during that time: you shouldn’t run, but keep a steady pace.” The young man set off carefully; once out of sight, this con artist grabbed his cloak bag, which contained a nice outfit, and spurred his horse, riding completely out of view before the novice came back. The young man, realizing he had been tricked, decided that patience was his best remedy, took his horse, and went to London, where he never had the luck to encounter this Visitor again.

A SHIFTER.

A Shifter, not long since, going ordinarily booted, got leaue of a Carrier to ride on his owne hackney a little way from London, who, comming to the Inne where the Carier that night should lodge, honestly set vp the horse, and entred the hal, where were at one table some three and thirty clothiers, all returning to their seuerall countries. Vsing, as he could, his curtesie, and being Gentleman-like attirde, he was at all their instance placed at the vpper end by the hostesse. After hee had a while eaten, he fel to discourse with such pleasance, that all the table were greatly delighted therewith. In the midst of supper enters a noise of musitions, who with their instruments added a double delight. For them hee requested his hostesse to laye a shoulder of mutton and a couple of capons to the fire, for which he would pay, and then mooued in their behalfe to gather. Among them a noble was made, which he fingring, was well blest; for before he had not a crosse, yet he promist to make it vp an angel. To be short, in comes the reckoning, which (by reason of the fine fare and excesse of wine) amounted to each mans halfe crown. Then hee requested his hostesse to prouide so many possets of sacke, as would furnish the table, which he would bestow on the Gentlemen to requite their extraordinary costs: and iestingly askt if she would 103make him her deputie to gather the reckoning; she graunted, and he did so: and on a sodaine, (faining to hasten his hostesse with the possets) he tooke his cloke, and, finding fit time, hee slipt out of doores, leauing the guestes and their hostesse to a new reckoning, and the musitians to a good supper, but they paid for the sauce. This iest some vntruly attribute to a man of excellent parts about London, but he is slandered: the party that performed it hath scarce any good qualitie to liue. Of these sort I could set downe a great number, but I leaue you now vnto those which by Maister Harman are discouered.

A Shifter, not long ago, dressed in ordinary boots, got permission from a Carrier to ride his own horse a short distance from London. When he arrived at the Inn where the Carrier would stay that night, he properly took care of the horse and entered the hall, where about thirty-three clothiers were gathered, all heading back to their respective places. Using his best manners and looking quite gentlemanly, he was seated at the head of the table by the hostess at their request. After he had eaten for a while, he began to chat so pleasantly that everyone at the table was greatly entertained. In the middle of dinner, a group of musicians entered, their instruments adding extra enjoyment to the evening. He asked the hostess to prepare a shoulder of mutton and a couple of capons for them, promising to pay for it and then suggested gathering some funds for the musicians. Among them, a noble coin was offered, which he played with and was quite fortunate with, as he had previously not had even a single coin, yet he promised to turn it into an angel. To keep it brief, the bill came, which (due to the fine food and excess of wine) ended up being a half crown for each person. He then asked the hostess to prepare as many possets of sack as would fill the table, which he intended to give to the gentlemen as a token of appreciation for their generosity. He jokingly asked if she would appoint him to collect the bill; she agreed, and he did just that. Suddenly, pretending to hurry the hostess about the possets, he took his cloak and, finding the right moment, slipped out of the door, leaving the guests and their hostess to sort out a new bill, while the musicians enjoyed a nice supper, but they ended up paying for the seasoning. This prank has been inaccurately attributed to a well-regarded man from London, but he has been misrepresented; the true culprit hardly has any good qualities at all. I could list many of this kind, but I’ll leave you now with those uncovered by Master Harman.

[Then follows Harman's book, commencing with a Ruffelar, p. 29. The woodcut of Nicolas Blunt and Nicolas Geninges (p. 50, above) is given, and another one representing the Cranke after he was stripped and washed. The volume ends with the chapter "Their vsage in the night," p. 76-8 above,—the woodcuts and verses at the end of Harman's book being omitted in the present Groundworke of Conny-catching. The last words in the latter are, "And this must the poore Farmer suffer, or els they threaten to burne him, and all that he hath."]

[Then follows Harman's book, starting with a Ruffelar, p. 29. The woodcut of Nicolas Blunt and Nicolas Geninges (p. 50, above) is included, along with another one showing the Cranke after he was stripped and washed. The volume concludes with the chapter "Their usage in the night," p. 76-8 above,—the woodcuts and verses at the end of Harman's book being left out in the current Groundworke of Conny-catching. The last words in the latter are, "And this must the poor Farmer endure, or else they threaten to burn him and everything he has."]


NOTES.

p. vii. ix, p. 19, 20. Elizabeth, Countess of Shrewsbury, and her parish. The manor of Erith was granted to Elizabeth, Countess of Shrewsbury, by Henry VIII. in the 36th year of his reign, A.D. 1544-5. The Countess died in 1567, and was buried in the parish church of Erith. "The manor of Eryth becoming part of the royal revenue, continued in the crown till K. Henry VIII. in his 36th year, granted it in fee to Elizabeth, relict of George, Earl of Shrewsbury, by the description of the manor, of Eryth, alias Lysnes, with all its members and appurts., and also all that wood, called Somersden, lying in Eryth, containing 30 acres; and a wood, called Ludwood, there, containing 50 acres; and a wood, called Fridayes-hole, by estimation, 20 acres, to hold of the King in capite by knight's service.[182] She was the second wife of George, Earl of Shrewsbury, 104Knight of NOTES TO HARMAN, ETC.the Garter,[183] who died July 26, anno 33 K. Henry VIII.,[184] by whom she had issue one son, John, who died young; and Anne, married to Peter Compton, son and heir of Sir Wm. Compton, Knt., who died in the 35th year of K. Henry VIII., under age, as will be mentioned hereafter. Elizabeth, Countess of Shrewsbury, in Easter Term, in the 4th year of Q. Elizabeth, levied a fine of this manor, with the passage over the Thames; and dying in the tenth year of that reign, anno 1567,[185] lies buried under a sumptuous tomb, in this church. Before her death this manor, &c., seem to have been settled on her only daughter Anne, then wife of Wm. Herbert, Earl of Pembroke, and widow of Peter Compton, as before related, who was in possession of it, with the passage over the Thames, anno 9 Q. Elizabeth."—Hasted's History of Kent, vol. i. p. 196.

p. vii. ix, p. 19, 20. Elizabeth, Countess of Shrewsbury, and her parish. The manor of Erith was granted to Elizabeth, Countess of Shrewsbury, by Henry VIII in the 36th year of his reign, CE 1544-5. The Countess died in 1567 and was buried in the parish church of Erith. "The manor of Erith became part of the royal revenue and remained with the crown until King Henry VIII, in his 36th year, granted it in fee to Elizabeth, widow of George, Earl of Shrewsbury, described as the manor of Erith, also known as Lysnes, along with all its members and appurtenances, and also all the wood called Somersden, located in Erith, covering 30 acres; a wood called Ludwood, also in Erith, covering 50 acres; and a wood called Fridayes-hole, estimated to cover 20 acres, to hold of the King in capite by knight's service.[182] She was the second wife of George, Earl of Shrewsbury, 104Knight of the Garter,[183] who died July 26, in the 33rd year of King Henry VIII,[184] and with whom she had one son, John, who died young; and Anne, who married Peter Compton, son and heir of Sir Wm. Compton, Knight, who died in the 35th year of King Henry VIII, before reaching adulthood, as will be mentioned later. Elizabeth, Countess of Shrewsbury, in Easter Term of the 4th year of Queen Elizabeth, levied a fine of this manor, along with the passage over the Thames; and died in the tenth year of that reign, in 1567,[185] and lies buried under a lavish tomb in this church. Before her death, this manor, etc., appears to have been settled on her only daughter Anne, who was then married to Wm. Herbert, Earl of Pembroke, and widow of Peter Compton, as mentioned previously, who was in possession of it and the passage over the Thames in the 9th year of Queen Elizabeth."—Hasted's History of Kent, vol. i. p. 196.

p. ix. In Lambarde's Perambulation of Kent (edit. 1826), p. 66, he mentions "Thomas Herman" as being one of the "Kentish writers."

p. ix. In Lambarde's Perambulation of Kent (ed. 1826), p. 66, he mentions "Thomas Herman" as one of the "Kentish writers."

Lambarde, in the same volume, p. 60, also mentions "Abacuk Harman" as being the name of one "of suche of the nobilitie and gentrie, as the Heralds recorded in their visitation in 1574."

Lambarde, in the same volume, p. 60, also mentions "Abacuk Harman" as the name of one "of such of the nobility and gentry, as the Heralds recorded in their visitation in 1574."

There is nothing about Harman in Mr Sandys's book on Gavelkind, &c., Consuetudines Cantiæ. To future inquirers perhaps the following book may be of use:

There is nothing about Harman in Mr. Sandys's book on Gavelkind, &c., Consuetudines Cantiæ. Future researchers might find the following book helpful:

"Bibliotheca Cantiana: A Bibliographical Account of what has been published on the History, Topography, Antiquities, Customs, and Family History of the County of Kent." By John Russell Smith.

"Bibliotheca Cantiana: A Bibliographical Account of what has been published on the History, Topography, Antiquities, Customs, and Family History of the County of Kent." By John Russell Smith.

p. 1, 12. The .xxv. Orders of Knaues.—Mr Collier gives an entry in the Stationers' Registers in 1585-6: "Edward White. Rd. of him, for printinge xxijtl ballades at iiijd a peece—vijs iiijd, and xiiij. more at ijd a peece ijs iiijd ... ixs viijd" And No. 23 is "The xxvtie orders of knaves."—Stat. Reg. ii. 207.

p. 1, 12. The .xxv. Orders of Knaves.—Mr. Collier references an entry in the Stationers' Registers from 1585-6: "Edward White. Received from him for printing 22 ballads at 4d each—7s 4d, and 14 more at 2d each 2s 4d ... 9s 8d." And No. 23 is "The 25 orders of knaves."—Stat. Reg. ii. 207.

p. 22. The last Duke of Buckingham was beheaded.—Edward Stafford, third Duke of Buckingham, one of Henry VIII.'s and Wolsey's victims, was beheaded on Tower Hill, May 17, 1521, for 'imagining' the king's death. ('The murnynge of Edward Duke of Buckyngham' was one of certain 'ballettes' licensed to Mr John Wallye and Mrs Toye in 1557-8, says Mr J. P. Collier, Stat. Reg. i. 4.) His father (Henry Stafford) before him suffered the same fate in 1483, having been betrayed by his servant Bannister after his unsuccessful rising in Brecon.—Percy Folio Ballads, ii. 253.

p. 22. The last Duke of Buckingham was executed.—Edward Stafford, the third Duke of Buckingham, a victim of Henry VIII and Wolsey, was executed on Tower Hill on May 17, 1521, for plotting against the king's life. ('The mourning of Edward Duke of Buckingham' was one of the 'ballads' authorized for Mr. John Wallye and Mrs. Toye in 1557-8, as noted by Mr. J. P. Collier, Stat. Reg. i. 4.) His father, Henry Stafford, faced the same outcome in 1483, having been betrayed by his servant Bannister after his failed uprising in Brecon.—Percy Folio Ballads, ii. 253.

105p. 23. Egiptians. The Statute 22 Hen. VIII. c. 10 is An Acte concernyny Egypsyans. After enumerating the frauds committed by the "outlandysshe people callynge themselfes Egyptians," the first section provides that they shall be punished by Imprisonment and loss of goods, and be deprived of the benefit of 8 Hen. VI. c. 29. "de medietate linguæ." The second section is a proclamation for the departure from the realm of all such Egyptians. The third provides that stolen goods shall be restored to their owners; and the fourth, that one moiety of the goods seized from the Egyptians shall be given to the seizer.

105p. 23. Egyptians. The Statute 22 Hen. VIII. c. 10 is An Act regarding Egyptians. After listing the frauds committed by the "foreign people calling themselves Egyptians," the first section states that they will be punished with imprisonment and the loss of their property, and will be denied the benefits of 8 Hen. VI. c. 29. "of the half of the language." The second section is a directive for all such Egyptians to leave the realm. The third mandates that stolen goods be returned to their rightful owners; and the fourth stipulates that half of the goods seized from the Egyptians will be given to the person who seized them.

p. 48, l. 5. The Lord Sturtons man; and when he was executed. Charles Stourton, 7th Baron, 1548-1557:—"Which Charles, with the help of four of his own servants in his own house, committed a shameful murther upon one Hargill, and his son, with whom he had been long at variance, and buried their Carcasses 50 foot deep in the earth, thinking thereby to prevent the discovery; but it coming afterwards to light, he had sentence of death passed upon him, which he suffer'd at Salisbury, the 6th of March, Anno 1557, 4 Phil. & Mary, by an Halter of Silk, in respect of his quality."—The Peerage of England, vol. ii. p. 24 (Lond., 1710).

p. 48, l. 5. The Lord Sturton's servant; and when he was executed. Charles Stourton, 7th Baron, 1548-1557:—"Charles, with the help of four of his own servants in his own home, committed a disgraceful murder of one Hargill and his son, with whom he had long been in conflict, and buried their bodies 50 feet deep in the ground, thinking this would prevent discovery; but it came to light later, and he was sentenced to death, which he faced at Salisbury on March 6, 1557, 4 Phil. & Mary, by a silk noose, given his status."—The Peerage of England, vol. ii. p. 24 (Lond., 1710).

p. 77. Saint Quinten's. Saint Quinten was invoked against coughs, says Brand, ed. Ellis, 1841, i. 196.

p. 77. Saint Quinten's. Saint Quinten was called upon for coughs, according to Brand, ed. Ellis, 1841, i. 196.

p. 77. The Three Cranes in the Vintry. "Then the Three Cranes' lane, so called, not only of a sign of three cranes at a tavern door, but rather of three strong cranes of timber placed on the Vintry wharf by the Thames side, to crane up wines there, as is afore showed. This lane was of old time, to wit, the 9th of Richard II., called The Painted Tavern lane, of the tavern being painted."—Stow's Survey of London, ed. by Thoms, p. 90.

p. 77. The Three Cranes in the Vintry. "So, the lane known as the Three Cranes is named not just because of a sign of three cranes at a tavern door, but also because of three strong wooden cranes placed on the Vintry wharf by the Thames, used for lifting wines, as mentioned earlier. Back in the day, specifically in the 9th year of Richard II’s reign, it was called The Painted Tavern lane because of the tavern being painted."—Stow's Survey of London, ed. by Thoms, p. 90.

"The Three Cranes was formerly a favourite London sign. With the usual jocularity of our forefathers, an opportunity for punning could not be passed; so, instead of the three cranes, which in the vintry used to lift the barrels of wine, three birds were represented. The Three Cranes in Thames Street, or in the vicinity, was a famous tavern as early as the reign of James I. It was one of the taverns frequented by the wits in Ben Jonson's time. In one of his plays he says:—

"The Three Cranes used to be a popular pub sign in London. With the typical humor of our ancestors, they couldn’t resist a pun; so, instead of showing the three cranes that used to lift wine barrels, they depicted three birds. The Three Cranes on Thames Street, or near it, was a well-known tavern as early as the reign of James I. It was one of the spots where the clever folks hung out during Ben Jonson's era. In one of his plays, he mentions:—"

'A pox o' these pretenders! to wit, your Three Cranes, Mitre and Mermaid men! not a corn of true salt, not a grain of right mustard among them all!'—Bartholomew Fair, act i. sc. 1.

'A pox on these pretenders! That means you, your Three Cranes, Mitre, and Mermaid guys! Not a grain of real salt, not a speck of proper mustard among any of them!'—Bartholomew Fair, act i. sc. 1.

"On the 23rd of January, 1661/2 Pepys suffered a strong mortification of the flesh in having to dine at this tavern with some poor relations. The sufferings of the snobbish secretary must have been intense:—

"On January 23, 1661/2, Pepys experienced a deep humiliation having to dine at this tavern with some distant relatives. The agony of the snobbish secretary must have been intense:—

'By invitation to my uncle Fenner's, and where I found his new wife, a pitiful, old, ugly, ill-bred woman in a hatt, a mid-wife. Here were many of his, and as many of her, relations, sorry, mean people; and after choosing our gloves, we all went over to the Three Cranes Taverne; 106and though the best room of the house, in such a narrow dogghole we were crammed, and I believe we were near 40, that it made me loath my company and victuals, and a very poor dinner it was too.'

'By invitation to my uncle Fenner's, I found his new wife, a pitiful, old, ugly, ill-mannered woman in a hat, a midwife. There were many of his relatives and just as many of hers, sorry, mean people; after picking out our gloves, we all went over to the Three Cranes Tavern; 106 and even though it was the best room in the house, we were crammed into such a small space, nearly 40 of us, that it made me dislike both my companions and the food, and it was a very disappointing dinner too.'

"Opposite this tavern people generally left their boats to shoot the bridge, walking round to Billingsgate, where they would reenter them."—Hotten's History of Signboards, p. 204.

"Across from this tavern, people usually left their boats to go under the bridge, then walked around to Billingsgate, where they would get back in."—Hotten's History of Signboards, p. 204.

p. 77. Saynt Iulyans in Thystellworth parish. 'Thistleworth, see Isleworth,' says Walker's Gazetteer, ed. 1801. That there might well have been a St Julyan's Inn there we learn from the following extract:

p. 77. St. Julian's in Thistleworth parish. 'Thistleworth, see Isleworth,' says Walker's Gazetteer, ed. 1801. It's quite possible that there used to be a St. Julian's Inn there, as we learn from the following extract:

"St. Julian, the patron of travellers, wandering minstrels, boatmen,[186] &c., was a very common inn sign, because he was supposed to provide good lodgings for such persons. Hence two St. Julian's crosses, in saltier, are in chief of the innholders' arms, and the old motto was:—'When I was harbourless, ye lodged me.' This benevolent attention to travellers procured him the epithet of 'the good herbergeor,' and in France 'bon herbet.' His legend in a MS., Bodleian, 1596, fol. 4, alludes to this:—

"St. Julian, the saint for travelers, wandering musicians, boatmen, [186]&c., was a very popular inn sign because he was believed to offer good accommodations for such people. As a result, two St. Julian's crosses, in a saltire pattern, appear at the top of the innkeepers' coat of arms, and the old motto was:—'When I had no place to stay, you took me in.' This kind care for travelers earned him the title 'the good host,' and in France 'bon herbergeur.' His legend in a manuscript from the Bodleian, 1596, fol. 4, refers to this:—"

So even to this day, those who traveled the land,
They ask Saint Julian, right away, to send them a good harbor; And St. Julian's Pater Noster is often said like this: "For the sake of his father's soul and his mother's, may he lead them there."

And in 'Le dit des Heureux,' an old French fabliau:—

And in 'Le dit des Heureux,' an old French tale:—

You said the Our Father Saint Julian this morning, Whether in Romanian or in Latin;
Or you'll be well hosted.'

In mediæval French, L'hotel Saint Julien was synonymous with good cheer.

In medieval French, L'hotel Saint Julien was known for its hospitality.

—— We all have yours.
By Saint Peter the good Apostle,
The hostel at Saint Julien,

says Mabile to her feigned uncle in the fabliau of 'Boivin de Provins;' and a similar idea appears in 'Cocke Lorell's bote,' where the crew, after the entertainment with the 'relygyous women' from the Stews' Bank, at Colman's Hatch,

says Mabile to her pretend uncle in the story of 'Boivin de Provins'; and a similar idea shows up in 'Cocke Lorell's bote,' where the crew, after the entertainment with the 'religious women' from the Stews' Bank, at Colman's Hatch,

'Blessed their ship when they finished,
And drank about a Saint Julyan's ton.'

Hotten's History of Signboards," p. 283.

Hotten's *History of Signboards*, p. 283.

"Isleworth in Queen Elizabeth's time was commonly in conversation, 107and sometimes in records, called Thistleworth."—Lysons' Environs of London, vol. iii. p. 79.

"Isleworth during Queen Elizabeth's reign was often referred to in conversation, 107and occasionally in records, as Thistleworth."—Lysons' Environs of London, vol. iii. p. 79.

p. 77. Rothered: ? Rotherhithe.

p. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Rothered: ? Rotherhithe.

p. 77. The Kynges Barne, betwene Detforde and Rothered, can hardly be the great hall of Eltham palace. Lysons (Environs of London, iv. p. 399) in 1796, says the hall was then used as a barn; and in vol. vi. of the Archæologia, p. 367, it is called "King John's Barn."

p. 77. The King's Barn, between Deptford and Rotherhithe, can hardly be the great hall of Eltham palace. Lysons (Environs of London, iv. p. 399) in 1796, says the hall was then being used as a barn; and in vol. vi. of the Archæologia, p. 367, it is referred to as "King John's Barn."

p. 77. Ketbroke. Kidbrooke is marked in large letters on the east of Blackheath on the mordern Ordnance-map; and on the road from Blackheath to Eltham are the villages or hamlets of Upper Kidbrooke and Lower Kidbrooke.

p. 77. Ketbroke. Kidbrooke is written in big letters on the east side of Blackheath on the modern Ordnance map; and along the road from Blackheath to Eltham are the villages or hamlets of Upper Kidbrooke and Lower Kidbrooke.

"Kedbrooke lies adjoining to Charlton, on the south side of the London Road, a small distance from Blackheath. It was antiently written Cicebroc, and was once a parish of itself, though now (1778 A.D.) it is esteemed as an appendage to that of Charlton."—Hasted's History of Kent, vol. i. p. 40.

"Kedbrooke is located next to Charlton, on the south side of London Road, a short distance from Blackheath. It was formerly written as Cicebroc and used to be its own parish, but now (1778 A.D.) it is considered part of the Charlton parish."—Hasted's History of Kent, vol. i. p. 40.

p. 100. Sturbridge Fair. Stourbridge, or Sturbich, the name of a common field, extending between Chesterton and Cambridge, near the little brook Sture, for about half a mile square, is noted for its fair, which is kept annually on September 19th, and continues a fortnight. It is surpassed by few fairs in Great Britain, or even in Europe, for traffic, though of late it is much lessened. The booths are placed in rows like streets, by the name[s] of which they are called, as Cheapside, &c., and are filled with all sorts of trades. The Duddery, an area of 80 or 100 yards square, resembles Blackwell Hall. Large commissions are negotiated here for all parts of England in cheese, woolen goods, wool, leather, hops, upholsterers' and ironmongers' ware, &c. &c. Sometimes 50 hackney coaches from London, ply morning and night, to and from Cambridge, as well as all the towns round, and the very barns and stables are turned into inns for the accommodation of the poorer people. After the wholesale business is over, the country gentry generally flock in, laying out their money in stage-plays, taverns, music-houses, toys, puppet-shows, &c., and the whole concludes with a day for the sale of horses. This fair is under the jurisdiction of the University of Cambridge.—Walker's Gazetteer, ed. 1801. See Index to Brand's Antiquities.

p. 100. Sturbridge Fair. Stourbridge, or Sturbich, the name of a common field extending between Chesterton and Cambridge, near the little brook Sture, covers about half a mile square and is famous for its annual fair, which takes place on September 19th and lasts for two weeks. It is one of the busiest fairs in Great Britain, or even in Europe, for commerce, although its traffic has decreased lately. The booths are arranged in rows like streets, named accordingly, such as Cheapside, and are filled with various trades. The Duddery, an area around 80 to 100 yards square, looks like Blackwell Hall. Major deals happen here for all parts of England involving cheese, woolen goods, wool, leather, hops, upholstery, ironmongery, and more. There are sometimes 50 hackney coaches from London operating morning and night, to and from Cambridge and nearby towns, and even barns and stables are transformed into inns to accommodate poorer visitors. After the wholesale business wraps up, local gentry typically come in to spend their money on stage plays, taverns, music venues, toys, puppet shows, and the fair wraps up with a day dedicated to selling horses. This fair falls under the jurisdiction of the University of Cambridge.—Walker's Gazetteer, ed. 1801. See Index to Brand's Antiquities.

FOOTNOTES:

[182] Rot Esch. ejus an, pt. 6.

[182] Red Esch. his or, pt. 6.

[183] This lady was one of the daughters and co-heirs of Sir Richard Walden, of this parish, Knt., and the Lady Margaret his wife, who both lie buried in this church [of Erith]. He was, as I take it, made Knight of the Bath in the 17th year of K. Henry VII., his estate being then certified to be 40l. per annum, being the son of Richard Walden, esq. Sir Richard and Elizabeth his wife both lie buried here. MSS. Dering.

[183] This woman was one of the daughters and co-heirs of Sir Richard Walden, from this parish, and Lady Margaret, his wife, both of whom are buried in this church [of Erith]. He was, if I remember correctly, made a Knight of the Bath in the 17th year of King Henry VII, with his estate then recorded as 40l. per year, being the son of Richard Walden, esquire. Sir Richard and his wife Elizabeth are both buried here. MSS. Dering.

[184] Dugd. Bar. vol. i. p. 332.

[184] Dugd. Bar. vol. i. p. 332.

[185] Harman's dedication of his book to her was no doubt written in 1566, and his 2nd edition, in both states, published before the Countess's death.

[185] Harman dedicated his book to her, which was definitely written in 1566, and his 2nd edition, in both versions, was published before the Countess passed away.

[186] Of pilgrims, and of whoremongers, say Brand and Sir H. Ellis (referring to the Hist. des Troubadours, tom. i. p. 11,) in Brand's Antiquities, ed. 1841, i. 202. Chaucer makes him the patron of hospitality, saying of the Frankeleyn, in the Prologue to the Canterbury Tales, "Seynt Iulian he was in his contre." Mr Hazlitt, in his new edition of Brand, i. 303, notes that as early as the Ancren Riwle, ab. 1220 A.D., we have 'Surely they (the pilgrims) find St. Julian's inn, which wayfaring men diligently seek.'

[186] Brand and Sir H. Ellis mention pilgrims and prostitutes (referring to the Hist. des Troubadours, vol. i, p. 11) in Brand's Antiquities, 1841 edition, i. 202. Chaucer portrays him as the patron of hospitality, describing the Franklin in the Prologue to the Canterbury Tales as "He was Saint Julian in his region." Mr. Hazlitt, in his new edition of Brand, i. 303, points out that as early as the Ancren Riwle, around 1220 CE, it is noted, 'Surely they (the pilgrims) find St. Julian's inn, which wayfaring men are eagerly looking for.'


INDEX108


  • Abraham men, those who feign madness, 3; one of them, named Stradlynge, 'the craftiest and moste dyssemblyngest knaue,' 47
  • Altham, a curtall's wife, 4
  • Arsenick, to make sores with, 44
  • associate, accompany, 53
  • Autem, a church, 67, 83
  • —— Mortes, description of, 67; as chaste as Harman's 'Cowe,' 67
  • Awdeley, Iohn, a printer, 1
  • Awdeley's Vacabondes; Harman's references to, 20, 60
  • Axiltrye, casting of the, 46
  • baken, bacon, 3
  • baudy banquet, whoring, 63
  • bauer, ? band, 52
  • Bawd Phisicke, a cook, 14
  • Bawdy baskets, description of, 65; a story of one who, with an upright man, spoiled a poor beggar of his money, 66
  • beggar by inheritance, 42
  • belly chere, food, 32
  • belly chete, an apron, 83
  • benat, better, 86
  • bene, good, 83
  • bene bowse, good drink, 59
  • beneship, very well, 86
  • benshyp, very good, 83, 86
  • beray, dung, 13; dirty, 52
  • beteled, ? (betelled is deceived), 67
  • Bethlem Hospital, 52, 53
  • Blackheath, 77
  • bletinge chete, a calf or sheep, 83
  • Blunt, Nicolas, an upright man, 50, 87
  • bong, purse, 84, 86
  • booget, a bag, 59
  • bord, a shilling, 83
  • ——, half a, sixpence, 83
  • borsholders, 21, n., superior constables. See Halliwell's Glossary.
  • bottell, bundle, truss, 72
  • Bottomelye, Besse, a harlot, 75
  • bousing ken, an ale-house, 83
  • bowle, drink bowls of liquor, 32
  • bowse, drink, 32, 83; v. to drink, 84
  • braste, burst, 73
  • Bridewell, 57, 87
  • broused, bruised, 29
  • bryberinge, stealing, 60
  • Buckes, baskets, 21
  • Buckingham, Duke of, beheaded, 22
  • bufe, a dog, 84
  • bung, a purse, 83, 84, 86
  • buskill, ? bustle, wriggle, 15 109
  • bychery, 67
  • bycherye, whoring, 61
  • byd, pray, 15
  • byng a waste, go you hence, 84
  • cakling chete, a cock, or capon, 83
  • can skyl, know, 8
  • cante, to speak, 84
  • Canting, the language of vagabonds, 23; list of words, 82-4; specimen of, 84-6
  • Capcases, covers for caps, small bandboxes, 65
  • Capon hardy, 12. For 'capron hardy,' 'a notable whipster or twigger,' a bold or saucy young scamp. (See the Index to Caxton's Book of Curtesye, E. E. T. Soc., p. 54.)
  • cassan, cheese, 83
  • caster, a cloak, 82
  • casting of the sledge, 46
  • Caueat, a warning, 17
  • Chafe litter, the knave, described, 13
  • chafer, heating dish, 59
  • Charing Cross, 58
  • chattes, the gallows, 84, 86
  • Chayne, a gentleman, 58
  • Cheapside, 57, 87
  • Cheatours, card-sharpers enticing young men to their hosteries, win their money and depart, 7
  • cheeke by cheeke (now 'by jowl'), 12
  • chete, animal, 83, col. 2, foot
  • chetes, things, 42
  • Choplogyke, description of, 15
  • Christ, like a thief, 94, 95
  • Christes Hospital, 8
  • Clapperdogens, 44. See Palliards.
  • Clement's Inn, 53
  • clocke, a cloak, 55
  • clyme three tres with a ladder, to ascend the gallows, 31
  • cly the gerke, to be whipped, 84
  • Cole, false, 15. (See Mr R. Morris in Notes and Queries, Oct., 1869, on Colfox, &c.)
  • Cole Prophet, description of, 15
  • commission, a shirt, 83
  • Commitour of Tidings, a tell-tale, 14
  • common, commune, 45
  • conneys, rabbits, 35
  • conneyskins, rabbitskins, 65
  • connizance, cognizance, 35
  • Cornwall, 48
  • Cory fauell, a knave, described, 16
  • couch a hogshead, lie down and sleep, 77, 84
  • Counterfet Crankes, description of, 51; story of one that Harman watched, 51; how he was dressed, 51; his refusal to wash when hidden, 52; gives the name of Genings, 52; said he had been in Bethlehem Hospital, 52, which Harman found to be a lie, 53; in the middle of the day he goes into the fields and renews the blood on his face, 53; what money he received, 53; at night he goes to Newington, where he is given in charge, 54; the amount of his gains, 55; his escape, 55; his recapture, 56, n.; his punishment, 57, n.
  • Cousoners, cheaters, 1
  • Crashing chetes, teeth, 82
  • crassinge chetes, apples, pears, or any other fruit, 84
  • Cross Keys Inn in Cranford (Middlesex) or Crayford (Kent), 77
  • cuffen, fellow, 86. See Quyer.
  • Cursetors, 17; explanation of, 27
  • Curtal, 37 110
  • Curtall, one who is next in authority to an upright man, 4
  • Curtesy man, described, 6
  • cutte, to say, 84
  • cutte bene whydds, speak or give good words, 84
  • cutte benle, speak gently, 84
  • cutte quyre whyddes, give evil words or evil language, 84
  • darkemans, night, 84
  • Dartford, 58
  • David, a thief, 94, 95
  • ded lyft, a; last refuge, 34
  • Dells, rogues' virgins, described, 75
  • Demaunder for glymmar, description of, 61; story of one who behaved courteously to one man and uncourteously to another, 61-65
  • Deptford, 77
  • Desmond, Earl of, 82
  • Devil's Pater noster, 15
  • Devonshire, 48
  • dewse a vyle, the country, 84, 86
  • Dialogue, between upright man and rogue, 84-87
  • dokte, fornicated with, 87
  • Dommerar, description of, 57; of one who was made to speak, and afterwards punished on the pillory, 58, 59
  • doson, dozen, 34
  • Doxes, description of, 4, 6, 73
  • Draw-the-pudding-out-of-the-fire; a beggars' inn at Harrow-on-the-Hill, 77
  • drawers, hosen, 83
  • Drawlatches, a class of beggars, 27
  • Dronken Tinckar, description of, 59
  • drouselye, drowsily, 76
  • dudes, cloths, 83
  • dup the gyger, open the door, 84
  • Dyng-thrift, description of, 15
  • Egiptians, description of, 23
  • Esau, a thief, 94, 95
  • Esaye, Isaiah, 24
  • Esen Droppers, eaves-droppers, 15
  • exonerate, empty (one's belly), 55
  • factors, tax-gatherers, 45
  • fambles, hands, 82; famble, 87
  • fambling chete, ring on the hand, 82
  • Faytores, a class of beggars, 27
  • ferres, 35, ferries
  • Filtchman, the truncheon of a staff, 4
  • Fingerers, 7-9. See Cheatours.
  • for knowing; against, to prevent, being recognized, 71
  • flagg, a groat, 83, 85
  • flebytinge, 73
  • fletinge Fellowshyp, the company of vagabonds, 24
  • Frater, one who goes with a licence to beg for some Spittlehouse or Hospital, but who usually robs poor women, 4; description of, 45
  • Freshwater Mariner, description of, 48
  • Furmenty, 22
  • fustian fume, 46
  • fylche, to beat, to rob, 84
  • fylthy firy flankard, 29
  • fynesed, finished, 70
  • Fyngerer, 8, 9
  • gage, a quart pot, 83
  • —— of bowse, a quart of drink, 34
  • gally slopes, breeches, 35
  • gan, a mouth, 82
  • gealy gealowsit, good fellowship, 55 111
  • gentry cofes ken, a noble or gentleman's house, 83
  • gentry morte, a noble or gentlewoman, 84
  • Genynges, Nicolas, a counterfeit cranke, 50, 87
  • gestes, guests, 61
  • Glasyers, eyes, 82
  • glimmeringe morte, a woman who travels the country begging, saying her goods have been burnt, 61
  • glymmar, fire, 61, 83
  • grannam, corn, 83
  • Grauesend barge, a resort of vagabonds and knaves, 1
  • graunt, agree, 53
  • greffe, grief, 55
  • Grene Winchard, description of a, 14
  • Groundworke of Conny-catching, 97
  • grunting chete, or patricos kynchen, a pig, 83
  • Gryffith, Wylliam, a printer, 17
  • Gybe, a licence, 4; a writing, 83
  • gygger, a door, 83, 85
  • Gyle Hather, description of, 14
  • gyllot, a whore, 71
  • Haben, a witty parson, 92
  • hande charcher, handkerchief, 72
  • Harman beck, constable, 84
  • Harman, Thomas, his Caveat, 17-91; epistle to the reader, 27; his old tenant, 30; his copper cauldron stolen, 35; recovered, 35; notice to tinkers of the loss of his cauldron, 35; his gelding stolen, 44; in commission of the peace, 60; paid for beggars' secrets, 74
  • Harmans, the stocks, 84
  • Harrow-on-the-Hill, inn at, 77
  • Hartley Row in Hampshire, 92, 93
  • Hearing chetes, ears, 82
  • heauing of the bowth, robbing the booth, 4
  • Helpers of rogues, 9
  • Helycon, 28
  • heue a bough, rob a booth, 84
  • Hill's, Mr, Rents, 57
  • him redundant: leapes him, 43, l. 24
  • Hoker, or Angglear, description of, 35; anecdote of one who took the clothes of the bed in which 3 men were sleeping, without awaking them, 36
  • Holborn, 54
  • hollowe hosteler, 63
  • horse locke, 39
  • hosen, breeches, 71, 72
  • hosted, lodged, 57, n.
  • hosteries, card-sharpers' resorts, 9
  • House of Pity, inn in Northall, 77
  • hoyssed, hoisted, 20
  • huggeringe, loitering, 43
  • Hyberdyne, a parson, 93
  • hygh, hie, 33
  • hygh pad, highway, 84
  • Jacob, a thief, 94, 95
  • Iarckeman, a maker of counterfeit licences, 5, 60
  • Iarckes, seals, 4
  • Iarke, a seal, 83
  • ich, I, 8
  • Jeffrey Gods Fo, a liar, 13
  • Ingratus, an ungrateful knave, 16
  • in printe, meaning 'correct,' 45
  • Iockam, yard, penis, 87
  • iompe, jump, plump, exactly, 44
  • 112Irishe toyle, a beggar, 5
  • Irish rogues, 44, 48
  • Isleworth (Thystellworth), St Julian's, a beggars' inn at, 77
  • Iusticers, Justices, 21
  • Karle, a knave, 8
  • ken, a house, 83, 84, 86
  • Kent, a man of worship in, death of, 22
  • Kent, mentioned, 37, 43, 48, 61, 63, 66, 68, 77
  • Kent St, Southwark, 57
  • Ketbroke, a beggars' inn, near Blackheath, 77
  • kinde, nature, 52
  • Kitchen Co, a boy, 5, 76
  • —— Morte, a girl, 5, 76
  • Knapsbery (inn near London), 77
  • Knaues, 25 orders of, 1
  • ——, quartern of, 1
  • Kynges barne, beggars' inn in Kent, 77
  • lage, water, 83
  • lag of dudes, a bucke of clothes, 83
  • lap, butter, milk, or whey, 83
  • lasy Lorrels, 82
  • lecherous husband cured, 68-73
  • Leicester, 56
  • lewed lecherous loyteringe, 31
  • lewtering Luskes, 82
  • licoryce knaue, a drunkard, 13
  • lightmans, day, 84
  • (Lincoln's Inn) Fields, 53
  • London, 30, 42, 49
  • lousey leuterars, vagabonds, 22
  • lowhinge chete, a cow, 83
  • lowre, money, 83, 85, 86
  • Lubbares, lubbers, 47
  • luckly, lucky, 19
  • Ludgate, 57
  • lybbege, a bed, 83
  • lybbet, a stick, 26
  • lykinge, lustful, 21
  • Lynx eyes, 54. (See Index to Hampole's Pricke of Conscience.)
  • Lypken, a house to lie in, 83
  • make, halfpenny, 83
  • make (think) it strange, 41
  • makes, mates, 23
  • mammerings, mumblings, 72
  • manerly marian, 62
  • margery prater, a hen, 83
  • Mariner, one at Portsmouth the maker of counterfeit licences for Freshwater mariners, 49
  • matche of wrastlinge, 46
  • maunde, ask or require, 84, 85
  • Messenger, Ione, an honest bawdy basket, 65
  • Milling of the ken, sending children into houses to rob, 67
  • mofling chete, a napkin, 83
  • mounched, eat, 72
  • mounch-present, one who, being sent by his master with a present, must taste of it himself, 14
  • myll a ken, rob a house, 84
  • mynt, gold, 83
  • Nab, a head, 82, 86
  • Nabchet, a hat or cap, 82
  • nase, drunken, 86
  • Newhaven, 67
  • Newington, 54, 56
  • Nichol Hartles, a coward, 13
  • Northall, beggars' inn at, 77
  • nosegent, a nun, 83
  • nouels, news, 14
  • Nunquam, a loitering servant, 16
  • nygle, haue to do with a woman carnally, 84 113
  • nyp a boung, to cut a purse, 84
  • Obloquium, a malapert knave, 13
  • occupying, holding of land, 38
  • of, off, 39
  • oysters of East Kent, 68
  • Palliards, description of, 4, 44; doings of, 44; list of names of, 81, 82
  • pannam, bread, 83
  • Param, milk, 83, n.
  • patrico, a priest, 6, 60
  • paulmistrie, fortune-telling, 23
  • pecke, meat, 86
  • peddelars Frenche. See Canting.
  • pek, meat, 83
  • peld pate, head uncovered, 34
  • pelte, clothes, 76
  • peltinge, ? paltry, contemptible, 20
  • Penner, a pen-case, 54
  • pens, pence, 55
  • pickthanke knaue, 14
  • pillory in Cheapside, 57
  • pitching of the barre, 46
  • pity: it pytied him at the hart, 41
  • poppelars, porridge, 83
  • porte sale, ? quick sale, 77
  • Portsmouth, 49
  • Poules, St Paul's, 8
  • prat, a buttocke, 82
  • prating knaue, 15
  • pratling chete, a tongue, 82
  • prauncer, a horse, 83
  • Prigger of Paulfreys, a stealer of horses, 4
  • Proctour, a liar, 14; keeper of a spittlehouse, 45
  • Proverbs:
  • although Truth be blamed, it shall never be shamed, 28
  • as the begger knowes his dishe, 32
  • don't wake the sleeping dog, 73
  • God hath done his part, 48
  • out of sight, out of minde, 32
  • swete meate wyll haue sowre sawce, 72
  • prygge, to ride, 84
  • Prygger of Prauncers, description of, 42; a story of a gentleman who lost his horse by giving it in charge for a short time to a 'priggar,' 43
  • Prygges, tinkers, 59
  • Prygman, one who steals clothes off hedges, and a robber of poultry, 3
  • quakinge chete, or red shanke, a drake or duck, 83
  • quaromes, a body, 82
  • Queen Elizabeth, 21
  • quier, nought, 83
  • Quier crampringes, bolts or fetters, 84, 86
  • Quire bird, one lately come out of prison, 4
  • quyer cuffyn, justice of the peace, 84, 86
  • Quyerkyn, prison house, 84, 86
  • rabblement, 19
  • rakehelles, 19
  • Ratsbane, 44
  • rechles, reckless, 15
  • rifflinge, 32
  • Rince pytcher, a drunkard, 13
  • Ring chopper, description of, 11
  • —— faller, description of, 10
  • Robardesmen, robbers, 27. See William of Nassington's description of them quoted in Notes & Queries by F. J. F. 1869; and The Vision of Piers Plowman, ed. Wright, ii. 506, 521.
  • Robin goodfelow, 36 114
  • Rochester, 66
  • Rogeman, a receiver of stolen clothes, 3
  • Roger, or tyb of the buttery, a goose, 83
  • Roges, description of, 36; subject to beastly diseases, 37; list of names of, 80, 81
  • Rogues, a story of two, who made the acquaintance of a parson at an ale-house, and afterwards went to his house and robbed him, 37
  • Rome bouse, wine, 83
  • Rome mort, the Queen, 84
  • Rome vyle, London, 84
  • Rothered in Kent, 77
  • rowsey, ? rough, or frowzy, 19
  • Royal Exchange, 8
  • roylynge, travelling, 31
  • ruffe, rough, 33
  • Ruffeler, a robber of 'wayfaring men and market women,' 3, 29; a story of one who robbed an old man, a tenant of Harman's, on Blackheath, 30
  • ruffian cly the, devil take thee, 84
  • ruffian, to the, 84, to the devil
  • ruffmans, woods or bushes, 84
  • ruff pek, bacon, 83
  • ruysting, roystering, 32
  • Salomon, an altar, or mass, 83
  • sawght, sought, 62
  • Saynt Augustyn, 24
  • scelorous, wicked, 20
  • sewerly, surely, 50
  • Shifters, 1
  • shotars hyl, Shooter's Hill, 30
  • Shreeues, sheriffs, 21
  • Shrewd turne, ? sharp handling, hard usage, 15
  • Shrewsbury, Elizabeth Countess of, Harman's dedication to, 19
  • shrodge, shrugged, hugged, 71
  • Simon soone agon, a loitering knave, 13
  • skew, a cup, 83
  • Skoller, a waterman (and his boat), 54
  • skower the cramprings, wear bolts or fetters, 84
  • skypper, a barn, 83
  • slates, sheets to lie in, 61, 76, 77, 83
  • small breefe, old briefe of vacabonds, meaning Awdeley's book, 20
  • smell feastes, 46
  • smelling chete, a nose, 82; a garden or orchard, 84
  • snowte fayre, fair-faced, 61
  • sod, boiled, 22
  • Somersetshire, 61
  • soup, chewed, to produce foaming at the mouth, 51
  • Spanlles, spaniel-dogs, 33
  • Spearwort, 44
  • Spice-cakes, 12
  • spitlehouse, 45; row in a, 45; the constable wants to take in custody the roysterers, 46; the good wife of the house intreats him for her guests, and while so doing the next door neighbours enter the kitchen, and steal the supper that she was preparing, 46
  • squaymysh, squeamish, 55
  • St. George's Fields, 54
  • St. Giles's in the Fields, 54
  • St. Julian's (inn in Thystellworth; Isleworth), 77
  • St. Quinten's (inn near London), 77
  • St. Tybbe's (inn near London), 77
  • stall, to make or ordain, 84
  • stalling to the rogue, ceremony of, 34 115
  • stampers, shoes, 83
  • stampes, legs, 82
  • Statutes, i. Edw. VI. c. iii, p. 20, n.; xxvii. Hen. VIII. for punishment of vagabonds, 29
  • staulinge ken, a house that will receive stolen wares, 32, 83
  • stibber gibber knaue, a liar, 14
  • stow you, hold your peace, 84
  • Stradlynge, an Abraham man, 47
  • strommell, straw, 83
  • Sturton, Lord, 48
  • summer-games, 47
  • surgeon, who strung up the dumb rogue, 58-9
  • Swadders and Pedlers, description of, 60
  • Swygman, a pedlar, 5
  • tempering, tampering, 70
  • Temple Bar, 53
  • 'Thank God of all,' 67 (cp. Shakspere's 'Thank God you are rid of a knave.' Much Ado, iii. 3.)
  • the, thee, 55
  • Thieves, a sermon in praise of, 92
  • 'Three trees,' the gallows, 31
  • tickle in the ear, gammon, 9
  • Tinkard, a beggar, 5
  • tiplinge[house], an ale-house, 40
  • tittiuell knaue, a tale-bearer, 15
  • togeman, a coat, 77, 82
  • tortylles, turtle-doves, lovers, 62
  • towre, see, 84, 85
  • trashe, goods, 77
  • trininge, hanging, the end of roges, 37, 84
  • Troll and troll by, a knave, described, 12
  • Troll Hazard of Trace, a knave, 12
  • Troll Hazard of tritrace, a knave, 13
  • Troll with, a knave, 12
  • Truth, proverb as to, 28
  • tryninge, hanging, 84
  • twin'd hempe, rope and gallows, 29 (cp. Bulleyn in The Babees Book, p. 240-3)
  • Two Gent. of Verona, 45
  • Tynckars, Harman sends notice of the stealing of his cauldron to the, 35
  • typ, secret, 20
  • typlinge houses, alehouses, 24
  • Vacabonde—one being caught, and brought before the justices of the peace, promised to tell them the names and degrees of his fellows, on condition that he escaped punishment, which being granted, he fulfilled his promise, and Awdeley obtained the materials for his book, 2
  • Vacabondes, beggerly, 1; ruflyng, 1; 'the old briefe' of, 60
  • Vagabondes, their vsage in the night, 76
  • Vagabonds, account of the doings of, at the funeral of a man of worship in Kent, 22
  • vagarantes, 19
  • Vngracious, a man who will not work, 15
  • Vnthrift, a reckless knave, 15
  • vntrus, to undress, 72
  • Vpright man, description of, 1, 4, 31
  • Vpright men, list of the names of, 78, 79, 80
  • Vrmond, Earle of, 82
  • walkinge mortes, description of, 67; a story of a trick that one played on a man who would have had to do with her, and the punishment he received instead, 67-73
  • wannion, a curse, 62 116
  • wappinge, fornicating, 87
  • Washman, one who shams lameness, sickness, etc., 5
  • waste, bynge a; go hence, 84, 86
  • watch, the constable, 45
  • watche, person, 61; our watche, us, 86
  • Welsh rogues, 44, 57
  • Whistle, anecdote of the, 61-5
  • Whipiacke, a robber of booths and stalls, 4
  • Whitefriars, 51, 56
  • whydds, words, 84, 86
  • whystell, whistle, 62
  • whyte money, silver, 42
  • wilde roge, description of, 41; story of one robbing a man, of whom he had just begged, 42
  • wilde roge's reason for being a beggar, 42
  • windless, out of breath, 73
  • windshaken knaue, 66
  • woode, mad, 14
  • Wostestowe, a servant of the Lord Keeper's, 58
  • wyld Dell, description of, 75
  • wyn, a penny, 83
  • yannam, bread, 83, n.
  • yaram, milk, 83
  • yemen, yeomen, 22
  • ynkell, tape, 65

Richard Clay & Sons, Limited, London and Bungay.

Richard Clay & Sons, Limited, London and Bungay.


Errata List

  • n. 1: "Wiemarisches Jahrbuch" should be "Weimarisches Jahrbuch."
  • p. xix: "to be rosolued" should be "to be resolued."
  • p. xxi: "under theee titles" should be "under these titles."
  • p. 7: "The Groundworke of Conny-catching": this page should be numbered p. 97, in consistency with the Table of contents and the Index. The original number has been retained.
  • p. 12: "Troll and Trol" should be "Troll and Troll."
  • p. 47: "These Abrahom men" should be "These Abraham men."
  • p. 66: "sayth she vnto vnto her make" should be "sayth she vnto her make."
  • p. 91: "Anno Domni. 1567." should be "Anno Domini. 1567."
  • p. 105: "An Acte concernyny Egypsyans." should be "An Acte concernyng Egypsyans."
  • p. 107: "on the mordern Ordnance-map" should be "on the modern Ordnance-map."
  • In the Index, page number 17 corresponds to page 2 of the book. Although the correct link is provided, the original number has been retained:
  • "Caueat, a warning, 17" should be "Caueat, a warning, 2"
  • "Cursetors, 17; explanation of, 27" should be "Cursetors, 2; explanation of, 27"
  • "Gryffith, Wylliam, a printer, 17" should be "Gryffith, Wylliam, a printer, 2"



        
        
    
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